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Literature Assessment
Christopher Martin
Helms School of Government, Liberty University
Author Note
I have no known conflict of interest to disclose.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to .
Email:
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Literature Assessment
In this analysis of the available literature, in addition to providing a criticism of the
individual pieces, I will also provide a summary and a synthesis of the material. I additionally
bring up areas of the field provided in the articles that I feel are lacking and need to be
investigated further in order to acquire a wider view of the topic. The influence that the laws and
regulations on drugs have had in the United States is investigated in a variety of ways across the
following articles. In addition, on several subsets of the population of citizens. The purpose of
these articles, which were written by a variety of writers, is to investigate whether or not the drug
laws that came before the present regulations and the current policies themselves target persons
based on race. The writers do this by analyzing qualitative and quantitative data obtained from a
variety of sources throughout the globe. In this review of the relevant literature, I will provide
sources that have investigated many aspects of the War on Drugs program, not just in the United
States but also elsewhere throughout the world. In the 1970s, while President Richard Nixon was
in office, the government's approach to the drug problem was formally referred to as the "War on
Drugs." When the federal government of the United States of America decided to take a tougher
stance against drug criminality. This expression referred to the initiative taken by the government
to restrict the use of drugs. By using military strategies and providing assistance with the
objective of eliminating illicit drug traffic in the United States of America and throughout the
globe.
Regarding the War on Drugs and the measures which were created as a result of this
rhetoric, the current literature that is currently accessible and that I have researched and analyzed
seems to be in accord with each other.
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The majority of contemporary study, on the other hand, relies on the findings of previous
investigations or case histories. The existing body of research does not devote a significant
amount of attention to the examination of qualitative data in isolation. The next step is to
investigate whether or not the policies that result from the war on drugs are driven by racism by
their very nature. As a result, a component of institutional racism, and also for the purpose of
determining whether or not this set of measures represents an unsuccessful strategy overall.
Scholars in a wide variety of fields are filled with skepticism and doubts as a result of the
existing policies around drugs that are endorsed and put into effect by Congress.
In the decades that these policies have been in effect, have they been successful in
accomplishing the aim that they set out to achieve? Do they bring about more negative
consequences than positive ones, particularly for a certain section of the population? Is it even
somewhat imaginable that these regulations are going to be changed as long as there is
a language that intentionally misleads people? Some of the answers to these and similar
questions may be found in the reviewed literature. In addition, it would seem that the present
literature on the subject of the War on Drugs does not provide us with as many answers as it does
questions about the situation as it really exists. This topic will be discussed in further depth when
the report's findings and recommendations are presented.
Literature for War on Drugs
Langner and Zajicek (2017) looked at how there is a dearth of studies on the topic of drug
and marijuana discourse. Their investigation goes back five years. In spite of the fact that
research on this subject has been conducted in the past, the author of this article makes no
attempt and makes no claim to demonstrate any kind of cause-and-effect link. This article takes a
different viewpoint, one that implies that the problem lies in the methods of thinking that are
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prevalent among groups of individuals. In addition, there are others who have been responsible
for the language that surrounds drug policy. The analysis of mass imprisonment and/or
institutional racism in relation to how the War on Drugs impacts those places is a prominent
subject that runs across these publications, which are explored here (Rosino & Hughey, 2018).
Articles from Beckett & Brydolf-Howitz, 2020; Osler, 2021; Walden, 2019 and Lohaaruka. 2019
has a tendency to follow the same kind of information. Langner and Zajicek (2017), in addition,
begin by examining the proportion of the jailed population inside the United States and then
proceed to break it down by race. This methodology is quite similar to that of many of the other
studies that are presented in this study. The enormous and unbalanced percentage of minority
individuals who are jailed is the primary reason why so many academics and intellectuals are
raising issues about the issue. Questions to which the solutions may be discovered within these
pieces of literature.
Langner and Zajicek (2017) examine a study from 2007 that implies that both the War on
Drugs and the criminal justice system, in general, have concentrated on moderate criminals. That
is demonstrated within the course of many years, and throughout that time, the origins of the ban
on marijuana are discussed. In addition to the ways in which notions of racially driven drug
policy have been passed over into contemporary perspectives. In their conclusion, the authors
state that there is insufficient recent research pertaining to this topic. In addition to this, a has to
be more specific about what actions should be taken in the situation. Focusing on various forms
of media, which include social networking sites, from a global, regional, and state-
level perspective. This comparable issue is also explored by another author. Rosino and Hughey
(2018) point out that minority groups' opinions of the war on drugs and related drug policies are
influenced by readers' comments and editorials in newspapers and online media. This article's
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overarching goal is to demonstrate that the War on Drugs—and drug policy in general—
represents a systemic type of racism. That has been sustained by people's original theories and
arguments. In accordance with the findings of Langner and Zajicek (2017), this may have been
accomplished via the use of historical discourse. This essay argues that addressing and changing
the language and general knowledge are the only ways to bring about a shift in policy regarding
the War on Drugs or other laws impacted by institutionalized prejudice.
Polomarkakis (2017) examines the War on Drugs from a different perspective than previous
research has taken. In this essay, the author takes the position that the capabilities of law
enforcement agencies are not sufficient to meet the objectives of the War on Drugs. It analyzes
the history of policing and its development, as well as its goals and justifications (Polomarkakis,
2017). Throughout the process of determining and debating the advantages of law enforcement,
it has been determined that, in the course of time, these advantages are not clearly recognized.
When it is necessary to put more emphasis on a particular argument, particular instances of the
theoretical as well as practical limitations of law enforcement are presented. This site examines
the War on Drugs from a global perspective, which is necessary given that similar laws may be
found in every country. It has been determined that the strategies enacted during the War on
Drugs have been ineffective not just in the United States but also in other nations (Polomarkakis,
2017). It's puzzling that the United States along with other nations keep up the War on Drugs
despite academics' findings that the law enforcement effort is insufficient and the rewards don't
justify the costs. Walden (2019) echoes this sentiment, arguing that the normalization of
America’s War on Drugs has made its intrinsic immorality invisible. Moreover, it was seen as the
least of two evils. The author of this piece argues that the measures enacted as part of the War on
Drugs had the opposite impact from what was intended. These policies have the potential to
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contribute to an increase in drug usage and to maintain the pattern of drug use. In addition, a rise
in the number of violent and criminal acts associated with drug use. It also implies that these
drug regulations have functioned in the same way as an updated version of civil rights laws.
According to Walden (2019), this is due to the fact that these policies are particularly repressive
for members of underrepresented groups. Walden (2019) thinks that civic jobs are the way ahead
in the final lines of his argument. In addition, rather than using violent strategies as a method of
operation, it would be preferable to make use of organization(s) that have been established with
the goal of improving the well-being of humans and catering to the requirements of people who
are defenseless, oppressed, and struggling to make ends meet in poor living conditions.
There is also the possibility that people's perspectives on the drug problem in the United
States might shift as a result of the opioid epidemic. This line of thought is supported by some
evidence. via the lens of more sympathy due to the fact that it mostly affects those of White
ethnicity. Hart and Hart (2019) and Beckett and Bryn-Horwitz (2020) are the four researchers
that investigate this line of thinking. One piece of evidence implies that the notion of a less brutal
kind of warfare is not a novel one. That there will be no end to the so-called war on drugs; rather,
law enforcement will direct its attention against drug merchants and traffickers. As opposed to
low-level people, and yet it would still be driven by discriminatory ideas of whom politicians and
the public believe sellers and smugglers are on the rise (Hart & Hart, 2019). Overdose deaths
have not decreased in the previous quarter century, and this source demonstrates that prosecutors
are increasingly using murder charges against drug traffickers, acquaintances, and others
involved in the distribution of drugs after an overdose has occurred (Hart & Hart, 2019). The
conclusion that can be drawn from this is that the use of prohibition does not provide the desired
results. Beckett and Brydolf-Horwitz (2020) investigate whether or not the "kinder and gentler"
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language that has been used in relation to the opioid epidemic has resulted in any changes to
drug punishment policies or substance regulation. The information provided makes use of data
from shifting patterns in prison sentences as well as statistics about prosecutions and
incarceration linked to drug offenses. The authors of the Hart and Hart (2019) study take a more
gloomy stance towards this subject. They do not consider the concept of a more peaceful 'war' to
be a novel one and thus do not believe that it will bring about significant change. On the other
hand, Beckett and Brydolf-Horwitz's (2020) results, which were published just a year after that,
imply that their hypothesis can be both true and erroneous. In Beckett and Brydolf-Horwitz's
(2020) study, the researchers come to the conclusion that this recently developed discourse is
good in urban regions where there is a greater representation of minorities; but, in countryside
and suburban areas, it does not have an identical impact. This research is intriguing since it
introduces a new factor. A notion that has been studied by Rosino and Hughey (2018), who take
into account the impact of media and historical discourse, as well as by Langner and Zajicek
(2017). Also, how they could affect North vs South differences in minority views of the War on
Drugs.
Farahmand et al. (2020) examines the discrepancies in substance use disorders, moving
away from the issues of the police to examine why these drug laws have been unable to achieve
their purpose. In addition, this page discusses the explanations for why it continues to exist as
well as some proposals for making it more egalitarian. According to Farahmand et al.'s research
from 2020, not simply do people of color disproportionately suffer from disorders related to
drugs, but options for therapy for these conditions are also much less accessible to individuals of
color compared to what they are to White people. The authors provide evidence of this by
detailing the demographics and locations of the counties that include outpatient treatment centers
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for drug use disorders. This site also analyzes data showing that in their initial year following
treatment, persons of color had a higher risk of being arrested for DUI. According to Farahmand
et al.'s (2020) findings, the racial inequalities that are associated with drug use disorders are
likely caused by systemic racism. In addition, the racial foundation of the early drug laws in the
United States was a contributing factor in the development of substance use disorders as a
consequence of substance abuse. The manner in which rules have made it harder for doctors to
treat addiction with the necessary medications, instead of requiring people to stop cold turkey,
has made it more challenging for specialists to tackle addiction. It is investigated within this
article, and it is proposed that this potentially determines how many people even desire to seek to
get therapy. In their conclusion, Farahmand et al. (2020) believe that if adjustments were made to
systemic racism, this could potentially reduce the racial inequalities in the prevalence of drug use
issues. This includes the resilience of the economy and the security of the community.
Because the findings of this study advocate for putting a halt to the War on Drugs, it is
appropriate to bring this literature review to a close with the paper that was published by Earp et
al. (2021). The War on narcotics should be brought to an end, according to this source, and
illegal narcotics should be decriminalized and made lawful for personal use. According to Earp
et al. (2020), the major 'victim' of drug abuse is the user, although it does not intrinsically
damage other people. Therefore, prohibition is argued to be a violation of people's rights, despite
the fact that drug use does not hurt anybody other than the user. This source cites alcohol and
cigarettes as an illustration of other drugs that have bad adverse reactions but are not outlawed.
The source also cites an example of a substance that was restricted but eventually failed. The
writers provide an examination of the case of Portugal in order to demonstrate the level of
achievement. According to Earp et al.'s research from 2020, the effects that surveillance, along
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with decriminalization and legalization of drugs, have had on drug-related crime in the nation.
This case study demonstrates that there has been a reduction in the negative consequences that
are associated with arrests since the legalization of all kinds of recreational drugs in the year
2001. This change in policy was brought about by the decriminalization of these substances.
Additionally, the imprisonment of drug users has been shown to result in decreased incidence of
problems with drugs, overdoses, and transmission of HIV and hepatitis due to drug use (Earp et
al., 2020). In the end, there is not really a conclusion; rather, there is only a statement to the
effect that the several writers, who are experts in a wide variety of subjects, agree that
legalization and decriminalization are the best course of action. In particular, since the costs and
results of criminalization and prohibition have been so high.
Conclusion
Many scholars seem to be interested in examining the "War on Drugs" and the many
policies that were implemented in response to this phrase. They look at how these issues affect
health care, the legal system, immigrants, and the population as a whole. As previously stated,
every single expert interviewed for this investigation believes that the goals of the drug-related
rules have not been realized. Furthermore, for the previous half-century, state authorities have
prioritized the so-called "War on Drugs" in their operations. The researchers even go so far as to
claim that in the long term, these restrictions end up inflicting more harm than good.
Furthermore, it is possible to make a persuasive argument that these restrictions have the
secondary objective of discriminating against people of color and ethnic minorities. despite the
fact that the rules say they are colorblind. One of the most obvious themes running across all of
the articles is systemic racism, often known as institutional racism.
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This argument is built on an examination of the history and the circumstances that led to
the development of prohibition in the first place. This long-standing practice of declaring some
chemicals illegal on the grounds that immigrants brought them into the nation. Furthermore, the
current rhetoric of the War on Drugs has been influenced by the misunderstanding that it would
be focused directly against these individuals. Given this, it is reasonable to conclude that the vast
majority of illegal drug users, dealers, and smugglers are still people of color or members of
marginalized groups.
When reviewing each of these sources and the material they give, it seems that the
conclusions and perspectives they provide are based mostly on observation and research, with
little quantitative proof to back them up. This is the principal critique addressed towards the
current corpus of work. When done properly, the utilization of case studies in conjunction with
qualitative data collecting may serve a purpose and give important insights. On the other hand,
when drawing conclusions and making suggestions, qualitative analysis is required. primarily
because, as stated in one of the articles, the law governing the War on Drugs has a political and
ideological component. It may be more difficult for legislators and government officials to argue
against change if there is more qualitative evidence demonstrating how these rules do more harm
than good and even harm persons from varied backgrounds and minorities. This is because there
would be more proof to back up their allegations. Elected leaders may dismiss largely qualitative
studies in favor of instances and observations from other countries, knowing that they can always
find another example to give as evidence. Rather than sustaining the status quo on drug-related
crimes, additional studies in the field employing the two methods to research might make it more
difficult for authorities to continue adopting an obsolete and failing strategy.
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In general, it seems that there is a lack of current study, yet each of the authors
acknowledges the presence of this fact. Because these authors covered a wide range of issues in a
single article, qualitative research methods are unlikely to be appropriate to the conditions
presented here. This was an obvious element. To give just one example, it's difficult to cover all
of the bases in a single article by explaining how the media's coverage of drug policy and the
rhetoric used in that coverage affect drug policy, how the political climate influences drug policy,
and how the War on Drugs is a form of institutional racism (Langner & Zajicek, 2017). This
happens in locations other than the sources. It is important to talk about and learn about all of
these topics. Instead of grouping all of the studies together, it may be more useful to examine
each one individually and then mention the extra research in the final results to create a more
convincing argument for action. If quantitative data is scarce, researchers may rely on qualitative
sources of knowledge, and vice versa.
The future study is affected by the following literature arguments and inadequacies. My
War on Drugs criticism has been made more thorough. We must investigate one or two areas to
determine the War on Drugs' efficacy. Depending on my research topic, one should use more
qualitative methods. You should either produce stronger data that are comparable to mine or
statistically demonstrate that the existing pharmacological limits are working. The research's
ramifications and results need attention. The literature often concluded that policies were
ineffective or that further research was required. Explain the implications and how to apply them.
One paper suggested social work. Several reviewers, including the one above, believe the
writers lost an economically reasonable chance to reduce drug-related crime.
“Do your best to present yourself to God as one approved, a worker who does not need to
be ashamed and who correctly handles the word of truth” (2 Timothy 2:15, NIV, 2011).
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References
Beckett, K., & Brydolf-Horwitz, M. (2020). A Kinder, Gentler Drug War? Race, Drugs, and
Punishment in 21st Century America. Punishment & Society, 0(0), 1–25.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1462474520925145
Earp, B. D., Lewis, J., & Hart, C. L. (2021). Racial Justice Requires Ending the War on Drugs.
The American Journal of Bioethics, 21(4), 1–29.
https://doi.org/10.1080/15265161.2020.1861364
Farahmand, P., Arshed, A., & Bradley, M. V. (2020). Systemic Racism and Substance Use
Disorders. Psychiatric Annals, 50(11), 494–498. https://doi.org/10.3928/00485713-
20201008-01
Hart, C. L., & Hart, M. Z. (2019). Opioid Crisis: Another Mechanism Used to Perpetuate
American Racism. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 25(1), 6–11.
https://doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000260
Langner, J., & Zajicek, A. (2017). Social Construction of Drug Policies and Target Populations:
U.S. Policy and Media Discourse. Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Sociologica, 62, 47–62.
https://doi.org/10.18778/0208-600x.62.04
Loharuka, J. (2019). A New Look at the US War on Drugs and the Colorblind Criminalization of
Latinx Immigrants. 1–37.
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published 1978)
Osler, M. (2021). What We Got Wrong in the War on Drugs. University of St. Thomas Law
Journal, 1–18.
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Polomarkakis, K. A. (2017). Drug Law Enforcement Revisited: The “War” Against the War on
Drugs. Journal of Drug Issues, 47(3), 396–404.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0022042617697017
Rosino, M. L., & Hughey, M. W. (2018). The War on Drugs, Racial Meanings, and Structural
Racism: A Holistic and Reproductive Approach. American Journal of Economics and
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Walden, B. (2019). Addicted to the War on Drugs. Journal of Law & Public Affairs, 5(1), 1–13.
