Environmental issues in project planning and design management
Name
MSPM 6102 - Practices in Project Management
Walden University
2022
Discuss population dynamics and the environment (in Kenya, Africa and the world)
1.0 Introduction
According to the definition given by Karan, (1989), Population dynamics is the branch of life
sciences that studies short-term and long-term changes in the size and age composition of
populations, and the biological and environmental processes influencing those changes.
Population dynamics deals with the way populations are affected by birth and death rates, and by
immigration and emigration, and studies topics such as ageing populations or population decline.
One common mathematical model for population dynamics is the exponential growth model.
With the exponential model, the rate of change of any given population is proportional to the
already existing population.
1.1 Population dynamics and the environment in Kenya, Africa and around the globe
Fisher, (1991) asserts that for the natural science perspective humankind is one of the many
species competing for the resources of the biosphere. As the resources of any ecosystem are
finite, so is the latter's carrying capacity; hence, beyond a point, each additional inhabitant has a
negative impact on the productivity of resources; this in turn depresses labour productivity and
incomes. Policy-wise, this perspective leads to advocate population stabilization. At first sight, it
thus seems redundant with policy prescriptions that emphasize the need to slow down population
growth for the sake of enabling more productive investment and a higher rate of economic
growth.
Kenya has for a long time faced a major environmental challenge, for instance the population has
been increasing rapidly hence resulting to high demand of natural resources hence leading to
depletion of the environment. In recent times, Kenya’s most coveted environmental resource
known as the mau forest has been faced with rapid deforestation as result of high population and
in dire need of extra land for resettlement and cultivation.
Population dynamics, poverty and environmental change are linked in many ways and through
multiple social and economic mechanisms, at various geographic levels. But not all those
linkages have relevance for policy formulation in one of the three domains thus interconnected.
To save further environmental degradation, non governmental organization in Kenya like the
green belt movement that was founded and chaired by the late Nobel Laureate professor
Wangare Mathaai, formulated policies that were geared towards saving the environment. One of
the most important environmental saving policy proposed that population growth must be
stopped as soon as possible: this drastic goal is a logical consequence of explicitly raising the
issue of the scale of human interaction with the environment (and therefore of limits to economic
growth). Such a goal is not much on national agendas yet. The largely accepted policy merely
seeks a slowdown; in fact, many of its proponents concede that slow population growth helps
stimulate the economy, and they avoid addressing the long-term view and the difficult question
of an eventual upper limit to population size. The fate of natural resources and the environment
is absent from this perspective, but the concept of sustainable development now imposes a re-
examination of the problem.
2.0 Stabilizing the Population to Protect the Environment
According to Mamata, (1998) the problem is that economic growth, even coupled with slower
population growth or even population stabilization, other things being equal, brings about greater
environmental damage. The ICPD Programme of Action (henceforth PoA) does evoke
repeatedly "sustained economic growth in the context of sustainable development", but the two
concepts are mutually contradictory. In conclusion, this perspective does add a dimension to the
"population slowdown" doctrine, but it is a thorny dimension that does not necessarily facilitate
advocacy work.
This view also recommends a balanced population distribution, i.e. a more even pressure on
natural resources. It is difficult to make much of that policy-wise. First of all, the population of a
given territory can exert very different degrees of pressure on land, water, biomass, and other
resources, because those may be present in different quantities and qualities. Some concepts may
be of help here, for instance the potential population-supporting capacity .But human pressure
also depends on resource-specific patterns of use, which also vary across space, cultures etc.
Equalizing degrees of resources exploitation depends on much more than population distribution,
because non-resident populations participate in that exploitation (e.g. urban dwellers require
agricultural products or water - in greater quantities than rural people - so they too exert a
pressure on rural resources). In sum, this policy recommendation is potentially very relevant, but
it requires conceptual deepening and the development of appropriate methods of analysis.
3.0 Critical Review
A major source of criticism to the natural science view is based on neo-classical economics and
market-based adjustment mechanisms. According to Fisher, (1991) in this framework natural
resources degradation is not necessarily a problem, since resources can be depleted at an
acceptable rate, i.e. one that allows the market to replace those resources by alternative ones for
the future efficient depletion. Excessive degradation also may happen, either as a temporary
consequence of population growth while adaptations take place or as a structural problem where
markets do not work efficiently (because some resources are not privately held and because
prices do not reflect the scarcities and sustainable values.
The policy prescription deriving from the neo-classical perspective is to give full efficiency to
the market, meaning: define and price the use of common property resources; do not subsidize
the exploitation of natural resources; and let the market, not the government, allocate resources.
In this view population policy may "buy time", but it is not a "proper solution". This perspective
leaves no role for population policies and programmes else, of course, than their health value.
A third perspective sometimes labeled political ecology argues that environmental degradation
and rapid population growth are both consequences of poverty. In this framework, resource
degradation is the result of poor farmers eking out a living in marginal areas, with few resources
and an inappropriate technology. Distortions in social structures, particularly unequal land
distribution, inequitable relationships between landowner and tenants, limited access to credit,
and biases in technology against small peasants, are designated as culprits.
3.1 Environmental issues: Relevance of Population Dynamics
Opponents of the natural science perspective stress the static character of the model. According
to Chadha, (1991) in reality, this perspective does not ignore the role of technological change in
enabling adaptations, and therefore in accommodating more population. But in this view
technology merely "buys time": it is a temporary remedy, with increasing costs, and an
ultimately limited capacity to solve problems. Critics reply that this underrates the adaptive
capacities of humankind, and point for instance to the record of technological successes of the
last century. But, in turn, the natural science perspective asks: must we mobilize ever more
technological ingenuity and resources simply to crowd up the ecosystem with human beings?
The neo-classical perspective underrates the importance of population growth, whose place in
the theory is flawed in two manners: (a) population growth is not a one-time event, but a
continuous process: therefore, the necessary adaptations must be continuous also and their
failures cannot be regarded as a temporary inconvenience; and true price reflecting expected
future values would be affected by the rate of population growth, as the latter increases
competition for resources - hence discount rates - and raises amortization costs. Conversely, this
perspective overrates the capacity of markets to generate a sustainable use of resources. If
anything, markets have been shown not to adequately take into account the long-term view.
Intergenerational equity can only be entrusted to a collective entity, also because decisions based
on private utility functions usually ignore the ecological and social functions of the environment
(e.g. aquifer recharge, flood control, health protection). Indeed, private property does not
guarantee that resources will be managed with a concern for long-term sustainability.
The political ecology analysis does provide an explanation for situations in which the outcome
contradicts expectations based on the mere population-resources ratio, but it also has limitations.
One of those is the rejection of a territory's carrying capacity as a significant factor in ecological
outcomes - a view contradicted by empirical data, since population/PPSC ratios are rather well
correlated with the incidence of land degradation. Another is the simplification of the poverty-
fertility linkage (there is high fertility in a number of high-income populations, while in certain
institutional and cultural contexts poverty may trigger a fertility transition).Yet another is the
neglect of the influence of population dynamics on poverty. Access to natural resources is
affected, among others, by population density: population pressure is an important and
reinforcing link in reducing that access to sectors of an agrarian population so that, while not
causing inevitably land degradation, it "may almost inevitably lead to extreme poverty when it
occurs in underdeveloped, mainly rural, countries". And inequality reduction is insufficient as a
remedy when that pressure is strong.
Besides, the idea of a causal linkage between poverty and environmental degradation is
questionable. Poverty has been seen as contributing much to resource overuse in developing
countries: poor households are often virtually forced to overuse natural resources for daily
subsistence. Thus, landless farmers colonize tropical forests, or cultivate highly erodible
hillsides. Rural households in fuel wood-deficit countries strip foliage and burn crop and animal
residues for fuel rather than using them for fertilizer and this contributes to desertification.
Underemployed men in coastal villages overexploit already depleted inshore fisheries". But this
view seems to be an illusion caused by the fact that the damage caused by the poor - unlike that
caused by the affluent - is immediately visible at their doorsteps. The poor possess neither fields
nor livestock. Since they have no access to land, they cannot degrade it overall, "consumption
and waste per person is also lowest among the poorest ... all in all, the poor probably tread
lightest of all upon the earth, and do less damage to the environment than any other group. They
are victims, not perpetrators".
The view of population as an intermediate variable recognizes the value of policies that slow
down population growth. On the other hand it is conceptually poor - it contains no useful
economic or social analysis and offers no guidance on key possible policy variables and linkages
between those.
The pressure of human activities on natural resources can arise from a host of factors: a large or
growing population; outside market demands; the nature of agricultural activities; or
institutional, social and economic conditions which lead to the extraction of surpluses from the
land managers, forcing them in turn to extract from the resources more than is sustainable. Such
conditions may be: heavy tax or tribute; very low wages; denial of access to CPRs; low
commodity prices due to state intervention or market distortions; indebtedness; and so on.
In this context, population factors appear both as part of the basic conditions within which the
socio-economic system operates (population density with regard to resources) and of the forces
that affect its patterns of change (population growth, urbanization, migration). Density is relevant
to the level of direct pressure on resources; population growth and urbanization affect the volume
of market demands; urbanization absorbs land, and is conducive to biased pricing policies; a
large and growing rural labour force contributes to low wages; excess demand for access to
CPRs may shut out part of the population.
Population dynamics must be taken into account, and it must be regarded as more than an
exogenous variable: two-way linkages between population change and other elements of the
system must be recognized. A systemic view of the "linkages" is therefore needed. This being
said, what specific, self-standing policy recommendations can we reasonably sustain?
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