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Abnormal Psy Ch4 - Chapter 4
Methods of Psychosocial Assessment
4.4 Explain the interview process, clinical observation, and testing in psychosocial assessment.
During the assessment process clinicians try to collect as much information as they can about their
client. They then seek to integrate these pieces of information together into a meaningful pattern,
developing a working hypothesis about what might have gone wrong and why. This working hypothesis
will later be elaborated and confirmed, or perhaps sometimes discarded as time progresses. Typically,
assessment starts with a more global approach, such as a clinical interview. Later, more specific
assessment tasks or tests may be used.
Clinical Interviews
A clinical interview, often considered the central element of the assessment process, usually involves a
face-to-face interaction in which a clinician obtains information about various aspects of a client’s
situation, behavior, and personality (Berthold & Ellinger, 2009; Craig, 2009; Sharp et al., 2013). The
interview may vary from a simple set of questions or prompts to a more extended and detailed format
(Kici & Westhoff, 2004). It may be relatively open in character, with an interviewer making moment-to-
moment decisions about his or her next question on the basis of responses to previous ones, or it may
be more tightly controlled and structured so as to ensure that a particular set of questions is covered. In
the latter case, the interviewer may choose from a number of structured, standardized interview
formats whose reliability has been established in prior research.
Structured Interviews
Structured assessment interviews follow a predetermined format. All questions are asked of each client
in a preset way, and the interviewer is not supposed to change the order of the questions or to deviate
from them in any way. Each question is structured in a manner so as to allow responses to be quantified
or clearly determined. For example, when asking about symptoms of depression, the interviewer might
ask, “In the last year was there a time when you had trouble sleeping, that is, trouble falling asleep,
staying asleep, or waking up too early?” Answers would be coded as yes, no, or sometimes/somewhat.
One advantage of fully structured interviews is that they can be used either by clinicians or by people
who have no formal clinical training (lay interviewers). They can be useful in epidemiological studies
where lots of interviewers are needed, costs need to be contained, and the goal is to try and establish
the prevalence of various disorders in a community setting. In such cases, the fact that the questions
follow a specific format can be an advantage, ensuring that every person assessed is asked exactly the
same questions in the same order.
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Why is this so important? One reason is that it maximizes reliability. Table 4.1 highlights this. It provides
an illustration of a situation where the parent of a child is asked the same question but with one word
changed.
Table 4.1
Imagine that a question in the interview should be read as in (a) below, but an interviewer accidentally
reads it as in (b):
Interviewer: (a) Does she often have trouble staying in her seat at school?
Interviewer: (b) Does she often have a problem staying in her seat at school?
A parent might answer the first question “yes,” but say “no” to the second question. Although the
parent might know that her daughter bounces up from her chair every few minutes, he/she does not
view it as a “problem.” This kind of subtle change in the phrasing of questions is common when people
are reading aloud, and it can easily result in completely different answers being given.
SOURCE: Taken from Fisher et al., 2006. Columbia University DISC Development
Group. Interviewer Manual. p. 18
www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nhanes/limited_access/interviewer_manual.pdf
Research data show that a structured assessment interview format yields far more reliable results than
an unstructured or flexible format. However, many clinicians still prefer to explore and ask questions of
the patient as they see fit. There appears to be widespread overconfidence among clinicians in the
accuracy of their own methods and judgments (Taylor & Meux, 1997). Eve Every rule has exceptions, but
in most instances, an assessor is wise to conduct an interview that is carefully structured and that
provides a comprehensive review of symptoms and other issues. By using a structured assessment
format, the clinician can be sure that key questions do not get overlooked.
Semi-Structured Interviews
Commonly used in clinical (and especially in clinical research) settings is the semistructured assessment
interview. In a semi-structured interview, the interviewer is required to ask questions in a specific order
and in a specific way. Then, depending on the answer, the clinician will ask his or her own follow-up
questions designed to obtain more information.
Because in a semi-structured interview, the interviewer does not simply read preset questions (as in
structured interviews), but is free to ask follow-up questions to better determine if the interviewee
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actually has the symptom being assessed, semistructured interviews should only be administered by
people who have undergone extensive training. The benefit of using a semi-structured interview is that
the resulting diagnoses tend to have greater validity than those obtained from structured interviews
(Nock et al., 2007). A drawback, however, is that semistructured interviews require much more
interviewer training and take longer to complete. Psychologists take these considerations into mind
when deciding which type of interview to use. For instance, a psychologist conducting an epidemiologic
study of 10,000 people might prefer a structured interview, whereas a clinician in a private practice
assessing one client at a time might prefer to use a semi-structured interview.
Unstructured Interviews
Unstructured assessment interviews are typically subjective and do not follow a predetermined set of
questions. The beginning statements in the interview are usually general, and follow-up questions are
tailored for each client. The content of the interview questions is influenced by the habits or theoretical
views of the interviewer. The interviewer does not ask the same questions of all clients; rather, he or
she subjectively decides what to ask based on the client’s response to previous questions. Because the
questions are asked in an unplanned way, important information needed for a DSM-5 diagnosis might
be skipped. For example, when interviewing a patient who is severely depressed, the clinician may
forget to ask about whether the patient has ever had a time when he or she felt so good, or on top of
the world, that other people thought they were not their usual self. Yet knowing the answer to this
question could mean the difference in diagnosis between a major depression and a bipolar disorder.
Responses given in unstructured interviews are also difÏcult to quantify or compare with responses of
clients from other interviews. For this reason, unstructured interviews are rarely used in mental health
research.
Clients may view unstructured interviews as being more sensitive to their needs or problems than more
structured procedures. However, this does not have to be the case. A well-conducted structured or
semi-structured interview is valuable for the patient because it is comprehensive. Most patients
appreciate this. Moreover, provided it is conducted by a skilled interviewer who is familiar with the
questions that need to be asked, a structured or semi-structured interview can sound natural and
conversational. If the assessor is unskilled, however, structured interviews may sound stilted and
excessively formal. Structured interviews do typically take longer to administer than unstructured
interviews and may include some seemingly tangential questions. Also, clients may sometimes be
frustrated by the quest
The Clinical Observation of Behavior
One of the traditional and most useful assessment tools that a clinician has available is direct
observation of a client’s characteristic behavior (Hartmann et al., 2004). The main purpose of direct
observation is to learn more about a person’s psychological functioning by attending to his or her
appearance and behavior in various contexts. In clinical observation the clinician provides an objective
description of the person’s appearance and behavior—personal hygiene, emotional responses, and any
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signs of depression, anxiety, aggression, and the like that he or she may manifest. Ideally, clinical
observation takes place in a natural environment (such as observing a child’s behavior in a classroom or
at home), but it is more likely to take place upon admission to a clinic or hospital (Leichtman, 2009). For
example, a brief description is usually made of a subject’s behavior upon hospital admission, and more
detailed observations are made periodically.
Some practitioners and researchers use a more controlled, rather than a naturalistic, behavioral setting
for conducting observations in contrived situations. These analogue situations, which are designed to
yield information about the person’s adaptive strategies, might involve such tasks as staged role-playing,
event reenactment, family interaction assignments, or think-aloud procedures (Haynes et al., 2009).
In addition to making their own observations, many clinicians enlist their clients’ help by providing them
instruction in self-monitoring: self-observation and objective reporting of behavior, thoughts, and
feelings as they occur in various natural settings. This method can be a valuable aid in determining the
kinds of situations in which maladaptive behavior is likely to be evoked, and numerous studies also show
it to have therapeutic benefits in its own right. Alternatively, a client may be asked to fill out a more or
less formal self-report or a checklist concerning problematic reactions experienced in various situations.
Many instruments have been published in professional literature and are commercially available to
clinicians. These approaches recognize that people can be excellent sources of information about
themselves. Assuming that the right questions are asked and that people are willing to disclose
information, the results can have important implications for treatment planning.
Rating scales can help both to organize information and to encourage reliability and objectivity (Aiken,
1996; Garb, 2007). That is, the formal structure of a scale is likely to keep observer inferences to a
minimum. The most useful rating scales are those that enable a rater to indicate not only the presence
or absence of a trait or behavior but also its prominence or degree. Ratings scales may be made not only
as part of an initial evaluation but also to check on the course or outcome of treatment.
One of the most widely used instruments for assessing the presence and severity of psychiatric
symptoms in clinical settings and in psychiatric research is the Brief Psychiatric Rating Scale (BPRS). The
BPRS was originally developed as a 16-item measure (Overall & Gorham, 1962). Over the years, the
measure has been expanded. It now includes 24 items that assess such symptoms as anxiety,
depression, emotional withdrawal, guilt feelings, hostility, suspiciousness, grandiosity, and unusual
thought patterns (Lukoff et al., 1986). These items can be probed for using questions from a semi-
structured interview (Ventura et al., 1993). Table 4.2 provides an example of the questions that are used
to assess for anxiety, together with details of the anchor points for the various severity ratings.
The BPRS has been found to be an extremely useful instrument in clinical research (e.g., see Davidson et
al., 2004) and is valuable for assessing change in symptoms over time (Leucht, 2014). However, it is not
generally used for making treatment or diagnostic decisions in clinical practice. The Hamilton Rating
Scale for Depression (HRSD), a similar but more specifically targeted instrument, is one of the most
widely used procedures for selecting research subjects who are clinically depressed and also for
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assessing the response of such subjects to various treatments (see Beevers & Miller, 2004; Brown et al.,
2007). Table 4.2 Brief Psychiatric Rating Scale:
Anxiety
Note: Consider reported apprehension, tension, fear, panic, or worry. Rate only the individual’s
statements. Do not rate observed anxiety. This is rated elsewhere.
Probe Questions:
“Have you been worried a lot during [mention time frame]? Have you been nervous or apprehensive?
(What do you worry about?)”
“Are you concerned about anything? How about finances or the future?”
“When you are feeling nervous, do your palms sweat or does your heart beat fast ( or shortness of
breath, trembling, choking)?”
[If individual reports anxiety or autonomic accompaniment, ask the following]: “How much of the time
have you been [use individual’s description]?”
“Has it interfered with your ability to perform your usual activities/work?” Ratings:
Not present
Very mild: Reports some discomfort due to worry OR infrequent worries that occur more than usual for
most normal individuals.
Mild: Worried frequently but can readily turn attention to other things.
Moderate: Worried most of the time and cannot turn attention to other things easily but no impairment
in functioning OR occasional anxiety with autonomic (physical) accompaniment but no impairment in
functioning.
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Moderately Severe: Frequent, but not daily, periods of anxiety with autonomic accompaniment OR
some areas of functioning are disrupted by anxiety or worry.
Severe: Anxiety with autonomic accompaniment daily but not persisting throughout the day OR many
areas of functioning are disrupted by anxiety or constant worry.
Extremely Severe: Anxiety with autonomic accompaniment persisting throughout the day OR most areas
of functioning are disrupted by anxiety or constant worry.
Source: Based on Lukoff, D., Nuechterlein, K. H., & Ventura, J. (1986). Manual for the Expanded BPRS.
Schizophrenia Bulletin, 12, 594–602. Retrieved from:
https://www.public-health.uiowa.edu/icmha/outreach/documents/BPRS_expanded.PD F
Psychological Tests
Interviews and behavioral observation are relatively direct attempts to determine a person’s beliefs,
attitudes, and problems. Psychological tests are a more indirect means of assessing psychological
characteristics. Scientifically developed psychological tests (as opposed to the recreational ones that
sometimes appear in magazines or on the Internet) are standardized sets of procedures or tasks for
obtaining samples of behavior (see American Psychological Association, 2014; Kolen & Hendrickson,
2013). A subject’s responses to the standardized stimuli are compared with those of other people who
have comparable demographic characteristics, usually determined through established test norms or
test score distributions. From these comparisons, a clinician can then draw inferences about how much
the person’s psychological qualities differ from those of a reference group, typically a psychologically
healthy one. Two general categories of psychological tests for use in clinical practice are intelligence
tests and personality tests (projective and objective). Moreover, many procedures are available in a
computer-administered and computer-interpreted format.
Table 4.2 Brief Psychiatric Rating Scale: Anxiety
Note: Consider reported apprehension, tension, fear, panic, or worry. Rate only the individual’s
statements. Do not rate observed anxiety. This is rated elsewhere.
Probe Questions:
“Have you been worried a lot during [mention time frame]? Have you been nervous or apprehensive?
(What do you worry about?)”
“Are you concerned about anything? How about finances or the future?”
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“When you are feeling nervous, do your palms sweat or does your heart beat fast ( or shortness of
breath, trembling, choking)?”
[If individual reports anxiety or autonomic accompaniment, ask the following]: “How much of the time
have you been [use individual’s description]?”
“Has it interfered with your ability to perform your usual activities/work?”
Ratings:
Not present
Very mild: Reports some discomfort due to worry OR infrequent worries that occur more than usual for
most normal individuals.
Mild: Worried frequently but can readily turn attention to other things.
Moderate: Worried most of the time and cannot turn attention to other things easily but no impairment
in functioning OR occasional anxiety with autonomic (physical) accompaniment but no impairment in
functioning.
Moderately Severe: Frequent, but not daily, periods of anxiety with autonomic accompaniment OR
some areas of functioning are disrupted by anxiety or worry.
Severe: Anxiety with autonomic accompaniment daily but not persisting throughout the day OR many
areas of functioning are disrupted by anxiety or constant worry.
Extremely Severe: Anxiety with autonomic accompaniment persisting throughout the day OR most areas
of functioning are disrupted by anxiety or constant worry.
Source: Based on Lukoff, D., Nuechterlein, K. H., & Ventura, J. (1986). Manual for the Expanded BPRS.
Schizophrenia Bulletin, 12, 594–602. Retrieved from:
https://www.public-health.uiowa.edu/icmha/outreach/documents/BPRS_expanded.PD F
Psychological Tests
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Interviews and behavioral observation are relatively direct attempts to determine a person’s beliefs,
attitudes, and problems. Psychological tests are a more indirect means of assessing psychological
characteristics. Scientifically developed psychological tests (as opposed to the recreational ones that
sometimes appear in magazines or on the Internet) are standardized sets of procedures or tasks for
obtaining samples of behavior (see American Psychological Association, 2014; Kolen & Hendrickson,
2013). A subject’s responses to the standardized stimuli are compared with those of other people who
have comparable demographic characteristics, usually determined through established test norms or
test score distributions. From these comparisons, a clinician can then draw inferences about how much
the person’s psychological qualities differ from those of a reference group, typically a psychologically
healthy one. Two general categories of psychological tests for use in clinical practice are intelligence
tests and personality tests (projective and objective). Moreover, many procedures are available in a
computer-administered and computer-interpreted format.
Table 4.2 Brief Psychiatric Rating Scale: Anxiety
Note: Consider reported apprehension, tension, fear, panic, or worry. Rate only the individual’s
statements. Do not rate observed anxiety. This is rated elsewhere.
Probe Questions:
“Have you been worried a lot during [mention time frame]? Have you been nervous or apprehensive?
(What do you worry about?)”
“Are you concerned about anything? How about finances or the future?”
“When you are feeling nervous, do your palms sweat or does your heart beat fast ( or shortness of
breath, trembling, choking)?”
[If individual reports anxiety or autonomic accompaniment, ask the following]: “How much of the time
have you been [use individual’s description]?” “Has it interfered with your ability to perform your usual
activities/work?” Ratings:
Not present
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Very mild: Reports some discomfort due to worry OR infrequent worries that occur more than usual for
most normal individuals.
Mild: Worried frequently but can readily turn attention to other things.
Moderate: Worried most of the time and cannot turn attention to other things easily but no impairment
in functioning OR occasional anxiety with autonomic (physical) accompaniment but no impairment in
functioning.
Moderately Severe: Frequent, but not daily, periods of anxiety with autonomic accompaniment OR
some areas of functioning are disrupted by anxiety or worry.
Severe: Anxiety with autonomic accompaniment daily but not persisting throughout the day OR many
areas of functioning are disrupted by anxiety or constant worry.
Extremely Severe: Anxiety with autonomic accompaniment persisting throughout the day OR most areas
of functioning are disrupted by anxiety or constant worry.
Source: Based on Lukoff, D., Nuechterlein, K. H., & Ventura, J. (1986). Manual for the Expanded BPRS.
Schizophrenia Bulletin, 12, 594–602. Retrieved from:
https://www.public-health.uiowa.edu/icmha/outreach/documents/BPRS_expanded.PD F
Psychological Tests
Interviews and behavioral observation are relatively direct attempts to determine a person’s beliefs,
attitudes, and problems. Psychological tests are a more indirect means of assessing psychological
characteristics. Scientifically developed psychological tests (as opposed to the recreational ones that
sometimes appear in magazines or on the Internet) are standardized sets of procedures or tasks for
obtaining samples of behavior (see American Psychological Association, 2014; Kolen & Hendrickson,
2013). A subject’s responses to the standardized stimuli are compared with those of other people who
have comparable demographic characteristics, usually determined through established test norms or
test score distributions. From these comparisons, a clinician can then draw inferences about how much
the person’s psychological qualities differ from those of a reference group, typically a psychologically
healthy one. Two general categories of psychological tests for use in clinical practice are intelligence
tests and personality tests (projective and objective). Moreover, many procedures are available in a
computer-administered and computer-interpreted format.
clinician concluded that David was feeling threatened not only by people at school but even in his own
home, where he needed “protection.”
This example shows how stories based on TAT cards may provide a clinician with information about a
person’s conflicts and worries as well as clues as to how the person is handling these problems.
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The TAT has been criticized on several grounds (Lilienfeld et al., 2001). There is a “dated” quality to the
test stimuli: The pictures, developed in the 1930s, appear oldfashioned to many subjects, who have
difÏculty identifying with the characters in the pictures. Subjects often preface their stories with
statements like “This looks like something I saw in a late-night movie.” Additionally, the TAT can require
a great deal of time to administer and interpret. As with the Rorschach, interpretation of responses to
the TAT is generally subjective. This limits the reliability and validity of the test.
Sentence Completion Test
Another projective procedure that has proved useful in personality assessment is the sentence
completion test (Fernald & Fernald, 2010). A number of such tests have been designed for children,
adolescents, and adults. Such tests consist of the beginnings of sentences that an adult might be asked
to complete, as in these examples:
I wish
My mother
Sex
I hate
People
Sentence completion tests, which are related to the free-association method, a procedure in which a
client is asked to respond freely, are somewhat more structured than the Rorschach and most other
projective tests. They help examiners pinpoint important clues to an individual’s problems, attitudes,
and symptoms through the content of her or his responses. Interpretation of the item responses,
however, is generally subjective and unreliable. Despite the fact that the test stimuli (the sentence
stems) are standard, interpretation is usually done in an ad hoc manner and without benefit of
normative comparisons.
In sum, projective tests have an important place in many clinical settings, particularly those that attempt
to obtain a comprehensive picture of a person’s psychodynamic functioning and those that have the
necessary trained staff to conduct extensive individual psychological evaluations. The great strengths of
projective techniques—their unstructured nature and their focus on the unique aspects of personality—
are at the same time their weaknesses because they make interpretation subjective, unreliable, and
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difÏcult to validate. Moreover, projective tests typically require a great deal of time to administer and
advanced skill to interpret—both scarce quantities in many clinical settings.
Objective Personality Tests
Objective personality tests are structured—that is, they typically use questionnaires, self-report
inventories, or rating scales in which questions or items are carefully phrased and alternative responses
are specified as choices. They therefore involve a far more controlled format than projective devices and
thus are more amenable to objectively based quantification. One virtue of such quantification is its
precision, which in turn enhances the reliability of test outcomes.
A large number of personality assessment measures are available for use in personality and clinical
assessment. For example, the NEO-PI (NeuroticismExtroversion-Openness Personality Inventory)
provides information on the major dimensions in personality and is widely used in evaluating personality
factors in normal-range populations (Costa & Widiger, 2002). In addition, many objective assessment
instruments have been developed to identify clinical problems. For example, another self-report
measure, the Schedule for Nonadaptive and Adaptive Personality (SNAP: Clark et al., 2014) contains 390
items designed to assess both healthy and pathological aspects of personality.
The MMPI
One of the major structured inventories for personality assessment is the Minnesota Multiphasic
Personality Inventory (MMPI). We focus on it here because, in many ways, it is the prototype and the
standard for this class of instruments.
The MMPI was introduced for general use in 1943 by Starke Hathaway and J. C. McKinley; it is today the
most widely used personality test for clinical and forensic
(court-related) assessment and for psychopathology research in the United States
(Archer et al., 2006; Butcher et al., 2015; Lally, 2003). A revision of the MMPI, designated “MMPI-2” for
adults, became available in 1989 (Butcher, 2011; Butcher et al., 2001; Friedman et al., 2015), and the
MMPI-A for adolescents (see Williams & Butcher, 2011) was published in 1992. The original 10 clinical
scales were kept on the revised version. The revised versions of the MMPI have been validated in many
clinical studies (Greene, 2011). The MMPI-2 is also the personality assessment instrument most
frequently taught in graduate clinical psychology programs (Ready & Veague, 2014).
The Validity and Clinical Scales of the MMPI
The original MMPI, a self-report questionnaire, consisted of 550 items covering topics ranging from
physical issues and psychological states to moral and social attitudes. Typically, clients are encouraged
to answer all of the items either “true” or “false.” The pool of items was originally administered to a
large group of normal individuals (affectionately called the “Minnesota normals”) and several quite
homogeneous groups of patients with particular psychiatric diagnoses. Answers to all the items were
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then item-analyzed to see which ones differentiated the various groups. On the basis of the findings, the
10 clinical scales were constructed, each consisting of items that were answered by one of the patient
groups in the direction opposite to the predominant response of the normal group. This rather
ingenious method of selecting scorable items, known as “empirical keying,” originated with the MMPI
and doubtless accounts f much of the instrument’s power. Note that it involves no subjective
prejudgment about the “meaning” of a true or false answer to any item; that meaning resides entirely in
whether the answer is the same as the answer deviantly given by patients of varying diagnoses. Should
an examinee’s pattern of true and false responses closely approximate that of a particular pathological
group, it is a reasonable inference that he or she shares other psychiatrically significant characteristics
with that group—and may in fact “psychologically” be a member of that group. (See the MMPI-2 profile
in Table 4.3.)
much of the instrument’s power. Note that it involves no subjective prejudgment about the “meaning”
of a true or false answer to any item; that meaning resides entirely in whether the answer is the same as
the answer deviantly given by patients of varying diagnoses. Should an examinee’s pattern of true and
false responses closely approximate that of a particular pathological group, it is a reasonable inference
that he or she shares other psychiatrically significant characteristics with that group—and may in fact
“psychologically” be a member of that group. (See the MMPI-2 profile in Table 4.3.)
can also provide valuable information for use in situations involving litigation. For example, in the case of
Andrea C. (the woman you read about at the start of this chapter), a psychological evaluation was
requested by the employing company’s insurer to determine the legitimacy of her disability claim. As a
central part of the evaluation, the MMPI-2 was administered. The MMPI-2 clinical scale pattern showed
clear mental health problems, with high scores on the D (Depression), Hs (Hypochondriasis), and Pt
(Anxiety) scales, along with a high score on the PTSD scale. These scores all indicated that Andrea was
experiencing mental health symptoms related to stressful life events. (See the Developments in
Research box for new ways clinicians are using technology in psychological assessment.)
DEVELOPMENTS IN RESEARCH
Using Smartphones and Wearable Biosensors in Psychological Assessment
Historically, whenever psychologists wanted to understand some aspect of how humans think, feel, and
behave, they either asked people to complete paper-andpencil self-report assessments (such as the
MMPI described in this section) or brought individuals into a laboratory to objectively measure their
responses to different types of situations and stimuli (such as the projective tests in this section or brain
imaging approaches described in the next section). A major limitation of self-report approaches like the
MMPI is that they rely on a person to retrospectively report on how they remember thinking, feeling,
and behaving in past situations— reports that often are inaccurate for various reasons. A limitation of
laboratory approaches is that they often require setting up artificial situations that do not resemble
what happens in real life (for instance, when is the last time a friend presented you with inkblots or
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memory tests?). What psychologists have always wanted to do is to be a “fly on the wall” of people’s
lives, continuously assessing them without interfering in their daily activities.
Fortunately, advances in technology now provide psychologists with the tools they need to do just this.
With the relatively recent development and wide availability of smartphones, psychologists can now
send brief (e.g., 30-second) questions to people throughout the course of their day to monitor their
thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. And we’re learning that doing so can provide really useful information
that differs from the type of data obtained using traditional paper-and-pencil approaches. For instance,
one study that used smartphone assessments to monitor people’s symptoms of depression revealed
that, when asked about symptoms of depression on their phone three times each day over a one-month
period, people reported significantly stronger depressive symptoms and more frequent thoughts of
suicide than what they remembered and reported during a paper-and-pencil assessment at the end of
the 30-day period (Torous et al., 2015).
Rido/Shutterstock
Smartphones and wearable biosensors also can provide passively collected information about a person’s
daily life that can help to better understand their psychological functioning. For instance, such devices
can objectively collect accurate information about a person’s activity level (from their GPS and
accelerometer data), social connectedness (from their phone calls and text data), and sleep and arousal
patterns (from movement and physiological arousal data from their phone and wrist-worn sensors). One
recent study used such an approach to examine the sleep habits of college students and found that
students with irregular sleep patterns (such as those resulting from pulling occasional all-nighters) had
poorer academic performance, whereas students with more regular sleep (more consistent day-to-day
sleep schedules) had better academic performance (Phillips et al., 2017). The number of studies using
new technologies like these has increased dramatically over the past few years (see Figure 4.1), and, as
new technologies are developed, psychologists will continue to have exciting new ways to better
understand how psychopathology develops and can be assessed and treated ( Kleiman & Nock, 2017).