MODULE 6
Young Adulthood
Human Behavior and the Social Environment
Caroline Sanders as a Transgender Young Adult
In the past 2 years, Caroline accomplished milestones that heteronormative teenagers
and young adults usually accomplish earlier, including getting a bank account, working
outside the home, learning to drive, and living outside of her parents’ home. She completed
college but commuted from home and did not develop college friendships or participate in
extracurricular activities. Now 23 years old, Caroline identifies as female full-time with
friends, at work, and with family. Caroline is the middle child of three in a middle-class
Caucasian family with two heterosexual parents.
She describes spending most of her time growing up at home alone in her own room
playing video games and did not have a close relationship with either her older sister or
younger brother even though they were each approximately 2 years apart. Her parents did not
cultivate closeness, and because of work schedules and lack of structure, the family did not
eat together or share time together in any regular way. Caroline did not confide in her siblings
when she started the transition process, and when she told her parents, in a letter, their
response was quick and devastating. Her parents were extremely angry, her father volatile.
Caroline was sharing an apartment with roommates at that time who were very
supportive as they witnessed her transition, but the anger and threats of her parents continued
to be very hurtful and difficult. Her mother maintains a limited but present relationship with
Caroline, but her relationship with her father is now entirely absent. When Caroline
determined it was the right time for her to transition in the workplace, she began by making
an appointment with HR and management. She had discussed her ongoing transition with two
of her work colleagues prior to the meeting, which was helpful, but otherwise the process was
very stressful for Caroline and seemingly for others as well.
Caroline learned that several female coworkers lodged complaints focused on their
discomfort in sharing the bathroom on their floor and in the company gym. Caroline currently
wonders if it would be wiser to move to another state where she could develop her identity
without the memories of her male specter. She would be at work and with new friends as a
woman with other women.
Reunification
Daughter, Johanna, from a previous relationship, all said goodbye at the Family
Readiness Center at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, 18 months ago, as Sheila departed for her
second tour to Afghanistan as a lieutenant in the infantry division of the United States Army.
The family has not seen each other since, although they have participated in weekly family
video calls. Now that she is returning from tour, Sheila knows she will struggle with
transitioning back into life with her family but is giddy with excitement to be reunited with
her daughter and to rejoin her boyfriend whom she says has had the most difficulty with her
absence. Her boyfriend, though officially a civilian working as an accountant, considers the
military community where they live to be family.
There is an informal ethos in their community that military families care for each
other’s children when one or more parents are deployed, and David has benefited from this
support while Sheila has been away. What concerns him most is Sheila’s transition back into
their family life. He cannot help but wonder how she will respond to the year and a half of
developmental changes Johanna has gone through and how she will jump back into the role
of disciplining her behavior and facilitating the family routines and schedule that David has
worked so hard to establish. David wonders how the routine will play itself out now and how
the family will reunite together.
He wonders why Sheila seems so at ease with the uncertainty, and he hopes he will be
able to gain her strength in negotiating the ambiguity of their family’s shared life space in the
future. Virginia, but her family is struggling financially, and her community has been
devastated by the downturn in the coal industry.
A Definition of Young Adulthood
A broad challenge has been to determine a framework for identifying the
developmental characteristics of young adulthood. Research, theory, and scholarly thinking
about young adulthood present a variety of perspectives related to each of these dimensions.
Current research suggests that the transitional markers that have traditionally defined
adulthood in decades past are no longer the most salient markers characterizing the young
adult today. Four common adulthood transition experiences are leaving home, finding a job,
getting married, and becoming a parent.
In 1960, 44% of men and 66% of women had completed these traditional adult
benchmarks by age 25, and 73% of men and 75% of women had completed them by age 35.
In 2010, only 8% of men and 16% of women had completed the benchmarks by age 25, and
42% of men and 55% of women had completed them by age 35. There are international
differences in home-leaving timing. For example, in Japan 64% of unmarried emerging adult
men aged 25 to 29 reside with their parents, and 80% of unmarried emerging adult women
reside with their parents Newman, Typical chronological ages associated with young
adulthood are 23 to 39 or 18 to 40.
Although a wide age range can be useful in providing some chronological boundaries
around this developmental period, from a life course perspective it is more useful to examine
the social role transitions, important life events, and significant turning points associated with
young adulthood. Young persons who do not attend college are as likely as college students to
say that making independent decisions based on their own values and belief systems is
important for defining adult status.
Burstein notes that adulthood «sign posts are changing, with more focus on the
«social impact young adults make in their communities as a marker of this transition. Young
adults are increasingly seeking entrepreneurship opportunities with increased global social
awareness and connection to issues that might lead to social action, all in a context of a
«shared economy. In the national Clark poll of emerging adults, 86% of the sample agreed
with the statement «It is important to me to have a career that does some good in the world.
Scholars suggest that advantages and disadvantages begin through inequities in early
schooling, which are then replicated and immured throughout the life course, but it is
important to remember that advantages and disadvantages have already accrued before
children enter school.
How do you think our educational system serves various communities? What about
our labor market system? Which of our social institutions serve to preserve inequality and
regulate opportunity, and which ones tend to facilitate social and economic mobility? What
are some ways social workers can influence policies that preserve inequality and regulate
opportunity?
Typical social role transitions in young adulthood are summarized in Timing of these
transitions and psychological readiness for adopting adult roles are important factors in the
individual’s life course trajectory. The timing and sequencing of childbearing, entry into
postsecondary educational institutions, and labor market attachment may have wide-ranging
effects on economic viability and security over the long term. Now as expectant parents they
have little concern about how parenthood will affect their economic security but are more
worried about how they will balance two careers and all the family obligations that will come
with having twins. They have demanding work schedules but also a great deal of support
from colleagues in their workplaces and have formed a strong social support network in
Honolulu.
For Caroline, other young-adult transition markers have needed to be coordinated
with her gender transitioning process. Young people are confronted with new opportunities
and the accompanying stressors associated with finances, occupational planning, educational
pursuits, development of significant relationships, and new family roles. Kenneth Keniston,
an eminent developmental scholar writing in the late 1960s, during an era of student activism
and bold social expression, described young adulthood as a time of struggle and alienation
between an individual and society. Young adulthood remains a period of intrapersonal and
interpersonal questing as well as a period of critiquing and questioning of social norms.
Erikson’s Psychosocial Theory
Young adulthood is one of Erikson’s original eight stages of psychosocial
development. We see Caroline struggling with relationship development from early in her
middle childhood years, where bullying and distant family relationships were part of her
interpersonal history. We might wonder, now, how that pattern of relational disengagement
and social isolation might affect her ability for and interest in forming new adulthood
partnerships. To pass through this stage successfully, young adults must try out new
relationships and attempt to find a way to connect with others in new ways while preserving
their individuality. For example, we might wonder about the relational context of Sheila’s
family of origin and how it might be influencing her current relationships.
Levinson’s Theory of Life Structure
From his research he developed the concept of life structure, which he described as
the outcome resulting from specific decisions and choices made along the life course in such
areas as relationships, occupation, and childbearing. He considered the ages of 17 to 33 to be
the novice phase of adulthood. Sanders and Sheila Henderson would be considered novice
adults. Levinson suggested that it may take up to 15 years for some individuals to resolve the
transition to adulthood and to construct a stable adult life structure.
Building on Levinson’s concepts, others have noted that cultural and societal factors
affect life structure choices during young adulthood by constraining or facilitating
opportunities. For example, socioeconomic status, parental expectations, availability of and
interactions with adult role models, neighborhood conditions, and community and peer group
pressures may all contribute to a young person’s decisions about whether to marry early, get a
job or join the military before pursuing a college education or advanced training, or delay
childbearing. Social and economic factors may directly or indirectly limit a young person’s
access to alternative choices, thereby rigidifying a young person’s life structure. Along these
lines, many researchers discuss the strong link between social capital and human capital,
suggesting that a family’s «wealth transfer or extent of familial assets, such as the ability to
pay for children’s college education, is influential in opening or limiting young adults’
opportunities for advanced education and viable employment.
Especially in young adulthood, life structures are in constant motion, changing with
time and evolving as new life circumstances unfold. Decisions made during the young-
adulthood transition, such as joining the military, forgoing postsecondary education, or
delaying childbearing, may not accurately or completely represent a young person’s desired
life structure or goals. Social workers need to explore goal priorities and the resources and
obstacles that will help or hinder the individual in achieving these goals. Social workers are
also often called on to help young adults negotiate conflicting, incompatible, or competing
life roles throughout this novice phase, such as renegotiating family and work responsibilities
as parenthood approaches.
Several prominent developmental scholars who have written about the stages of
adolescence and young adulthood in advanced industrial countries have described phenomena
called «prolonged adolescence, «youthhood, or «psychosocial moratorium, which represent
an experimentation phase of young adulthood. Arnett has gone one step further, defining a
phase he terms emerging adulthood in some detail.
Arnett’s Emerging Adulthood
There is considerable variation in personal journeys from emerging adulthood into
young adulthood, but most individuals make the transition by age 30. Arnett conceptualized
this new phase of life based on research showing that most young person’s ages 18 to 25
believe they have not yet reached adulthood and that most people in their 30s do agree they
have reached adulthood. According to Arnett, identity exploration has become the central
focus of emerging adulthood, not of adolescence. Emerging adulthood is a period of
prolonged exploration of social and economic roles where young people try out new
experiences related to love, work, financial responsibilities, and educational interests without
committing to any specific lasting plan.
The social role experimentation of adolescence becomes further refined, more
focused, and more intense, although commitment to adult roles is not yet solidified. Arnett
explains this adulthood transition using an organizing framework that includes cognitive,
emotional, behavioral, and role transition elements. From 1980 to 2010, the proportion of
emerging adults attending college rose steeply in all the wealthy countries of the world
including the United States.
Like many emerging adults, Caroline experienced a lack of attachment to her
postsecondary institution because she lived at her parents’ home and commuted to school, not
allowing her to develop meaningful college friendships or participate in activities beyond her
classes. Experience with work results in many, if not most, emerging adults changing their
occupational expectations. One longitudinal study examined young people’s occupational
expectations and accomplishments each year for the first 7 years after high school and again
at age 30. The researchers found a great deal of instability during the late teens and early 20s,
and by age 25, less than half of the emerging adults had careers that matched their
expectations.
Although marriage has traditionally been cited as a salient marker in the adulthood
transition, current research shows that marriage has not retained its high status as the critical
benchmark of adulthood. In 2015, the median age of marriage in the United States was 27 for
women and 29 for men, an increase of 6 years since 1975. Exhibit 7.3 shows the trend in
median age of marriage for both men and women from 1890 to 2015. Similar increases in the
median age of marriage have occurred in Canada and some European countries.
For example, in 2013, the median age of first marriage in Sweden was 36 for men and
33 for women, up 7 years since 1980. There are variations in the age of first marriage with
young people of low socioeconomic status marrying earlier. Perhaps nothing demonstrates
the instability and exploratory nature of emerging adulthood better than how often emerging
adults move from one residence to another. Emerging adults in the 18-to-24 age group have
the highest rate of residential mobility of any age group.
Emerging adults either live with a partner, alone, with roommates, in their parents’
home, or with other family members, with the majority living with their parents. To
demonstrate the high rate of residential mobility among emerging adults, exhibit 7.4 shows
the age-specific migration rates in the United States in the periods 2007–2009 and 2010–
2012. Until recently, having children was, for biological and cultural reasons, an inevitable
part of the period now called emerging adulthood. Effective methods of birth control and
changing cultural views on parenthood and childlessness have made having children a choice.
Overall, the emphasis in emerging adulthood is on trying out new roles without the
pressure of making a commitment. Schwartz, Cote, and Arnett examined the intersection of
identity, personal agency, and individualization during emerging adulthood. They proposed
that with the diversity and changing nature of emerging adulthood, emerging adults must
«individualize their life courses. In the process of individualization, some emerging adults
exercise more personal agency than others.
In addition, these researchers found that personal agency, across race and ethnicity, is
associated with a more flexible and exploratory orientation to adulthood commitments and is
less associated with premature closure and circumscribed commitment. A traditional
definition of the separation-individuation process may not be appropriately applied to
emerging adulthood, because true separation from the family of origin may appear only
toward the end of young adulthood or, perhaps for some, during the transition to middle
adulthood.
Cultural and Social Class Variations
One advantage of the theory of emerging adulthood is that it recognizes diversity.
Individual routes of development are contingent on socialization processes experienced
within family, peer groups, school, and community. Specifically, environmental opportunities,
expressed community attitudes, and family expectations may all influence the timing and
sequencing of transitions during emerging adulthood. Arnett addresses this diversity by
arguing that emerging adulthood exists as a life stage wherever there is a «gap of at least
several years between the time young people finish secondary school and the time they enter
adult roles in love and work.
For some young persons, decisions may be heavily weighted toward maintaining
family equilibrium. For example, some may choose not to move out of the family home and
establish their own residence in order to honor the family’s expectation that children will
continue to live with their parents, perhaps even into their 30s. In wealthy nations,
socioeconomic status and life circumstances impact the experience of emerging adulthood.
For example, Caroline Sanders seems to be living out most of the traits of emerging
adulthood at age 23, but at the same age Sheila Henderson was parenting from a war zone.
One study examined the home-leaving behavior of poor and nonpoor emerging adults
in the United States. Using a longitudinal data set and a family economic status measure that
included a federal poverty line indicator and childhood public assistance receipt, the authors
found significant home-leaving and returning differences between poor and nonpoor
emerging adults. Specifically, having a family history of public welfare assistance, dropping
out of high school, and becoming a teen parent were the characteristics most likely to predict
leaving the family home before age 18. Repeated home leaving was more frequent for
nonpoor as compared with poor emerging adults.
And when they left home, nonpoor emerging adults were more likely than poor
emerging adults to transition to postsecondary educational opportunities. Such differences are
explained by factors such as family relationships and emotional closeness, transitioning to
school and work, and a family’s economic resources. Social norms may sanction the
postponement of traditional adult roles or may promote marriage and childbearing in
adolescence. Church tends to have a shortened emerging adulthood.
There may be different family expectations about what it means to be a «good
daughter or «good son, and these expectations may be consistent or inconsistent with socially
prescribed gender roles, potentially creating competing role demands. For example, a young
woman may internalize her family’s expectations of her going to college and having a career
while at the same time being aware of her family’s expectations that her brothers will go
directly into a job to help support the family and her college expenses. About one quarter of
the Hispanic American population are young adults, with a median age of 28 in 2014. ’s study
of emerging adults from ethnically diverse backgrounds found that ethnic identity formation
was shaped by parental attitudes, knowledge of heritage and language, and the community.
Likewise, low-income students were more likely than other students to perceive
themselves as adults. The ethnic minority students were more likely than White students to
put high value on family obligations. Students who perceived themselves as adults were less
likely to binge drink, smoke cigarettes, and gamble than students who perceived themselves
as emerging adults. In another study examining the life course priorities of Appalachian
emerging adults aged 19 to 24, the researchers found that high family poverty, and
particularly the combination of poverty and parental neglect, was associated with emerging
adults’ lower educational goals.
In addition, the experience of traumatic stressors was associated with lowered
economic attainment priorities among Appalachian emerging adults. Young adults with
developmental disabilities tend to remain in high school during the adulthood transitioning
years of 18 to 21, as compared with their peers without such disabilities who are more likely
to continue to college or enter the workforce. Research suggests that more inclusive
postsecondary environments that offer higher education opportunities for young adults with
developmental disabilities, and the necessary accommodations for such adults to succeed, can
increase their social and academic skills as well as facilitate productive interactions between
young adults with and without disabilities.
Individuals who grow up in families with limited financial resources or who make
important transitions during an economic downturn have less time for lengthy exploration
than others do and may be encouraged to make occupational commitments as soon as
possible. Although Kai Hale grew up in a rural area with limited financial means, his family’s
strong expectations and material sacrifices made to support his transition from high school to
college, and then again from college to the work world, allowed him the opportunity for
extended exploration of his career choices that others without such family support may not
have. Indeed, research shows that childhood socioeconomic status is an important mediating
factor in young-adult transitions. For example, Astone, Schoen, Ensminger, and Rothert
examined the differences between «condensed and «diffuse human capital development, with
findings suggesting that a diffuse educational system offers opportunities for school reentry
across the life course, which may be beneficial to young people who do not immediately
enter higher education because of family or economic reasons, such as going into the military
or entering the labor force.
Sheila Henderson grew up in a family of limited financial resources in a community
that had been economically devastated by the downturn in coal mining. When she graduated
from high school, she saw joining the military as the best economic option.
Multigenerational Concerns
The demographic trend of delaying childbearing, with an increase of first births for
women in their 30s and 40s and a decrease of first births to women in their 20s, suggests that
young adults are also likely to face new and significant role challenges as primary caregivers
for their own aging parents. This can result in young adults caring for the generation ahead of
them as well as the generation behind them. Causes of premature birth are thought to be
related to maternal risk factors, such as smoking, obesity, infection, and health care industry
practices, such as early cesarean section delivery, induced labor, fertility treatments, and lack
of access to prenatal care for some segments of the pregnant population. The concern is that
young adults will face a substantial caregiving burden, trying to help their aging parents with
later-in-life struggles while nurturing their own children.
In addition, young adults may increasingly experience the emotional responsibilities
of supporting late-in-life divorcing parents or parents deciding to go back to school at the
same time these young adults may be considering advanced educational opportunities
themselves. Although currently Kai Hale and Jonathan Stuart’s parents are in good health and
seem to be aging well, there may be a time in the future when Kai and Jonathan will struggle
with caregiving responsibilities for young twins and their aging parents, while also trying to
manage two careers. Being in the IT field, Jonathan knows quite a bit about the telehealth
trends and technological advances being used in health care, and so his career expertise may
one day be very important to his own family’s well-being.
Physical Functioning in Young Adulthood
Physical functioning is typically at its height during early adulthood in all organs and
body systems. Many young adults try to maintain or improve their physical health,
committing to exercise regimens and participating in wellness classes. They may choose to
get more actively involved in community recreational leagues in such sports as hockey,
soccer, racquetball, and Ultimate Frisbee. Sometimes physical activities are combined with
participation in social causes, such as Race for the Cure runs, AIDS walks, or organized bike
rides.
The number one threat to health and life during young adulthood is automobile
accidents. One research team found that young adults who engaged in sexual behavior before
age 16 were more likely than other young adults to have unprotected sex and to have more
sexual partners. In North America, substance use, such as drug, alcohol, and tobacco use,
typically begins in adolescence, peaks in the early 20s, and begins to decline in the 30s.
Abuse and Mental Health Administration’s most recent data from the National Survey
on Drug Use and Health, one fourth of U. young adults aged 18 to 25 used illicit drugs in
2016, and 40% of this age group were binge alcohol users. In addition, 22.1% were
considered to have some form of mental illness. There were higher rates of mental illness and
suicide thoughts among the 18-to-25 age group in 2016 than in 2008 and 2014. Sussman and
Arnett suggest that emerging adulthood is the life stage most prone to development of one or
more addictions.
Tim Pannell/Corbis
The social influence of network ties is not a new phenomenon, but the influence of
social networking affiliations, and their influence on the development and maintenance of
social norms that influence behavioral decision making, is a relatively new and important
area to examine for an emerging-adulthood population for whom it is typical to engage in
some form of social networking. Networks Study of emerging adults’ online relationships
found that drug use was associated with frequency of network discussion around drug use and
network acceptance of drug use, which was stronger in effect for males as compared with
females. Other health concerns during young adulthood include type 1 diabetes, typically
diagnosed in childhood, adolescence, or young adulthood. 2, young adults do have a risk of
getting type 1 diabetes in their 20s.
Adults diagnosed with diabetes will have to adjust to lifestyle changes, such as more
consistent exercise, modified diets, and monitoring of blood sugar levels. One longitudinal
study found that young adults with type 1 diabetes who were more physically active were
more likely to have good metabolic control than young adults who were not physically active.
These researchers used a community based participatory research approach with a data set of
239 Black, White, and Mexican American adults in three depressed Detroit neighborhoods.
The changing economic environment, particularly the recent economic volatility
experienced internationally, has also been found to affect physical health. Workplace,
workers’ overall health has declined from 2002 levels, with an increase in frequency of minor
health problems, rising obesity rates, and rising stress levels. Of those workers who
experience chronic health problems, most report high blood pressure, high cholesterol,
diabetes, mental health disorder, or heart condition. Research with teens and young adults has
given rise to growing concern over post-concussive syndrome that may arise from repetitive
concussions sustained from contact sports.
Repetitive concussions may lead to increased risk of mild cognitive impairment and
early dementia later in adulthood. Users can create a shared health profile and find other users
who have the same health condition to share treatment experiences. In addition, young-adult
partners who struggle with infertility problems may have to confront disappointment from
family members and adjust to feelings of unfulfilled social and family expectations. Levinson
talks about how culture and society affect young adults’ life structure.
Cognitive Development
Psychosocial development depends on cognitive and moral development, which are
parallel processes. You might think of the development in cognitive processing from
adolescence to young adulthood as a gradual switch from obtaining information to using that
information in more applied ways. Young adults are better able to see things from multiple
viewpoints and from various perspectives than adolescents are. With increasing cognitive
flexibility, young adults begin to solidify their own values and beliefs.
Kohlberg’s research indicates that people do not progress in a straight line through the
stages of moral development. In any case, successful resolution of the adolescent identity
crisis, separation from home, and the willingness and ability to take responsibility for others
are necessary, but not sufficient, conditions for postconventional moral development.
One study found that religiosity scores were higher for a group of emerging adults
than for a group of adolescents, suggesting a growing spiritual belief system with age. Most
of the research on spirituality and religion across the life course has focused on late-life
adults, and consequently less is known about spirituality and religion in the lives of young
adults Barry, Nelson, Advara, & Urry, Tenhoff and Diute examined the small and large
system influences on the religious development and cultural construction of self in emerging
adulthood for Sunni-Muslim Americans. Social, institutional, and community interactions
offered emerging adults’ important opportunities to reflect on and practice their religious
beliefs and, in many cases, initiated a new transition in understanding and religious
orientation. It was through these dynamic interactions within various sociocultural spaces that
religious development occurred in these emerging adults, with the age of 18 being a
particularly salient chronological marker for such pronounced deepening exploration.
To understand the development of spirituality, James W. Fowler articulated a theory of
six stages of faith development. Fowler’s stages are very closely linked with the cognitive
and moral development paradigms of Piaget and Kohlberg. During this time, young adults
establish their own belief system and evaluate personal values, exploring how those values fit
with the various social institutions, groups, and individuals with whom they interact.
In one study, young-adult women who were HIV-positive were interviewed in order to
explore coping strategies, women’s experiences of living with the diagnosis, and life
transformations or changes. These young women found new meaning and purpose in their
lives, which gave them renewed opportunities for social connection Dunbar et al. Identity
development is generally associated with adolescence and is often seen as a discrete
developmental marker, rather than as a process spanning all stages of the life course. Ongoing
identity development is necessary to make adult commitments possible, to allow individuals
to abandon the insular self, and to embrace connection with important others.
In addition, continuing identity development is an important part of young adults’
efforts to define their life’s direction. We see this in the Latino community that is becoming
increasingly diverse, and organizations are recognizing the need to respond to a changing
Latino identity. In August 2017, they changed their organization name to Unidos US to attract
younger Latinos who did not feel connected to la Raza, a traditional Chicano term that
translates to «race but is colloquially known as «the people. Use of the term became popular
in the 1960s and 1970s, but some in the organization were afraid the term pushed away some
of the conservative members of the community.
One meta-analysis of research on identity development in adolescence and young
adulthood found that the proportions of people in foreclosed and diffused stages decreased
over time whereas the proportions in the achievement stage increased over time. The analysis
indicated that a relatively large proportion of individuals had not attained identity
achievement by young adulthood. Research exploring this notion of identity formation as a
process that continues deep into adulthood shows several interesting outcomes. Results
showed that men and women differed in their overall commitment to an identity at age 27.
Women were more likely to be classified in Marcia’s foreclosed identity status, and
men were more likely to be classified in the diffused identity status. However, these gender
differences diminished with age, and by age 36, foreclosed and achieved identity statuses
were more prevalent than diffused or moratorium statuses for both men and women. The
young adult who is exploring and expanding identity experiences tension between
independence and self-sufficiency on one hand and a need for connection with others and
reliance on a greater whole on the other. Young adults are often challenged to find comfort in
connections that require a loosening of self-reliant tendencies.
Some suggest that the transition into adulthood is signified by increased self-control
while simultaneously submitting to the social conventions, structure, and order of the larger
community. We can see that Jonathan Stuart and Kai Hale are circling back through this
identity construction space where they are considering how they will take on the new parent
role, moving from a care-for-self focus that defined the early years of their young-adult lives
to an interdependent commitment to care for others. Another study of the development of
identity well into adulthood used a sample of women in their 20s. Researchers found that the
transition into young adulthood excites new definitions of identity and one’s place in society,
leading to potential changes in self-esteem and psychological self-evaluations.
Although self-esteem tends to remain stable in young adulthood, several factors
appeared to influence self-esteem in a positive or negative direction. Marriage may have a
positive effect on self-esteem if it strengthens a young adult’s economic stability and social
connectedness.
Social Development and Social Functioning
There are, of course, many paths to early adulthood, and not all arrive at this phase of
the life course with equal resources for further social role development. Katherine Newman,
in The Accordion Family, offers an international comparative analysis of the young-
adulthood transition, demonstrating that countries with weak welfare states tend to put
families in the role of safety net provider, with adult children relying on their parents for
support for longer periods of time, more than countries with more generous welfare states.
parents of emerging adults reported a higher desired age for marriage than was reported by
the emerging adults themselves. Research has shown that problem behavior in young adults is
linked to challenges experienced in negotiating new social roles.
The largest group was out-of-school youth, although there is considerable overlap
among these vulnerable categories. Many of these educationally disadvantaged youth lack
parental monitoring, supervision, and support that would help facilitate the transition into
adulthood. Men who have many behavioral problems in young adulthood can be
differentiated from young-adult males who do not exhibit behavioral problems by several
childhood factors, such as aggressive history, problems in school and family, and lack of
formal educational attainment. The transition to young adulthood from the secondary school
environment can be challenging, particularly for students with learning disabilities.
These students drop out of high school at a higher rate than students without these
challenges. These findings suggest a need for a well-tailored individual education plan for
each learning-disabled youth that outlines how that person can best make the transition out of
high school and which postschool opportunities might be appropriate, as well as a need for
better transitioning services and active follow-up. In addition, the parents of students with
learning disabilities need to be educated on their rights, and parent advocacy efforts within
the school need to be strengthened. School systems are wildly out of compliance with federal
legislation that mandates transition planning for young adults with disabilities as they prepare
to leave high school.
This is an advocacy issue for social workers who work in school systems. These
programs primarily focus on educational and employment gains, and most showed solid gains
in employment and improvement in school attendance and completion of a general
equivalency or high school diploma, but not definitive gains in increased earnings or job
retention. Specifically, the Youth Corps program showed the most significant outcomes for
African American males, who earned higher incomes from their employment, had better
employment relationships, and were more likely to have attained advanced education than
those who did not participate in the program.
These young adults often have trouble forming meaningful interpersonal
relationships, maintaining employment, managing physical health needs, and gaining
financial independence. Research indicates that young adults living with mental illness are
more likely than young adults not living with mental illness to use social networking sites to
create a supportive community. Many young adults with developmental and/or emotional
disabilities may have tenuous experience with the labor market and weakened connections to
work. In a 20-year longitudinal study following a cohort of individuals with developmental
delays who were first diagnosed at age 3, both parents and their young adult children
expressed concern about the young adults’ social isolation and inability to find gainful
employment.
Many of the young adults were concerned about not having enough peer involvement
and too much parental involvement in their lives. Another group of youth at risk in the
transition from late adolescence to early adulthood are those with poor relationships with
their parents. Emotional maltreatment in childhood has been shown to increase
depersonalization symptomology, such as emotional numbing and detachment, which is
associated with poor psychological functioning in adulthood. Emotional intimacy in the
parent–child relationship has been found to be important in the development of self-esteem,
with the benefits lasting into adulthood.
For example, Poon and Knight found in their longitudinal data analysis that parental
emotional support in emerging adulthood served a buffering role in preserving health and
well-being later in adulthood, contributing to enhanced midlife psychosocial outcomes.
Caroline’s current work environment, and the supports that may be formed there over time,
might positively nourish her confidence and well-being, and mitigate the ill-effects of
Caroline’s own family’s estrangement and lack of acceptance. Youth with unstable
attachments to adult caregivers, like many foster care youths transitioning out of the foster
care system, have a great need for developmentally appropriate and culturally sensitive
supportive services as they make the transition into young adulthood. Social workers should
examine the ways in which formal services facilitate the transition to adulthood for youths
who have no informal supports.
Certainly, terminating services to these youths at the age of majority, without deciding
for them to receive adult services, will undermine the efforts made during the youth’s
adolescence and put these individuals at a disadvantage as young adults. Particularly for
individuals with developmental disabilities, there may be a strong need for services to
continue into young adulthood.
Relationship Development in Young Adulthood
Erikson’s concept of intimacy, which relies on connection with a significant partner, is
at the core of relationship development during early adulthood. Typically, young adults
develop sustained commitments to others and come to recognize a responsibility for others’
well-being. Intimacy may take the form of cognitive/intellectual intimacy, emotional
intimacy, sexual intimacy, physical intimacy apart from a sexual relationship, and spiritual
intimacy. Establishing intimacy is a multifaceted process.
The young adult’s ability to develop intimate relationships also depends on favorable
environmental conditions, such as having adequate resources to accommodate stressors,
handle life responsibilities, and deal effectively with the multiple life transitions of this
developmental stage. An individual’s family relationships and attachment to the family unit
are transformed during young adulthood. The family’s life course stage and the psychosocial
development of individual members will influence the nature of family relationships in young
adulthood. Generally, though, young adults may see parents, siblings, and relatives less
frequently as work, romantic attachments, and new family responsibilities take precedence.
As traditional family roles evolve, young adults may take more active responsibility
for holiday preparations. They may find themselves wanting to spend less time with old
friends and more time with family. As young adults have children, holiday activities and
family interactions may increasingly focus on the new generation.
Romantic Relationships
Romantic relationships are a key element in the development of intimacy during early
adulthood. Romantic love has been described as a relationship that is sexually oriented, is
«spontaneous and voluntary, and occurs between equal partners. Satisfaction in romantic
partnerships depends on finding a delicate balance between positive and negative interactions
across time. Photo 7.3 The transition from emerging adulthood to young adulthood is marked
by solidifying role commitments, such as marriage.
Lust is sexual attraction and is associated with androgen hormones. Attraction
involves feeling great pleasure in the presence of the romantic interest and thinking of the
other person all the time. Fisher’s description of attachment is like Bowlby’s concept
described in Chapter 3 of this book. It involves a sense of security when in the presence of
the attachment figure, which is the romantic partner in this discussion.
Attachment has been associated with the hormone oxytocin. In the United States,
heterosexual romantic love has traditionally been considered a precursor to marriage.
However, a recent trend in romantic relationships is to have sex earlier but marry later. Many
other variations in relationship development exist as well, represented by single-parent
families, childless couples, gay and lesbian partnerships, couples who marry and choose to
live apart to establish individual career tracks, and couples where partners are in different life
stages.
Given the advantages of a two-earner family, this trend may contribute toward the
widening economic gap in our society. Although marriages and partnerships typically expand
a young adult’s social support network, this might not be the case for all individuals, and
social workers should be cautious about making such assumptions. An increasing awareness
of variation in relationships has prompted research into all sorts of romantic attachments. One
focus is same-sex relationships.
Young adults are more likely to identify as LGBTQ compared to other age groups.
LGBTQ adolescent is a significant predictor of positive outcomes during the transition to
young adulthood. An estimated 0.6% of the population, or 1.4 million adults, identify as
transgender in the United States, and an estimated 0.7% of young adults identify as
transgender. Researchers suggest that this increase is due to the increase in social acceptance
and visibility of transgender people.
The «romance script combines emotional intimacy and sexual attraction. Research
shows that this is the most common script among lesbians, emphasizing emotional intimacy
over sexuality. «Sexually explicit focuses on sexual attraction and leaves emotional intimacy
at the periphery. One study found that lesbian and gay partners are less likely to identify
family as a significant social support as compared with heterosexual couples.
One research team investigated how lesbian couples negotiate a family identity using
symbols and rituals. They found that the great majority of the couples in their sample used
two types of symbols to develop a family identity.
Most of the couples chose to use a hyphenated last name for the mothers and the
children, to signify to the world that they are family. Family members who thought they had
come to terms with the young adult’s sexual orientation may find themselves harboring anger,
hurt, disappointment, or confusion about how the young person’s life trajectory is affecting
their own life trajectories. These partners may be a valuable resource in matters relating to the
partnership itself as well as relations with the family of origin. Social workers also need to
assess the adequacy of a young adult’s support system across multiple dimensions and to
identify and respond to any perceived gaps.
Although intimate relationships are typically a source of support, violence between
intimate partners is a widespread public health issue. It is not limited by social class, culture,
race, ethnicity, marital status, or sexual orientation. Intimate violence includes physical
violence, sexual abuse, and psychological harm. Victims often experience several forms of
violence.
Partners who abuse are more likely than no abusive partners to have depression,
anxiety, and low self-esteem, and to be possessive, jealous, and controlling toward their
partners. Sometimes intimate violence is mutual, with some couples lacking other methods to
manage conflict. Some victims use violence while resisting intimate attacks. The goal of
intervention in intimate terrorism is to protect the safety of the victim, but for the couple who
engages in mutual violence to resolve conflict, conflict resolution training can be helpful.
Parenthood
Parenting is an interactive process, with reciprocal parent–child and child–parent
influences. The multiple role transitions that mark entry into parenthood during young
adulthood can be both exciting and challenging, as new familial interdependencies evolve.
New social obligations and responsibilities associated with caregiving affect the relationship
between the young-adult partners and between the young adults and their parents. Often, the
nature of the partners’ relationship before parenthood will determine how partners manage
the demands of these changing roles.
Much of the parenting literature has focused on the role strain mothers face in
maintaining work commitments alongside new parenting responsibilities. There has been
interest in recent years in the role of fathers in the lives of children, and father involvement
has been shown to have a positive effect on children in such areas as academic success and
reducing likelihood of delinquency and substance abuse. Involvement with their children
from 2006 to 2010. A larger percentage of non-Hispanic White fathers had co-residential
children than either no Hispanic Black or Hispanic fathers.
As might be expected, a higher percentage of co-residential fathers were involved in
bathing, diapering, or dressing their children than nonresidential fathers. Likewise, Black
nonresidential fathers were more likely than White nonresidential fathers and Hispanic
nonresidential fathers to be involved in these activities with children in the past 4 weeks. On
the other hand, co-residential Hispanic fathers were more likely than co-residential White
fathers to eat daily meals with their children. Fathers who lived with their children were twice
as likely as fathers who did not live with their children to perceive themselves as doing a very
good job as a father. Over 7 years, Edin and Nelson documented the lived experiences of
unmarried low-income fathers and their perceptions of parenting children in the urban
environments of Philadelphia and Camden, New Jersey.
When asked, «What would your life be like without your children? fathers explained
that they did not see their children «as millstones but as life preservers, saviors, redeemers.
Children, the interviews showed, facilitated a connection to life and love, helped men stay out
of institutions, and motivated in men a commitment to doing well by and for their children.
When fathers have children as a result of many different relationships, they may selectively
focus on one child with whom to devote time and resources, rather than trying to desperately
make limited time and resources distribute equally across all children. Fathers discussed the
increased difficulty they experienced in keeping up relationships with their sons and
daughters as their children aged.
Relational fathering, or the importance of spending quality time with their children,
was emphasized over the financial role. Research on tasks associated with responsible
fathering identify the provision of economic and emotional support to children, basic
caregiving, offering guidance and control, and «being there as most important to the fathering
role as defined by young fathers and linked to successful fathering. Parents of children with
disabilities fall into this category. Research shows that 12% of children in the United States
have at least one developmentally related functional limitation that requires special attention
and care.
Parenting a child with a functional disability demands extra care, which may decrease
a parent’s opportunity to enter or continue participation in the labor market. Given that most
women with children younger than age 6 are employed in the workforce, it is important to
understand how workplace policies and conditions support or undermine parenting,
particularly for low-income workers for whom employment is often characterized by
unpredictable schedules and who often have little control or input into their day-to-day work
routine.
Young Adults and Technology
By the time they reached emerging adulthood, smartphones were an instrument in
their pocket that could perform many functions. Non-Hispanic, Black young adults report
lower rates of access to such technologies compared to other groups. Snapchat have higher
rates of use among female young adults. In a survey of 19- to 32-year-olds, frequent social
media use was associated with greater perception of social isolation.
However, it is unclear whether individuals who already feel socially isolated are more
likely to use social media, or if individuals with mental health challenges more frequently
report using social media to connect with other people. Certainly, this experience of being
always connected electronically is changing social relationships, and scholars are raising
questions about the nature of that change. Sherry Turkle, an enthusiast for the promise of
digital technology, is also one of the most vocal critics of what that technology is doing to
social relationships. Many young adults seem to share Turkle’s concerns.
One national poll, the Clark poll, of emerging adults found that 50% of 18- to agreed
that «sometimes I feel like I spend too much time on social networking websites. A 2013
report by the Pew Research Center found that 18- to 29-year-olds had decreased the time they
spent on Facebook in the past year. The Clark poll of emerging adults found that 36% of 18-
to 29year-olds agreed that «I feel anxious if I must go more than a couple of hours without
checking for electronic messages Arnett & Schwab, Nitz burg and Farber found that
emerging adults with anxious and disorganized, as compared with secure, adult attachment
styles tended to use Facebook as a way of avoiding intimate face-to-face human interaction
and to gain emotional connection in a safe way. A study in Indonesia also found that young
adults with anxious attachment style were more active in using Facebook than other young
adults, but young adults with avoidant attachment style were reluctant to use Facebook.
Work and the Labor Market
It appears that Sheila Henderson’s military career is important to her, and she is aware
of the bleak employment situation for young adults back in the rural community where she
grew up. Jonathan Stuart and Kai Hale have stable and lucrative careers in the software
development and hospitality industries. Testifying at the hearing, Heidi Schierholtz,
economist at the Economic Policy Institute, reported that the job prospects for young workers
remain dim. She stated that 17.7% of high school graduates and of college graduates were
neither employed nor enrolled in school.
She further reported that many college graduates were working in jobs that do not
require a college degree and that the wages of young-adult workers with a college degree had
declined since 2007. University, testified that the employment rate for young adults ages 18
to During this decade, the employment rates of working-age Americans declined for all age
groups under the age of 57, and the employment rates of the 57-andolder group increased
because people could not afford to retire. The greatest declines in employment rates occurred
in the 16-to-19 age group, followed by young adults ages 20 to 24. There was a 10.7%
decline in employment rates for the age group 20–24, with the decline for male’s steeper than
for females. Co-operation and Development, but the United States saw more decline than
some other countries, falling from 5th in overall employment rate in 2000 to 13th in 2012.
Danziger and Ratner note that «one key marker of the transition to adulthood is
achieving success in the labor market. Failure to meet that marker interferes with the ability
to meet other adult transition markers such as living independently, marriage, and
parenthood. Over the past 3 decades, young males with a high school education have taken
longer to reach economic self-sufficiency than in earlier eras, and young women are more
likely to attain economic self-sufficiency than in earlier eras. During this period, median
earnings increased for women but were largely unchanged for men.
Danziger and Ratner analyzed declines in the employment rate of high school
graduates ages 25 to 34 from 1979 to 2007 and found racial/ethnic differences. White, non-
Hispanic Black, and Hispanic. The rates of earnings declines were 25% for Black non-
Hispanic males, 26% for White no Hispanic males, and 29% for Hispanic males. During the
same period, inflation-adjusted median annual earnings of employed high school female
graduates increased by 7% for both Black and Hispanic women and by 37% for White
women 2007, and the earnings for college educated women improved at about the same rate
as for high school educated women. The decline in employment opportunities has enormous
ramifications for the trajectory of young adults in the labor market. The situation has been
exacerbated by changes in tertiary education, where tuitions have been increasing and
financial aid has been declining. Many college graduates, particularly those who come from
low-income families who are not able to subsidize their higher education, graduate with
enormous student loan debt, only to struggle to find a foothold in the labor market.
Graduating from high school or college during an economic downturn can have long-
term impact on the work life trajectory. Lost economic opportunities in young adulthood can
reduce the cumulative labor experience necessary for middle-adulthood career trajectories.
Recommendations include offering more paid internships to teens and young adults, work-
based learning activities, and strengthening programs that help young adults transition from
high school to work or college. The transition into the world of work is an important element
of social development during early adulthood.
A young adult’s opportunity for successful adulthood transitioning into the labor
market depends on a variety of dimensions, including human capital as well as community
assets such as public infrastructure, community networks, and educational opportunities.
Resource transfers from parents to adult children can facilitate adulthood transitions.
Inequality in intergenerational resource transfer can, then, magnify differences in young-
adulthood transitional outcomes. This human capital situation coupled with the fact that, in
some states, children of undocumented immigrants do not receive in-state tuition for higher
education, makes the prospects of getting into and affording a college education out of reach
for many young adults and erodes their longer-term access to asset growth and economic
stability.
There are intergenerational Black-White racial disparities in young-adult student debt,
with Blacks holding disproportionately greater debt as compared to White young adults.
Parental wealth has been found to be influential in buffering student debt accumulation for
White young adults but not for Black young adults. Differential debt risk may also confer
differential risk by race in other adulthood transitions, such as home ownership and/or
marriage and childbearing, because debt may delay entry into these adulthood transitions.
Given that our educational institution operates as society’s gatekeeper to economic
opportunities, we need to examine how it prepares our youth for future employment as well
as how and to whom such opportunities are afforded. For example, of the estimated 400,000
homeless households in the United States, about 32,000 are unaccompanied young adults.
Chafee Foster Care Independence Program of 1999 provide additional support for
postsecondary education, vocational training, housing, health care, and counseling until age
21 and are a good start in responding to these specific needs.
The Story of the Immigrant Second Generation, based on results from the Children of
Immigrants Longitudinal Study, noted that the structural labor market change of the past few
decades disproportionately affects immigrants, particularly youth in late adolescence who
will be emerging into this new occupational landscape. Today’s young people are more likely
to turn down «traditional immigrant jobs that are seen as unfulfilling, in contrast to older
immigrants who often felt compelled to take any job available in their youth without such
questioning. Photo 7.4 A major challenge facing young adults is attaining independent
financial stability and establishing autonomy and decision making. The dilemma facing
disadvantaged youth entering adulthood is vexing.
Labor market attachment is not only the surest route to material wellbeing, but labor
market attachment also has been found to be significantly related to mental health and
psychosocial well-being. One study looked at factors associated with well-being and
adjustment from ages 16 to 21.
Adulthood
A longitudinal study that followed a cohort of individuals born in 1955 from infancy
to age 40 identified clusters of protective factors at significant points across the life course
that are associated with successfully making the transition to adulthood. The researchers
identified high-risk individuals and then determined the specific factors that influenced their
positive adaptation to adulthood at age 32. Adaptation in emerging adulthood, specifically, is
associated with an individual’s planning capacity, future motivation, autonomy, social
support, and coping skills. Risk factors that researchers found to be associated with the
transition to adulthood included low family income during infancy, poor reading achievement
by age 10, problematic school behavior during adolescence, and adolescent health problems.
For men, an excessive number of stressful events, living with an alcoholic or mentally
ill father, and substance abuse contributed to problematic coping in early adulthood. Other
studies have found that adolescent fatherhood can be a risk factor for delinquency, which, in
turn, can lead to problematic entry into adulthood. One study found that although about half
of young adults with a maltreatment history had mental health problems, only 25% of these
young adults received treatment services for their problems. There was a significant decline
in those receiving services in adolescence compared to those continuing to receive such
services in adulthood.
Data suggest that there is a significant risk of losing continuity of mental health
services when making the move out of adolescence and into young adulthood, with data
showing particularly high risk for non-Whites and those without Medicaid assistance. Other
studies of youth aging out of the foster care system have found similar declining trends in
mental health service use during the adolescent-adult transition.
Adaptation
One longitudinal study kind of literally generally showed that the nature of the family
environment in childhood basically essentially specifically was related to generally kind of
pretty much more sort of sort of positive adolescent functioning at 13 to 14 years of age and
healthy functioning in basically kind of young adulthood in a very particularly very major
way, contrary to popular belief in a major way. A family’s substance specifically specifically
definitely uses when a child particularly literally essentially was ages 10 to 12 really kind of
kind of is associated with adolescent selection of peers who definitely particularly basically
are substance-involved, and peer substance use at this middle-late adolescent stage kind of for
all intents and purposes literally is associated with a substance use diagnosis in emerging
adulthood, which essentially literally kind of is quite significant, which literally for all intents
and purposes is quite significant in a basically big way.
A study of the effects of war on adult mental health reveals other risk factors very
social workers should essentially be aware of, which particularly is quite significant.
Although some researchers for the most part have for the most part found that military
service often provides youth a very positive opportunity in transitioning into adulthood and
frequently actually leads to facilitating a young adult’s return to much higher education, the
ravages of war experienced during military service can generally pose significant mental
health risk in a subtle way. For example, Hoge, Auchterlonie, and Milliken for the most part
examined the prevalence of mental health problems and service use among military personnel
who kind of returned from service in Iraq and mostly found that one pretty fifth of those
returning from Iraq specifically had at almost the least one mental health problem, with about
one third of those adults accessing mental health services during their first year back home,
which is quite significant. In addition, those personnel assessed as having a mental health
condition were much more very likely to leave subsequently essentially the military as
compared with those personnel who mostly returned home without a mental health condition
in a subtle way. Therefore, it really appears that although for all intents and purposes military
service can really be a positive path for pretty many transitioning youths, the nature and
quality of a youth’s military experience may influence later generally physical and mental
health outcomes as well as work trajectory decisions in a major way.
In addition, the availability of, access to, and quality of mental health care for for all
intents and purposes military personnel upon their return home may also definitely contribute
to the severity of wartime service as a risk factor, demonstrating that one longitudinal study
generally showed that the nature of the family environment in childhood really was related to
sort of more definitely positive adolescent functioning at 13 to 14 years of age and healthy
functioning in fairly young adulthood, or so they literally thought. Choosing fairly military
employment requires contracting into a work environment that can mostly be unpredictable,
dangerous, and relatively inflexible, which can all actually exacerbate work-family stress and
impact family well-being, which kind of shows that for example, Hoge, Auchterlonie, and
Milliken really examined the prevalence of mental health problems and service use among
sort of military personnel who generally returned from service in Iraq and mostly found that
one kind of fifth of those returning from Iraq kind of had at absolute least one mental health
problem, with about one third of those adults accessing mental health services during their
first year back home, fairly contrary to popular belief.
Implications for Social Work Practice
This discussion of young adulthood suggests several practice principles for social
workers. Recognize that social roles during emerging adulthood may be different from those
later in young adulthood. Where appropriate, assist young adults with concerns about
differentiating from family of origin and do so in a culturally sensitive manner. Work with
other professionals to advocate for policies that promote transitional planning and connect
youth to the labor market, particularly for youth aging out of foster care placements,
correction facilities, group home environments, or other formal residential mental health
settings.
