ETHNOMUSICOLOGY, ETHNOCENTRISM, AND THE CONCEPT OF THE OTHER
Introduction
Ethnocentrism and the practice of "othering" have been persistent challenges in the field
of ethnomusicology. Music, as a universal phenomenon, is deeply embedded in everyday life—
serving purposes such as entertainment, expression, communication, and connection.
Musicologists have long sought to understand its societal role, producing a vast body of research,
including articles, theses, and dissertations, aimed at exploring music's cultural significance.
Ethnomusicology, which focuses on these aspects, differs from music performance and education
by emphasizing the analysis of music's content and its pedagogical implications, though all these
elements are often interconnected.
Musical meanings are inherently culture-specific; different groups may define or interpret
music uniquely. Broadly, music can be understood as humanly regulated sound, though the sound
itself does not necessarily have to be human-produced. This inclusive definition enables the
study of a wide range of musical styles and traditions. Unfortunately, inclusivity has not always
been central to music scholarship. Western art music, for instance, has long been treated as the
default within academic settings, particularly in the United States, where pursuing a music
degree typically assumes a foundation in classical or jazz traditions, with other genres relegated
to minor or secondary emphases.
While global music traditions have been extensively studied by both insiders and
outsiders, academic literature often perpetuates stereotypes, even unintentionally. Although these
writings may not overtly express bias, implicit stereotypes and microaggressions can persist,
particularly toward music outside Western traditions. Scholars have at times succeeded in
engaging closely with cultural groups through participant observation. However, at other times,
their works reflect an outsider's perspective, lacking depth in understanding the social and
cultural nuances of the music they study.
This prioritization of Western art music in academia has contributed to the exoticization
of non-Western musical traditions, framing them as "abnormal" or "Other." This tendency is
especially evident in the treatment of African music traditions. Western scholars have historically
approached Sub-Saharan African music with fascination, producing literature that often
reinforces harmful stereotypes by emphasizing differences between African traditions and
Western norms. While celebrating diversity is valuable, overemphasis on differences risks
perpetuating the idea of a dominant (Western) culture versus an "Other."
This paper seeks to examine repeated instances of "othering" in ethnomusicological
literature, particularly regarding African music, to understand how and why indigenous traditions
have been exoticized over time and to identify those contributing to this cycle. Additionally, it
will explore ethnomusicology as a form of activism, with a focus on applied ethnomusicology
and comparisons to other applied research methodologies. The study will also present examples
of indigenous music in post-secondary education, using West Virginia University's Center for
World Music as a case study, and evaluate whether introducing a world music program at a
predominantly white institution can be considered a form of activism.
Ethnomusicology and Activism
When analyzing music, there are many ways to get started. One can analyze the tone,
timbre, or rhythm, while another can focus on melodic and harmonic elements. We usually
associate these elements with music theory. Some academics choose to investigate the lineage of
music types or learn about styles, composers, or important events that may have a major impact
on music today. We associate this work with the work of music historians. Both music history
and music theory are considered branches of the larger field of musicology. However, there is
another branch, known as ethnomusicology, which focuses its studies on the culture of the
people who created music as opposed to just the music itself.
Formerly referred to as "musical anthropology", the field of ethnomusicology dates back
to the mid-twentieth century. The field emerged after the 1950s from comparative musicology
and adopted the perspectives of a variety of adjacent disciplines, including anthropology,
folklore, music theory, history, and ethnography. Textbook definitions define ethnomusicology as
the scientific study of music in its contemporary cultural context; Contemporary definitions,
however, view the field as the study of music, the people who make music, and the culture of
music makers. This distinction is important: ethnomusicology does not only focus on the music
that is made (the product), but rather on the people who make it, their culture, and their humanity
(the process). Timothy Rice proposes that ethnomusicologists view all of humanity as "musical"
in the sense that "the capacity to make and understand music" is the touchstone of human
experience—arguably as important as the ability to communicate and understand speech.1 This,
Rice added, is why it is necessary for ethnomusicologists to study all music, rather than what is
seen as "good music" that has "stood the test of time." On the contrary, it is very important that
all music is fully studied
As far as geography and history are concerned, to truly understand the significance it has in
human survival.2
With the advent of the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century, Europeans developed a
great interest in the music of other cultures. Writers such as Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778),
1 Rice, Timothy. Ethnomusicology: A very brief introduction. A very brief introduction.
New York: Oxford University Press, 2014.
2 Rice, Ethnomusicology, 2.
Charles Burney (1726-1814), and Jean Joseph Marie Amiot (1718-1793) added their works to a
growing collection of writings centered around the musical notation of East Asian and New
World musical practices.3 Interest in this musical faded for some time when Romantic-era
nationalism emerged to call for the folklorists to assemble their nation's music, but by the end of
the nineteenth century, musicology had been revived with proposals for a new field.
Musikwissenschaft ("musicology", or in English, "musicology") by Guido Adler (1855-
Adler's 1885 outline of musicology divides the subject into branches of history and
systematic: the former covers the history of European art music, and the latter contains
subfields that include theory, pedagogy, and comparative musicology.4
Comparative musicians are often trained in psychology and act as musical ethnologists.
In other words, they study the original musical characteristics of cultural groups, taking into
account the relationship of these groups to the music they create. They are known for measuring
the data provided on a particular style of music, mostly focusing on the origins, evolution,
analysis, and classification of music. By writing about the various components of musical
phenomena around the world, it became necessary to develop comparative methods that allowed
classifications that went beyond European music.5 A system created to compare pitch intervals
and one to classify musical instruments serve as the two oldest developments and are still in use
today, representing their accessibility to all musical styles and music creation.
3 Rice, Ethnomusicology, 14.
4 Rice, Ethnomusicology, 16.
5 Rice, Ethnomusicology, 18.
World War II immediately took precedence over comparative musicological research, but
upon completion, an idea to reorganize the field was launched into a rebranding with a new
name:
ethnomusicology. The Society for Ethnomusicology (SEM) was founded in 1954, and by the
early 1960s, Indiana University, UCLA, and the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign all
offered graduate programs in the newly named field adjacent to anthropology. With the name
change emerged a movement towards the study of music as a culture, prompting new questions
to be asked, questions that consider the significance of music in humanity rather than
investigating the similarities and differences between musical styles. Over the next few decades,
prominent ethnomusicologists emerged, building the foundations of the field with their famous
works.
Such ethnomusicologists include Bruno Nettl (1930-2020), an influential ethnomusicologist who
was part of the founding committee of SEM, Mantle Hood (1918-2005), founder of the
ethnomusicology program at UCLA, and Alan Merriam (1923-1980), who published twelve
The "field of inquiry" that characterizes ethnomusicology, reflects its true duality as a form of
anthropology and musicology.
Ethnomusicology continues to evolve as the autonomous study of music, distinguishing
itself as interested in the placement of perception, interpretation, evaluation, production, and
response of music creators to music, rather than on the characteristics of music. This does not
mean that music analysis has been discarded in ethnomusicology, but puts the process, not the
product, at the forefront of the focus. Researchers began to use ethnomusicology to study their
own cultural music to achieve a better self-understanding, especially during the civil rights
movement of the 1960s. The ethnomusicological method allows people to ask questions using
critical theory and cultural studies, creating space in academia for minorities and women.6
Does this make ethnomusicology activists? It can. First, let's define what activism is.
Thus, this allows us to further gauge whether ethnomusicological research serves as the work of
activists. According to Merriam-Webster, activism is the practice of direct and powerful action
that supports or opposes one side of a controversial issue.7 This definition is unclear. Does
activism have to deal with controversial issues? What constitutes "direct and powerful action"?
Who benefits
activism? Ideally, activism is used to advocate for marginalized or oppressed communities.
Activism can be effective in advocating for marginalized communities, but it can also be
ineffective if done poorly or insensitively. Activism can bring about reform in society, but it can
also be used to reinforce stereotypes or expand power imbalances. "Bad" activism is often
centered
the narrative or desire of self-proclaimed activists rather than the cause of the cause. One type
The "bad" activism that is present primarily on social media is "performative activism",
otherwise known as activism that is carried out to increase popularity or social capital rather than
to advance a cause. Performative activism is often carried out by those whose only source of
information regarding social movements comes from their Instagram or Twitter feeds with no
real intention to educate themselves further than clicking "Share Post to Story."
Why is this problematic? Usually, sharing information and spreading awareness looks
helpful, regardless of the intention. While drawing attention to an issue is one of the most
6 Rice, Ethnomusicology, 24-25.
7 Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary, s.v. "aktivisme," diakses 1 Desember 2021,
https://www.merriamwebster.com/dictionary/activism.
valuable ways to become an activist, the problem lies in the deliberate ignorance of participating
further. A common criticism of performative activism is that once participants feel they have
"done their part", they keep scrolling, quickly forgetting or ignoring the true implications of the
problem at hand. We see this especially in contemporary issues such as Pride Month or Black
Lives Matter. A lot of support for this movement was shown when the media buzzed with their
coverage, but the excitement waned when it was no longer "trendy". The construction of social
media has created a space where organizations and companies can escape surface-level activism
but lack the elements of effective activism.
In understanding one type of "bad" activism, we can begin to see patterns in other forms
of "bad" activism. One that I think is particularly relevant to ethnomusicology is the "white
savior complex." White savior refers to white people who provide help or support to non-white
people in a selfish way that centralizes white individuals and ignores the voices of the non-white
community. Again, one might ask: does intent matter if the outcome helps communities in need?
While yes, support for people of color isn't inherently bad, it echoes a history of imperialist and
colonialist practices disguised as good intentions. The problem with white saviors, in addition to
pushing marginalized people out of focus in the cause that claims about them, is that it tends to
render people of color "incapable of helping themselves and throwing them away from the
agents of history."8 This appropriation of the agency has allowed white activists, researchers, and
especially ethnomusicologists to perpetuate communities of color as the Other, impede the field,
and on a broader scale, academia as a whole to be truly inclusive and diverse.
For the purposes of this essay, I give my own definition to activism: the act or practice of
direct reciprocal action that promotes social justice for marginalized communities with explicit
8 Willuweit, Felix. "De-Constructing the 'White Saviour Syndrome': Manifestasi Neo-
Imperialisme." Hubungan Internasional, nd, 4.
input and guidance from the community itself. This definition reinforces the boundary between
true activism and performativity, making it easier to determine what activism is going on.
Let's return to the question: are ethnomusicology activists? I answered with a conditional
response—it could be. Ethnomusicology itself is not inherently activist. Although different from
musicology, no one defines ethnomusicology as a direct reciprocal act with the aim of promoting
social justice. In fact, many ethnomusicological writings can serve as examples of "bad" activism
—especially those that reflect "white savior syndrome."
However, just because ethnomusicology is not essentially an activist doesn't mean that it
shouldn't or can't. I believe ethnomusicology in its greatest form should strive to be activists,
driven by appreciation and recognition that music is a universal phenomenon.
Some ethnomusicologists agree, leading to a subfield called "applied ethnomusicology."
Applied ethnomusicology is drawn from the ideals of ethnomusicologists such as Charles Seeger
or John Blacking, as well as anthropologist James Spradley, all who believe research requires
ethical responsibility to use their studies to serve the needs of humanity.9 J. Ricardo Alviso,
9 Alviso, J Ricardo. "Applied Ethnomusicology and the Impulse to Make a
Difference," (2003), 8.
Like many of the scholars mentioned above, it recognizes the field's real potential to address and
transform social problems. If we define ethnomusicology as the study of music as culture,
shouldn't we aim to promote, preserve, celebrate, and honor global music?
As Alviso writes in "Applied Ethnomusicology and the Drive to Make a Difference", one
of the definitions of applied ethnomusicology comes from an email discussion with
Applied Ethnomusicology Section of Ethnomusicology Society. One participant elaborated on
their personal definition, describing applied ethnomusicology as "ethnomusicology with the aim
of ... to give birth to change, to participate fully as scholars in the world of practitioners, and to
collaborate with them in the design and creation of new modes of music, using all the intellectual
tools available to 'normal' ethnomusicologists."10 In other words, applied ethnomusicology goes
beyond the confines of traditional ethnomusicological research built on its own and uses the role
of scholars (an inherently privileged position) to collaborate with music creators in hopes of
enhancing and expanding the preservation, reach, and celebration of music.
Alviso's article, published in 2003, is one of the first explanations of applied
ethnomusicology. Since then, the subfield has grown, but it has untapped potential to enact real
change. Applied ethnomusicology has many other types of applied research, advancing its
validity. One model that would work well with applied ethnomusicology to make it truly activist
is Community-Based Participatory Action Research (CBPAR). This collaborative approach
considers and engages all stakeholders, recognising that community knowledge and input are
invaluable to address complex social issues with an emphasis on
10 Alviso, "Applied Ethnomusicology," 95.
10
Equal inclusion in "community identification, research, and problem-solving."11 With CBPAR,
action and research cannot be separated, but each has specific steps that define it as a different
aspect of the process—CBPAR recognizes that "social action requires further research and social
research requires further action".
The benefits of CBPAR include the promotion of shared learning, skills sharing, and
capacity building among all partners, among other reasons to take advantage of CBPAR. This
gives us a clue as to how CBPAR relates to activism. "Skill-sharing" and shared learning are
types of reciprocal actions, and CBPAR's emphasis on community engagement in all (rather than
some or most) points in the process places it well within the definition of activism that I have
introduced. Utilizing applied methods such as CBPAR in conjunction with ethnomusicology can
enact the changes the field needs to better promote, preserve, celebrate, and honor global music.
Ethnocentrism, Exoticism, and Others
Now that we have established ethnomusicology, can Be an activist, it creates space for
questioning Why Ethnomusicology must be an activist. I affirm that ethnomusicology has a
history of distinguishing the groups of people it explores through ethnocentric language and
exoticism. Thus, it contributes to the cycle of academic literature both creating and reinforcing
harmful beliefs about marginalized people. In particular, I will discuss some ethnomusicological
writings around African communities and musical traditions by highlighting examples where
scholars have demonstrated ethnocentrism and exoticism thus establishing the Western
perspective as dominant and the African perspective as the "Other".
11 Burns, Janice C., Deanna Y. Cooke, and Christine Schweidler. "A Brief Guide to Community-Based Participatory
Action Research." Edited by Taisha Bonilla and Tahirah Farris, (December 2011).
Ethnocentrism is the evaluation of outside cultures through the framework of an individual's
own culture. This can be harmful to cultural perspectives because there is an implication that
one's own culture is superior to another, thus considering the outside culture to be inferior. In
academia, exoticism and ethnocentrism can often be found going hand in hand. W. Anthony
Sheppard writes in his introduction to exoticism in the Oxford Bibliography that exoticism in
academia is "a form of representation in which people, places, and cultural practices are
portrayed as alien from the perspective of the composer and/or the intended audience."12 It has
been used as a means of exoticizing, through the representation and perception, of non-Western
peoples, places, and cultural practices to establish power dynamics between imperialist and
subordinate powers. The subordinate, in this case, is "Other".
Othering occurs in every identity, such as gender (male/female), race (white/non-white),
or class (rich/poor). The "Other" has long been identified in a variety of ways, especially during
the last century. Most popular, it has been acknowledged in the writings of G.W.F Hegel (The
Phenomenology of Mind), Simone de Beauvoir (Second Gender), and Edward Said
(Orientalism). The three works are drawn from various philosophies but reach the same
understanding: there is a "Self" and a "Other", and in order to identify the "Self", the "Other" is
constructed. In The Second Sex, Beauvoir directly confirms this idea. "She [the woman] is
defined and distinguished in relation to men while she is not in contact with her... He is a
Subject; He is the Absolute. He is the Other."13 Beauvoir later wrote referring to Hegel's own
idea that "... the fundamental hostility to other consciousness is found in consciousness itself; the
12 Sheppard, W. Anthony. "Eksotisme." Oxford University Press, (21 November 2012). https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/
9780199757824-0123.
13 Beauvoir, Simone de, Constance Capisto-Borde, and Sheila Malovany-Chevallier. The second gender. (First
Vintage Book ed. New York: Vintage Books, 2011), 6.
12
the subject puts himself only in opposition; He asserts himself as essential and establishes the
other as
not important, as an object."14 Othering gives birth to a sense of subject's superiority over the
object, which is especially evident in socially constructed identities such as gender or race.
Through an ethnocentric lens, Western scholars have historically contributed to others and thus
implicitly referred to themselves as Subjects, making all others the Other. Edward Said wrote
extensively about this concept in relation to the West's portrayal of the Middle East in his 1978
book Orientalism. In it, he argues that the existence of one culture encourages the inevitable
existence of a competitive culture, even though the perception of both of them about the other is
not rooted in reality or
natural facts but construction products.15
Gustav Jahoda affirms this statement in Images of Savages: Ancient Roots of Modern
Prejudice in Western Culture. To understand why othering occurs and why it is problematic,
scholars have defined the prejudices and stereotypes that arise from it: "... The content of images
is often primarily a function of psychological makeup and perceptual needs rather than the actual
characteristics of those perceived."16 Similarly, Jahoda cites Europe's portrayal of exotic
"savages" as one of the important elements "in the attempt of European middle-class men to
define themselves in relation to others."17
Jahoda discusses at length examples of these stereotypes, especially African
communities, by tracing the "barbaric" imagery of the colonial era. Images historically
associated with Africans include cannibalistic animals such as apes. It comes from the
14 Beauvoir, second gender, 7.
15 Said, Edward W. Orientalism. 1st Vintage Book ed. (New York: Vintage Books, 1979).
16 Jahoda, Gustav. The Image of the Savage: The Roots of Ancient Modern Prejudice in Western Culture. (London;
New York: Routledge, 1999), xiv.
17 Jahoda, Pictures of the Savages, xv.
ethnocentric belief held by colonizing Europeans that their physical attributes and way of life
indicate humanity and anything else implies their shortcomings:
Their different pigmentations, their nakedness, the type of food they consume (often
considered to include human flesh) and other negative characteristics associated with
them are considered indications of their animality... While wild people are sometimes
compared to some types of wild animals, for obvious reasons monkeys and apes are very
dominant.18
With this image of an ape-like animal comes an unfortunate image that has survived for
generations. The Greek and Roman implications portrayed the ape as "ugly" with humanity's
worst attributes: hypocrisy, deception, and deception, which were brought into Christianity as it
spread throughout Europe. It is not surprising that the image of the ape was later associated with
the image of the devil, reinforcing the evil beast.19 The characteristics of the beast also included
unbridled depravity, ignorance, and a lack of common sense (making the beast more likely to act
as a slave).
We can detect images of these barbarians as far back as the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
While cannibalism has faded from image due to the colonization of enslaved peoples, other
qualities are not and are present in the widespread stereotypes of African-Americans. One
applicable example is the Mandingo trope, which "the strength, procreative ability, and agility of
a muscular young black man ... can be subdued and brutally forced to work."19 Mandingo, who
was bestial, yet submissive, brought fear to white men who believed slave emancipation would
lead to brutal sexual revenge against slave owners and their families. What began as an
18 Jahoda, Pictures of the Savages,
7. 19 Jahoda, The Picture of the
Savage, 8.
19 Smithsonian Institution. "Popular and Pervasive Stereotypes of African-Americans." National Museum of
African American History and Culture, (July 19, 2019). https://nmaahc.si.edu/blog-post/popular-and-pervasive-
stereotypesafrican-americans.
14
ethnocentric view of non-white people turned into an enduring stereotype that still affects the
black community today. Ethnocentrism has an immeasurable ability to influence society, proving
that it should not be taken lightly.
Ethnomusicologists have spent decades writing about the differences between Western music
and African cultural music. Unfortunately, the common thread of these writings is the
ethnocentric perspective taken by some of the leading scholars who shaped the field. Ghanaian
ethnomusicologist Kofi Agawu highlights this while expressing the need to embrace
commonalities in his article "Fighting for Differences: A Critique of African Ethnomusicology."
Agawu stated that ethnomusicologists regularly call for differences when criticizing or
explaining African music. Even Erich von Hornbostel, whose contribution to Sachs-
Hornbostel's instrument classification system is thought to have removed certain aspects of
othering and assimilation from organology20, opening his 1928 article "African Negro Music" by
asking his readers what African music is like compared to "our own music" (European music).21
He went on to write that African music was built on "completely different principles" from
modern European music while simultaneously acknowledging that it was human nature to
exaggerate outward differences and ignore important features. The irony of Hornbostel's
contradictory opening is not lost on Agawu, who writes that it "... it probably has nothing to do
with such a comparative method than with the tradition of the heritage of European
representation from others."22
20 Organology is the study of musical instruments and their classification, including their history and function as
well as their ability to produce sound.
21 Hornbostel, E.M. von. "African Negro Music." Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 1, no. 1
(January 1928): 30–62.
22 Agawu, Kofi. "Fighting for Differences: A Critique of African Ethnomusicology." In the Study of Music Culture:
A Critical Introduction, 227–37. (New York: Routledge, 2012).
Hornbostel's article also discusses African music in an exotic and disparaging way of
Africans. In the same paragraph, Hornbostel writes that "[Africans] are not unusually gifted for
music—perhaps, on average, more, than the white race" because not only of their "high
polyphony and rhythmic development" (though we can assume that he meant high development
compared to Western music) but through the ability of enslaved people to adapt
and create new music as a result of their enslavement, however "it shows how easy it is
[Africa] abandoned its own style of music for the style of European music."23 Throughout the
entire article, Hornbostel claims to observe drastic differences when describing these
observations using common musical principles found in European practices such as melody,
harmony, shape, and texture—if African music is truly different, how is it possible to use this
same language as a comparison? Agawu makes the same admission: "This contradiction is
interesting: by constructing a phenomenon, object, or person as 'different', one is risking a claim
to power over them."24 As we can see, this reinforces the previous point made by Sheppard that
exoticism is used to create and enforce power dynamics between the West and its proclaimed
subordinates.
Hornbostel is not the only ethnomusicologist to use such language and certainly not the
first to offer such a juxtaposition of claims. Hugh Tracey spent most of his lecture "The Social
Role of African Music" highlighting the need to deconstruct clichés and romantic beliefs about
the Bantu people and their music but opened the speech by commenting on "how fortunate
Africans should have such attention" from members of the International African Institute, the
Royal Empire Society, and the Royal African Society—three British-based organizations
23 24 Hornbostel, 60.
24 Agawu, "Fighting for Difference."
16
founded in the twentieth century.25The painting of Africans and their music as underprivileged
children who have to be grateful for the lavish gifts and kindness given to them once again
echoes the sentiments of imperialist power and subordinates; Subject and Other. Tracey used the
same disgusting phrase in her 1953 speech to the International Council of Folk Music, in which
she stated that "Africans are deeply incapable of defending their own culture."26 As Ajawu
writes, Tracey is aware of the conquest of African voices and concludes that the European role in
Africa is "historically temporary" but does nothing to transfer power or agency to "African
subordinates"—doing so would disrupt the distribution of power that acts as one of the
"important supporting mechanisms" of ethnomusicology.28 years
To list each example of ethnomusicologist's contribution from ethnocentrism, other
beliefs would be a tedious task, but it is important to note that this field seems to be changing for
the better. When inclusivity, diversity, equity, and accessibility emerge as foundational principles
in academic writing and scientific research, I hope that writings like Erich von
Hornbostel or Hugh Tracey remains a thing of the past. Nevertheless, it is clear why
ethnomusicology should aim to be an activist. In a field whose entire premise is to study music
and international sociocultural practices, it must be written into its fiber the direct intention to
preserve, celebrate and honor such practices. Assuming the growth and recognition of applied
ethnomusicology continues in an uptrend, I have no doubt that this field can reach its potential.
25 Tracey, Hugh. "The Social Role in African Music." African Affairs 53, no. 212 (July 1954): 235.
26 Tracey, Hugh. "The State of Folk Music in Bantu Africa: A Brief Survey submitted to the International
Council of Folk Music, on behalf of the African Music Society." Journal of the African Music Society 1, no. 1
(1954): 8–11. 28 Agawu, "Fighting for Differences."
World Music at West Virginia University
In the second half of the 20th century, West Virginia University found itself as a center
for musical performance. The percussion department in particular has garnered considerable
attention for its thrilling concerts and world tours. At the center of it all is Phil Faini, an
Appalachian native from southwestern Pennsylvania who has turned the percussion department
into an international artist.
In 1992, West Virginia University premiered its World Music Center, but this was not the
first introduction to African native music in the School of Music.27 In fact, percussion ensembles
featured West and East African and South American music as early as 1973.28 Faini had done
research in Africa in the sixties and seventies and she brought music from this culture to West
Virginia, perhaps as a way to showcase the diversity of percussion around the world. Faini's
work attracted the attention of national organizations, leading to television appearances on NBC,
CBS, and PBS as well as permission from the U.S. State Department for the ensemble to perform
as the first percussion group from the U.S. in Latin America.29
In 1992, Phil Faini undeniably founded a powerhouse of percussion studies at West
Virginia University, and the debut of the World Music Center proved what was already known to
be true. Since its inception, the center has continued to attract audiences interested in listening to
music from countries such as Ghana, Uganda, Burkina Faso, Brazil, Japan, Trinidad, Indonesia,
27 Terman, Tim. "The World Music Center has a world-class debut." Mountaineer Spirit, October 12, 1992. West
Virginia Regional History Center.
28 Hopfer. "Musical Mosaic: East Africa." Mosaic music. Morgantown, WV: WWVU-TV, May 17, 1973. West
Virginia State Archives.
29 "'80s percussion received rave reviews." Wetzel's Chronicles. March 7, 1990. West Virginia Regional
History Center. 32 "Diversity of the WVU Morgantown Student Body." Morgantown, WV: West Virginia
University, Fall 2020.
https://consumerinformation.wvu.edu/wvu-morgantown-student-body-diversity
18
and more. In its most recent concert program (November 2021), the center, now directed by Dr.
Michael Vercelli, features traditional music from Bali, West Africa, and the Caribbean. The
legacy left by Faini puts WVU on the map as a leading Music School, but as a predominantly
white university (more than 80% of the student body enrolled in the fall semester of 2020 was
white32) it begs the question: is it establishing activism or appropriation of the World Music
Center?
In music, one of the ways that deprivation is formed is through stolen pedagogy. Stolen
pedagogy is not necessarily a formal term used in the study of music, but it is intended to
describe the act of studying pedagogy for any type of music and then teaching said pedagogy
without any acknowledgment or acknowledgment of the origins of pedagogy. An example is
traveling to a country, studying with experts in the genre of music, and then returning to your
home country to teach others the music you have learned without divulging the important
cultural context of the music.
In the case of Phil Faini, it seems that his mission was not to "steal" the pedagogy he
received during his research. Faini spent many years preserving African music during her travels
to the continent in an effort to better understand the roots of American percussion and worked
diligently to celebrate and promote international music.30 Before and after the opening of the
World Music Center, Faini often hosted guest lecturers and musicians to work with percussion
ensembles as they prepared for performances. The stature of the WVU Percussion Ensemble
draws attention to the Music Schools that helped select to host international performances, one of
which includes the Ju Percussion of Taipei. The Taiwanese ensemble was organized by the
30 Meffe, Tyndara. "'90s Percussion Enters the Decade with a Boom." The Spirit of Mountain Climbers. (August 27,
1990). West Virginia Regional History Center.
Center for Creative Arts during their 1990 American tour and their director, Tzong-Ching Ju,
presented a Chinese percussion clinic during their stay.31
Faini was also instrumental in bringing Ellie Mannette—credited as the father of modern
steel pans—to West Virginia, where Mannette established her wok shop in Morgantown to this
day. The reciprocal benefits are clear: Mannette was able to take advantage of WVU's high
research activity while Faini began to build what she envisioned as a hub
to promote global music.32 In the same year (1992), Faini brought Djimo Kouyate, a master
musician from Senegal, and renowned pan player Andy Narell to perform at their show in
October.33
It may not have been Faini's explicit goal to become an activist when she founded the
World Music Center at WVU, but her actions certainly contributed to some kind of
representation for Indigenous music in West Virginia. I am hesitant to label her work as an
activist due to the lack of a definable reciprocal action, but I see Faini's contribution as important
and beneficial to the music program at WVU. Today, under the direction of Dr. Michael Vercelli,
the center continues to grow and represents the world's leading model of music throughout the
United States. This can be seen through the performances and educational opportunities available
at WVU, Dr. Vercelli's close relationships with many well-known figures in Ghanaian cultures,
and his devotion to world music pedagogy through the Percussive Arts Society. While the
program has room to grow (perhaps with the creation of a full-fledged ethnomusicology program
31 "Taiwanese musicians to perform." Dominion Post, (October 24, 1990). West Virginia Regional History Center.
32 "Mr. Steel Drum Moved Workshop to WVU." WVU News, (July 2, 1992). West Virginia Regional History Center.
33 McMunn, Amy. "The '90 Percussion Concert Celebrates a Major Milestone." WVU News, (September 22, 1992).
West Virginia Regional History Center.
20
to complement the existing musicology department), it is clear that WVU has the foundation to
provide a significant world music education to students in the United States
Conclusion
Through consideration of all the above materials, it is evident that ethnomusicology is not only
can being an activist but should exist. For too long, ethnomusicologists perpetuated the concept
of Western superiority through their academic writings. Recurrent themes of ethnocentrism and
exoticism contribute to the dysfunction that occurs and entrenches power
dynamics between Western imperialists and other subordinates. Persistent differences from
The black community originated from a "barbaric" image dating back to the precolonial era,
which should never have been allowed to prevail for that long. While it is impossible to undo the
systemic conquest of minorities in academia, a conscious, immediate effort to change this field is
feasible. I propose that this effort use applied research technique methodologies such as
community-based participatory action research. Perhaps West Virginia University's World Music
center presents a model for proper activism. Large-scale change but requires great effort and
recognition of one's involvement in systemic oppression and others, but it is certainly possible.
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