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Historically, the most heavily legislated domain of education has been reading
instruction, and it has also been the most cited measure for assessing educational
advancement (Tierney & Pearson, 2021). In How Education Policy Shapes Literacy
Instruction: Understanding the Persistent Problems of Policy and Practice (2022),
edited by Rachael Gabriel, scholars from all over the country contributed chapters
on perpetual educational concerns, such as retention, intervention, early childhood
and English language literacy acquisition, and coaching. The relationship between
literacy teaching, learning, and research is explored through policy documents and
peer reviewed research articles published from the 1960s to the present to establish
ideas and solutions. In not only linking these challenges over time within a
historical and political context, but also establishing an association between all
these issues within the broad context of literacy research and policy, the
contributors have curated a text for teachers, administrators, and policy makers who
want to understand contemporary concerns in education, as well as the cyclical and
sometimes troublesome nature of the reading wars.
Chapter 1: Introduction
In chapter one, authored by Rachael Gabriel and Shannon Kelly, the historical
context of education legislation over the past one hundred and fifty years is
examined, from funding state universities in the nineteenth century, to educational
training provided by the GI Bill after the Second World War, to the National
Defense Education Act (NDEA), which placed an emphasis on higher education in
order to globally compete, and contribute to the Space Race. The chapter also
highlights other significant, historical events, such as the Social Security Act and
the Voting Rights Act as a frame of reference to discuss the Elementary and
Secondary Act (ESEA), which was signed by President Johnson in 1965. ESEA
was part of Johnson’s legislation on the “War on Poverty,” and for the first time,
education was framed as a solution to social problems, rather than an economic or
defense necessity. This legislation was the first to engage K-12 education, and it
funded school libraries, teacher professional development, and additional teachers
and tutors among low-income districts. The authors argue that by examining the
history of policy responses to students’ individual differences, such as race, class,
gender identity, religion, culture, sexual orientation, disability status, and other
identity markers, research, teaching, and even society evolves over time. They end
with the notion that because of the social and cognitive nature of reading, that
“systems that respond to reading difficulties can exacerbate inequity” (p. 6-7). This
chapter serves as a framing for the entire book, as all the following chapters
encapsulate these claims.
Chapter 2: Retention in Grade and Third Grade “Trigger” Laws: History,
Politics, and Pitfalls.
This chapter, authored by Gabriel P. DellaVecchia, discusses the current third grade
retention reading laws in the United States, which as of the publication of this book,
have been enacted by twenty-seven states and the District of Columbia. The laws
came to be popular due to concerns about standardized test scores, the impact of
reading on general academics, and third grade being identified as a vital point in a
child’s education. DellaVecchia examines the history of these laws, dating back to
the 1970s, which is when schools established minimum competencies. He explores
how the panic over failing schools was intensified in A Nation at Risk (1983), which
served as a reference for school reform until No Child Left Behind (NCLB) was
enacted in 2002. The author examines the connection between reading laws, school
accountability measures, school choice initiatives, and the privatization movement
of schools. He dismantles any talking point that retention is a viable solution to
academic performance, discussing the negative impact on high school graduation
rates, social-emotional well-being, and economic outcomes. DellaVecchia
proclaims that the focus on retention takes away from important conversations
about literacy and advocates for an increased focus on supporting teachers instead.
Since students of color are more likely to be retained, he ends by doubting the
genuine purpose of the retention laws, suggesting that they are ill-intentioned and
contribute to the “school to prison nexus” (p. 47). Again, he argues for alternatives,
such as universal pre-K, and stresses the need for literacy scholars to become more
involved in the policy space to impart research and knowledge onto policy makers.
His work is vital for any state considering adopting a retention law, or for any state
wanting to reconsider their already existing retention laws.
Chapter #3: Remedial Reading Programs: Identification, Instruction, and
Impacts of a Separate System of Learning.
This chapter, authored by Katherine K. Frankel, discusses the history of remedial
reading programs in K-12 education, and all the different terminology that’s been
used to describe remedial reading programs. Frankel provides commentary on the
history of the word remediation, its ties to medicine, and how remedial reading has
been described as an illness to be cured. She argues that remedial reading programs
tend to focus on compliance with policies, instead of being responsive to students’
needs, which tends to involve separate curricula and programming. This creates
disjointed programming from the classroom instruction, which can impact transfer
of knowledge and consistency across classrooms. Within the context of history and
policy, Frankel argues that the historical focus on phonics within the reading
remediation space does not always account for the multi-dimensional nature of
reading, and that readers need to be understood holistically, from multiple data
points. From the passage of ESEA, to creation of A Nation at Risk (1983), resources
have been allocated to provide support to students to tackle what has been described
as a reading crisis. With the formation of the National Reading Panel (NRP) in
2000, policymakers required that all programming intended to support students’
reading be based on “scientific” reading research (the basis for NCLB), which
required research based instructional practices and programs focused on early
reading. Frankel maintains that, to reform remedial reading programs, decision
makers must focus on dynamic profiles of readers, versus a singular diagnosis of
reading difficulty, as well as move away from program outcomes being the sole
data point, without considering the individual students themselves, and the
qualitative data that may include. The author concludes with, “reading researchers
and policy makers need to reflect on and engage the diversity of experiences of
remedial reading programs that extend far beyond test scores, and then chart a new
way forward” (p. 80).
Chapter 4: Early Reading Instruction: Politics and Myths About Materials
and Methods.
This chapter is written by Natalia Ward and Nora Vines. Though federal literacy
policy had little to say about the nature of early reading instruction for two hundred
years, this chapter examines early reading instruction and related policy. After the
passing of ESEA, Ward and Vines describe how a combination of factors including
changing demographics in the country, the passage of the first iteration of the
Individuals with Disabilities Act (IDEA) in 1975, as well as the publication of
influential white papers of the time, all contributed to the idea that economic
competitiveness was being directly influenced by reading achievement. From the
NRP, to the NCLB era, to Race to the Top (2009), and the adoption of the Common
Core Learning Standards (CCLS) in 2010, Ward and Vines demonstrate how
influential educational initiatives impacted policy, the ever-changing shift from
federal to local control, and the recurrent nature of the reading wars. What’s most
compelling, though, is how the authors use the context of history and policy to
discuss the current Science of Reading (SoR) movement. They use the example of
Emily Hanford’s series of publications (2018), which argued that explicit phonics
instruction in the early elementary grades is a universal remedy, and how this,
coupled with the concept of knowledge building, are what SoR supporters are
advocating for in terms of reform. Ward and Vines question what knowledge is or,
more importantly, whose knowledge should be included in these curricula when we
are advocating for a knowledge building curriculum. They also question the
accountability of curricula publishers, especially when teachers may only have
access to a single message about the teaching of reading, without evidence that it’s
effective. The question also comes up about how to make instruction more
culturally sustaining when schools must adhere to prescriptive curricula and
guidance. Instead, the authors call for adaptive literacy practices which meet the
needs of individual students, and that a well-rounded reading education is provided
to students, which includes access to caring and knowledgeable teachers, the use of
high quality, culturally and linguistically sustaining materials which promote a love
of reading. As we navigate the commentary of our most recent wave of education
reform as an educational community, these are vital questions to consider while
engaging in discourse.
Chapter 5: Cumulative Disadvantage: Differential Experiences of Students
with Reading Difficulties.
The author, Laura Northrop, begins the chapter by discussing how since
publications such as Flesch’s Why Johnny Can’t Read- And What You Can Do
About It (1955) up through Hanford’s Hard Words (2018), there has been public
concern for students learning how to read. Northrop notes that dating back two
hundred years ago, early reading difficulties were believed to be caused by “word
blindness, eye problems, and emotional disturbance…” (p. 123). Reading
difficulties were not addressed by educational policy until the passage of ESEA. As
framed in ESEA, poverty directly resulted in reading difficulties, and the remedy
was extra instruction, provided by reading teachers. Around the same time, the
theory emerging that reading difficulties were caused by a problem in the brain,
which led to the passing of IDEA in 1975. Northrop argues that policy itself
changed the implications for reading difficulties from environmental issues to
neurological issues, which shows how policy can directly impact research and
practice. The author discusses some persistent issues and questions with
reauthorizations of both ESEA and IDEA, including who actually receives services
and why, under the law. With the passing of retention laws in the 2000s, data
collected under these policies were used to retain students. Northrop notes that
historically, policy has impacted the type of reading intervention students receive
based on specific requirements in the policy, and she makes parallels to the current
SoR movement. With the current SoR movement, there is a focus back to decoding
and language comprehension, which is showing up in policy. Northrop contends
that this shift to a one size fits all instruction could limit access to different types of
instruction students may need, and that policy impacts which students receive
reading intervention instruction primarily by the underlying assumption used in the
policy to identify who counts, or qualifies, as a struggling reader.
Chapter 6: A Language for Literacy Learning: Language Policy,
Bi/Multilingual Students, and Literacy Instruction.
The author of this chapter, Amber N. Warren, discusses instructional practices,
assessment, and teacher preparation of bilingual and multilingual students,
specifically in the United States, and how they directly connect to the related policy.
Warren recounts the history of bilingual education in the United States, beginning
with hundreds of thousands of students being taught German at the turn of the
twentieth century. However, following the first world war and due to a decreased
number of immigrants coming from Europe, bilingualism was seen as a problem
for national security, which directly shows how what was happening in the world
impacted not only policy, but educational practices. This time period was the
beginning of the assimilationist education movement that Warren argues still exists
today. The author traces the evolution of policy, such as the Immigration and
Nationalist Act (1965), and the first installment of The Bilingual Education Act
(BEA), which was passed in 1968, to connect how broader policy initiatives related
to immigration directly impacted educational initiatives. With increased focus on
English only instruction and assessment, as well as students specifically from
disadvantaged backgrounds and Spanish speakers, the BEA did not represent the
cultural and linguistic diversity present in populations across the United States.
Additionally, after reported high dropout rates in cities, civil rights and community
groups began to advocate against an English only approach, and the push for using
culturally relevant materials was seen to enhance native language in order to
develop the English language emerged. The BEA was reauthorized many times
over decades, switching back and forth from a monolingualism approach to a
bi/multilingual approach. Warren points out that more expansive immigration
policies typically have more linguistically expansive education goals. Thus, the
shift to state control appears to be creating ever more uneven terrain within the
landscape of bi/multilingual student education. She calls for policy makers,
administrators, and educators to embrace the linguistic complexity of students, to
create ongoing learning opportunities for educators to increase their knowledge of
language development, as well as sociopolitical and political factors impacting
educational equity, and lastly, working towards policies related to the most current
research.
Chapter 7: How Literacy Policy Shapes Understandings of Teacher Quality:
Coaching, Evaluation, and Measures of Teacher Effectiveness.
This chapter, authored by Rachael Gabriel, focuses on the evolution of policies
related to teacher quality and their impact on reading achievement. Though state
and federal legislation was relatively silent on the notion of teacher quality until the
turn of the twenty first century, “examples of teacher evaluation systems from the
early 1900s included checklists of items related to hemlines, petticoats, and whether
and how it is appropriate for teachers to be seen with unmarried men in public” (p.
170). Gabriel provides examples such as IQ and achievement testing, as well as
readability formulae, to show how tools originally created for the military were
eventually adapted for educational purposes. Gabriel touches upon Bond and
Dykstra’s First Grade Studies (1967), Heath’s Ways with Words, and even the
National Board for Professional Teaching Standards (NBPTS) reports from the
1980s to show how teacher quality was a research focus for a while before its
adoption in schools. Though literature on job embedded mentoring became
prevalent in the 1960s, the concept of coaching began to take hold in schools.
Gabriel connects past to present, using NCLB (specifically Reading First) to
discuss how though coaches were being used more readily in schools, Reading First
argued that a specific curriculum, supported by coaches, would bolster the quality
of instruction enough to increase outcomes. She adopts the example of The Widget
Effect, which has been used to explain how teachers were viewed as generic
widgets in an educational machine because they were never evaluated or
individually developed, to show how coaching models often take away teacher
autonomy, creativity, and expertise. Gabriel argues that despite its consistent failure
as a policy strategy, the assumption that materials and coaches can increase teacher
quality is showing up again in the most recent round of SoR laws that are being
passed across the country. She calls on the reader to consider how we have ended
up here again.
Chapter 8: Influence and Evidence in Reading-Related Policy
The final chapter was written by Rachael Gabriel and Shannon Kelly. After
examining all these issues in education, from a historical and political lens, the
authors offer critical questions, answers to pressing issues, and even a call to action
for teachers, administrators, and policy makers. Gabriel and Kelly discuss how
white papers are often written by think tanks and foundations to directly impact
policy making. They argue that these papers are often not peer reviewed, nor do
they require consensus from highly qualified, diverse groups of individuals. They
also discuss the issue with peer reviewed research, and that it is often locked behind
a paywall, which leads to a decrease in access to those that most likely need access
to it the most. This model of research dissemination, coupled with how easily white
papers can travel, directly contributes to their popularity in terms of policy making.
White papers can be disseminated widely, oftentimes through social media, and for
no cost to the reader. Gabriel and Shannon continue, and note that, “what seems
like grassroots movements often have roots in, and resources drawn from, national
organizations, funded by a handful of powerful elites and reinforced by a loosely
coupled network of philanthropists, and Edutech companies whose stake in public
education is incredibly apparent” (p. 187). As consumers of educational reporting,
it’s important to be mindful of this, and consider how we can interrogate these
papers to consider accuracy, authorship, and intent, especially when we consider
how much of an impact these white papers have had on policy (and therefore
schools) throughout history. Aside from white papers, Gabriel and Kelly discuss
systemic issues in the educational space that could be used for reform. For example,
the idea that it takes three to five years to fully implement a new curriculum is
commonly accepted among researchers and could directly impact policy. However,
policies routinely require that schools and districts change curricula and interrupt
long term professional learning strategies with multiple other mandates. Though
they note these persistent issues that schools encounter when trying to properly
integrate what the research says versus what the policy says, they also call for an
increased focus and accountability for vendors of educational tools, such as
curriculum and assessments. Gabriel and Kelly assert that despite good intentions,
grassroots movements and policymakers often prescribe a one size fits all approach
that does not honor nor address the specific nuances in school contexts and
communities, as well as factors such as engaging and culturally relevant texts and
individualized instruction. They state, “if we expand our understandings of
why/how students struggle with reading to consider the ways that students’
identities are affirmed or oppressed in school settings, and the ways their linguistic
competence is measured and developed, our prognostic frames might better match
the available evidence on retention and instead aim for alternative policy
solutions…” (p. 193). In concluding statements, Gabriel and Kelly maintain that
current reading policy relates back to past policy strategies that have been attempted
with limited success, including accountability, standards, and curriculum mandates.
Their final call to action is to consider who benefits from the perceived reading
crisis. They argue that corporations benefit from an educational system in crisis
because they can sell products that claim to solve problems, and that conservative
policy makers benefit from an educational system in crisis as a means towards
privatization.
As we navigate laws and policies around literacy, it’s important to be critical
and consider what we know about research, history, and policy when advocating
for us against a particular law, policy, or even new curriculum in a school. This
book equips teachers, administrators, and policymakers with this knowledge to help
consider their positions, by studying the past to inform the present and future.
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