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FALSE MEMORIES 1
False Memories and Childhood Sexual Abuse
Shari M. Kern
Department of Psychology, Liberty University
PSY 575: Cognitive Psychology
Professor Olivia Marks
May 6, 2023
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Abstract
False memories of childhood sexual abuse have drawn much attention from both the therapeutic
and legal communities. Numerous psychological mechanisms can cause recollections of
unfortunate encounters, such as child sexual abuse, to become inaccurate or even imaginary.
Because they can result in erroneous allegations and false convictions, these false memories have
significant ramifications for people, families, and society. The current understanding of false
memories of childhood sexual abuse is discussed, along with the elements contributing to their
formation, their effects on people and society, and the difficulties in telling true memories from
false ones. Furthermore, this research paper will underline the consequences of these findings for
clinical practice and legal actions.
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False Memories and Childhood Sexual Abuse
Introduction
False memories are incidents or events that never truly transpired and can be produced
using various methods, such as suggestions, evoking questions, and imaginings (Newman &
Lindsay, 2009; Colman et al., 2001).
Fallacious recollections of childhood sexual abuse (CSA) can be complicated and
debatable. According to research, some people who were sexually abused as children could later
generate false memories of abuse that never occurred (Kaye-Tzadok et al., 2017). This response
might happen if a therapist suggests or pushes the person to recollect any abuse they may have
repressed or forgotten (Coleman et al., 2001).
It is crucial to remember, though, that most people who disclose childhood sexual abuse
were, in fact, victims of it. A person's health and emotional well-being may be negatively
impacted by CSA in the long run by this, terrible and devastating experience (Wolf & Nochajski,
2022).
Body
Adults engaging in sexual activity with children under the age of consent or are not
competent to understand the nature and repercussions of the sexual encounter are childhood
sexual abusers. There is no consenting sex between a youngster and an adult, lawfully and
righteously. The effects of such abuse frequently alter how individuals develop and relate to
others in later life (Brandon et al., 1998, p. 296). “Regrettably, due to the fears of women and
children not being believed or held responsible for it themselves, women and children do not
speak out about the devastating experiences of CSA (Brandon et al., 1998, p. 296).
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So, women and children started speaking out about the CSA in the 1970s; the issue was
that they had no difficulties recollecting what had happened. In the 1980s, there were reports of a
brand-new phenomenon: In therapy sessions, both men and women began to accuse others of
sexual assault based on earlier, uncommunicated recollections of CSA (Brandon et al., 1998, p.
296). Several people have blamed their parents and others, giving rise to family strife due to
those allegations. Because of this, people have taken legal action against their therapists for
instilling false memories, rescinding their versions of the CSA in the process (Brandon et al.,
1998, p. 296).
The critical concern is whether or not fabricated memories of sexual abuse as a child are
accurate. According to research, children who have experienced CSA may be more prone to
struggle with particular components of autobiographical recall. For instance, individuals might
work to recall exact details about past events, exhibit a more considerable inclination to avoid
thinking about previous trauma, or have hazy recollections due to disconnection or other coping
processes. (Ogle et al., 2013).
It is thought that people with emotional disorders have difficulties assessing detailed parts
of their personal life. For instance, an Autobiographical Memory Test (AMT) was performed on
“suicide attempters and healthy controls to generate clear autobiographical memories of a
sequence of emotional-related prompt words” (Hauer et al., para.1). The results showed that the
“suicide attempters were more likely to give an over-general answer than to respond with
memories of a detailed event” (Hauer et al., para. 1). “Further research on trauma and women
who experienced CSA and depression showed decreased specificity proportionate to depressed
women affirming no abuse” (Kuyten & Brewin, 1995, as cited in Hauer et al., 2008, para. 2).
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According to hypotheses, the diminished ability to recollect specific memories from past
life experiences is a protective mechanism to help balance the negative feelings associated with
trauma. Trauma may alter how memories are accessible, and trauma survivors may learn to block
memory recall to prevent severe emotional distress (Moore & Zoellner, 2007). Williams (1996)
“hypothesized that this leads to autobiographical memory over-generality, an indicator regularly
regarded in persons with major depressive illness” (p. 1169).
Supporters of recovered memories say that even though memories of childhood sexual
abuse are not present, it does not mean it did not occur. Williams (1994) “conducted a study on
129 women that reported and documented CSA 17 years earlier. The results showed that 38% of
these women did not recall CSA from the previous years, and 32% denied ever being sexually
assaulted. Of the women who did not remember the sexual abuse, 68% revealed other personal
histories such as abortions, prostitution, and recent sexual assault but not involving the individual
who first assaulted them 17 years ago” (p. 1169). The study suggested that early-aged-related
memory issues did not support the results and the affiliation to the perpetrator was a key variable
(Williams, 1994). Williams inferred that no recall of CSA is a common experience for women
with a recorded history of it. “To further support William's research, 60% of British therapists
said they treated at least one person with recovered memories. In comparison, 47% said they
treated at least one person with recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse” (Andrews et al.,
1995, as cited in Dobson & Prout, 1998).
There have been several proponents of autobiographical memories and childhood sexual
abuse; however, many believe autobiographical memories and childhood sexual abuse are all-out
untrue. False memory syndrome describes the recovery of intense memories of experiences that
did not occur and once challenged the psychotherapy profession (Brandon et al., p. 297).
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A technique that was first popular in the United States was known as recovered memory
therapy (Boakes, 1995, para. 4). Several mental health professionals used specific recall memory
techniques to go on a voluntary hunt for abuse with nothing more than a worksheet of warning
indicators. However, some therapists may argue that traumatic events can be forgotten long
before being remembered by current events and memory recovery techniques. However, no
conclusive body of research validates that traumatic experiences are repressed. The evidence
suggests that distressing events are hard to forget (Boakes, 1995). Boakes (1995) also states that
this notion is consistent for Holocaust survivors, POWs, and youngsters who watched a close
relative murdered and other grave tragedies (para. 6).
After years of investigating repressed memories in a laboratory, it produced unconfirmed,
weak evidence (Boakes, 1995, para. 5). Boakes (1995) also states, “The reality is that repression
is a meta-psychological metaphor and should not be taken literally” (para. 5). Another study
contends that the practice of recovered memory procedures like hypnosis nurtures the
imagination, which people muddle up for memories of actual occurrences (McNally, 2016). On
the other side, studies claim that the only practice for dealing with repressed memories may be
hypnosis and other recovered memory techniques used by survivors of childhood sexual assault
(Brown et al., 1998, as cited in McNally, 2016).
There is disagreement among the sources about recovered memories and CSA. On the
one hand, reports about recovered CSA are fabricated. They are manipulated by ineffective,
untrained therapists who destroy loving homes. The other argument, however, counters that
memories of childhood sexual abuse can resurface decades later. The CSA survivors are being
defended by one side, while the therapists and accused abusers are supported by the other. The
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people involved in this conflict have obligations under the law and ethical principles (Dobson &
Prout, 1998).
Looking at a compelling research study by Coleman, Stevens, and Reeder (2001)
investigates whether incidents of CSA took place or if therapists' incites had any impact on them.
In light of recovered memories, this study aims to determine how juries decide decisions in cases
involving child sexual abuse. The researchers sought to determine jurors' reactions to recovered
memory testimony when hypnosis, therapy suggestion, and symptom management are used,
mainly when these techniques are performed by a master's or doctoral-level therapist.
The first theory looks at the potential of hypnosis, and the authors presume that jurors
would decide favorable verdicts for the victim who underwent hypnosis. The second theory
looks at the drawbacks of hypnosis, and the authors believe that jurors would decide unfavorable
judgments in a malpractice case to the therapist that uses hypnosis. The third theory is based on
the professional qualifications of the therapist. The authors presume the jurors would decide
favorable verdicts in cases alleging childhood sexual abuse in recovered memory and therapist
malpractice. The more clinical experience, the better education and training the therapist had; the
jurors would regard them more highly. The fourth theory is that jurors would decide more
unfavorable verdicts in a recovered memory testimony and more favorable rulings for alleged
perpetrators in a malpractice case (Coleman et al., 2001).
There were two studies conducted. Study 1 (Suit, Alleging Sexual Abuse) measured the
accuracy of recovered memories, the credibility of the plaintiff’s testimony, the therapist's
competence, and the favorability of verdicts for the plaintiff or the dependent.
Study 2 (Suit, Alleging Therapist Malpractice) measured the likelihood that the recovery method
created false memories, the therapist’s responsibility for harming the plaintiff, the therapist’s
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competence, and the favorability of verdicts for the plaintiff or the defendant (Coleman et al.,
2001).
For Study 1, 60 college undergraduates, which included 20 men and 40 women ranging
from 18-24 of age, participated in the study. Participants were given three fictional cases
involving recovered memory testimony; they were all comparable except for variations in the
methods used in recovered memories. The pre-existing beliefs of recovered memories were
determined with three 7-point items ranging from 1 (not at all) to 7 (entirely). The DV in Study 1
was determined using 4, 7-point items ranging from 1 (not at all accurate, not at all credible, not
at all competent, or entirely in favor of the plaintiff) to 7 (altogether accurate, entirely credible,
thoroughly competent, or completely in favor for the defendant). In addition, two multiple-
choice questions were used to see if the participants accurately identified the misuse of the
recovery method and the therapist's educational level (Coleman et al., 2001).
Study 2 looked at the competence of the therapist and malpractice cases. In this study,
one hundred and forty college undergraduates, including 40 men and 100 women between 18 and
40, participated in the survey. Participants were given three fictional cases involving recovered
memory testimony based on therapist conduct. The measure that was used was similar to Study
1. In Study 2, four, 7-point items ranging from 1 (not, not at all responsible, not at all competent,
or entirely in favor of the plaintiff) to 7 (definitely yes, altogether trustworthy, fully qualified, or
entirely in favor of the defendant). In addition, three multiple-choice questions were used to see
if the participants accurately identified the misuse of the recovery method, the therapist’s
educational level, and the plaintiff’s identity (Coleman et al., 2001).
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Study 1 revealed the positive expectations about hypnosis that may become primary in
cases of childhood sexual abuse and recovered memories. Study 2 demonstrated the negative
expectations of hypnosis in lawsuits alleging malpractice (Coleman et al., 2001).
However, there were some conflicting outcomes between Study 1 and Study 2. Both
studies determined that mock jurors in childhood sexual abuse malpractice cases sided with the
plaintiff (the perpetrator) more than the former client who withdrew recovered memories of
childhood sexual abuse when hypnosis was utilized. For the therapist’s competence, the mock
jurors in child abuse found that the therapist’s competence was not linked to recovered memory.
Nevertheless, in the malpractice case, it was found that the therapist was incompetent in child
abuse cases using hypnosis. The author's prediction that hypnosis would be associated with less
therapeutic competence was not proven. As for the therapist’s education level, the mock jurors
did not influence the verdicts in childhood sexual abuse or malpractice cases. The authors
predicted it would. Either way, false memories risk the internal legitimacy of the proceedings and
compromise the court cases of plaintiffs and defendants in the same way (Coleman et al., 2001).
Is there a specific answer to the issue of repressed memories of childhood sexual abuse?
Many would say that the side of the debate should be dismissed using the broad no-evidence
approach. It is possible that there is not enough substantiation because it has not been understood
yet or because the idea is implausible (Dobson & Prout, 1998).
The argument of false and recovered memories is still up for debate for several reasons:
1) The offensive and aggressive tone; 2) The common acceptance of responsibility; and 3) The
confusing and distinctive terminology used to explain the processes of remembering and
forgetting (Dobson & Prout, 1998, para. 35). “Efforts by writers such as Lindsay (1994, 1995) to
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use more neutral terms such as "illusory recovered memories," go some distance towards
bridging the gap” (as cited in Dobson & Prout, 1998, para. 35).
Organizations like the American Psychiatric Association, American Psychological
Association, and British Psychological Society have tried to present a tolerant perspective in this
discussion over the years (Dobson & Prout, 1998, para 38). According to public declarations
made by these groups, "clients can remember forgotten instances of sexual abuse and that
various present environmental variables may impact the accuracy of adult memories of
childhood events." (Polusny & Follette, 1996, p. 41, as cited in Dobson & Prout, 1998, para. 38).
Dobson and Prout (1998) state that one thing is sensible, “therapists should know what
they do and do not know. Scientists and practitioners must build a database to inform and find
ways to help people live with the uncertainty of less-than-absolute answers about the past. Much
work must still be completed to find a middle ground for or against false and recovered
memories for both sides” (para. 47).
Threats like this work against the field of psychology. Is creating a cohesive body of
knowledge and trustworthy healing practice possible, or would it fracture the industry and feed
dissonance, harming the field, therapists, and patients over time? Those who seek the middle
ground will eventually develop a workable answer (Dobson & Prout, 1998, para. 50).
Conclusion
The complex and nuanced topic of false memories and childhood sexual abuse has
generated much debate and research in psychology. While it is undisputed that childhood sexual
abuse can have severe and long-lasting effects on a person's mental health and security, it has
also been thought that false memories of such abuse could be embedded through psychotherapy
or other techniques.
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According to investigations, people may create false recollections of being sexually
abused as children, especially when psychotherapists interrogate them in an evocative or
manipulative way (Coleman et al., 2001, p. 319-320). However, it is also important to remember
that most people who describe childhood sexual abuse did go through it; fake memories are
uncommon occurrences.
In addition to employing evidence-based techniques, therapists must know the potential
for implanting false memories. Receiving the proper treatment and rehabilitation will help those
who experienced sexual abuse as children minimize their suffering.
Finally, the problem of fabricated memories and childhood sexual abuse is multifaceted
and demands serious consideration and compassion. Although people can have false memories, it
is undeniable that children are sexually abused, and those who have experienced it should
receive care, encouragement, and access to effective counseling.
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