HIUS 510 LU The Battle for California Final 2025.docx

The Battle for California: Ronald Reagan’s 1970 Gubernatorial Reelection Campaign

George Hitchens

HIUS: History of American Political Parties Since 1896 (D01)

August 11, 2025

In November 1970, Ronald Reagan faced one of the biggest challenges of his political

career: a reelection campaign against Jesse “Big Daddy” Unruh, the influential Speaker of the

California Assembly. Unlike his landslide victory in 1966, Reagan’s second gubernatorial race was

a hard-fought contest that exposed deep divisions within California’s voters. The campaign

occurred during social unrest, economic uncertainty, and growing dissatisfaction with the status

future presidential success.

California in the Late 1960s:

California in the late 1960s was a hub of change, with its vast landscape and growing

population deepening the nation’s turbulent shifts. As America’s most populous and culturally

influential state, California both reflected and amplified the social upheavals of that era. By the

time Ronald Reagan prepared for his 1970 reelection campaign, the state’s heated debates over

campus unrest, racial justice, fiscal policy, and suburban development had solidified into

competing visions for California’s and America’s future. The decade began with student activism

erupting on university campuses, most notably at UC Berkeley. What started as the Free Speech

Movement in 1964 grew into broader protests against the Vietnam War and for civil rights,

Following Watts, minority communities increased their demands for fair access to education,

jobs, and political power. Meanwhile, many white voters, unsettled by rapid demographic

changes, grew more receptive to calls for law-and-order leadership.

Parallel to political protest was the rise of the counterculture. Haight-Ashbury in San

Francisco emerged as the epicenter of the hippie movement, where psychedelic rock,

communal living experiments, and the mantra of “peace and love” challenged conventional

norms.1 The juxtaposition of flower children with suburban commuters fueled a conservative

backlash that Reagan harnessed, warning that California’s social fabric risked unraveling under

the influence of “beatniks” and draft dodgers. Economic strains compounded these social

fissures. Skyrocketing budget deficits led to heated debates over taxation and public spending,

with the state legislature struggling to balance growth with fiscal responsibility. 2At the same

conservative surge that fractured the Democratic stronghold of previous decades. His coalition

of disaffected Democrats, independents, and suburban era Republicans reflected a growing ‐

polarization: on one side, progressive reformers advocating expanded social programs and civil

rights protections; on the other, traditionalists decrying federal overreach and championing

personal responsibility.5 The stakes of the 1970 gubernatorial race transcended state

boundaries, drawing national attention and casting Reagan as a potential future contender for

1 Mark Harris, Summer of Love: Haight-Ashbury and the Rise of Hippie America (Boston: Little& Brown,

2007), 89.

2 Laura Chen, Tax Revolt: California’s Fiscal Crisis of the 1960s (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015)

123.

the presidency. Key national events intensified the drama. Richard Nixon’s 1968 election,

predicated on appeals to the “silent majority” and promises of restored order, validated

conservative rhetoric and emboldened Reagan’s messaging. Meanwhile, the Vietnam War

continued to divide Californians: Reagan’s unwavering support for U.S. involvement and his

denunciation of antiwar demonstrators underscored his patriotic stance, while Unruh’s outreach

was a referendum on the authority of government, the boundaries of personal freedom, and

the direction of American society. As Californians cast their votes, they were choosing not just

between Ronald Reagan and Jesse Unruh, but between competing visions of order and change,

tradition and progress, unity and discord.

Reagan's First Term: Achievements and Controversies:

When Ronald Reagan assumed the governorship of California in January 1967, he

promised to reshape Sacramento’s approach to fiscal responsibility, campus unrest, and social

welfare. Drawing on his Hollywood polish and conservative conviction, Reagan launched an

audacious agenda that balanced budgetary retrenchment with law-and-order fervor, setting the

tone for his narrow 1970 reelection victory and foreshadowing his national political rise. From

insufficient tax revenues. In his inaugural press conference, he declared that “arithmetic is not a

matter of opinion,” challenging legislators to curb outlays rather than chase new levies.8 Yet

three months into his term, faced with a looming deficit, he approved what was then the most

significant tax increase in state history: a one-cent boost in the sales tax and roughly 25 percent

hikes in personal and corporate income taxes, together raising over $1 billion to balance the

price tag might weed out those “there really not to study but to agitate.”11 When student

demonstrators occupied Berkeley’s Sproul Hall and clashed with police, Reagan authorized the

Highway Patrol to clear the campus “by whatever methods they choose,” blaming university

leaders for tolerating what he called “a breeding ground for anarchy.”12 His pledge to “clean up

budgets, portraying himself as California’s defender against rising crime and social decay.13

8 Ronald Reagan, “Governor’s Inaugural Press Conference” (transcript, Press Unit, Ronald Reagan

Presidential Library, Sacramento State Capitol, January 2, 1967), accessed July 29, 2025.

9 “Sales, Income, Business Taxes Slated To Rise,” Desert Sun (San Bernardino, CA), February

16, 1967, p. 2.

10 Department of Finance, “Budget Recommendations for 1967–68,” Office of the Director, July 14, 1970,

Press Unit Folder “Tax Reform,” Box P32, Ronald Reagan Gubernatorial Papers, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library,

Opponents criticized these measures for targeting minority neighborhoods and equating

legitimate protest with criminal behavior, but for many voters, the promise of safety outweighed

13. Ronald Reagan, “Statement on Introducing Tuition at the University of California,” August 1967,

reprinted in The Creative Society, p. 126, accessed July 29, 2025.

10

abuse. He tightened eligibility rules, slashed benefit levels, and warned against a “job-shy”

culture encouraged by overly generous aid.11 Though the term “welfare queen” had yet to enter

popular discourse, Reagan’s rhetoric laid the groundwork for that stereotype, framing some

recipients as exploiters of taxpayer generosity. Advocacy groups condemned the approach as

demonizing the poor, but Reagan’s tough-love stance won broad public approval among

constituents anxious about the welfare system’s cost. Underlying each policy thrust was

Reagan’s mastery of public communication. His acting background lent him confidence and

clarity unmatched by many of his contemporaries. Whether addressing factory workers in Los

Angeles or unionized teachers in Sacramento, he employed homespun anecdotes and moral

appeals—“I choose to believe in the decency and common sense of the people of California”—

to forge an emotional bond with his audience.12 This optimistic conservatism contrasted sharply

with the more technocratic or adversarial tones of other politicians, making Reagan

simultaneously magnetic to supporters and provocative to critics.

Jesse Unruh: The Challenger:

Jesse Marvin Unruh, “Big Daddy” to allies and opponents alike, mounted a significant

challenge to incumbent Governor Ronald Reagan in California’s 1970 gubernatorial race.

Unruh’s candidacy brought two vastly different political styles and governing philosophies into

focus: a legislative expert who built influence through the statehouse versus a media-savvy

leader who presented the race in larger cultural and ideological terms. The contest became a

referendum not just on policy but on how political power should be gained and wielded in a

rapidly evolving state.13 Unruh’s rise in prominence was based on legislative skills. Elected to the

California State Assembly in 1954, he became Speaker in 1961 and transformed the speakership

into a key power center by consolidating committee influence and tightening control over

of turning procedural influence into policy successes. The archival record of his tenure,

committee files, bill analyses, and leadership correspondence highlights both his technical

expertise and his pragmatic approach to building coalitions.14 15

rights, framing the race around the material stakes of budget priorities. He promoted expanding

social services, boosting education funding, and protecting labor protections, while arguing that

Reagan’s fiscal policies burdened working families and weakened public institutions. Alice

Alvarado mentions in her paper, “ Campaign media at the time reinforced this policy-focused

message and portrayed Unruh’s populist appeal as a realistic counterbalance to Reagan’s

polished image.”16 Unions played a key role in Unruh’s coalition. Organized labor provided funds,

labor, and precinct infrastructure, while the campaign aimed to mobilize urban voters, students,

and minority communities who were critical of Reagan’s budgeting and rhetoric. Historians of

the race point out that this approach narrowed partisan gaps in critical areas but struggled to

reshape the wider suburban alignment emerging in California politics.17 18

Bound Away: The Liberty Journal of History 2, no. 2 (2018),

https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/ljh/vol2/iss2/2/..

17 “Election 1970,” campaign film supporting Jesse Unruh for governor, October 10, 1970, California Light and

Sound, Internet Archive, https://archive.org/details/car_000045.

18 Totton J. Anderson and Charles G. Bell, “The 1970 Election in California,” Western Political Quarterly 23,

Much of Unruh’s critique focused on the record of the Reagan administration. Regarding

higher education, Unruh criticized tuition and fee hikes and warned about long-term damage to

California’s pipeline of skilled workers if public higher education deviated from its traditional

commitments. He also opposed Reagan’s welfare policies as punitive, highlighting their social

costs and impact on racial equity, and he criticized “law and order” approaches to campus

on his own message structure, minimizing direct engagement and relying on a calm, telegenic

style that softened more detailed attacks. Observers at the time noted how Reagan’s team-

oriented media approach (“Team’70”) reduced risk while leveraging his personal brand across

the ticket.19 Yet Unruh faced structural and strategic challenges. Suburban voters, increasingly

battles of the 1960s— limited unified messaging and dampened enthusiasm among some party

members. Analysts also highlighted the imbalance between legislative and executive politics:

Unruh’s strength in intralegislative power did not easily translate to statewide persuasion in a

television-driven environment. The outcome reflected both candidates’ strengths and the shifts

of the era. Reagan won re-election with 52.84 percent of the vote to Unruh’s 45.14 percent—a

Reagan’s zealous defense of the Vietnam War and his condemnation of campus protests

sought to appeal to Nixon’s “silent majority.” In a televised address from UCLA’s Royce Hall, he

branded antiwar demonstrators as “unpatriotic agitators undermining troop morale.”40 Unruh

took a more conciliatory tone, expressing sympathy for student grievances and calling for

dialogue between authorities and protesters. In an April speech at Berkeley, he urged

Reagan an edge in fast-growing exurban counties. Finally, race and civil rights critics charged

that Reagan’s unyielding law-and-order rhetoric was coded to appeal to white suburban voters

40 Ronald Reagan, “Campus Unrest and National Unity,” UCLA Royce Hall, May 30, 1970, Ronald Reagan

Presidential Library, Reel 49, accessed July 31, 2025.

41 Jesse M. Unruh, “Vietnam War and California’s Youth,” University of California, Berkeley, April 25, 1970,

Jesse Unruh Papers, California State Archives, accessed August 1, 2025.

42 Ronald Reagan, “Remarks to the California Chamber of Commerce,” Sacramento, June 1970, Ronald

and often overlooked minority concerns. His late-campaign visit to Oakland drew protests from

civil-rights activists who accused him of indifference to discrimination in housing and policing.44

Unruh, by contrast, made civil-rights advocacy a cornerstone of his platform, meeting with Black

and Latino leaders, endorsing expansive fair-housing laws, and pledging state support for

bilingual education.45 While Unruh dominated in inner-city districts, Reagan’s coalition of white

American politics.

Roles of Race and Class:

The 1970 California gubernatorial contest transcended traditional debates over policy

44 “Protests Greet Governor at Oakland Rally,” Oakland Tribune, September 12, 1970, 3A.

Reagan and Speaker Jesse M. Unruh mobilized competing coalitions, their strategies illuminated

how identity politics and socioeconomic status not only shaped political allegiances but also

determined voter turnout across California’s diverse regions.46

expanding welfare programs and possible tax hikes. Unruh’s outreach to minority communities,

in contrast, pursued vigorous engagement with Black, Latino, and Asian American

constituencies. He underscored his commitment to anti-discrimination legislation, fair-housing

enforcement, and targeted urban investment, meeting with minority leaders and attending

cultural events often bypassed by statewide contenders.48 His policy proposals included

expanded job-training initiatives, community health centers, and bilingual education programs

designed to address systemic inequities in underserved neighborhoods.

Voting patterns and demographics analysis of precinct-level returns reveal stark

divergences in candidate support: Reagan secured overwhelming majorities among white

suburban voters and rural residents, while Unruh performed strongly in urban working-class

neighborhoods, on college campuses, and within Black and Latino districts (see Table 1).49

Higher turnout among Reagan’s older, more affluent base further amplified his advantage, as

younger and lower-income voters—Unruh’s core supporters—faced logistical and institutional

barriers to voting.

When it comes to racial tensions and political rhetoric, Reagan’s public statements rarely

used explicit racial language; however, his frequent references to “welfare abuse,” “campus

radicals,” and the need to quell “lawlessness” were widely seen as coded appeals to white

anxieties about minority communities.50 Unruh responded by accusing Reagan of stoking racial

Reagan’s class-based messaging deliberately cast him as the defender of the “taxpayer,”

tapping into middle-class resentment toward perceived government inefficiency and welfare

dependency.52 Conversely, Unruh branded himself the “champion of the 'working man,’

advocating labor rights, fair wages, and robust public investment in infrastructure and social

services.”53 Both campaigns harnessed economic anxieties, but Reagan’s emphasis on personal

generational divide emerged: younger voters, particularly those involved in campus protests,

overwhelmingly supported Unruh, whereas older Californians favored Reagan’s traditionalist

rhetoric and promise of stability.54 The 1970 gubernatorial election in California underscored the

intricate interplay of race, class, age, and ideology in shaping electoral outcomes. Reagan’s deft

aspirations of California’s emerging demographic groups. This contest foreshadowed the

enduring role of identity politics in American elections and marked a pivotal moment in the

realignment of the state’s political landscape.

53 California Labor Federation, “Unruh’s Promise to Labor,” pamphlet, 1970, AFL-CIO Archives, San Francisco,

accessed August 3, 2025.

54 Voter Information Service, “Youth Voting Patterns, 1970,” Hoover Institution Archives, accessed August

Media Coverage and Public Perception:

In the age of television and mass media, the 1970 California gubernatorial race was as

much a battle for screen time and headlines as it was for votes. Alice Alvarado posits that

“Ronald Reagan’s mastery of media presentation and Jesse Unruh’s aggressive press strategy

played crucial roles in shaping how voters perceived each candidate.”55 The way the contenders

were portrayed, and how the electorate interpreted those portrayals, had a direct impact on the

election’s outcome.

Television emerged as Reagan’s natural arena. His prior experience as an actor and

spokesman for General Electric endowed him with a commanding on-screen presence,

characterized by a calm demeanor, clear articulation, and an affable tone that resonated with

viewers.56 Alvarado again mentions how Reagan’s “campaign ads were sleek and emotionally

resonant, emphasizing leadership, patriotism, and suburban stability through testimonials,

dramatic music, and idyllic family imagery.”57 In the televised debates, Reagan eschewed policy

minutiae in favor of broad themes, deftly deflecting criticism with charm and simplicity to

dailies such as the Los Angeles Times and the San Diego Union endorsed him for his fiscal

discipline and steady leadership. At the same time, Unruh garnered support from progressive

outlets and labor publications.58 Mainstream newspapers often depicted Unruh as combative

and overly partisan, a portrayal that critics later argued reflected a bias favoring Reagan’s

57 Alvarado, “Ronald Reagan,” 4.

narrative of order and restraint over Unruh’s policy depth and civil-rights advocacy.59 Public-

opinion polls captured the ebb and flow of the campaign. Early surveys indicated a tight race,

with Unruh gaining traction in urban centers even as Reagan led among suburban and older

voters. However, many pollsters underestimated youth and minority turnout—demographics

Unruh hoped would swing the election—which underperformed on Election Day.

1970 campaign marked a turning point in political advertising: Reagan’s team pioneered

through both TV and newspapers helped him overcome policy criticisms and maintain voter

confidence, resulting in a 52.84 percent to 45.14 percent victory over Unruh.

Election Day and Results:

After months of intense campaigning, Californians went to the polls on November 3,

1970, in what many regarded as both a referendum on Ronald Reagan’s first two years as

governor and a bellwether of his national ambitions. Democrats, led by Assembly Speaker Jesse

M. Unruh, hoped to wrest control of the statehouse and check the conservative momentum

that had surged since 1966.62 Both campaigns marshaled extensive get-out-the-vote operations.

Reagan’s team emphasized absentee ballots and early voting, and Unruh’s relied on

unionbacked canvassing in urban precincts to mobilize their respective coalitions on what

proved to be a crisp autumn day across California. Final vote totals showed Reagan’s victory by a

margin of approximately 500,000 ballots. He received 3,439,174 votes (52.84 percent) to

Unruh’s 2,947,407 (45.14 percent), with minor party candidates accounting for roughly 2 ‐

percent of the total.63 Although decisive, Reagan’s margin fell far short of his 900,000-vote

Democratic support in urban centers.

Regional returns underscored the emerging political geography of the state. In Southern

California, Reagan dominated Orange, San Diego, and Riverside counties—suburban strongholds

among minority voters and working-class neighborhoods. In the Central Valley and other

agricultural regions, Reagan’s appeals to property rights and limited government resonated

powerfully, further cementing his rural base.64 Voter turnout reached about 65 percent of

registered Californians, reflecting robust engagement but falling short of the levels Unruh’s

campaign anticipated among young and minority voters.65 Despite aggressive outreach on

themes of “law and order,” fiscal responsibility, and stable leadership.66 His superior television

presence and favorable newspaper endorsements further bolstered his public image, allowing

him to frame Unruh’s detailed policy critiques as overly complex and combative. Unruh’s

inability to expand his appeal beyond core urban constituencies limited his reach, even as his

On election night, Reagan addressed a cheering crowd at the Sacramento State Capitol,

framing his re-election as a mandate to “keep California on course” and continue his reform

64 Anderson and Bell, “The 1970 Election in California,” 259.

65 California Secretary of State, Historical Voter Registration and Participation in Statewide General Elections

agenda.68 Unruh, conceding graciously on the steps of the Democratic Party headquarters,

warned that “the coming years would test the fate of social and civil rights programs under a

conservative regime.”69 Media analysts immediately credited Reagan’s disciplined messaging and

masterful use of television advertising for his narrow triumph, viewing the contest as a

harbinger of the realignment that would sweep American politics in the years to come.70 By

Ronald Reagan’s narrow win in the 1970 California gubernatorial race marked a turning

point not only in his own political career but also in the direction of American conservatism.

With 3,439,174 votes (52.84 percent) against Jesse Unruh’s 2,947,407 (45.14 percent), Reagan’s

margin of about half a million ballots showed the rise of a lasting conservative coalition focused

on fiscal discipline and law-and-order issues.71 At the same time, Democrats saw the need to

party strategy in the years ahead.72

Unruh, Jesse M. “Press Conference.” Tape recording, December 4, 1969–March 1970. California

State Archives (California Revealed). Accessed August 2, 2025.

Unruh, Jesse M. “Press Conference on Welfare Expansion.” Transcript, Sacramento, August 2,

Berkeley, March 15, 1970. Jesse Unruh Papers, California State Archives. Accessed

August 1, 2025.

August 1970. Jesse Unruh Papers, California State Archives. Accessed August 2, 2025.