1
Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study
Background of the Research
Sexual harassment, a topic that is not only hard to confess but also to discuss, is
one of the most constant prevalent and continuous old-age problems at the workplaces.
This continuous old-age problem at the workplaces, in elementary sense, is defined as
any unwelcome conduct that is of the sexual nature at the workplaces (Hernandez-Truyol,
2012; Ormerod et al., 2012; Banaszak et al., 2010; Hendricks & Valasek, 2010). Sexual
harassment is not just reserved for the limited few areas of work or employment but it
happens to the workers and employees range across all public and private services to
large and small companies and enterprises to small services and local shops (Hernandez-
Truyol, 2012). Some other areas where sexual harassment happens include, to traders and
entrepreneurs in the market places, farms and plantations, to students and trainees at the
schools, training institutions and organizations, in universities and vocational training
institutions and even in some religious organizations as suggested by (Ormerod et al.,
2012). Further, sexual harassment is unfortunately not just happened to the uneducated
workers and employees but happened to educated workers from all age groups and
employed at the all levels of the job hierarchy (Hely, 2008).
Even not just limited to the confines of the workplaces but outside the work
premises, sexual harassment especially those that happened to female workers has
continuously becoming the growing dilemma and challenge for the countries in the
current day and age (Osman, 2007). In their empirical of research of examining the
factors responsible for the sexual harassment at the workplaces, researchers (Hernandez-
2
Truyol, 2012) examined that need and obsession of power and authority is more prevalent
and responsible reason for the sexual harassment at the workplaces even more than the
obsession of having sexual relationship with other person.
Hendricks & Valasek (2010) also asserted that despite the common beliefs that
the prevalence of sexual harassment in the workplaces attacks significantly to the
employee morale and productivity, the experiences that follow after the sexual
harassment is much more damaging and attacking to the employee than the original
sexual harassment occurred to him/her at the time. They adverse effect of sexual
harassment has been proven in the available literature to be much damaging than the
attack itself (McDonald, 2012) and hence serious adverse impacts on the victims
workplace, victim’s social life, victim’s relationship with family and friends as well as
victim’s attitude and belief towards the legal system protecting the situations of sexual
harassment since the victims are led to believe that legal system not effectively to prevent
such situations to provoke at the workplaces (McDonald, 2012).
In addition, numerous researchers such as Iliyasu et al. (2011) have shown
common consensus on the fact that sexual harassment is the form of gender
discrimination based on sex. However, they also indicated and supported the findings of
Morley & Lugg (2009) that prevalence of sexual harassment at the workplaces is not
much related to the biological differences between women however relates to the social
roles attributed to both men and women and how female and male employees at the
workplace perceive the sexuality in the particular society and organizational culture.
Bennett (2009) described that social harassment at the workplaces can been deemed as
3
clear manifestation of inequality of the power relations between male and female, hence
this is not that something about driving the sexual pleasures out of the harassment related
acts but actually asserting the power on the opposite gender. Irene van Staveren (2011)
found in their empirical research that female employees or workers at the workplaces are
the most vulnerable to the sexual harassment and encountered with sexual harassment
within a few days of joining from male employees. The perception of female employees
regarding sexual harassment behavior however varies accordingly per subject but
research argued that there is strong presence of female sexual harassment at the
workplaces.
Moreover, the research study on the “Workplace Sexual Harassment” by Aware
(2008) indicated that female employees are more vulnerable with both intentional and
unintentional sexual harassment behaviors from the male employees and majority of the
male harassers are usually in the senior positions who abuse their power and authority
over the female workers. The harassers in the senior positions due to the inherent
designator control and power not only impact the decision-making of young employees
and female workers but also influence in their career outcomes and their pathway to
development and growth. The young employees or female employees are still considered
the inferior in many societies even in that claimed to be not and hence suggest that these
individuals have limited decision making power and lack of self-confidence which breed
their insecure and vulnerable position at the workplace and to be better called to be
socialized to suffer in silence (Aware, 2008).
4
The research indicated that over the last three decades, the number of women in
the labor workforce has been considerably increased across the globe (Irene van
Staveren, 2011). Accordingly, the cases of sexual harassment at the workplaces has been
incredibly raised ten times as it used to be and unwanted attention towards the cases of
women sexual harassment at the workplace is also increasing to their vulnerability.
Despite, the increasing acknowledgement of the problem of female sexual harassment at
the workplaces as the serious issues of not only the occupational hazard and violation of
the human rights at various discussion forums, literature and empirical evidences, there is
significant insufficiencies in the intervention strategies or programs to address the
problem of female sexual harassment in the workforces (Irene van Staveren, 2011).
According to the facts of International Labor Organization (ILO), sexual harassment of
all kind and types whether intentional or unintentional is the violation of the fundamental
rights of the workers, the problem of discrimination, health hazard and safety issue, a
form of violence, unacceptable working conditions and most importantly an strong
unacceptable act against women workers or employees.
Researchers such as (Morley & Lugg, 2009; Barak, 2010) indicated that
employers who ignore to place the intervention strategies and programs for issue causing
incitement of sexual harassment at the workplace may face much more harmful effects
than the victim of such sexual harassment himself/herself. The organizations where
sexual harassment is common practice may face the harmful effects such as low morale
among employees, low productivity, declining productivity, dissatisfaction and
unhappiness among employees, poor working conditions, show negative portrait of
5
organization and give negative implications of image of enterprise/corporation to their
customers and outside stakeholders (McDonald, 2012). Further, sexual harassment in the
organizations with no sexual harassment policies are found to develop unprecedented
levels of workplace tensions that eventually impede their overall team work and
performance as well as encourage absenteeism and hence ultimately leads to significantly
lower levels of productivity in the organization (McDonald, 2012).
Researchers such as (Hely, 2008; Osman, 2007; Hernandez-Truyol, 2012) hence
strongly emphasized that it is in their best interests of every organization to control the
unacceptable and offensive activities at the workplace that might cause the organization
to lose its most valuable employees with otherwise extremely good work performance
and higher productivity as well as cause the organization to face the extremely unwanted
situation of negative public image if the victims of sexual harassment in the organization
goes public with their situations. Apart from that, the company with no sexual harassment
policies might face financial risks in the form of legal lawsuits from the victims and their
supporting bodies and also in the form of high payments of damages and fines (Aware,
2008).
According to a report of Society for Human Resource Managers that although
more than 97% of the employers placed the written sexual harassment policies
(accompanied with intervention strategies or programs) and that more than 62% of the
employers provide trainings on the matter of sexual harassment in the organization, there
is still a little evidence that show that these strategies have been successful in addressing
the problem of female sexual harassment in the workforces (Blackman Legal Group,
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2005; Banaszak et al., 2010). These findings are further supported by the researchers such
as (Ormerod et al., 2012) that strongly asserted that even though many employers are
increasingly considering the seriousness of sexual harassment at the workplace by
acknowledging the value of preventive strategies and programs as well as implementing
those strategies, the report of Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC)
revealed that despite these efforts at the workplace, it continued to receive an average of
15,000 cases of sexual harassment complaints each year. This indicated the fact that
despite the present efforts of employers and government in enforcing the sexual
harassment policies and preventive strategies or programs as well as making employees
aware of the sexual harassment policies at the workplaces through the policy postings,
trainings and handbooks, the problem is still highly prevalent calling forth the critical
appraisal of the current gaps of preventive strategies and implementing new ones that
could successfully address the problem of female sexual harassment at the workplaces
(Ormerod et al., 2012).
While the available literature is not ignoring the fact that both male and female
employees are subjected to the sexual harassment at the workplace, the prevalence rates
of the female employees’ sexual harassment cases are ten times higher as compared to
males which call unprecedented attention to the female employees’ sexual harassment at
the workplaces (Ormerod et al., 2012). Also, majority of the qualitative and quantitative
research studies in the available literature indicated that female employees are much more
likely to be victimized as compared to their male counterparts in the societies globally.
This is supported by a research in United States that concluded that sexual harassment is
7
consistently being found at the workplace and approximately 50% of women in any
particular sample have experienced unwanted and offensive sex-related behaviors at work
or school (Magley, et al. 1999). Not only this, the seriousness of the sexual harassment
issue has been widely acknowledged by the UN Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) by asserting that sexual harassment
at the workplace is one of the most significant type of gender discrimination and form of
gender-based violence as per the rules of CEDAW Committee’s General
Recommendation No.19 (Aware, 2008). Considering the gravity of the issue, the
CDEAW Committee has emphasized on the need of various intervention strategies and
programs by calling the various States parties from both developed and underdeveloped
countries to the Convention to take some powerful steps to address the problem (Aware,
2008).
Furthermore, CEDAW Committee emphasized that each country and state across
the globe should considerably provide the attention to this serious issue causing several
adverse effects for the female employees and hence must make stringent measures to
include in their reports information regarding the sexual harassment at the workplace as
well as must focus on the effective and reasonable measures to protect female employees
from the sexual harassment at the workplaces as well as other forms of violence and
coercion cases they face at the workplace from the opposite sex (Aware, 2008).
CEDAW Committee also pointed that there is need of immediate as well as long-
term actions to be taken in the from preventive measures to address the problem of sexual
harassment across the globe and especially in the underdeveloped and third nation
8
countries where the circumference of sexual harassment issue is much more vulnerable as
one might imagine. This is because in underdeveloped countries, there is not so much
concern regarding preventive measures of the employee human rights violation and the
factors that are responsible for inciting sexual harassment at the workplaces (Hendricks &
Valasek, 2010). The available literature indicated that harmful effects of sexual
harassment in such countries where not much concern and attention is provided to
prevent the sexual harassment and government entities rarely forced the law and such
harassment is prevalent and customarily approved as a social convention (Hendricks &
Valasek, 2010).
In this regard, numerous researchers have common consensus that there is lack of
concern of sexual harassment in developing countries where the rates of sexual
harassment are highly alarming (McDonald, 2012). Most have agreed that concern for the
sexual harassment in the regions for instance in Asia and West Africa is although
relatively recent, there is an increasing awareness on the problem of sexual harassments
in this part of the globe where sexual harassment is now increasingly recognized as the
practice of discriminating and violation of human rights as well as an affront to the
dignity of the persons (McDonald, 2012). The increasing awareness via research and
media have shed light on this problem that show sexual harassment could further
seriously result in undermining the equality of the treatment and opportunity between
men and women, young and older workers (McDonald, 2012).
The researchers highlighted that over the past 10 years, many laudable initiatives
with relation to intervention strategies and measures against sexual harassment have been
9
taken put into practice in the Western Africa and Asia and Pacific Regions (Hendricks &
Valasek, 2010). Despite that there is still the need to critically appraise those existing
intervention strategies and programs in those areas that are placed in practice for fighting
against the sexual harassment at the workplaces. There is need of research in this area
because besides the placement of these intervention strategies or programs against sexual
harassment, particularly towards female sexual harassment, there is an increasing change
advocated by the women’s organizations, organizations have changed their policies and
practices, governments have adopted new legislation and take other measures and
significant change has occurred in the attitudes and perceptions of employees and
workers towards the sexual harassment at the workplaces and how they take step against
it.
Bearing this in mind, this research intends to investigate that do successful
intervention strategies or programs to address the problem of women sexual harassment
in the workforces exist particularly in the region of Cote d’Ivoire West Africa. In this
regard, the following chapter explores the research topic by introducing the sections the
problem statement, significance of the research, research aims and objectives, research
questions, research hypotheses, conceptual framework, nature of research,
limitations/delimitations, assumptions and definitions of key terms to better understand
the aim, purpose and intended outcomes of this research.
It is thoroughly examined in the above discussion and research findings that
sexual harassment in the workplace of Cote d’Ivoire is rampant. The previous research
studies have widely reported that sexual harassment is the most common occurring
10
problem at the workplaces in both public and private organizations. However, addressing
workplace sexual harassment is a relatively new issue in many West African nations. In
Cote d’Ivoire, this issue is expected to worsen as a result of deteriorating economic
problems. The law forbids sexual harassment; nonetheless, government entities rarely
forced the law and such harassment is prevalent and customarily approved as a social
convention. Further, despite the fees and penalties for sexual harassment are placed in
Cote d’Ivoire between three years' prison time as well as a fine varying in between360,
000 CFA and one million CFA (approximately $720-2,500), this actually lead to
discourage the incidences of female sexual harassment at the workplaces. The Ivorian
law also forbids prejudice based on gender and exercised that sexual harassment in the
workplace is illegitimate. However, an administrator or manager in Cote d’Ivoire does
not take the concern to those they administer to offer a work environment that doesn't
consent sexual harassment to prosper that is evidenced that many organizations do not
formal sexual harassment policies in their workplaces.
Considering the gravity of the nature of problem of female sexual harassment at
the workplaces, the current study will be conducted with an assumption that sexual
harassment is contrary to organizational moral standards and values to equal employment
opportunities and security for the employees and generally the violation of human rights,
that recognize the importance of dignity and worth of each person according to law of
Cote d’Ivoire as well as in all West African countries. Further, sexual harassment if exists
in Cote d’Ivoire and West African region would seriously subvert the basic human rights,
reduces the performance of employees and undermine the mission of the workplaces at
11
both public and private organizations as well as often the integrity of the Ivorian women
workforce integrity. Hence, it becomes highly imperative and important to determine if
problem of female sexual harassment exist in the organizations and do successful
intervention strategies or programs exist in Cote d’Ivoire West Africa to address this
most occurring problem at the workplaces. In this regard, this is the first study on this
topic carried out at the Cote d’Ivoire West Africa. In essence, this study carried out on the
whole Cote d’Ivoire West African community made up of arbitrary number of women in
Ivorian workforce across the workplaces.
Problem Statement
The general problem addressed in this study is attitude toward and perception of
sexual harassment in the workplace. Multiple researchers have elucidated the problems
associated with episodes of sexual harassment in the workplace (Dejudicibus & McCabe;
2001; Ei & Bowen, 2002; Lee & Guerrero, 2001; McCabe & Hardman, 2005). Sexual
harassment could be manifested in a subtle or ambiguous manner and may not be easily
detected as a problem by staff members. Ambiguous sexual harassment can lead to lost
job productivity, chronic stress, and mental health problems (Street el al., 2007).
The specific problem addressed in this study is attitude toward and perception of
Cote d’Ivoire female workers towards sexual harassment in the workplace. While there is
paucity of the available studies that describe the prevalence of sexual harassment in West
Africa, sexual harassment especially the female sexual harassment at the workplaces still
remains the most daunting problem not just in the West African regions but all across the
globe. Addressing workplace sexual harassment is a relatively new issue in many West
12
African nations. In Cote d’Ivoire, this issue will be growing as a result of deteriorating
economic problems. The law forbids sexual harassment; nonetheless, government entities
rarely forced the law and such harassment is prevalent and customarily approved as a
social convention. The fees and penalties for sexual harassment are between three years'
prison time as well as a fine varying in between360, 000 CFA and one million CFA
(approximately $720-2,500). In addition, the Ivorian law, in particular, also forbids
prejudice based on gender by specifically explaining sexual harassment in the workplace
is illegitimate under Act No.98-756 of December 23, 1998. However, an administrator or
manager in Cote d’Ivoire does not take the concern to those they administer to offer a
work environment that doesn't consent sexual harassment to prosper. This is because just
like many other countries, the employers in Cote d’Ivoire do not consider the sexual
harassment as the problem or ignore the intensity of the problem by labeling at as the
activity of the entertainment at the workplaces.
The previous research studies have widely reported that sexual harassment is the
most common occurring problem at the workplaces in both public and private
organization (Parker et al., 2012). However, addressing workplace sexual harassment is a
relatively new issue in many West African nations. In Cote d’Ivoire, this issue is
expected to worsen as a result of deteriorating economic problems. The law under Act
No.98-756 of December 23, 1998, forbids sexual harassment; nonetheless, government
entities rarely forced the law and such harassment is prevalent and customarily approved
as a social convention. This is reinforced by scientific studies authors like (Brown,
Deardorff& Stern, 2012; Kodellas, Fisher & Gill, 2012; Menon et al., 2010) who stated
13
that majority of places of work in real-world have lifestyle that is referred to somewhat as
peaceful, enjoyable caring and perchance playful as well as fun way of life this is the
biggest dangerous for the stability concerns of employees than theissue itself.
Further, despite the fees and penalties for sexual harassment are placed in Cote
d’Ivoire between three years' prison time as well as a fine varying in between360, 000
CFA and one million CFA (approximately$720-2,500), this actually lead to discourage
the incidences of female sexual harassment at the workplaces. The Ivorian law also
forbidsprejudice based on gender and exercised that sexual harassment in the workplace
is illegitimate. However, an administrator or manager in Cote d’Ivoire does not take the
concern to those they administer to offer a work environment that doesn't consent sexual
harassment to prosper that is evidenced that many organizations do not formal sexual
harassment policies in their workplaces.
The research problem addressed in this study is attitude toward and perception of
sexual harassment in the workplace. Multiple researchers have elucidated the problems
associated with episodes of sexual harassment in the workplace (Dejudicibus& McCabe;
2001; Ei& Bowen, 2002; Lee & Guerrero, 2001; McCabe & Hardman, 2005). Sexual
harassment could be manifested in a subtle or ambiguous manner and may not be easily
detected as a problem by staff members. Ambiguous sexual harassment can lead to lost
job productivity, chronic stress, and mental health problems (Street el al., 2007). A
relationship of organizational factors to the perceptions and attitudes toward sexual
harassment has been found (McCabe & Hardman, 2005). Yet, when examining the
impact of occupational position on attitude and perception toward sexual harassment, the
14
nature of the relationship between attitudes and perceptions toward sexual harassment
becomes less clear when considering Cote d’Ivoire workplaces.
Considering the gravity of the nature of problem of female sexual harassment at
the workplaces, the current study will be conducted with an assumption that sexual
harassment is contrary to organizational moral standards and values to equal employment
opportunities and security for the employees and generally the violation of human rights,
that recognize the importance of dignity and worth of each person according to law of
Cote d’Ivoire as well as in all West African countries. Further, sexual harassment if exists
in Cote d’Ivoire and West African region would seriously subvert the basic human rights,
reduces the performance of employees and undermine the mission of the workplaces at
both public and private organizations as well as often the integrity of the Ivorian women
workforce integrity. Hence, it becomes highly imperative and important to determine if
problem of female sexual harassment exist in the organizations and do successful
intervention strategies or programs exist in Cote d’Ivoire West Africa to address this
most occurring problem at the workplaces. In this regard, this is the first study on this
topic carried out in Cote d’Ivoire West Africa. In essence, this study carried out on the
whole Cote d’Ivoire West African community made up of arbitrary number of women in
Ivorian workforce across the workplaces.
Significance of the Research
This study is very significant as no such study has been conducted before. This
project is unique because it addresses an under-researched area in Cote d’Ivoire about
sexual harassment. Research in United States consistently finds that approximately 50%
15
of women in any particular sample have experienced unwanted and offensive sex-related
behaviors at work or school (Magley, et al. 1999).One can imagine the corresponding
percentage in Cote d'Ivoire.
Today, the problem of sexual harassment in workplace is acknowledged as a
serious issue, as an occupational hazard and a violation of human rights. The results of
this study will provide much-needed insights into the processes by which women are
view and treated in workplaces in Cote d’Ivoire. Perceptiveness of this study should aid
the implementation and enforcement of the law prohibiting sexual harassment. By
addressing this issue will be a force for positive social change.
Findings from this study can be used to develop a curriculum related to sexual
harassment, particularly in regard to subtle or ambiguous behaviors. This may result in
modifications in existing training and can help a harasser to become cognizant of his or
her motivation as well as help the victim understand him or her being harassed and report
the incident.
Findings from this study can be used to make changes in the work environment.
The social change implications of the study are that it makes the issue of attitudes toward
and perceptions of sexual harassment a theme of education within the boundaries of a
mental retardation facility. Quirk, Lelliott, and Seale, (2005) researched in mental
health/mental retardation and focused on subjective experiences of the staff when
experiencing or observing sexual harassment in the work setting, and less has been
reported with issues associated with attitude and perception. Understanding perception of
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and attitude toward sexual harassment in the workplace will help reduce feelings of stress
in employees and improve their coping skills.
Procedures to change sexual harassment can be established when understanding
the dynamics of the attitude and the tolerance of the participants and the organization.
Examinations of different variables such as gender, occupational status, and self-esteem
indicate which variables have greater influences on the attitude and perceptions of the
employees. Thus, an analysis would then identify those areas on which an organization
needs to place an emphasis, such as those that require further education and training to
prevent sexual harassment. In addition, understanding perception of the sexual
harassment will lead to adequately designed educational tools to reduce, if not eliminate,
harm to the employees’ psychological well-being and legal cost to the organization. A
training manual can be developed to address individual as well as organization factors
when educating the staff in the workplace.
Research Aims and Objectives
The research is centered on the following primary aims and objectives based on
the problem statement of the research:
To critically analyze the sexual harassment in the workplaces of Cote d’Ivoire and
its impact on women across the workplaces.
To critically explore the number of women in Cote d’Ivoire that is being sexually
harassed across the workplaces.
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To critically analyze the different perceptions of female employees and workers at
Cote d’Ivoire regarding gender based discrimination and violation of basic
human rights of females at Cote d’Ivoire.
To critically appraise on the existing intervention strategies, programs and
workplace policies against sexual harassment in the workplaces of Cote
d’Ivoire.
To critically analyze the cases of female sexual harassment happened in the
workplaces of Cote d’Ivoire and how organizations have responded.
To analyze the differences in the perceptions and feelings of women from
different professions and their associated dressing codes regarding the sexual
harassment problem at the workplaces of Cote d’Ivoire.
To analyze the differences in the perceptions and feelings of women from
different age groups regarding the sexual harassment problem at the workplaces
of Cote d’Ivoire.
To analyze the differences in the perceptions and feelings of women from
different ethnic groups regarding the sexual harassment problem at the
workplaces of Cote d’Ivoire.
To analyze the differences in the perceptions and feelings of women from
different religions regarding the sexual harassment problem at the workplaces
of Cote d’Ivoire.
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To analyze the differences in the perceptions and feelings of women with and
without disabilities regarding the sexual harassment problem at the workplaces
of Cote d’Ivoire.
To analyze what recommendations could be made in the workplaces of Cote
d’Ivoire to improve female sexual harassment intervention and training
programs across the workplaces.
Research Questions
RQ1: What reasons do Cote d’Ivoire female workers give for choosing to
disclose, not to disclose, or to delay disclosure of their experiences of sexual assault at
workplace?
RQ2: What type of patterns can be established regarding to whom Cote d’Ivoire
female workers disclose and under what circumstances?
RQ3: What feelings and consequences do Cote d’Ivoire female workers
remember experiencing during their initial disclosure?
RQ4: In retrospect, how do Cote d’Ivoire female workers evaluate their self-
disclosure decisions?
Research Approach
A general qualitative design was used to design and analyze the study. This
approach is most useful when literature is limited and data allows for inductive analysis.
Focus groups were used to gather information from open-ended questions and to promote
discussion among women workers in ways individual interviews could not. The focus
group design is a validated research method in the Cote d’Ivoire population. In order to
19
seek answers to these research questions, the researcher intends to gather data in two
waves. First the researcher intends to gather an earlier data set of seven interviews with
Cote d’Ivoire female workers. Secondly, the researcher intends to select among Cote
d’Ivoire female workers who had been sexually assaulted to be recruited to participate in
the current study. Recruiting the new set of participants will allow the researcher to add
more questions to the interview to further clarify interpretations of decisions to disclose.
Conceptual Framework of the Research
To understand the sexual harassment of female workers in Cote d’Ivoire, such
harassment needs to be conceptualized within organizational theory. An important aspect
of an organization is the role of the Human Resources department, which carries out the
regulation of rules, staff recruitment, and training (Daft, 2001). Human Resources create
written policies for the development and operation of the organization and, at the same
time, for the protection of the rights of the employees. The behaviors of the organization
as well as the behaviors of the employees are ethically protected by the policies
formulated by the institution. Ellerman and Kleiner (2006) stated that the form in which
policies are written and the awareness of the culture and climate of an organization under
its norms help to develop trust in the work environment. The policies in the work setting
also help the organization to address issues that can cause harm.
In the absence of policies to prevent and correct sexual harassment in the
workplace, the organization can be subject to litigation and loss of money in settlements
(James & Wooten, 2006). However, fear of retaliation can inhibit employees from
reporting such incidents (James & Wooten, 2006). The Human Resources department
20
needs to train and provide a written sexual harassment policy to staff and encourage the
reporting of episodes of sexual harassment to management, but not necessarily to the
immediate supervisor, as well as to initiate a prompt investigation (Lightle el at., 2007).
Appropriate responses of the organization will help to establish trust within the
organizational system and a defense in the event of a court case.
The awareness of the organization of improper behaviors in the work setting will
enable staff to report incidents of harassment to the administration. As a means to
encourage identification and reporting, the sexual harassment policy needs to clearly
explain which acts are considered sexual harassment (Reese &Lindenberg, 1999). T
Also relevant to the study is how organizational theory conceptualizes differences
in perceptions of sexual harassment, taking into consideration power within the work
setting (Levy &Paludi, 1997). Effective leadership that motivates employees relies on the
display of power. For example, distance power has been defined as the way in which
different levels of positions display authority behaviors in the work setting
(Triandis&Bhawuck, 1997). These power relationships define who is in authority and
who is subordinate in the work setting. Madzar (2001) discussed different forms of
power, including what he called expert referent power, which has an influence on
leadership behaviors in the workplace. This form of leadership provides knowledge and a
frame of reference that can lead employees to learn and to solve problems within the
organization. When leadership fails to provides effective guidelines within the work
setting, ambiguity of communication may lead to lack of comprehension and the
21
perpetuation of certain behaviors (Goldberg & Zhang, 2004), including sexual
harassment.
Finally, organizational culture becomes a basis to consider attitudes and
perceptions of sexual harassment in an organization. The rules and regulations of the
organization affect the social climate and influence employees’ behaviors (Fitzgerald,
Hulin, &Drasgow, 1997). To ensure such an environment, the leaders need to develop
norms that regulate work behaviors and protect employees from sexual harassment or a
hostile work environment. Norms are a powerful means to ensure that an organization
operates harmoniously.
Limitations/Delimitations of the Research
Some possible research limitations/delimitations of this study include:
1. This study is centered on the self-disclosed perceptions of arbitrary number
of women involved in assessment clusters regarding sexual harassment at
workforce and its effects and hence might vary from their actual behaviors.
2. Although, confidentiality and anonymity of the participants of this research
have been ensured and protected, some of the respondents of the survey
through both questionnaires and interview might have chosen to be less
candid or reluctant to provide honest responses. This may have skewed the
results.
3. Moreover, the correlation procedures applied on the answers of the
respondents may or may not perfectly determine the causality, variability or
other specific elements that are related with them.
22
4. Finally, that arbitrary number of women involved in assessment clusters at
workplaces of Cote d’Ivoire has been selected in a study that has served in
the organization not less than period of 3 months to examine the accurate
prevalence of female sexual harassment in workplaces of Cote d’Ivoire, its
effects on women as well as to determine the number of women being
sexually harassed at the workplaces.
Assumptions of the Research
The research makes the following assumptions for the purpose of this research:
1. The study assumed that all respondents who participated in the research have
understood the objective and terminology of this study as well as terminology
of surveys sent to them.
2. Further, it is assumed that all respondents who participated in this study have
answered the questions honestly and without bias.
Definition of Key Terms
Sexual harassment is the broader subject which entails various concepts and
definitions. Hence, in order to better understand and evaluate the sexual harassment in the
scope of the current investigation, some important key terms have been defined as well as
clarified in order to facilitate a sound understanding of the research topic and in the
manner in which it is understood in Cote d’Ivoire or West African regions such as
through hostile environment, quid pro quo and sexual harassment itself.
23
Age: Different responses of younger and older staff to sexual harassment
situations. Age also refers to the influences that it may have on employees’ attitude and
perception of sexual harassment (McCabe & Hardman, 2005).
Clinical staff: Operationally defined as psychologists, psychiatrists, and social
workers who clinically diagnose consumers and provide behavior (modification) therapy,
psychological evaluations, and psychiatric treatment, family therapy, and community
placements.
Clinical support staff: Educational/habilitation/client coordinators; rehabilitation,
recreation, and clerical staff; and mental hygiene therapy aides (MHTAs). Although
operationally defined as clinical support staff, MHTAs administer prescribed behavior
modification programs and direct care services 24 hours per day, 7 days per week.
Education: The ability to distinguish and identify sexual harassment in the
workplace (Daugherty, 2006).
Gender: Men and women who engage in interpersonal relationships in the
workplace.
Hostile Environment: The term hostile environment refers to the type of the
sexual harassment at the workplaces that occurs to the female employees and workers
from all religions, ethnicities, age groups, professions and exceptionalities and is
subjected to unsolicited, unwanted and offensive comments or behaviors of sexual nature
from their male coworkers, supervisors, human resource professionals and customers.
Further, if any of the sexual related behaviors that are impacting the performance of the
female employees, regardless of whether the victim and harasser are working in the same
24
department or location of the workplace, then the environment is considered to be hostile
in nature (United States, 2006, p.64).
Medical staff: Physicians and nurses who, in conjunction with the clinical/clinical
support staff, provide physical health treatment to patients.
Organizational behavior: The psychological aspects of the individuals in the work
setting and includes factors such as motivation, leadership style, personality, differences
in emotions and cognitive processes, and the reciprocal relationship between the
organization and the employee (Daft, 2001; Fitzgerald et al., 1997).
Organizational culture: Norms and beliefs that regulate behaviors and create
group cohesion (Frank & Fahrbach, 1999).
Organizational theory: Posits that the organization is an open system that
maintains ethical standards and internal harmony. An organization has a vertical or
horizontal hierarchy with an atmosphere of norms and rules that will shape the behaviors
of the employer and employees. The organization provides education and training to the
staff to encourage common goals and to achieve certain outcomes (Daft, 2001).
Power theory: Posits that management to achieve the goals of the organization
implements an organization’s power. Employees are guided through the norms and
culture of the organization to achieve the desired outcomes (Dunbar, 2004; Herbert,
2008; Madzar, 2001).
Quid pro quo: The term Quid pro quo is a Latin term used for the type of sexual
harassment which entails the meaning of “this for that”. Often, where sexual harassment
is not mentioned in the workplace policies and intervention programs of companies as
25
well as in legal framework, the Quid pro quo is define in place which entails the notion of
gender based discrimination or providing person’s career or terms of employment on the
terms of retuning sexual favors. This also includes both, implicit and explicit threats of
extreme and adverse action against victim where a victim refuses to respond and agree on
such promises or conditions of favorable actions (United States, 2006, p. 64).
Self-blaming behavior: Individuals, generally women, who take the blame for
being sexually harassed, see themselves, not the perpetrator, as the provoking agents
(Gutek, 1985).
Self-esteem: Defined as self-worth, self-acceptance, and competence (self-
efficacy). Wojciszke and Struzynska-Kujalowicz (2007) showed how high or low self-
esteem influences the manner of responding to perception or experience of sexual
harassment in the workplace.
Sexual harassment: Defined as including the following patterns of behaviors:
unwelcome sexual harassment advances, request for sexual favors, and other verbal or
physical conduct, whereby submission to such a conduct is made either explicitly or
implicitly as a term or condition of an individual’s employment. Submission to or
rejection of such conduct by an individual is used as the basis for employment decisions
that affect such individuals; or such conduct has the purpose or effect of unreasonably
interfering with an individual’s work performance or creating an intimidating, hostile, or
offensive working environment. A hostile environment is one in which unwanted
attention or sexual staring occurs. Further, sexual harassment does not necessarily have a
sexual connotation. When a person has been belittled due to his or her gender, this is also
26
considered a form of sexual (or gender) harassment (Orlove & Roumell, 1999). Sexual
harassment is operationally defined for the purpose of this research as any requests for
sexual favors, unwelcome sexual advances and any other physical and verbal behavior
and conduct of a sexual nature which result when some but not limited to the following
conditions.
1) Submission of any of the conduct that is made either implicitly or explicitly
on the terms and conditions of an individual employment, promotion and any
other material gains.
2) Submission to or rejection to any form of the conduct where a female
employee is exploited for her employment decisions in the particular place
affecting such individual performance and physical integrity.
Any conduct that has the purpose as well as the effect of unreasonably or
deliberately interfering with an individual work and performance or creating hostile,
offensive and intimidating work environment due to jealousy or gender discrimination.
Sexual harassment policy: The culture and the climate set by the organization to
educate, train, and prevent misconduct behaviors in the workplace. Condoning sexual
harassment or mismanaging the sexual harassment policy will harm the organization as
well as the psychological well-being of the employees (Reese & Lindenberg, 1999).
Support staff: Refers to employees who serve as drivers, automobile mechanics,
electricians, plumbers, food service providers, and safety officers.
Systems theory: Involves observation of the whole organization and how the parts
relate to each other, leading to a sequence of events (Daft, 2001).
27
Unwelcome Advances: The term defines any sexual behavior where the person
unreasonably interferes with employment of female workers.
Outline of the Research
This dissertation is organized into five chapters. Chapter one presents the picture
of whole research to be conducted that include background of the research, rationale of
the research, aim of the research, objectives of the research, hypothesis of research,
proposed methodology and limitations and delimitations of the study.
Chapter two of this research would present the search strategy, quality of
information sources, and use of sources that would be utilized to review literature for
current research and highlight the key findings in the previous research pertaining to the
topic.
Chapter three of this research would present the research methods and highlight
the data collection method, sampling, instrument and data analysis of research questions.
Chapter four of this research would present the analysis of the data findings with
relation to research questions and provide discussions while synthesizing the findings of
previous studies.
Chapter five of this research would finally present the conclusions of this study by
summarizing all the chapter and research findings as well as highlighting future research.
28
Chapter 2: Literature Review
Chapter 2 provides a review of the literature and research related to the topics of
sexual harassment and its effects on the workplaces of Cote d’Ivoire West Africa. The
objective of this study was critically exploring the perceptions of arbitrary number of
female workers and employees in Cote d’Ivoire regarding the existence of sexual
harassment and its effects on their health, safety, productivity and physical integrity and
whether intervention strategies and programs against sexual harassment exist in Cote
d’Ivoire West Africa.
This chapter is divided into different sections that include: (1) Introduction, (2)
Historical framework of sexual harassment in organizations, (3) Theoretical framework
of sexual harassment in organizations (4) Defining perceptions and employees in
organizations, (5) female sexual harassment in workplaces, (6) significant factors
responsible for sexual harassment at the workplace, (7) Nature of sexual harassment in
the organizations, (8) High incidences of female sexual harassment in the organizations,
(9) Impact of sexual harassment in workplaces, (10) Legal framework of action against
female sexual harassment, (11) Intervention strategies or programs to combat sexual
harassment in organizations, (12) Informal measures against female sexual harassment in
the organizations, (13) Measures by women workers’ groups and organizations, (14)
Workplace policies and practical measures against sexual harassment and (15) Integration
and summary of the literature.
29
Introduction
Over the past several years, the economic, political and social conflict situations
in Africa have exposed the real picture or to be better said the worst forms of the abuse of
rights of women and their objectification as citizens (Dartnall & Jewkes, 2012; Becker &
Kuranchie, 2012; McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone, 2012; Barak, 2010; Irene van
Staveren, 2011). Researchers in both past and present times have agreed that Africa is the
most backward countries in terms of providing equal rights to the women that range from
the essential human rights to get education, marriage and take up the employment
(Schweinle, Cofer & Schatz, 2009; Benavides Espinoza & Cunningham, 2010; Frosch,
2011; Collinsworth, Fitzgerald & Drasgow, 2009). In essence to these facts, Estrada &
Berggren (2009) asserted in their review of literature that African women experience the
most worst forms of conflict differently from men and women living in other countries
due to the subordinate treatment or gender discrimination or subordinate social statutes
associated with their identities from the very beginning. This is further subordinated the
research of (Fielden et al., 2010; Estrada & Berggren, 2009) that examined that girls and
women across African countries are faced with the worst forms of gender discrimination
and poor social status and physical integrity where they are considered to be fortunate for
the economic instability and marriage and education where they have to rely on the men
in the societies. The fate of African women is however not just limited to this form of the
inequality and gender discrimination but also leads to the worst form where the women
are considered as the objects of sexual exploitation at home, workplaces and societies
(Estrada & Berggren, 2009; Fielden et al., 2010). As result, African women from the
30
centuries are being impacted by the sexual harassment, sexual violence, torture,
trafficking, forced displacement, abdication, torture, forced prostitution and the like
(Fielden et al., 2010).
According to one research, conducted by the Laporte & Mackie (2010) the
women in Africa are the most affected from the conflict related forms of gender based
violence than any other gender based discrimination related with their right to get the
essential things in life and include the gender based violence across the continent that
include but not limited to the random acts of sexual harassment, Quid pro quo,
unwelcome advances, sexual assault, rape camps, mass rape, military sexual slavery,
forced pregnancies and forced marriages and the like. African Union Commission also
reported that because these acts are deemed as “random acts”, they are not often recorded
by the organizational workplaces and the government entities which consequently
resulted in the commonly held beliefs between men and even in women that there is no
such thing as sexual harassment, gender based discrimination, and violation of human
rights (Laporte & Mackie, 2010). Further, even that minor percentage of women that
agree that sexual harassment is either very afraid in reporting or protesting against the
harassers or some have compromised sexual harassment and other role based and gender
based discrimination as the normal part of their home, workplaces, societies and
environment. This by itself indicated that how backward is the African countries in terms
of not only providing the basic rights but also even considering the serious problems as
any “significant problem”. Further, even in some areas, where sexual harassment, sexual
assault and other forms of gender based discrimination is recognized as the problem, have
31
contributed less in protecting their women and on contrary made the situations even
worst by providing open environment for the harassers that have now considered
themselves above of the any law or do not have awareness regarding the sexual
harassment and other forms o gender discrimination (Laporte & Mackie, 2010).
In addition to that, researchers such (Benavides Espinoza & Cunningham, 2010;
Schweinle, Cofer & Schatz, 2009) in their statistical research of female sexual
harassment cases across the world and evidenced that women in Africa are the most
vulnerable in the form of violence and sexual harassment. The research indicated that
notion of violence and sexual harassment with female employees is more prevalent in the
workplaces than in society in the general because the law strictly forbids the sexual
harassment, there are no formal sexual harassment policies at the workplaces of African
countries (Benavides Espinoza & Cunningham, 2010). The research also provided the
findings that females in Africa are forced to compromise on the sexual harassment and
other forms of the gender discrimination either in the name of cultural values, ethnic
values, moral values and religious values. This has hence resulted in the increasing the
circumference of more problems for the women that are already deprived from gaining
their equal status, equal education opportunities and taking the high paid jobs. In
addition, the researchers asserted that poverty ratio and low physical integrity among
African women are highly associated indicators with increasing number of female suicide
cases than another significant cause (Frosch, 2011). Finally, the researchers in their
findings provided the evidences that number of increasing cases of female sexual
harassment or any other gender based discrimination cases in African countries do not
32
have any significant association with increasing awareness of sexual harassment at
homes, workplaces and society (Frosch, 2011).
The investigation of (Popovich & Warren, 2010; Menon et al., 2010; Gaanderse
& Valasek, 2011) highlighted that violence and sexual harassment against women across
the workplaces of African countries does not coextensive with the evidence of existence
or prevalence of typologies of sexual harassment and violence that the women in real
situation experience. They suggested that any data that suggest the workplace policies or
intervention strategies or legal framework is quite independent with the prevalence of the
sexual harassment at the workplaces. Therefore, they suggested other two important
issues other than the actual prevention or strategies against problem of sexual harassment
or violence at the workplaces. The first important issue researchers highlighted in their
research is related with the notion in which the sexual harassment and sexual violence is
considered unacceptable and disproportionally vulnerable of all kind of sexual unwanted
behaviors that harm the equal employment opportunities and dignity of women. The
second most important thing that sexual harassment policies at the workplaces provide is
the set of the cultural values norms that are followed in majority of the African societies.
Researchers argued that in practical sense, majority of the African societies have in
common the cultural values and norms that teach the high tolerance of sexual harassment
and violence towards women as well as indicate the abuse of basic female human rights
at the workplaces.
In addition to that, the research of (Dartnall & Jewkes, 2012) highlighted that
significant key or reason leading to sexual harassment and sexual violence against
33
women in the majority of the African countries, that have now considered it as something
acceptable and legalized than offensive and unacceptable against their cultures, is deep
seated with the beliefs of the gender discrimination or gender based inequality. The
further highlighted in their research that such form of the gender inequality in the African
societies could be effectively decreased with the widespread action of spreading the
awareness and combating these inequalities accompanied with intelligent political
strategies across the African countries. The authors suggest that since it is difficult to
suggest which African countries and either from East, West, South and North are highly
vulnerable with female sexual harassment and sexual violence due to unavailability of
actual and accurate figure, it is assumed that almost all countries across all the four
directions are highly vulnerable with sexual harassment and must require the intelligent
political move and widespread action to combat with these inequalities.
Numerous researchers such as (Parker et al., 2012) further stated in their research
that gender inequality in the form of sexual harassment and many other offensive
behaviors with women is at the heart of West African societies and the families. The
researchers examined that people in many West African countries both males and females
at the workplace have increasingly emerging as the socialized individuals and
consequently this has resulted in the positive impact of rigid orientation relation between
men and women at the workplaces as well as opens the windows for the new direction
and hope towards the understanding the problem and concept of sexual harassment across
different workplaces in West African countries (Shepler & Routh, 2012). The researchers
argued that it is obvious that through these lenses, one can glance through the subjective
34
realities about the widespread yet unnoticeable problem of sexual harassment against the
girl and women across the workplaces of West African countries. The researchers in this
regard suggested that one can observe the subjective realities in West African workplaces
through the incidences of gender inequalities and underrepresentation inequalities of
sexes at the workplaces. The researchers further added that different West African
countries especially the Cote d’Ivoire is the most vulnerable in this regard that have high
incidences of sexual harassment at the workplaces across both private and public
organizations. The culture of Cote d’Ivoire in West Africa is extremely weak with regard
to providing to protection against the sexual harassment despite the growing awareness
among both men and women regarding the concept of sexual harassment, its effects as
well as the fact that most of the people are emerging as the socialized and wants to built
strong relationship between men and women alike at the workplaces. There is increase in
incidences in the cases of female sexual harassment that range from simple unwanted
sexual advances to rape to sexual violence because the state of Cote d’Ivoire does not
attach the much importance on women in general. The women in generally considered to
be depended upon the men for the food, cloth and shelter and hence do not considered for
their equal rights despite the several state laws prohibits any form of the gender
discrimination at the workplaces. Researchers also found in their studies that young and
unmarried girls and women are highly vulnerable to the security issues at the workplaces
as well as in the society despite that Cote d’Ivoire does not specifically state the
regulations neither enforce the employers or managers at the workplaces to protect young
girls and women against violence and sexual harassment. This is further supported by
35
(Laporte & Mackie, 2010) that examined that young and unmarried women are
specifically not protected and considered with much importance because they are usually
considered to be the married off and sent to another family where they protected by the
men. Hence, (McDonald, 2012) suggested that women in culture of Cote d’Ivoire are
either considered to the property or their father or their husbands when they get married.
Numerous researchers that the popular dictum in the West African counties
“Charity begins at the home” fits well within the perspective of culture of Cote d’Ivoire
(McDonald, 2012). The researchers in this regard emphasized that just like virtuous life
of people is the reflection of good family upbringing, the reverse of this is also true that is
a mischievous mind is an indication of the bunch of dysfunctional character home.
Further, they emphasized on the fact that there is direct correlation between the conduct
of a man in his home and how he behaves in the society or workplace. They emphasized
that a man that honors his sister, mother and wife at his home is highly likely to give the
same respect to his female coworkers, subordinates, and supervisors whereas the reverse
of this is also true.
The research of (Hendricks & Valasek, 2010) highlighted the findings that sexual
harassment and any its forms are not just reserved for the men or boys in the workplaces
of West African and Cote d’Ivoire alone. Rather, sexual harassment is commonly found
among the Ivorian men and boys where they have highly underscore the women on equal
rights for jobs, education, marriage and other essential things as the result of traditional
beliefs and values held in the culture of African countries (McDonald, 2012). In addition
to that, researchers found in their empirical research that there is strong and direct
36
relationship between the sexual harassment in the workplaces against their coworkers,
subordinates and even supervisors with the sexual violence that is prevailing the majority
of the West African families and societies.
The family system in the majority of the West African counties is founded on the
basic concept and strength of the patriarchy. Researches such as (Iliyasu et al., 2011;
Irene van Staveren, 2011; McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone, 2012) argued that this
indicated that husband in almost all West African countries is the skilled master, planner
as well as the key provider and the sole bread winner for the family. In this context, the
researchers further added that women in the culture of West African countries are highly
considered as the subordinate to their husbands whereas in the majority of the cases a
male-child’s position supersedes that of the mother. Further, researchers such as
(Schweinle, Cofer & Schatz, 2009; Benavides Espinoza & Cunningham, 2010;
Collinsworth, Fitzgerald & Drasgow, 2009) examined in their research that values and
norms in the culture of West Africa suggested that sex life of married couples solely lie
on the sole direction and move of the husband and women in any case are obligated by
the marital bond to respond to sexual demands of her husband regardless of the
circumstances or the problems women faced with her sexual relationship. The basic
objective behind their research is to highlight the subject realities of problem of female
sexual harassment at the workplace which first initiate from their own homes (Banaszak
et al., 2010). In this regard, any sexual harassment, sexual violence or any of its forms
among the intimate partners is not regarded as the crime or offense as the normal part of
the martial squabbles. The worst of this situation is that marital rape where married
37
women is constantly harassed from her husband or any other male in the home is not
considered crime under the act of sexual harassment of West and act of Cote d’Ivoire
against the sexual harassment. This is further highlighted by (Ormerod et al., 2012) in
their research that since majority of people living in Cote d’Ivoire belongs to Islam and
Christianity, the codes under their religious panel acts do not provide the clear protection
for women against this form of crime that initiate from their own homes. Majority of the
Muslims living are in majority Sunni Muslims groups whereas majority of Christians
living are in majority from Roman Catholic groups and both religions are considered as
the major in Cote d’Ivoire. The authors hence indicated that people have common
perceptions that both major religions have not considered marital rape as the crime nor
does it is prohibited against the Sharia Penal Legislation or Roman Catholic legislations
of the northern regions of the country and in South states of Cote d’Ivoire under the
criminal code of the country.
Further, (Kodellas, Fisher & Gill, 2012) asserted in their research that panel code
of Cote d’Ivoire and majority of West African countries generally do prohibit the
husband against treating his wife as he demands or wishes and also do not prohibit the
husband to use every possible violence and harassment that wives should submit to their
husbands at all costs. Apart from that, (Menon et al., 2010) argued and criticized in their
research that panel code of West African countries actually recognizes that sexual
harassment and sexual violence is the right of the married men over his women to have
the sexual rights and hence actually violating the principle of equality between genders
rather than intervening the emerging problem in the West African societies. Researchers
38
argued that as a result of this, both laws Criminal Code and Shaira Panel Legislation
made very little contribution in actually hindering the husband to exert the full control
over the wives for their sex life as well as liberate them at the same time any form of the
remorse, domestic violence and sexual harassment. Relating these facts with the
perspective of the Cote d’Ivoire culture and families to the sexual harassment with
women across the workplaces, one can definitely argue that men and boys at any
position, profession and roles at the workplaces must be husbands, brothers and fathers at
home as well as well as the professional workers and employees of the organizations.
Researchers such as (Becker & Kuranchie, 2012) suggested that female sexual
harassment is the most significant problem at the workplaces and if one wants to address
this problem then he/she needs to address by breaking down the concept into different
dimensions. Further, they suggested that since sexual harassment is mostly directed
towards the offensive behavior of men in the Ivorian societies, families and workplaces,
it is would be futile to assume that they can change their values, beliefs, practices and
behaviors regarding the sexual harassment overnight because these are the people who
they are.
Addressing the problem of sexual harassment hence might look simple by
improving the awareness of people and legalize the sexual harassment with strict laws
and punishments and penalties, however, this is not so easy because sexual harassment
problem in West African countries is not related with these but with the commonly held
beliefs and values of men regarding the sexual harassment and their superiority over the
women that could not be changed overnight. Besides the societal culture certifies and
39
even applauds the men attitudes and behaviors about exerting their superiority towards
the women in the culture of West African country as suggested by researchers in their
studies for e.g. (Iliyasu et al., 2011).
With regard to these facts, McDonald (2012) highly emphasized in their research
while stating that gender-related and workplace related issues across the organizations in
West African countries would be better understood among all by closely analyzing and
grasping African and Cote d’Ivoire concepts of socio-cultural gender role expectations.
Further, Linton (1945, p.32) in their earlier research explained that “Culture is the
configuration of the learned set of the behaviors as well as the results of those behaviors
whose components are connected, shared and transmitted by the members of the
particular society. With regard to the above mentioned thoughts of Linton (1945) with the
extent culture, the culture entails “the learned behaviors of a given human society
(Linton, 1945, p.33). This notion suggested that both men and women regardless of the
culture are equal participants within that cultural system. Nevertheless to these notions,
the cultural template in each and every societal problem, where something is highly
associated with norms and values of the culture, has been constantly analyzed,
negotiated, revised as well as reproduced.
Historical Framework of Sexual Harassment in Organizations
The concept of sexual harassment according to various evidences was first as the
problem as it is perceived today came into the existence of 1964. Sexual harassment was
first introduced in Untied States of America where Untied States of Congress passed two
40
important legislations of human rights that include Title VII of the Civil Rights Act and
Equal Employment Opportunity by Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
(McDonald, 2012). While some researchers believed that concept of sexual harassment
was first introduced in 19th century where the Constance Jones, the author of the book
“Sexual Harassment” first penned the concept of sexual harassment, it is believed that it
came into consideration of legal framework after World War II after analyzing the female
victims during the war situations that were being harassed and exploited based on their
ethnicities, religions, and even gender based line (McDonald, 2012). Regardless of this,
the book of Constance Jones about the sexual harassment is still considered as the
foundational book where he listed the behaviors, feelings and perceptions of women
during 1830s that were working in New England textile mills (McDonald, 2012).
According to authors McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone (2012) Jones indicated in his
book of sexual harassment that in year 1835, a campaign against the intimidation to force
women out of their jobs in their industries was conducted by printers in Boston. Some
authors also believe that that Constance Jones first described the word sexual harassment
from there onwards no other words have been introduced to describe this action.
However, they also agreed that the term sexual harassment was not noticed until in year
1960, the feminists coined the term “sexual harassment” in their movement of equal
rights of women in the society.
In recent years, workplace sexual harassment (WSH) of women Ivorian workers
has become an increasing concern in the U.S. Women workers in Salinas, California call
one field the “field of panties” because of multiple counts of rape. According to the U.S.
41
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), women Ivorian workers have
been forced to have sex at gunpoint, threatened, and been fired after filing sexual
harassment complaints. In Washington State, many women workers have also reported
WSH to community leaders. Most recently, in EEOC vs. Evans Fruit Co., multiple
women farmworkers reported being sexually harassed by their ranch manager in the
Yakima Valley.
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 makes it unlawful for employers to
discriminate based on race, religion, national origin, and sex. In 1980, the EEOC defined
sexual harassment for the first time, setting the precedent that employers may be liable
for WSH. Additional amendments in the 1990s allowed employees to file for sexual
harassment compensation, such as emotional suffering and back pay. Since then, the
EEOC has represented many women Ivorian workers in lawsuits and won millions of
dollars in settlements. WSH cases currently make up 25-30% of the EEOC’s national
litigation panel.
Legally, sexual harassment is defined as “unwelcome sexual advances, requests of
sexual favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature”. The EEOC
defines two types of sexual harassment. Harassment is considered “quid pro quo” when
employment is contingent on an employee’s submission or rejection of sexual acts.
Harassment is considered “hostile environment” if it creates an unsafe and uncomfortable
work environment that interferes with an employee’s ability to perform at work. In some
cases, sexual harassment may fall in both categories. In the published literature, sexual
harassment has been defined as sexual coercion, unwanted sexual attention, and gender
42
based harassment. Sexual coercion is often considered an example of “quid pro quo”,
while gender based harassment is considered “hostile environment”. Unwanted sexual
attention can fall in either category.
To date, literature on WSH has been largely limited to middle-income, educated,
white women in non-organizational settings. Only a handful of studies have focused on
sexual harassment of low-income, racial and ethnic minority women; two have looked
specifically at the issue among women Ivorian workers. One study surveyed Mexican
women Ivorian workers in Central Valley, California using a mixed quantitative and
qualitative method. The study found that 80% of women participants reported being
personally sexually harassed at work. Another study used focus groups with non-Spanish
speaking indigenous women Ivorian workers in Oregon State and found widespread
awareness of incidents of WSH. Despite limited focused literature, women Ivorian
workers in non-sexual harassment studies have also identified WSH as a significant
concern.
General sexual harassment literature suggests that women are more likely to be
sexually harassed than men. Most commonly, male supervisors and co-workers sexually
harass female employees. In 2011, the EEOC received 11,365 WSH complaints and 84%
were by women.
Prior studies of general employees, former military reservists, and supervisors also found
higher sexual harassment incidence and reporting rates among women than men.
Additionally, 50% of women employees are expected to experience WSH at some point
in their career.
43
Studies also suggest that minority women may be at higher risk of being sexually
harassed than white women. This is because sexual harassment often co-occurs with
racial harassment. However, results are inconclusive; a study of low-income workers
found that only blacks and other non-Ivorian minority groups reported higher rates of
WSH than whites.
Interestingly, only 26% of low-income workers reported WSH, suggesting that
women in blue-collar positions may be less likely to report WSH than their white-collar
counterparts.
WSH is also more common when women are under-represented in the workplace.
Sexual harassment is more likely in male-dominant work environments, like the military.
Women employees are also more likely to perceive sexual harassment to be severe in
male-dominant environments.
Literature also suggests that WSH can result in negative health consequences for
female employees. Previously sexually harassed women are more likely to utilize a range
of services for health and spiritual care. Female victims also have higher rates of non-
specific physical symptoms, chronic pain, insomnia, anxiety, depression, and post-
traumatic stress disorder.
Psychological distress, including fears of becoming a future victim of rape or
crime, is common. Health consequences also last long-term; longitudinal studies found
that sexual harassment was associated with depression, post-traumatic stress disorder,
poor general health, future injury, and substance use up to ten years after the incident.
The psychological effects of WSH may be particularly challenging for women Ivorian
44
workers who experienced previous sexual harassment or assault while crossing the
border.
WSH can also negatively affect occupational well-being. Women reporting sexual
harassment are more dissatisfied with their jobs, co-workers, and supervisors. They were
also more likely to experience work withdrawal, have intentions to quit, and perceive
higher organizational tolerance for sexual harassment.
Sexual harassment is harmful for women workers. However, few women,
including women Ivorian workers, ever report their experience to employers. Among
white women, only 2-13% will ever report WSH. Many turn to informal social networks,
such as family and friends. In the Ivorian population, the idea of familismo or strong
identification with the family and extended networks may encourage women to turn to
informal support systems first. This is especially the case if the woman fears that
reporting will harm her family or children, either by termination of work or deportation.
This is a valid concern, as over 25% of EEOC’s WSH complaints include retaliation
claims. Retaliation is more common in male-dominant workplaces.
According to the researchers (Becker & Kuranchie, 2012; Dartnall & Jewkes,
2012), before the emergence of the sexual harassment and its forms, the females in
general had no way direction or way to express their likewise encounter as females find it
difficulties to find the term that could explain this behavior or by which to name it. From
there onwards, the term sexual harassment has draw immense popularity in the societies
and great deal of interest from both legal and academic scholars as well as female social
organizations working for the rights of women across the world. In addition, Parker et al.
45
(2012) examined that both parties of researchers, academic and legal researchers, have
dedicated much attention on the sexual harassment over the past three decades and so by
emphasizing on the traditions, methodologies and assumptions, however it is also
asserted such as in the study of Menon et al. (2010) that there is lack of effective
conclusions and have drew different conclusions which could not be universally applied
in the workplaces or organizations to deal with this old-age problem for women in the
society.
With regard to these facts, scholars of feminism theories, for instance, collated
that legal system of the societies that is being male-dominated has provided bias
understanding which is equal to no understanding or regard for the perspectives of
women that have been sexual harassed regular in these societies (Menon et al., 2010).
Some other authors also believed that sexual harassment was initially perceived by the
public a something that qualifies for the normal biological attraction of males for the
females (Kodellas, Fisher & Gill, 2012). Some other researchers in their studies also
stated that sexual harassment was initially considered as the normal part of the work,
home and societies that describe the instigation sexual pursuits of men towards women in
the societies, workplaces, educational institutions and the culture of the families.
According to the research of Wyatt (2007), Catherine Mackinnon, professor at the
University of Michigan Law School and Susan Brownmiller, was another major figure in
the literature of sexual harassment at the workplaces that described the concept of sexual
harassment and redefined this as the major and significant issue and problem of power
beyond the notion of just sexual desires of men towards women. Catherine Mackinnon
46
and some other noble women in the history of academic literature of sexual harassment
thus illuminated the sexual harassment and considered as the major social problem that
has more than something as sexual relationship but violation of basic human rights of
women as well as gender discrimination wherever it is placed (Brown, Deardorff &
Stern, 2012). They also illuminated that sexual harassment behaviors and its other forms
in the workplaces were not normal or justifiable in any case, but as the major problems of
discrimination against women that is still happening intentionally and unintentionally in
many countries across the globe.
Theories of Sexual Harassment
Quid pro quo and a hostile work environment are legal definitions of sexual
harassment. Quid pro quo refers to behaviors by a superior who promotes or demotes an
employee contingent upon sexual favors in the workplace (USMPSBSHQ, 1981). Men
and women can be threatened with being demoted or fired unless they give in to a
supervisor’s sexual demands (USMPSBSHQ, 1981). In this situation, the supervisor
offers the employees something for something, which has been defined as quid pro quo
(Amick & Sorensen, 2004; Levy & Paludi, 2007; Newman, Jackson, & Baker, 2003).
A hostile sexual work environment refers to gender sexual harassment (e.g.,
joking, demeaning, insulting with sexual intent) and unwanted sexual attention. A hostile
sexual work environment does not involve sexual coercion. Rather, the law describes this
as an environment that unreasonably interferes with work behaviors and job performance
(Daft, 2002; Wislar, Richman, Fendrich, & Flaherty, 2002). It includes behaviors such as
sexual staring and touching, repeatedly asking for dates, or sexual remarks or jokes. The
47
hostile sexual work setting creates psychological stress that can lead to an employee’s
taking sick leave or quitting his or her job. Gender harassment appears to be one of the
most frequently occurring forms of misconduct in the work setting, and research has
indicated that women tend to be the most frequent targets of harassment (Ei & Bowen,
2002; Sjovall & Talk, 2004; Wear et al., 2007).
Applying Kanter’s token theory, Amick and Sorenson (2004) examined the
factors that influence women’s perceptions of a sexually hostile work environment, using
a sample of 177 female participants, ranging in age from 19 to 62 years. According to
Kanter’s theory, women tend to be perceived as a minority or as a token in the workplace
and, as such, are subject to demeaning remarks and sexual jokes. The researchers found
that the attitudes and perceptions of the victims appear to be the mechanism that allows
men and women to determine when sexual harassment has occurred.
Amick and Sorenson’s (2004) research also indicated that responses to sexual
harassment in the work setting are associated with the level of self-esteem of the target
person. Those with high self-esteem were able to identify the characteristic patterns of
sexual harassment and report the incident, whereas those with low self-esteem were not
able to identify harassment and, therefore, did not report the incident. Importantly, the
climate of the organization can be supportive of identifying harassment, and the norms
and values of the staff or organization will shape the behavior of the staff. Thus,
organizational and individual resources are necessary to prevent further occurrences of
harassment (Nelson, Halpert, & Cellar, 2007; Reese & Lindenberg, 1999; Wear et al.,
48
2007). Hypothesis 1 presents the association of levels of self-esteem, identifying and
reporting the target behavior to the administration.
Research studies have considered the relationship between touching another
person and the intent to sexually harass. Based on early experiences with touching, an
individual develops certain boundaries. The boundaries determine what forms of touch
are acceptable or offensive. How a person feels about being touched by another person
can indicate whether the touching is indicative of harassment (Lee & Guerrero, 2001).
Lee and Guerrero (2001) conducted research that presented nine different types of
touching in regard to cross-sex relationships in the workplace, with a focus on how a
person feels when being touched by another person and the association with sexual
harassment. Participants included a sample of 82 male and 111 female students (N =193),
with an average age of 20. As noted, the research differentiated nine types of touching
behavior and their meaning, including no touch, touching another’s face, shaking hands,
clasping hands, touching forearms, placing a hand around shoulders, putting arms around
another’s waist, patting shoulders, and pushing against a coworker’s shoulders. Patting
and pushing against a coworker’s shoulders were identified as condescending and hostile,
respectively. Clasping hands refers to intimacy behavior. Face touching or touching
forearms, shoulders, or waists were identified as sexually harassing. The aforementioned
touching behaviors have relational meaning and were offensive when unwanted by the
victims. Such gestures are not conceived to be friendly gestures when socializing with
men or women in the workplace. Touching the face is the most invasive of all the contact
behaviors.
49
Touching behavior that is not reciprocated becomes unwanted and abusive.
Supervisors and coworkers need to be careful in terms of reciprocal behaviors; otherwise,
they are walking a thin line that may be perceived as sexual harassment. A significant
point to keep in mind is that women have different meanings in the ways that they touch.
Their behavior tends to be friendly, while men may give the actions a rather sexualized
meaning (Gutek, 1985; Lee & Guerrero, 2001; McCabe & Hardman, 2005). Overall, this
is a significant view when evaluating and examining gender harassment in the workplace.
One cause of sexual harassment is sex-role spillover. Sex-role spillover, which
refers to females who do traditionally male work, can lead to competitive behavior,
interpersonal conflict, and sexual harassment. In such situations, male employees
predominantly occupy the organization’s management positions, and a sexual harassment
policy is not strongly adhered to. According to Marvel (1998), in 1994, 29 women
employees, alleging harassment, referred Mitsubishi to the EEOC, and a class action suit
was filed against Mitsubishi. Apparently, Mitsubishi did not change the conditions that
led to the suit because, in 1996, there was a second lawsuit. The second action included
300 women who protested against 400 men who sexually harassed them in the
workplace. In the first claim, the company was accused of supporting a sexually
harassing climate, while, in the second claim, the men were directly challenged as
harassers.
To eliminate the likelihood of continuing sexual harassment, Mitsubishi sought
outside help to change the culture of the organization (Marvel, 1998). This relates to the
Person X Situation theory, which posits that an organization’s culture can predispose its
50
employees to sexual harassment (Stockdale, Visio, & Batra, 1999). The culture and
norms of a work setting need to be sufficiently consistent to regulate employee behaviors,
specifically those related to harassment. Sex-role spillover was part of the Mitsubishi
environment. In such an environment, men who felt threatened tried to take back power
through sexual harassment (Goldberg & Zhang, 2004). As such, Mitsubishi needed to
focus on the sex-role spillover aspect of their organizational environment. Woodford
(2004) examined the role of employee rights and responsibilities in the workplace.
Employees are required to report instances of sexual harassment, and the administration
needs to respond without retaliating. The employer is responsible for preventing
occurrences by maintaining policies to address the problem of sexual harassment in the
workplace. When employers follow the proper course of action in educating employees
about this matter, as well as following the necessary policies and procedures, they fulfill
their legal responsibilities.
Theoretical Framework of Sexual Harassment in Organizations
Sexual harassment as asserted by the many authors in the available literature
cannot be defined in the most definition because there is no single cause that results as
the sexual harassment (Dartnall & Jewkes, 2012). In this regard, researchers asserted that
because there is no single reason behind the sexual harassment in the workplaces, there
could not be a particular theoretical framework that could best explain the sexual
harassment in the organizations. Nevertheless, researchers in the existing literature have
common consensus that there are basically five widely accepted theories or models that
could help understand the concept of sexual harassment as well as tried to collate the
51
phenomenon of this issue from different perspectives and angles in which it exist in the
workplaces. Some authors also agreed that these theories are also prescribed as the
organizational theory, socio-cultural theory sex-role spillover theory, natural-biological
theory, and four-factor theory (Gruber, 1992; Farley, 1978; MacKinnon, 1979, Malovich
& Stake, 1990; Tangri & Hayes, 1997; Tangri et al., 1982; O'Hare & OIDonohue, 1998).
From the perspective of the current study in the workplaces of West Africa, only three of
theories among them were analyzed that suggested by the researchers in the context of
African literature. These include natural-biological theory, organizational theory and
socio-cultural theory.
Organizational Theory
Organizational theory first proposed by researchers (Gruber, 1992; Tangri et al.,
1982) described the concept of sexual harassment through those factors that are related
with the organizational related issues that include status and power inequalities within
workplaces or organizations. In addition to that, the theory entails the concept that status
and power inequalities that are attributed with how organizational settings in terms of
hierarchy and positions, increases the probability of the occurrence of sexual harassment
in the organizations. Further, researchers such as (Irene van Staveren, 2011; Iliyasu et al.,
2011; McDonald, 2012; Schweinle, Cofer & Schatz, 2009; Benavides Espinoza &
Cunningham, 2010) supported in their findings with relation to the organizational theory
that the significant issue of the problem of sexual harassment with women at the
workplaces is inequality of the powers between men and women. Apart from this,
Hernandez-Truyol (2012) asserted that regardless or western or eastern societies, the
52
exercise of power is not only expected in the workplaces and societies but also accepted
in these arenas. The exercise of power whereas is accepted and structured hierarchically
in the Western societies, the exercise of power is unstructured in Eastern societies even if
it is not accepted by the people (Hernandez-Truyol, 2012).
Researchers such as (Frosch, 2011; Collinsworth, Fitzgerald & Drasgow, 2009;
Popovich & Warren, 2010) further described in their research that how the relationship
between exercise of power in the organizations and sexual harassment in the
organizations are correlated with each other. They described that structured hierarchical
exercise of power indicated the type of orientation and structure which is rendered by few
individuals in the organization that are considered as powerful regardless of whether they
are competent for the positions or not. Researchers further described that these few power
individuals in the top hierarchy of the majority of the organizations makes all the efforts
to assign less power to the subordinate and often compelled to agree with all the decision
of their authority (Popovich & Warren, 2010). Researchers argued in their research that
unfortunately, this type of organizational hierarchical structure is often dedicated for men
in the workplaces where they are favored for the power and authority as compared to
women. This is further supported by the researchers that men are highly favored and
recommended for top and senior management positions and assigned with more authority
and power because of the common stereotypical beliefs that men in comparison to
women at the workplaces are more powerful, goal oriented and aggressive which makes
them natural choice for higher authority, whereas women on the other hand are
considered as family-oriented and passive-receptive and not considered as favorable
53
choice for authority and power (Estrada & Berggren, 2009). The researchers based on
these evidences of organizational theory considered sexual harassment as the
consequence of hierarchical structure of the organization as it spreads and allots the
unequal power among employees within the organizational system (Popovich & Warren,
2010; Estrada & Berggren, 2009).
Apart from the inequality of authority and power that are associated with sexual
harassment, some researchers also identified in their research that organizational theory
also helps to determine other significant factors that facilitate sexual harassment and its
forms within the hierarchical system of the organizations (Popovich & Warren, 2010).
According to researchers such as (Benavides Espinoza & Cunningham, 2010; Schweinle,
Cofer & Schatz, 2009), these behaviors include the permissiveness of the gender
occupations, organizational climate, organizational ethics and workplace policies, norms,
culture and languages within the organizational systems (Collinsworth, Fitzgerald &
Drasgow, 2009).
Socio-Cultural Theory
The second theory that helps explaining the sexual harassment in the
organizations the social, political and cultural context from where the researchers
believed that sexual harassment initially develops (Foster & Fosh, 2009; Hertzog, Wright
& Beat, 2008). Researchers such as (McCann, 2005; McDonald, Graham & Martin,
2010) asserted that socio-cultural theory entails that sexual harassment is basically the
enforcement that is being put with regard to the gender inequalities within any social
system where it exists. In addition to that, researchers such as (McCann, 2005; Hertzog,
54
Wright & Beat, 2008) asserted sexual harassment regardless of its types and forms that
shape it, is related to the sexist male ideology of male superiority and male dominance
within the organizations. These researchers also described that within the sexist male
ideology, it is widely perceived in the culture of society and organizations that women in
any case, regardless of her knowledge and nobility, is inferior sex in home, work and
societies (McDonald, Graham & Martin, 2010). The gender stratification further
described by researchers (McDonald, Graham & Martin, 2010) that this emphasized on
the gender role expectations which eventually introduces, develops and maintains the
sexual harassment and its forms within the workplaces.
In addition to that, (Foster & Fosh, 2009) collated the literature of sexual
harassment in the workplaces and society and asserted that common thread running
through all these research studies is the notion of socio-cultural theory and described the
women’s inferior position in the society which is not only the consequence of inequality
between men and women in the society but it is the significant cause of sexual
harassment, sexual violence and any of its forms. In addition to that, (Elkins, Phillips &
Ward, 2008) asserted in their research that sexual harassment in any of its forms
maintains the common running thread of male dominance occupationally which
eventually lead to intimidation and discouragement of women from the work at the
organizations they are employed. Conversely, the available literature described that
socio-cultural theory comprises the sexual harassment by postulating the issue of
patriarch system in the workplaces that not only initiates but also perpetuates the
subordinates of female employees by male employees at the workplaces. Otherwise
55
stated, the available literature describe that sexual harassment according to the socio-
cultural theory postulates that sexual harassment and any of its forms are instruments of
men to gain the domination in the workplaces to keep female employees in their
positions, status and roles.
Natural/Biological Theory
The third most significant theory that described the sexual harassment at the
workplaces is the natural-biological theory, which as per many researchers such as
(Hertzog, Wright & Beat, 2008), suggests the sexual harassment as the major extension
of mate selection evolutionary theory. According to the Natural/Biological theory, sexual
harassment is the product of expressions of natural sexual attraction for the opposite
gender and hence include the natural element in mate seeking either through agreement
or disagreement of other person (McDonald, Graham & Martin, 2010). Although this
explains the sexual attraction and desire of mate seeking for both male and females,
researchers such as (McCann, 2005) argued that this particularly help in understanding
the men side of sexual attraction and the similar urges of men in which men are more
powerful with regard to their inner drive to be sexually aggressive and hence urge them
to search for the mates as compared to inner drive of women.
According to numerous researchers, the natural/biological theory actually indicate
that any form of the sexual behavior, that describe the urge of men to seek mate to fulfill
their natural inner drive to be sexually aggressive, is not a sexual harassment (Benavides
Espinoza & Cunningham, 2010). Further, researchers such as (Popovich & Warren,
2010) described that there is direct correlation between the sexually aggressive behavior
56
of men at the workplace and their highest natural sex drive towards men. (Popovich &
Warren, 2010) supported the findings of (Benavides Espinoza & Cunningham, 2010) by
asserting that reproductive strategies between female and male employees at the
workplaces may lead to cause the conflict of interest of interest which eventually get
spread at the workplaces.
In addition to that, researchers such as (McDonald, Graham & Martin, 2010)
supported the above findings and suggested that those organizations that attempt to
maximize the gap of productive success between male and female employees at the
workplaces often face the situations of conflict where men due to their natural tendency
of having more power, authority and nature of aggressive uses their power instrumentally
to obtain sexual favors from the female employees. Hertzog, Wright & Beat (2008)
argued in their study that such attempts by the male employs to gain the sexual favors
from women through anyway lead to the coercive sexual behaviors at the workplaces
which eventually cause the hostile work environment for women at the workplaces. The
available research suggested that sexual harassment in terms of natural/biological theory
fully acknowledges the instincts of men as the potentially driving force which eventually
cause their sexually aggressive behavior at the workplaces (Elkins, Phillips & Ward,
2008).
Organizational Culture Theory
Culture develops through the assimilation of values, ideas, and beliefs within a
group and gives a group its identity (Bandura, 1997). Cultures are characterized by
57
beliefs, values, norms, and symbols shared by a group of people, which mold their
personality and social behaviors (Bandura, 1997; Green, 2005).
The evolution of a culture can cause social changes and modify values.
Knowledge and technology have opened up a learning environment in which men and
women are learning the same work performances skills, and in which women are
involved in work that is traditionally performed by men. This concept has implications
for sexual harassment, which could be used by men to maintain the previous status quo
(Coppersmith, 1981). The organizational culture needs to take these changes in the work
environment into account and provide preventive and remedial measures to prevent
sexual harassment.
The rules and regulations of the organization affect the social climate and
influence employees’ behaviors (Fitzgerald et al., 1997). The leadership of an
organization has the means to control the work environment and the responsibility to
ensure a safe, non-threatening atmosphere. To ensure such an environment, the leaders
need to develop norms that regulate work behaviors and protect employees from sexual
harassment or a hostile work environment. Norms are a powerful means to ensure that an
organization operates harmoniously. The Human Resource department functions as the
gatekeeper of these norms in the development of policies available to the employees
(Levy & Paludi, 1997).
van den Berg and Wilderom (2004) reported that when different organizations’
culture values and beliefs are compared with procedures process approach education and
training might differ in the workplace. The emphasis was placed on the practice and
58
procedures of the organization that entail setting policies and conducting educational
training in the work setting, which can be observed across the organization and
behaviorally measured. Values and beliefs shape the functions of the culture, but they
cannot be observed across organizations, nor measured accordingly. Attitudes toward
harassment, therefore, are developed through the perceptions of social events, sentiments,
procedures, and managerial practices in the workplace (Frank & Fahrbach, 1999; Krings
& Facchin, 2009; Ruvolo & Bullis, 2003). Observations of justice, such as fairness and
unfairness, will influence how protected the employee will feel (Kath, Swody, Magley,
Bunk, & Gallus, 2009). Thus, a sense of trust or mistrust could be developed (Erickson,
1994). Specifically, sexual harassment policies will be observed in terms of applicability
and effectiveness in the work setting. The emphasis on “organization work practice” does
not deny the internal influences of values and beliefs on the functions of the
organizational culture (van den Berg & Wilderom, 2004, p.571).
With regard to organization practices, van den Berg and Wilderom (2004)
discussed the shared values that groups may have within an organization. In this sense,
values are perceived in how they have an influence on groups and how those sentiments
(established through socialization) shape the groups’ behaviors. Different department
staff may react differently to the perceived organizational climate and cultural norms.
The organizational culture then can be observed by individuals or by the organization as a
whole. My assumption is that an employee in a certain job could have a perception of a
problem, for example, sexual harassment in the workplace that is different from another
59
employee with a different occupation. Understanding such differences appears to be
significant when understanding behavioral characteristics in the workplace.
Hertzog, Wright, and Beat (2008) conducted research to compare organizational
culture and reports of sexual harassment in the work setting. The National Organizational
Survey of 2002 was used to measure data collected from 303 organizations. All of the
organizations had policies to address complaints of sexual harassment, and the frequency
of reports of sexual harassment was examined to determine the effectiveness of the
policies in the workplace. Low reporting frequencies indicated high tolerance of sexual
harassment in the workplace, while high reporting reflected low sexual harassment
tolerance. Hulin et al. (1996) researched organizational tolerance defined low reporting as
a high-risk condition, wherein corrective procedures would not be taken and retaliation
might occur. The victims would not report the incidents to prevent retaliation. Hertzog et
al. suggested that in addition to sexual harassment, negative behaviors, such as general
harassment are co-occurring, therefore reinforcing occurrences of the target behavior.
Thus, co-occurring negative behaviors needs to be also corrected in the workplace.
Hertzog et al. (2008) suggested that when employees observe positive support in
the work environment, attraction to conflict-free relationships will occur. The employees
will feel that the organization will be supportive to their motivation to move forward
within the system. However, a detrimental climate will indicate lack of support, reducing
motivation and increasing anxiety, depression, and low work productivity (Kath et al.,
2009; Merkin, 2008). When policies that address complaints of sexual harassment are not
60
effective; the assumption is that organizational variables will function as a climate to
reinforce the likelihood of sexual harassment (Krings & Facchin, 2009).
Organizations tend to function within a system of having to balance conflicting
goals. To motivate staff to perform their tasks, management needs to reduce behavioral
misconduct, particularly sexual harassment, in the workplace (Hertzog et al., 2008).
Organizational cultural changes such as preventive training can be made while
maintaining the foundation of the organization; otherwise, sexual harassment can be
financially costly to the organization. According to contingency theory, leaders need to
understand the characteristics of their subordinates, and therefore be able to reinforced
positive behavior. That knows positive social interactions and reinforcing the behaviors
gears to changes within the system (Ruvolo & Bullis, 2003). Behavioral contingency
theory refers to the relationship of behavior and rewards, in this situation how sexual
harassment had been managed in the in the workplace (Sundel & Sundel, 2005). When
changing cultural patterns, management needs to first understand the current norms and
values of the organization. Effective policies can change the norms and values, when
needed, to maintain an effective organizational climate.
Power-based Theory
Power can be examined from the perspective of how society exercises values and
norms to regulate people’s behavior at macro and micro levels (Trope, 2004). A power
hierarchy demonstrates the relationship between leadership and subordinates in the work
setting. The leaders have been provided with the power to lead by providing guidance
and education as well as to pursue the short- and long-term goals of the organization
61
(Anderson & Berdahl, 2002). Notably, power can be used to reward or punish staff.
When power has been used appropriately, trust will develop, while supervisors who
abuse their power may prevent the organization from meeting its objectives (Levy &
Faludi, 1997).
Power has been further defined as the means that a person may have to control
and bring about changes within interpersonal relationships (Dunbar, 2004). Power is
manifested in interpersonal relationships in the work setting and is based on open
communication. Power can be used to address issues in the work setting and to effect
change. Thus, power is used to make decisions concerning the objectives of the
organization and the means to meet them (Kurth, Spiller, & Brown Travis, 2000).
However, a leader’s exercising power to control others, rather than to effect
productive changes, will limit the employees’ motivation to meet the organization’s
goals.
The theory of power also has been used to describe power distance, or the
difference between low and high power (Crocker & Kalemba, 1999; Kurt et al., 2000).
Thus, within the power embedded in the organization, other forms of power are
manifested in the work setting. Bruins and Wilke (1992) discussed Mulder’s power
theory, which presents the strengths of low and high power, also described as power
distance reduction (PDR) and power distance enlargement (PDE). PDR describes
employees with lower power who strive to reach higher power within the system. This
power manifests in interpersonal rather than in intrapersonal relationships. At a lower
power level, an employee identifies with, and wants to be closer to, a person who has
62
higher power, leading to a sense of satisfaction and feeling empowered (Bruins & Wilke,
1992). Empowerment gives employees the authority to make decisions and enhance their
personal resources (self-esteem) to be able to confront sexual harassment in the
workplace.
Power distance enlargement (PDE) gives employees a sense of security and the
resources to control the work environment. However, if patriarchal cultural values exist
within an organization, they will have an influence on how men and women handle
power in the work setting. Specifically, women are perceived in a traditional organization
as being less powerful than are the men (Kurt et al., 2000). If the organization’s values
reinforce the view that women are less powerful, this will open the doors for many types
of harassment. Further, certain individuals in high-power positions may feel threatened
by anyone who strives to be empowered, thus making women even more vulnerable to
harassment.
An employer’s exercising of power has an influence on employee perceptions of
the workplace. Dunbar (2004) discussed referent power, which refers to employees who
follow the lead of their employer, based on their admiration of the employer. The
assumption is that attitudes toward and perceptions of sexual harassment in the workplace
will be influenced by what has been observed by the staff (McCabe & Hardman, 2005).
Thus, when the employer condones harassment in the workplace, the employees will
experience a sense of powerlessness.
An employer has the power to bring balance to and resolve interpersonal conflicts
within the system. Management in the organization also can reinforce norms that will
63
harm the organization’s goals, as well as the employees’ psychological well-being. When
harassment is taking place in the work setting, any problems associated with sexual
harassment need to be addressed. Thus, co-existing bad behaviors could be maintaining
sexual harassment in the workplace, thereby victimizing men and women. The role of the
employer and policies regarding sexual harassment are variables that play significantly
when evaluating leadership in the work setting (McCabe & Hardman, 2005). The culture
and climate of the organization create an environment that can either be productive to
employees, or emotionally harmful to the staff and financially costly to the organization.
Studies on Problem of Workplace Sexual Harassment
While there is paucity of the available studies that describe the prevalence of
sexual harassment in West Africa, sexual harassment especially the female sexual
harassment at the workplaces still remains the most daunting problem not just in the West
African regions but all across the globe. Addressing workplace sexual harassment is a
relatively new issue in many West African nations. In Cote d’Ivoire, this issue will be
growing as a result of deteriorating economic problems. The law forbids sexual
harassment; nonetheless, government entities rarely forced the law and such harassment
is prevalent and customarily approved as a social convention. The fees and penalties for
sexual harassment are between three years' prison time as well as a fine varying in
between360, 000 CFA and one million CFA (approximately $720-2,500). In addition, the
Ivorian law, in particular, also forbids prejudice based on gender by specifically
explaining sexual harassment in the workplace is illegitimate under Act No.98-756 of
December 23, 1998. However, an administrator or manager in Cote d’Ivoire does not take
64
the concern to those they administer to offer a work environment that doesn't consent
sexual harassment to prosper. This is because just like many other countries, the
employers in Cote d’Ivoire do not consider the sexual harassment as the problem or
ignore the intensity of the problem by labeling at as the activity of the entertainment at
the workplaces. This is supported by research studies of authors such as (Brown,
Deardorff & Stern, 2012; Kodellas, Fisher & Gill, 2012; Menon et al., 2010) that asserted
that majority of workplaces in practical have culture that is described rather as relaxed,
fun loving and possibly as the flirtatious or playful culture that is the most dangerous for
the security concerns of employees than the problem itself. This culture also indicates
dangerous line for the managers and administrators to draw a line even by enacting the
workplace policies or legal penalties and fines (Menon et al., 2010; Kodellas, Fisher &
Gill, 2012; Brown, Deardorff & Stern, 2012). Laporte & Mackie (2010) examined this in
their study that when the sexual behavior in the workplace goes for little too far resulting
in offending the other person, this flirtatious and so called fun loving relationship
between two employees turns sour for magnificent reasons. They further added that when
the relationship between two employees at the workplace starting getting sour for the
hostile environment or other magnificent reasons, the employer could find themselves to
deal with the sexual harassment complaint (Laporte & Mackie, 2010). Some other
researchers also highlighted the problem of sexual harassment at the workplaces that
some workplaces even do not consider it as violation of the human rights or
unprofessional at all the times (Parker et al., 2012). They highlighted that hostile
workplaces having poor culture even internally encourage the employees to take the
65
sexual harassment as the weapon for the revenge against the other person or get the
material gains such as salary hikes or promotion from the other party. This indicated that
workplaces despite knowing the intensity of the problem and the exploitation it cause,
they unintentionally promote the workplace sexual harassment resulting in the hostile
work environment especially for the women (Parker et al., 2012).
Despite, these facts some studies revealed that majority of business especially
those in the developing or poor countries may not even aware that what constitutes sexual
harassment at the workplaces and hence may unintentionally involve and create the
hostile environment for their employees (Shepler & Routh, 2012). Numerous researchers
therefore strong emphasized that it is foremost important to first clearly describe what is
it that is classified as the sexual harassment at the workplaces before enacting any
workplace policies or legal framework against the sexual harassment. For some
employees the definition of sexual harassment may be different from others and hence
could be subjected either as suggested by the (Dartnall & Jewkes, 2012; Becker &
Kuranchie, 2012) in their studies. Also, immigrant employees working in foreign
workplaces may either be totally ignorant regarding the sexual harassment definition
within the country or that particular workplace and may inadvertently be indulged in
sexual harassment with female colleague. Also, female employees working in foreign
country may feel sexually harassed which otherwise may not be classified as sexual
harassment according to the workplace policies of the company or legal framework of
describing sexual harassment and hence may file complaint against the male fellow.
While these females may feel sexually harassed in the immigrant country, the early
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communication to all employees would clarify what it that classifies sexual harassment is
(McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone, 2012). While the definition or classification of
sexual harassment may differ from some countries especially those in western countries
and developing countries such as Ivory Coast, some researchers that examined the
research in both developed and developing countries have common consensus on what
classifies as sexual harassment at the workplaces. Researchers, hence, classify sexual
harassment at the workplaces as something that describe the unwelcome conduct of the
sexual nature that generally intimidates, offends or humiliates the other person. Further,
sexual harassment could be classified as the feeling of the victim that is reasonably
anticipated in the manner in which target or victim feel intimated, offended or humiliated
in any case. Further, sexual harassment at the workplace in the organizations describe the
unwelcome sexually explicit body language, hugging, cornering, kissing, social media
comments or for the that matter sexually explicit texts and emails. Further, many
researchers have strong focus on sexual harassment that is of the unwelcome sexual
physical contact that could be in the form of fondling, touching and kissing (Barak,
2010). On the other hand, many researchers also deemed to have strong focus on sexual
harassment as the psychological sexually harassing person in the form of asking intrusive
questions about the person sexual life or personal life (Irene van Staveren, 2011). These
all classifications in general described in the law under the discrimination and workplace
bullying and violation of human rights as well that cause the victim to feel both
physically and mentally harassed and abused forcefully. The following sub sections of
this part of would further comprehend the problem of sexual harassment and the way it is
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classified to better understand the intensity of the problem and examining the intervention
strategies or programs against it thereof.
Classification of Sexual Harassment in Different Countries
Researchers examined any action or behavior of an employee that could be bred
unwanted or unwelcome conduct in the sexual nature leads to the sexual harassment at
the workplace (Laporte & Mackie, 2010). The behavior of sexual harassment is not just
the problem in the poor civilized countries but remain the significant problem for the
highly civilized countries (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011). Even researchers claim that
highly civilized countries have more victims of sexual harassment which is described
under the category of while collar crimes (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011) while some
others claimed that prevalence of sexual harassment is equivalent in both developed and
underdeveloped countries by emphasizing that underdeveloped or developing have not
yet report the sexual harassment does not mean that there are not much incidences of
sexual harassment at the workplaces. Considering the fact that sexual harassment remains
the fact for the life over the centuries and existing almost in many countries and with
people traveling all across the world for the purpose of employment, education and
business purposes, the term sexual harassment has been called by many different names
that leave the great importance for today’s employers to impart in the workplace policies
and government to impart in the legal framework to manage the diversity pool of multi-
cultural employees (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011). While, most researchers have common
consensus that there is lack of specific recognizable name for many decades that describe
the sexual harassment across the countries, this sort of conduct or its perpetrators have
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been presented with many different names across the countries. For example, in Asia, the
term sexual harassment varies across countries with different names that describe this sort
of behavior. In Malay, sexual harassment is described often as gatal or buaya (Itchy)
where as in Cantonese it is described as hum sup, in Tamil it is pomble porikki and in
Hokkien it is described as chee ko pek (Shepler & Routh, 2012). All these terms have
generally described the situation in which the person get sexually harassed either
physically and mentally from unwanted and unexpected sexual behavior from fellow
colleague at the workplace (Becker & Kuranchie, 2012). Further, particularly in India,
sexual harassment is often emphasized more on eve-teasing as compared to other
unwanted sexual behavior. Similarly, in France, the sexual harassment is described as the
droit de cuissage that means right to the thigh in which an employee get harassed from
other employee that is touching that his/her thighs. Moreover, sexual harassment in Japan
is described with term of seku-hara whereas in Netherlands it is described with undesired
and unsolicited intimacies. Moreover, many reports on the women’s working conditions
over the years across the globe refer the term sexual harassment regularly as the “lie
down or lay off” practices where one male employees sexually harass female employees
with unwanted physical and mental practice resulting in offending them.
Apart from these definitions, some federal law enforcement agencies such as
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) clearly sum up the classification of
sexual harassment as a any unlawful and unethical practice that lead to harassing other
person either an employee or applicant in the interview because of that person’s sex. This
therefore describes sexual harassment not only the sexual desire of one employee towards
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another employee or applicant but the clear form gender discrimination in which one
employee sexually harass other person just because of that person’ gender (McLaughlin,
Uggen & Blackstone, 2012). In addition, EEOC clearly classified sexual harassment at
workplaces as behavior that includes unwelcome or unwanted sexual advances, sexual
offers, requesting for the sexual favors, or other any form of physical and verbal
harassment pertaining to the sexual nature (McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone, 2012).
Numerous policies and laws concerning the sexual harassment have also been
enacted in various countries apart from describing the term sexual harassment. Sexual
harassment, according to numerous research studies, became part of the workplace
policies and legal framework in the 1970s as the descriptor for the unethical and
unprofessional conduct leading to gender based discrimination of the sexual nature (Irene
van Staveren, 2011). Since then the problem or issue of sexual harassment has been
emerged as the recognized phenomenon across the globe in all occupational and cultural
contexts (Irene van Staveren, 2011). The international Labor Organization (ILO) provides
the general framework and guide for the sexual harassment at the workplaces that
constitutes the conduct of gender discrimination based on the sex leading towards the
manifestations of unequal employment opportunities and power relations between men
and women at the workplaces (Irene van Staveren, 2011). Further, ILO clarifies that
sexual harassment does not actually geared towards the actual biological differences
between men and women but instead it is geared towards the notion of gender or social
roles that are attributed to both men and women is social and economic life as well as
perceptions about male and female sexuality within society resulting in the unbalanced
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power relations between male and female at the workplaces (Irene van Staveren, 2011).
The sexual harassment, according to the International Labor Law, is highly prohibited in
the workplaces breaking the traditional situation of male and female sexuality within
society and contributing the equal power relations between both men and women at the
workplaces and societies (Irene van Staveren, 2011).
Relationship between Gender Discrimination and Workplace Sexual Harassment
Numerous research studies indicated that there is strong association between
gender discrimination and workplace sexual harassment (Bennett, 2009). Barak (2010)
identified that sexual harassment is the clear form of the gender discrimination at the
workplaces for the sex from both conceptual and legal perspective. Further, (Dartnall &
Jewkes, 2012; Becker & Kuranchie, 2012; Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011) suggested that
old age problem of sexual harassment is not just related to the actual biological
differences between both male and females but with how the social or gender roles are
assigned or attributed to both men and women in the economic and social life and the
perceptions of gender sexuality powers of both male and female in the society (Laporte &
Mackie, 2010). Further, Menon et al. (2010) suggested that in order to better understand
the relationship between gender discrimination and sexual harassment, it is important to
clarify how “gender” in society is defined. In this regard, they suggested that gender
refers to the differences pertaining to the social and economic position between men and
women in which these differences are learned, changed over time as well as may or may
not vary widely within and between cultures and countries. Shepler & Routh (2012)
suggested that roles of gender is not necessarily same in every culture or organization,
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but vary in societies, by ethnicities, age, race, class, ideologies, cultures, religions and the
like. This is supported by researchers such as Dartnall & Jewkes (2012) that further
suggested that apart from varying roles of gender in the societies and cultures, there is
always the changes that occur between the roles of both men and women in varying
societies partly because of responses occurred in the form of changing natural, economic
and political circumstances. Apart from that, Banaszak et al. (2010) asserted that gender
roles in some societies often tend to change much faster as compared society’s values,
norms and stereotypes in which men and women should and must behave. This could be
explained with reference to an example cited by researchers (McDonald, 2012; Iliyasu et
al., 2011) that the norm in the particular society might be that women should work within
the confines of their home while the actual practice might or might not be with the stated
and women may actually work in other places as well.
Researchers emphasized that it is important to keep in the mind for the
meaningful discussions on the sexual harassment that all gender relations are based on
the notion that they are social construct (Ormerod et al., 2012). Considerably, researchers
agreed that from throughout the centuries, the place of the women in the societies have
been perceived to be socially conditioned and therefore from an early age to be a
subordinate to men (Hendricks & Valasek, 2010). This could be described in the example
of Sri Lankan culture cited by researchers (Hernandez-Truyol, 2012; Osman, 2007) that
Sri Lankan women worker perceived men that they have ladle while they have the bowl
and therefore providing the clear illustration of the unequal power relations between both
men and women. In this regard, the women societies that resemble Sri Lankan such as
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India and Middle East indicated the place of women in which they expect themselves to
be complaint as well as sexually passive towards the men as superior authority and also at
the same time perceive men to be more socialized to be believed that they are the only
ones that initiate sexual relationships between two. In other words, women in these
societies are not at allowed to initiate their sexual relationship with men and just like in
most societies and situations, men are higher superiority to indulge and start the sexual
harassment than women as these societies generally tolerate or even support and
encourage the sexually aggressive behavior by men.
In addition to that, researchers such as (Shepler & Routh, 2012) examined the
gender relations in Malaysia within the context of discrimination and how it is directed
towards the sexual aggressive behavior of men in the society. They asserted that in
countries like Malaysia, the cultural values play the significant in conditioning the roles
of both men and women and as a result dictate that men should develop some weird and
unusual behavior if their initial advances are rejected, therefore giving incredible rise to
the repeated incidences of unwanted sexual advances in home, work and society (Shepler
& Routh, 2012). This is also supported by the findings of the researchers such as
(McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone, 2012) that asserted that these values and norms
related to women and men sexuality in the work, home or society are extrapolated to the
wider interpretation of economic and social spheres in the numerous cultures and
religions across the world. Barak (2010) further added to support to these facts by
asserting that many societies especially those deemed to be the highly conservative and
backward in terms economic and social status, it is highly observed that women in those
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societies are more suited for the supportive rather than primary role in the work, home or
society whereas on the other hand, their male counterparts are considered to be the main
heads of the economic earners, households as well as authority in the society. They
further emphasized that despite the evidences that pointed towards to the contrary
everyday practice and proclaiming of world societies of equal rights of men and women
in all spheres of life, the real life situation in the many situations in different societies and
countries may vary by large (Barak, 2010).
These studies highlighted the position of men and women in the society in
general and hence suggested that there are inequalities in the role or position both men
and women hold in nearly all societies and hence this fact cannot be ruled out in the
context of countries like Cote d’Ivoire West Africa. This therefore suggested that sexual
harassment at the workplaces is the manifestation of the unequal power relations between
men and women which eventually lead to the gender discrimination in the natural context
(Bennett, 2009). Men are more likely placed in the more senior positions as well as better
paid sometimes on the same positions hold by the women at the workplaces (Bennett,
2009). This situation leads to many but one consequence of how women became more
likely to be victims of the sexual harassment at the workplaces precisely because of the
reason that they lack the power, are biologically weak and more vulnerable, are in
insecure positions, have lack of self confidence, or have been conditioned or socialized to
suffer each good or bad in without uttering a single word. This therefore from many
centuries is being prevailing in many societies even after exposed to the outside world,
new knowledge about equal rights and justice for the all. Iliyasu et al. (2011) examined
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that despite the presence of legal framework and workplace policies in many societies
and countries, the evidences up till now indicated very few cases were women have
protested due to the these irrational and unconventional social norms or raise their voice
against family or customary social pressure that remains the major physical sociological
brake for women to gain their equal rights. As result of this, the legal framework or
workplaces policies soon beginning to fade away from being effectively implemented
and even women automatically holds the position as the guilty party. Soon, women
become the recipients of such conduct where they actually should be seen to be
competing and protest for their power from extra power that men hold in the societies
(Becker & Kuranchie, 2012).
Researchers such as Morley & Lugg (2009) examined the relationship between
gender relations, gender discrimination and sexual harassment at the workplaces by
confirming the analysis from around the world that workplaces sexual harassment is not
the result of gaining the sexual pleasure from the opposite sex out the of the act, but
sexual harassment is highly correlated with the gender relations and is all about asserting
the power on others. In this regard numerous examples are asserted in one research
conducted by Irene van Staveren (2011) that provided clear picture of how sexual
harassment is related to the power relations and discrimination than the sexual pleasure of
the act itself. He asserted that when a factory supervisor is acting intentionally in undoing
the brassieres of assembly line workers during inspection, when the manager lifts the
skirt of female worker to embarrass her in the front of fellow workers, when the
supervisor in the factory kisses female workers who are falling asleep on the night shift
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just to make her wakeup, when the management goons harass and moles female workers
to protest for their low wages and break up a picket, when the supervisor is gaining the
sexual advantage of new female workers by threatening her to fire him - then it must be
understood that these are actions are directed towards satisfaction of asserting the sense
of power over the others and has less or nothing to do with the sexual or intimidate acts
itself (Irene van Staveren, 2011). These facts are also confirmed by the researchers such
as (Becker & Kuranchie, 2012; McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone, 2012) in their Sri
Lankan study that sexual harassment has less and nothing to do with the deriving the
sexual pleasure.
In addition to that, researchers such as (Becker & Kuranchie, 2012) asserted that
while in some societies the workplace do not have formal policies regarding the
demeaning or abusive language specifically aimed at women, this form of act also takes
different dimensions of sexual harassment that has different meanings for men as the
normal behavior and for women as veiled sexual threats. Moreover, men in some
societies having high authority position in the workplaces often do not make calling the
women with “aey” and “hey” rather than calling the female employees with their names
(Becker & Kuranchie, 2012). Women in many countries are still seemed to be
complaining that men in workplaces are calling them with bad and abusive language
which according to them is the first sign of the sexual harassment that is still ignored in
their workplaces (Becker & Kuranchie, 2012).
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Differences in Gender Perceptions towards Sexual Harassment at Workplaces
Researchers guided that perceptions and attitudes towards the sexual harassment
and what constitutes sexual harassment at the workplaces may vary greatly between
gender, cultures, societies, as well as within these societies and cultures (Gaanderse &
Valasek, 2011). Not only the perceptions and attitudes of the people towards the sexual
harassment at the workplaces are different, but there are difference in the gender
stereotypes and commonly held beliefs regarding the roles of men and women as well as
the female and male sexuality as well as culture based views that are geared towards
either accepting or denying the existence of sexual harassment and its extent in the
workplaces (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011). In addition to that, there is often a difference
in the perceptions of people that how they consider sexual harassment at the different
levels in the work hierarchy and also among the group of men and women employees at
each work hierarchy (Laporte & Mackie, 2010). Moreover, some studies also highlighted
that there is significant differences in the perceptions of both gender with the varying age
in the different workplaces (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011). These differences in the
perceptions, beliefs and attitudes of people at varying degrees and positions and genders
are significant towards the existence of sexual harassment at the workplaces since people
at the higher organizational hierarchy might not consider some act as sexual harassment
for their subordinates as compared to the perceptions of their subordinates who consider
the particular act of sexual harassment as offensive and loathsome. Similarly, people that
are married or aged might not consider something as sexual harassment at the workplaces
which might different from the perceptions of newbie at the workplaces. These
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differences at each level of perceptions in turn further pointed out to varying degree of
perceptions, attitudes and beliefs among men and women employees (Shepler & Routh,
2012).
The differences in the perceptions and attitudes of people towards sexual
harassment at the workplaces are further confirmed by the researchers such as (Dartnall
& Jewkes, 2012) that examined the differences in the perceptions and beliefs of higher
and lower ranking levels in which they perceive the sexual harassment at the workplaces.
They examined in their study the perceptions and attitudes of senior state manager and
crèche attendant at the church organizations regarding the sexual harassment and found
that both people have different perceptions that describe the sexual harassment. While on
the one hand, where the senior estate manager stated in his interview that sexual
harassment at the workplaces is limited to the forced assault, sexual intercourse and rape,
the female crèche attendant on the other hand, described in her interview described sexual
harassment that an estate superintendent in her estate requested for the sexual favors from
her and also penalized her by refusing to provide the crèche with essential amenities just
because she refused to accept the offer and rebuked him. Further, according to the female
crèche attendant that this attitude is highly prevalent in her workplaces where supervisors
and superintendents do not consider this action as sexual harassment at all which in her
views is the strict action of the superintended that is amounted to the sexual harassment.
The varying differences in the perceptions of both male and female towards
sexual harassment is also observed one study conducted in Nepal by Forum for
Protection of Public Interest where it is examined that out of 26 women lawyers interview
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by the NGO, almost half of them asserted that they felt that judges they are working
under or fighting the case address them differently in comparison to the manner in which
their male colleagues approached them (Becker & Kuranchie, 2012). Furthermore,
among the 26 female lawyers participated in the survey of the NGO, three out of every
four female lawyer mentioned that they had faced both verbal and physical harassment at
the workplaces as the women advocates whereas on the other hand, two thirds of all the
respondents have agreed that they have been, whether in the chambers or the court firms,
remained constantly subjected to jokes or remark that crosses the limits of the fun and
demeaning them personally as female advocates as well as being women in general
(McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone, 2012).
In addition to that, the study conducted in India supported the above findings of
perceptions of female lawyers in Nepal and confirmed that female generally perceive
things as the sexual harassment that their male supervisors or work colleagues are not
even concerned with (Irene van Staveren, 2011). The researchers also suggested that this
is perhaps one of the reasons that translated in the huge gap of the workplaces policies
and legal framework against the sexual harassment being defined and actually
implemented as an action. This also suggested that many of the workplace policies or
legal frameworks against the sexual harassment at the workplaces failed because they did
not take into account the varying degree of perceptions of both male and female
employees. The study examined that women participated in the study perceive sexual
harassment as violation that must adhered to the intensive action as compared to the
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perceptions of the male participants at the same workplace that might do not consider the
sexual harassment as something that requires any kind of serious action.
Further, female employees mentioned the varying degree of the differences that is
amounted socially acceptable familiarity and unwelcome sexual behavior at the
workplaces as compared to their male counterparts. In addition, female employees in
India asserted that actions against dressing the sexual harassment which they appeal often
resulting in them losing the interesting and challenging jobs and hence women in the
workplaces have to be settled for the average jobs (Iliyasu et al., 2011). The male
employees participated in the study of India on the other hand mentioned that their main
concern towards sexual harassment is that it is the action of the serious offend against the
fellow employee whereas majority of the women would make false or motivated
complaints regarding the sexual harassments which according to them is the normal or
friendly gesture at the workplaces. In countries like India, female employees or interview
candidates sometimes feel intimated or harassed when a male employee or interviewer
approached them for the ‘handshake’. The male therefore asserted that obviously
handshake is not to be termed as the sexual harassment because within the same country
where some women feel conservative might feel reluctant while others would be happy to
shake hands with them as the posture of friendliness and professionalism than other way
around (Osman, 2007). Despite, the different perceptions of male participants as
compared to female participants and the contemporary practices exist at the workplaces
that describe the line of professionalism or friendliness and sexual harassment at the
workplaces according to the perceptions of participants, the Indian study accounted that
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perception of male employees to be biased and prejudiced against women and the fact
that many women are suffering just because of these irrational justifications from male
employees (Ulicki, 2011). This is further supported in the study of (Hernandez-Truyol,
2012) that examined that the problem of false reporting of the sexual harassment is not
peculiar to incidences of sexual harassment at the workplaces and that this is the most
significant risky offence to be reported as compared to any other crime being reported at
the workplaces.
The varying degree of the responses and perceptions is also observed in the study
of (Hendricks & Valasek, 2010) that examined that majority of the male employees at the
workplaces believe that their behavior towards their female coworkers is often
misconstrued by them and also that they are not always aware that some conduct at the
workplaces such as unbutton the shirt from the above and opening a belt after a meal
might be considered offensive to women. In addition to that, researchers examined that
male employees often have varying degree of commonly held beliefs that constitutes the
notion of sexuality. Not surprisingly, majority of men in their study revealed their
perceptions that women have a need display their assets as the part of their sexuality
whereas men on the other hand has the natural urge to flirt as the part of their sexuality
(Iliyasu et al., 2011). The researchers asserted that this attitude of men at the workplaces
often considered as the major barrier towards the implementation of the intervention
strategies or programs at the workplaces in which employers find it hard to draw line that
constitutes acceptable and unacceptable behavior in the presence of such strong held
beliefs (McDonald, 2012).
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Similar to the presence of varying degree of perception of male and female
employees at the workplaces in the developing countries like Malaysia, Nepal and India,
some studies in the Africa countries, especially in the West African region, also reported
the evidence of difference of perceptions of male and female towards sexuality or what
constitutes the sexual harassment at the workplaces (Banaszak et al., 2010). The studies
reported and confirmed that while male employees in the majority have perceptions and
commonly held beliefs that sexual harassment at the workplaces should not take so
seriously as they consider this act as the gesture or expression of appreciation of men for
women they like, none of the female employees in those studies sample group seemed to
share this sentiment (Hernandez-Truyol, 2012).
In addition to that, the joined study conducted by the Women’s Development
Collective (WDC) and All Women Action Society (AWAM) in Malaysia confirmed
these findings by stating that there is varying degree in the perceptions of the men and
women towards the sexual harassment at the workplaces. The study found that one of the
significant problems in identifying that whether preventive measures, strategies or
programs against sexual harassment is present in the organizations and societies in
general or not, is the varying degree of sexual harassment behaviors ranked differently by
male and female employees at the workplaces. The study found that women in general
sense tended to rate a wider variety of sexual harassment at the workplaces as compared
to the male counterparts. The male counterparts, they suggested, are often tended to
identify on the more extreme actions as sexual harassment that could result in offending
the female coworkers (Banaszak et al., 2010). Hence, they suggested that organizations or
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countries that have policies that align in majority with the various degrees of sexual
harassment of female workers is tended to have effective preventive strategies and
programs against the sexual harassment whereas the organizations that align in majority
with the extreme perceptions of male regarding sexual harassment are often said to have
ineffective preventive measures and programs against the sexual harassment (Iliyasu et
al., 2011). This suggested that sexual harassment at the workplaces is highly depended
upon the situations and conditions faced by female employees at the workplaces upon
which workplace policies and legal framework for preventive strategies against sexual
harassment is constructed. While the study suggested that majority of the male employees
have strong perceptions that actions such as touching hands and touching from shoulders
up is alright, none of the female workers seemed to share the same feelings in which they
consider these actions as highly offensive and should be subject of the strong action
(Morley & Lugg, 2009).
Numerous studies also accounted that there are varying perceptions between
young and older women towards the sexual harassment (Irene van Staveren, 2011). This
is supported by the finding of the previous study in an Indian study that determined that
sexual harassment perceptions among young and older women vary significantly with the
age (Hernandez-Truyol, 2012). The study found that while younger women at workplaces
often feel intimidated when their male colleagues tended to be more formal in their social
interaction with them, the older women may found the physical touch unacceptable and
unprofessional act and hence report it as workplace sexual harassment (Hely, 2008). The
similar kind of differences in the perceptions of women with age is also reported in China
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according to a study of (Menon et al., 2010). The study reported that younger women in
China as compared to older women is more susceptible to sexual harassment and hence
reported greater degree of sexual harassment when they are pressured or encouraged to
wear the offensive clothes and subtly exploit their looks for example in the hotel or
tourism industry to attract greater number of visitors (Kodellas, Fisher & Gill, 2012).
Some younger female employees working in hotel industry also reported that they are
coerced to clinch a deal with the client at any cost and assure that hotel guests to have
good time even when they demand sexual favors from them (Laporte & Mackie, 2010).
The younger women in China hence are more susceptible as compared to older women at
the workplaces and also suggested that male employees often do not consider women to
gain the sexual favors to attract and retain clients as sexual harassment at workplaces
(Brown, Deardorff & Stern, 2012). Apart from Indian and China, Sri Lanka and some
African countries also reported the significant differences in the perceptions of older
women and young women towards the sexual harassment at the workplaces (Dartnall &
Jewkes, 2012). A West African study indicated that while older women in workplaces
often tend to put up with the sexual harassment without uttering a word due to severe
economic situations and poverty levels in the countries, the younger generations in these
regions despite these facts stated to show a great resistance and protest against the sexual
harassment practices at the workplaces because of the increased need of knowledge and
awareness of the equal right of women in the society as well as the need to assert a sense
of self-dignity (Parker et al., 2012).
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In addition to that, several studies reveal that there women belonging to different
region have varying perceptions towards the sexual harassment. This is reported in the
cases of Muslim and Catholic women employees that have greater variety of what
constitutes sexual harassment at the workplaces as compared to women with western
religious thoughts (Dartnall & Jewkes, 2012). In some countries, where the Muslim
women must adhered to wear “Abaya” - a cloth to cover women from upside down, at all
the places regardless of work, home or society. These clothes are recommended
religiously for the Muslim women to protect them from aggressive sexual behavior of
men towards women and protect them from sexual harassment both physically and
verbally. Hence, in some workplaces, where there are strong policies that female
employees should not cover her face and must wear the specific uniform or clothing,
might lead to develop the perceptions of Muslim women employees that they are being
sexually harassed because they are not provided with their basic equal right (Becker &
Kuranchie, 2012). The perceptions of western women on the other hand may vary
significantly who do mind cover herself and even wear the uniform recommended by
organization (McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone, 2012).
Culture of Organization as Justification and denial of Sexual Harassment at
Workplaces
Numerous research studies indicated that culture of the organization plays the
significant role in shaping the problem of sexual harassment at workplaces where it is
either justified or denied as the part of the culture (Hely, 2008). In this regard, numerous
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researchers pointed that countries like Ivory Coast and many other countries in West
Africa that more susceptible to be influenced from organizational culture where sexual
harassment are popularly held, shape the lines of justification and denial of sexual
harassment as well as sexuality between male and female employees at the workplaces
(Hernandez-Truyol, 2012). By the virtue of this, the organizational culture may either
seem as reasoning to either completely justify the sexual harassment as the normal part
for the organization and society as well as sexuality of both male and female or can deny
it altogether by asserting that sexual harassment is actually a “problem” at the workplaces
that need to be addressed (Ormerod et al., 2012).
In this regard, while there is paucity of the actual research in the West African
countries that determine the culture of the organizations that either accept the sexual
harassment as normal part of the culture or deny it as the problem (Hendricks & Valasek,
2010), numerous research studies pertaining to developing countries such as Asian
countries that share the same cultural views to a great extent with the African countries
and organizations operating within those regions (Iliyasu et al., 2011). These cultural
views typically pertaining to the sexual harassment at the workplaces in those Asian as
well as West African countries plays the major role in recognizing the intensity of the
sexual harassment as the problem and implementation of intervention strategies or
programs against it (Banaszak et al., 2010). Hernandez-Truyol (2012) identified in their
research that developing countries and organizations operating within those regions often
do not recognize sexual harassment as the problem by justifying the reason that sexual
harassment is something that could only happen in the countries that share the Western
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culture where men and women are allow to be mixed freely. Hence, according to these
groups of people, the problem of sexual harassment is not a concern of the Asian or
African countries because workplaces in those countries do not give culture to men and
women to engage freely (Hernandez-Truyol, 2012). However, as Ormerod et al. (2012)
recognized I their earlier research that sexual harassment is most vulnerable in the
organizational cultures that do not allow the women and men to engage themselves
beyond the work and hence suggested men in those regions revealed more aggressive
sexual behaviors as compared to men in the western world countries that eventually lead
to more high chances of occurrence of sexual harassment’s incidents at the workplaces.
These findings are further supported by the researchers such as (Ulicki, 2011; Osman,
2007) that examined in their research that organizations or countries mostly deny the
prevalence of the sexual harassment at the workplaces by justifying the reason that their
men and women are not exposed to the western world television programs that had bad
influence on their people leading to people developing aggressive sexual harassment for
revenge and gaining the material favors. While, this justification deemed to be somewhat
rational few years ago, the increase spread of the technologies such as internet and
television programs across the world have also result in people being exposed to these
programs at one hand and being influenced on the other hand (Osman, 2007). While
majority of the researchers do agreed that these western television programs do have the
bad influence on the people that are already vulnerable as these programs excessively
portrays that it is quite fine for women and men to interact in the overt ways and even use
it as the means of gaining material favors and revenge, the researchers also agreed that
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those countries or organizations cannot deny the prevalence of other factors also
significantly responsible for prevalence of sexual harassment at the workplaces (Osman,
2007). The study of Hely (2008) further justifies that while this is true that western world
television programs do have the negative influence on the men in countries where men
and women are not allowed openly to engage themselves and can potentially titillate men
into going beyond the limits of the acceptable behavior and eventually harassing women,
this could not be the only justification of the accepting the sexual harassment as the
normal part of the workplaces as could have serious impact on the productivity of both
male and female employees in those nations.
Another view of thoughts of people that denies the existence of sexual harassment
as the problem in African countries is the commonly held in the culture of the
organizations that since women in their country is more reserved in terms of teasing and
joking as compared to the modern young western women that are considered as the game
for a bit of fun that eventually stir the emotions of men and not in the former case (Hely,
2008). In addition, Hendricks & Valasek (2010) asserted that there is commonly held
beliefs in the culture of African local organizations that since their cultures, castes,
classes and religions are more backward and as their men are less educated and more
oppressive as well as the fact that their women would highly unlikely to take an action
against, the sexual harassment therefore is acceptable even thought it prevails the culture
of the organizations where they work.
Another thought of views identified by some researchers among the people
regarding the acceptability of the sexual harassment at the workplaces in socially and
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economically backwards countries is that acts such as cajoling and teasing women are the
normal part of the local culture and hence if men are doing this in the workplaces, there
was nothing wrong with them (Ormerod et al., 2012). Another extension of this group of
people in the organizations are those that although believe that while there is nothing
wrong with acts of teasing and cajoling women, however they soon changed their
thoughts towards the sexual harassment as the human rights issue when Western feminist
ideology came to the fore and identify it as the problem of the cultural norms that impact
the women at the workplaces (Iliyasu et al., 2011).
Some organizational cultures also rationalize the acceptance of sexual harassment
at their workplaces especially when the workforce in the majority is the foreigners
regardless of their thoughts of the western or eastern world (Banaszak et al., 2010). As
the matter of the fact, those organizations failed at recognizing the local norms and local
contexts and intentionally or unintentionally take advantage of local women because the
majority of the workforce are the foreigners where it is assumed that those women are too
polite to accept the act as friendliness or stand up to the harassers at the workplaces
(Hernandez-Truyol, 2012). Additionally, some researchers such as (Banaszak et al.,
2010; Hely, 2008; McDonald, 2012) asserted that some organizations in African and
Asian countries have self assumed the social control over the women and hence presented
the arguments with relation to acceptance of the sexual harassment at the workplaces
(Iliyasu et al., 2011). Conversely, in those workplaces women are considered as the
minority and even justify that women having the transgressed local norms asked and
deserved to be sexually harassed (Ormerod et al., 2012). According to various authors,
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this type of situation is highly prevalent in the roots of culture of many organizations and
eventually the overall states and countries of Africa where women are considered as the
minority just because they have transgressed local norms.
While the aforementioned views held by different organizations, men and women
in cultures that share the uniform characteristics, where women are either treated as
minority or deprived from their basic human rights to raise voice against their difficulties
they face at the workplaces, numerous researchers stated that none of the views stand up
to the scrutiny (Hernandez-Truyol, 2012). In general, researchers divided the groups of
the organization that share commonly held beliefs in the cultures having similar response
to the women issues such as in African and Asian countries (Osman, 2007). The first
group of organizations in this regard is termed as the cultural apologists that altogether
dismiss the fact that sexual harassment is merely the case of misunderstanding to clash of
cultural values shared by people in the organization and hence suggested it as serious
social and workplace issue (Hendricks & Valasek, 2010). The second group on the other
hand is referred as the cultural defensive that would altogether justifies that sexual
harassment is the normal part of the organizational culture just like anything and hence it
is quite acceptable and even permissible in some contexts. This group often justifies the
acceptance of sexual harassment at the workplace by rationalizing that that sexual
harassment has actually the positive influence on the workplace healthy relationships and
increases the productivity and reduces the level of stress (Iliyasu et al., 2011). However,
researchers claimed that none of these justifications have yet proved in the available body
of scientific research and neither any of the justifications stated stand up to the scrutiny
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itself (Bennett, 2009). The researchers also suggested that even in some organizations
where the women are highly unlikely to report the offensive behavior of men at once may
or may not tolerate the offender behavior if he keeps repeating the same behavior after
being told off. This is likely because in some organizations men complain that women
misunderstood some of the social signals with sexual sense where they actually
approached them with a friendly overture as the normal part of the culture of their
organization. However, since women have diverse range of what constitutes sexual
behavior, the thoughts of men clashes with women even if the country or organization
has the commonly held belief regarding the acceptance of such behavior. (Hernandez-
Truyol, 2012) described that women in such situations often approach male harassers that
their behavior is inappropriate one and not the friendly one and at first female employees
might ignore or accept the behavior of male employees, the repetition of same behavior
exhibited by male employees turns out to the case of sexual harassment.
Prevalence of Sexual Harassment at Workplaces of Cote d'Ivoire West Africa
Although, there is no any study identified that is specifically devoted to explore
the prevalence of sexual harassment at Cote d'Ivoire and other Western African countries
and thereby intervention strategies to address the problem at the workplaces, but since
last two decades there have been many significant studies that shed light on the nature
and practice of sexual harassment at the workplaces as well as the prevention strategies
and programs against sexual harassment at the workplaces in the African region
(Ormerod et al., 2012).
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In this regard, a project carried by the African Gender Institute in the period of
2005-2006 examined the prevalence of sexual harassment, the significant reasons
responsible for sexual harassment and effectiveness on different workplace policies on
the social harassment in the complex climates of the diversified cultures, opportunity and
discrimination that strongly pointed out the contemporary shape of the workplaces in the
African regions.
Another project that highlighted the prevalence of sexual harassment at the
workplaces of West Africa is research published by Gaanderse & Valasek (2011) on
“The Security Sector and Gender in West Africa” indicating incidences of sexual
harassment with women serving in defense, police, penal services and justice in
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) states as well as providing the
legal framework and sexual harassment policies against the problem. Researchers
Gaanderse & Valasek (2011) while utilizing the data on gender and security sector
institutions (SSIs) in West Africa agreed with the fact that both data on gender and
security workplaces issues is hard to come by as well as dispersed. With regard to these
facts, Gaanderse & Valasek (2011) in their research attempted to systematically
document the prevalence of sexual harassment and other factors while emphasizing the
status of gender integration particularly in the security sectors of member countries of
ECOWAS. Their research also presented the much information with regard to sexual
harassment and other workplace issues which were never before published or compared
with data from other countries in the region of West Africa. In addition, the research of
Gaanderse & Valasek (2011) provided the framework as the resource for people that are
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working within SSIs or those in general are interested in the research of development or
governance issues in West Africa and those organizations that are specifically dealing
with gender-related issues particularly the justification and denial of the problem of
sexual harassment at the workplaces. Gaanderse & Valasek (2011) provided numerous
indications of prevalence of sexual harassment at the workplaces of West African
countries and thereby broken down the research to each specific country including the
Cote d'Ivoire by highlighting the sexual harassment policies and incidences. The research
also pointed out the prevalence of sexual harassment with classification of sexual
harassment, perceptions of both men and women and culture that all play the significant
roles in incidences of sexual harassment at African workplaces.
The research indicated that historically, men are predominantly employed in the
workplaces of West African countries whereas women continue to be highly
underrepresented across numerous 56 major SSIs included in the survey. With regard to
this, the personnel indicators such as the ranks of male and female staff, numbers and
positions of both men and women within these countries, provide clear indication of the
extent of prevalence of sexual harassment at the workplaces. In addition, the research
highlighted that specific measures used within West African countries pertaining to
female recruitment, retention and advancement compared with their male counterparts as
well as some other measures such compensation, workplace policies against hassle and
sexual harassment take into account by current human resource policies provide all
indications of the extent of sexual harassment at the workplaces. Further, usage of
equipment and physical infrastructure being used in the factories leading to both men and
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women work together such as in congested places; also indicate the prevalence of sexual
harassment at the workplaces (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011).
The survey, in general, indicated that female representation across the West
African workplaces are extremely low where on overall average across the SSIs sample
institutions, female employees only represent approximately 12% of the total workforce
population across the penal services, justice systems, armed forces and policies services
and the lie. The civil services on the other hand indicate much lower figure where the
female representation is even not amounted to any significant level to get noticed. This
provide the clear indications that since women workforce in West Africa is quite low, the
prevalence of notion of women minority stir the chances of high workplace incidences
even though it is yet to be presented in the empirical studies (Gaanderse & Valasek,
2011).
Although, female workforce participation in West Africa varies significantly
across the countries as well as sectors, it is admitted that sexual harassment, sexual
violence and gender equality are highly prevalent problems in the regions. In addition,
since majority of the women joined the workforce of civil, justice systems and panel
services, the women are highly presented as compared to women presentation in armed
forces and hence it is observed in many studies that armed forces have high susceptibility
of sexual harassment, violence and rapes issues (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011).
Apart from that the survey that indicated in countries of West Africa, the
strategies for the purpose of recruitment, retention as well as advancement of the women
vary across the countries as well as by the sectors. However, the report also indicated that
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despite the significant variation in which the recruitment, retention and advancement of
women is carried in West African countries, all countries in the region almost share the
same challenge in the development of the intervention strategies, programs or policies
and procedures to address the sexual harassment and thus contribute to the healthy work
environment (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011).
In addition to that, the report specifically indicated that Cote d’Ivoire is
considerably different level of gender embeddings across different SSIs workplaces.
Researchers indicated that on the positive side, Cote d’Ivoire has much more positive
situations of women representation as compared to other West African countries. Cote
d’Ivoire workplaces specially the panel services and justice sector are large presence of
women that that constitutes 23.40% of the judges of total gender population across this
sector. In addition to that, around 25.96% of the women in Cote d’Ivoire are being total
prison staff that is considerably higher as compared to other countries of West Africa. In
addition to that, the research indicated that, gender training in Cote d’Ivoire varies
considerably across SSIs and that is being carried under the responsibility of the gender
unit of the country that falls within the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights. The
research indicated that oversight of some institutions in the recent years by Human Rights
Commission of Cote d’Ivoire with regard to panel services had significant impact on the
prevalence of the increasing number of cases of sexual harassment and rape issues across
the panel services workplaces (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011).. Moreover, the existing
human resource policies merely takes into equitable measures of considering women and
men for the recruitment, compensation and considering the health of women and
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maternity benefits in the particular. In addition to that, significant gaps and challenges
with relation to gender equality are observed within the police services especially within
the particular sector of gendarmerie and armed forces where women with inadequate
representation are frequently ignored for their security and health issues at the
workplaces. In this regard, these institutions in general have about less presentation of
women where police services reported 11.14% of women force; armed forces reported
0.50% women workforce and gendarmerie indicated less than 1% of the female
personnel. According to researchers, therefore, all these numbers exhibit less sensitivity
or responsiveness by the top authorities of the organizations as well as government to
respond to gender issues (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011)..
In addition, the researchers highlighted that more importantly the emerging
research and reports indicated that personnel at the different workplaces where the
women representation have been low have now perpetrated with extreme number of cases
which include the violent crimes other than sexual harassment against the female
employees largely with impunity. Moreover, research indicated that there have been
increases in the number of the incidences of serious sexual harassment at the training
institutions of workplaces where female employees are victimized from the senior
trainers and employees in the name of formal training. These types of cases for example
are reported in the National Police School where the serious sexual harassment
incidences with women are incredibly increasing as it was ever before (Gaanderse &
Valasek, 2011)..
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Although, numerous measures have been proposed and documented with actions
to fight against this serious issues in Cote d’Ivoire such as through the recruitment of
female trainers, few have been actually reported to have significant influence on reducing
the number of incidences. On the contrary, in spite of the presence of the many
intervention strategies and programs, the incidents have actually raised instead of being
reduced to significant level. This has been documented by the researchers that in spite of
the many measures at the broader level with relation to gender action and non-
discriminatory legislation plans, a very little progress has been observed which does not
lead in effectively addressing the problem of sexual harassment at the workplaces
(Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011).. As a result of this, majority of the females in Cote
d’Ivoire being extremely disappointed and remained poorly represented in the workplaces
and political arena in the country. Finally, the researchers argued that in Cote d’Ivoire,
very few specialized structures exist related to the service recipients that eventually make
the sexual harassment as serious problems in the country with such high rate of sexual
harassment as Cote d’Ivoire (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011).
Intervention Strategies and Programs against Sexual Harassment at Cote d'Ivoire
The Ivorian Constitution Law in general prohibits any form of the discrimination
that is made on the basis of sex. According to authors, national legislation of country is
increasingly recognizing the rights of girls and women security and health issues at the
workplaces that must be protected on the high priority. Despite that it is not surprising to
observe that sexual harassment at the workplaces based on discrimination remains highly
prevalent and especially those female employees that are living in rural areas are highly
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susceptible to the sexual harassment. Further, according to the numerous researchers the
civil war in Cote d'Ivoire causes the major problem of sexual harassment, violence,
inequality of gender and demeaning of women. This contributed to worsen the already
difficult conditions of sexual harassment and sexual violence at the workplaces that is
perpetrated with impunity by both rebel and pro-government forces.
The Ivorian law with particular to sexual harassment protects the victims of
sexual harassment under the Act No. 98-756 of December 23 1998 that strongly prohibits
sexual harassment across all the workplaces regardless of armed forces, justice system,
panel services or other organizations. The sexual harassment according to Ivorian Act
suggest the prohibition of all kind of acts that occur in the form where a person
deliberately or non-deliberately ask for the sexual favors in the return for the action or
service as the part of an employee’s job requirements. Further, sexual harassment
according to law prohibits a person to use threats of punishment or actual punishment to
pressurize the person under his/her authority to agree with sexual favors. Further, the
Ivorian law prohibits the actions such as taking a revenge against someone that refused to
consent for the sexual favors against him and her and hence prohibits the person not to
discriminate against the other person for anything related to workplaces. Further, sexual
harassment law in Cote d'Ivoire prohibits any person to ask for sexual favors from any of
his subordinates to let him or her obtain job, reward, distinction, promotion or any other
advantage either for himself or herself or on behalf of another person.
Apart from clarifying what constitutes sexual harassment in the law, the Ivorian
Law also clarifies on the punishment for the guilty of the sexual harassment that is
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delineated in paragraph one of the Ivorian Act. The punishment in this regard is serving
three years in prison and paying the fine ranging from 360,000 CFA francs (U.S.
$573.08) to 1,000,000 CFA francs (U.S. $1,591.88). Not only is the actual action of
sexual harassment punishable and subject to fines and punishment but also the attempts
of sexual harassment against the person based on the gender or any kind of
discrimination. Further, the paragraph four of Ivorian Act strengthened the above articles
of Ivorian Act that any person that falsely accuses the fellow employee for the sexual
harassment is also subject to the fines and punishment for the damages occurred to the
accused person’s reputation and integrity to explicitly accuse him/her any prejudice
whatsoever. Conversely, this suggested that any action by female employee against the
fellow male employee regarding the fake case of sexual harassment is also subject for the
penalties and punishment for female employee and hence suggest that both men and
women are equally protected under the Ivorian Act where one is discourage take the
explicit advantage over the other.
While the Ivorian Law provides the macro level framework of intervention
strategies against the sexual harassment at the workplace, the researchers examined that
there is no formal policies related to workplace sexual harassment intervention programs
or strategies that could effectively battle with this emerging serous issue. In this regard,
the researchers argued that while many of the workplace sectors proclaimed that the
existence of draft policies regarding the gender equality and gender based discrimination,
none of them have yet proved to be effective to address the gender diversity and
workplace sexual harassment issues in particular. With regard to these facts, the
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researchers argued that when it comes to police services workplaces, there is no formal
policies related to sexual harassment at the workplaces exist. Despite that the police
department recently reported to use some form of draft texts that addresses the gender
discrimination and sexual harassment issues at the workplaces being reportedly
developed since year 2010.In addition to that, the police services workplaces claimed to
protect female employees from the risk of sexual harassment that is reduced by providing
the trainings to both men and women during the initial phases of training at the National
Police School. In this regard, National Police School adopted an informal policy with
regard to recruitment to recruiting more and more female trainers. The researchers
indicated that while 25 female trainers have been recruited since year 2010, there is no
significant reduction in incidences of sexual harassment has been reported that is of no
surprise, since no formal intervention strategies, policies or programs have yet been
adopted. In addition to that, the researchers argued that there are no formal policies of
sexual harassment at the workplaces of Cote d'Ivoire across armed forces, gendarmerie,
justice system, panel services and other organizations. This indicates that while legal
framework at the macro level is quite prevalent, the lack of formal sexual harassment
policies at the organizations and workplaces of Cote d'Ivoire are quite of no significance
in addressing the workplace sexual harassment issues to considerable levels.
Potential Gaps in Existing Practices against Sexual Harassment at Cote d'Ivoire
Many researchers in their studies revealed common consensus on the evidence
that there is no formal sexual harassment policy at the workplaces of Cote d'Ivoire across
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both private and public sectors. In spite of that there is legal framework based on the
Ivorian law that clarifies what constitutes sexual harassment across the workplaces in the
country as well as highlighted the punishments and penalties for the guilty. Apart from
the daunting evidence of absence of lack of formal policies at the workplaces across the
country which result in high incidences of women and continued underrepresentation of
women in workplaces, numerous researchers such as (Hernandez-Truyol, 2012; Ormerod
et al., 2012; McDonald, 2012) agreed on the fact that despite the presence of some
legislation as well as women’s right in organization in Cote d'Ivoire, the laws protecting
the physical and moral integrity of women and girls in Cote d'Ivoire are allegedly
insufficient and weak in the written terms as well as insufficiently implemented across
the workplaces of the country. In this regard, numerous researchers highlighted potential
gaps in the existing practices including both workplace intervention strategies or policies
and legal framework of Cote d'Ivoire against the sexual harassment especially the female
sexual harassment in SSIs workplaces (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011).
In this regard, Gaanderse & Valasek (2011) examined in their research that while
Ivorian Law, based on the Act No. 98-756 of December 23 1998, strictly prohibits all
form of the gender based discrimination in the employment across Cote d'Ivoire however
does not prescribe the equal pay for the work of equal value that indicated that women
are still not considered equal in the workplaces and the poverty ratio among female
workers and employees in Cote d'Ivoire West Africa continue to prevail which eventually
cause reduces their self-esteem to raise voice against their physical and moral integrity.
Moreover, Laporte & Mackie (2010) supported the above findings while identifying
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another potential gaps of existing practices against sexual harassment at the workplaces
in Cote d'Ivoire that include the fact that Ivorian law though strictly prohibits the sexual
harassment however that is in too generic form in the country and it does not prohibits
sexual harassment in particular by refereeing to the workplaces across Cote d'Ivoire.
In addition to that, Menon et al. (2010) identified in their research that while
there is increasing number of Ivorian women and girls are now taking up the jobs outside
the home due to prevailing low economic status and high poverty ratio, the organizations,
government and society in general are not accepting the equal rights of women despite
the various women’s rights movements over the last 2 decades and so. This indicted the
notion of the organization culture in the Cote d'Ivoire that women in their country are free
from any sexual harassment or they are destined to be sexually harassed and exploited by
men in the society (Menon et al., 2010). These findings are further supported by the
researchers such as (Shepler & Routh, 2012; Laporte & Mackie, 2010) that identified that
during the period of 2010-2011 the labor force of Ivorian women raised from 51% which
as compared to five years ago is thrice the current figures. However, despite the
increasing percentage of women at the workplaces, women are not even considered to
give the deserving jobs based on their skills and knowledge and majority of women in
Cote d'Ivoire are concentrated in low paid and low skilled jobs (Parker et al., 2012). In
addition, the ratio of women that are concentrated in the senior and management level job
positions is only the quarter of entire Ivorian women labor force across the all
workplaces.
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In addition to that, the findings of (Becker & Kuranchie, 2012; McLaughlin,
Uggen & Blackstone, 2012) revealed that gender pay gap in Cote d'Ivoire is estimated
around 42% which is considerably increasing with increasing number of work population
contrary to situation few years back. In addition to that, researchers such as (Dartnall &
Jewkes, 2012) supported that current practices against the gender discrimination and
sexual harassment at the workplaces since women are underrepresented, concentrated on
low paid jobs and are not provided with their basic rights such as maternity paid leaves
and the like. Furthermore, Becker & Kuranchie (2012) examined in their empirical
research that there is significant potential gaps in the existing practices of sexual
harassment at the workplaces in which employers deliberately discriminate against
women in hiring as they try to gain the sexual favors to offer them job as well as
promotion. Further, many employers legalize their organizational structure and formal
policies at the workplaces which openly directed towards discriminating towards such as
researchers examined that many employers have made the workplace polices to avoid
providing the maternity benefits to their female employees (Becker & Kuranchie, 2012).
Further, in their research, authors such as (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011) examined
that in Cote d'Ivoire, majority of female employees reported that it is the serious problem
for them at the workplaces and despite the several complains and investigation, their
employers are still not taking the serious steps against the sexual harassment despite the
few draft policies which written just in the files and stored in the locks. The worst of this
situation is that, those Ivorian women that are disabled find more difficult situations with
sexual harassment and gender discrimination at the workplaces (Gaanderse & Valasek,
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2011). While the law also prohibits discrimination of all employees with disabilities as
well as mandates building accessibility, the implementation is substantially weak across
the workplaces of Cote d'Ivoire as well as across all West Africa as reported in the
research of (Menon et al., 2010). Further, according to the reports, that law provides the
numerous programs of training and employment of minority groups, female employees
and disabled persons however Ivorian government is reported to be failed to enforce
building accessibility to the those deserving one (Menon et al., 2010). Despite that, it is
reported that government has provided around 300 employment posts in the beginning of
2012 across the public sectors which also include SSIs as reported in research of
Gaanderse & Valasek (2011).
The findings of researchers further revealed that disabled persons in Cote d'Ivoire
as well as across all West Africa are more vulnerable of the discrimination in
employment as well as sexual harassment at the workplaces mostly private sectors
however sometimes in the public sectors too. This is because private sectors in Cote
d'Ivoire do not make accountable for the workplace practices to avoid the discrimination
and sexual harassment as reported in the research of (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011). As
the consequence of prevailing conditions in Cote d'Ivoire as well as across all West
Africa, Gaanderse & Valasek (2011) examined that many Ivorian women that are poor
and disabled have resort themselves to beggary while some others have gone into the
prostitution and some others have accepted the sexual harassment as well as other
aggressive behavior of men at the workplaces.
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In addition to that, researchers examined that women in Cote d'Ivoire as well as
across all West Africa are discriminated and sexually harassed based on their origin and
ethnicity which has now affected both native and foreign women being employed at the
workplaces across the region (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011). Gaanderse & Valasek (2011)
assessed the potential gaps of existing practices of sexual harassment at the workplaces
by asserting that while the 2008 law on tribalism, racism and xenophobia strictly
prohibits the discrimination and sexual harassment based on ethnicity, gender and origin,
there is no reduction in the incidences of violence and sexual harassment between
communities which were daunting situation across Cote d'Ivoire as well as across all
West African countries. Brown, Deardorff & Stern (2012) also supported the above
findings that there are numerous incidences of sexual harassment and violence with
women at the workplaces that belong to different ethnic groups showing that not only the
native but foreign women are not protected in the country. In addition to that, Kodellas,
Fisher & Gill (2012) that women of certain ethnicities and religions especially the Asians
and Muslim women are still discriminated for the employment and physical integrity as
well as other aspects of life depending on the area they live in despite the existing
practices as well as Ivorian legislation is placed across the workplaces of Cote d'Ivoire as
well as across all West Africa.
Finally, the existing workplace practices against the female sexual harassment in the
workforces of Cote d’Ivoire do not take into account that how does sexual harassment in
the workplaces impact the women across the country and how many women in Cote
d’Ivoire are being sexually harassed in the workplaces as suggested by numerous
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researcher e.g. (Laporte & Mackie, 2010; Parker et al., 2012; Shepler & Routh, 2012;
Dartnall & Jewkes, 2012). This is further supported by Shepler & Routh (2012) that
examined that due to underrepresentation of female employees at the workplaces, the
previous research studies find it difficulties in analyzing the problem of sexual
harassment as per the perceptions and feelings of women working in the region. Because
of this, the studies suggested that underrepresentation of the women at the Ivorian
workplaces is the problem at one hand while the those Ivorian women reported does not
specifically indicate that how they are impacted with sexual harassment at the workplaces
and what preventive strategies and programs exist in their organizations against gender
based discrimination, human violation and female sexual harassment (Shepler & Routh,
2012). Considering the timeframe in which those studies have been carried, the increase
in the acceptance of sexual harassment as the problem, increasing number of Ivorian
women in workforce and introduction of new workplace practices against the sexual
harassment and others human right violation at the workplaces, the current research tends
to critically explore the problem of female sexual harassment and preventive strategies
and programs against it in the workplaces of Cote d’Ivoire.
Studies Addressing Precursors of Sexual Assault Disclosure by African women
The first subpart of Part One provides a review of studies that address the
precursors of sexual assault disclosure by Latina survivors. In an Arizona study, Ramos-
Lira et al. (1999) found that keeping silent was a consistent theme among African women
sexually assaulted. The data were collected from four focus groups containing 4 to 5
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participants each. This resulted in a total of 17 participants (13 Mexican—born in Mexico
but raised in the United States; 3 Latin American—born and predominantly raised in
Mexico; and 1 Mexican American—born in the United States but raised in Mexico for a
year or more) who were asked to explain their responses to rape and other types of sexual
abuse. The main motives given by the participants for silence were fear, family shame,
and self-blame. The authors found that African women who are sexually assaulted by an
acquaintance or intimate partner such as a current boyfriend often keep silent because
they could never be sure how their family would react.
In addition, possible consequences such as family shame and the potential desire
for revenge on the part of family males close to the victim may prevent disclosure.
Moreover, these women may blame themselves for the sexual assaults, especially if a
high value is placed on virginity. Furthermore, the authors suggested that underreporting
may be a major problem in assessing rape prevalence among African women because
their voices are typically left out of national surveys. The authors explained that many of
the African women in this study communicated mainly or exclusively in Spanish,
although they had lived in the United States for many years; that is, they were not yet
acculturated, suggesting that their inability to communicate in English might be leading
to the major difficulty in measuring rape/sexual abuse frequency among African women
accurately.
Ahrens, Rios-Mandel, Isas, and del Carmen Lopez (2010) conducted 10 focus
groups with 65 Spanish-speaking African women from different educational,
immigration, and enculturation backgrounds. The purpose of the study was to add to the
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accessible literature on the low rates of sexual assault disclosure for African women by
collecting data on specific cultural beliefs that would lead to barriers for African women
to disclose a sexual assault or a domestic violence incident. These participants were
recruited from a variety of locations, including a local university, local rape and domestic
violence agencies, and similar locales. The participants were asked to describe their
current community, to compare the United States and their home countries, and to
compare their own cultural beliefs with many others. Among the cultural beliefs and
influences asked about were a range of available community resources, fear of violence,
marriage status, and taboos about talking about sex, rape, and abuse. The results of the
study indicated that there is a lack of resources for Latina survivors of sexual assault, in
both the United States and Latin American countries, but they are more limited in
countries other than the United States. With regard to family bonds, participants
expressed that family orientation was stronger in Latin American countries, especially in
small towns where a family’s reputation could be ruined through gossip. Fear of violence
may silence many Latina survivors of sexual assault either in the United States or in Latin
American countries. In addition, participants identified how shame and embarrassment
can accompany efforts to address topics about sex, rape, and abuse both in the United
States and abroad. However, here too, the participants reported that the taboos were
stronger abroad and for less acculturated Latinos in the United States.
In a study of psychotherapists’ perspectives on the disclosure of rape, Morrissey
(1998) interviewed “licensed clinical social workers, master’s level social workers,
clinical psychology doctoral students with masters in Psychology, and doctorates of
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psychology” (p. 46) who had worked with rape survivors. In all, 10 clinicians in the
greater Los Angeles area were interviewed. Most shared ethnic/racial commonalities with
their clients. Four of them (Latina Americans) had worked with African women, 4 (3
African American and an Arab American) had worked with African Americans, and 2
(Vietnamese Americans) had worked with Vietnamese. A qualitative exploratory study
was conducted using the perceptions of psychotherapists to investigate cultural variations
in women’s experience of rape, beliefs about rape, and knowledge about availability of
formal and informal supports. In addition, Morrissey explored variations in treatment
approaches provided to the sexual assault victims/survivors of each of these three
populations to determine what strategies they used to cope with the rape experience. In
other words, the author investigated what treatment approaches allow psychotherapists to
build trust and rapport with their clients, allowing the clients to disclose personal
information about what assisted them in surviving the ugliness of a sexual assault. A
weakness in this study for my purposes is that the perceptions on cultural variations in
women’s experience of sexual assault were collected from psychotherapists and not
directly from sexual assault survivors. Morrissey found that the psychotherapists that had
worked with Latina rape survivors observed that the Latino population was quite
heterogeneous and that this variety likely affected disclosure patterns. For instance, the
acculturation level appeared to influence the views and beliefs held about rape among
Latinos.
Other studies have supported similar conclusions about levels of acculturation and
language proficiency and their relationships to disclosure behaviors. In a
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phenomenological study with 12 focus groups, Sorenson (1996) similarly found that rape
and sexual abuse have different meanings across different Latino cultures, with acts that
may be punished in some cultures, but ignored in others. According to West, Kantor, and
Jasinski’s (1998) quantitative data collected as a part of a national survey on alcohol-
family violence, level of acculturation may hinder African women from disclosing and
seeking assistance from formal support sources, with those who are less acculturated
disclosing less frequently and less fully. The lack of proficiency in English may place
African women in more vulnerable and possibly abusive situations.
The questions in Morrissey’s (1998) interview protocol were based on variables
identified in the literature specific to particular cultures about how they experience rape.
For example, Morrissey noted that her literature review informed her of how religion and
spirituality is an important coping strategy for some African Americans, but there was no
research at that time examining the reliance on faith as a coping mechanism for African
women. For that reason, Morrissey examined various coping strategies, which included
reliance on faith, religion, and spirituality.
Several cultural themes were found by Morrissey (1998) through interviewing the
four Latina clinicians regarding their perceptions of Latina survivors’/victims’
experiences. The following are eight cultural themes identified by Morrissey that also are
relevant for this current study: (a) African women who lose their virginity to a sexual
assault may feel ruined for marriage because they believe they are viewed as damaged
goods; (b) an accompanying stigma of shame and loss of status may exist for the family
(e.g., the family of a Latina rape survivor may lose status in the Latino community); (c)
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marital rape is not generally seen as rape in traditional Latino families; (d) Latina
survivors are not known to press charges; (e) there is a coping mechanism among
Latinos, known as sobrebarnace, which means “to overcome,” implying that African
women should accept their fate and not think about the ugliness of the incident, thus
transcending the sexual assault; (f) seeking counseling is not common among Latina
survivors; (g) substance abuse is not socially accepted for Latina women (e.g., traditional
African women are not known to drink alcohol or to become drunk); and (h) fear of
retaliation by a male relative against the perpetrator is a barrier for Latina survivors to
report and disclose a sexual assault incident.
Further qualitative results reported by Morrissey (1998) suggested that both
African American and Latina survivors felt they would not be believed by the police and
did not trust the legal system. Suspicion of the police also was found with regard to
undocumented immigrants. This suspicion was confirmed by Sorenson’s qualitative
study. According to Sorenson (1996), undocumented sexual assault survivors revealed
the fear that they or their entire family might be deported if they disclosed problems in
their home. They fear that the police would contact la migra (immigration) and identify
them for deportation.
Morrissey (1998) also found that for all three ethnicities (Latina, African
American, and Vietnamese), spiritual trust was a common coping strategy for rape
survivors. With regard to the Latino population, Morrissey found that African women
often believed in working with a curandero, which is a traditional folk healer in the
Latino culture devoted to curing physical, mental, and spiritual illnesses. Curanderos are
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known to use Roman Catholic elements (e.g., holy water, prayers, offerings, candles, and
oils) to bring about a cure. According to Zea, Mason, and Murguía (2000), “many
illnesses treated by curanderos include those that are not recognized by Western
medicine and seem to possess strong psychosomatic and anxious qualities” (p. 406). I
have known individuals from the Latino population that sought a limpia, a cleaning of the
spirit from a curandero. They could seek this cleansing without disclosing the reason for
seeking assistance whether it is a mental, emotional, and/or physical illness. According to
Zea et al., curanderos combine clinical skills, knowledge of traditional remedies, and
spiritual considerations to cure individuals. Torres (1991) also found in a study
comparing wife abuse between two cultures that African women sought assistance from
traditional healing arts such as curanderos first, prior to seeking help from social service
or legal systems.
Romero et al. (1999) examined reported and unreported incidents of sexual
assault among African women compared to two other populations. These researchers
used stratified probability sampling. They recruited 305 African American women, 300
African women of Mexican origin, and 300 non-Latina White participants. The
participants were interviewed face-to-face in either English or Spanish at a location of
their choice. The researchers used the Wyatt Sex History Questionnaire to collect data on
women’s consensual and abusive sexual experiences, the effects on intimate
relationships, and the effects on psychological and sexual functioning.
Romero et al. (1999) reported that one in three Latina women reported incidents
of sexual abuse. These results suggested a higher prevalence rate of childhood sexual
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abuse than in other studies of African women. In addition, more than one third of the self-
described victims experienced revictimization, with a majority of the incidents occurring
in private locations by known assailants. The results indicated that there was a higher rate
of nondisclosure of sexual abuse for the Latina participants than for the African
American or non-Latina White participants. Arellano, Kuhn, and Chávez (1997)
supported similar results. In their study, Latina adolescent females were less likely to
report incidents of sexual assault then non-Latina White adolescent females.
More than one-third of Latina participants in the study by Romero et al. (1999)
indicated that they feared a negative response to disclosing. Furthermore, they expressed
the opinion that discussing incidents of sexual acts was a taboo within their communities;
therefore, they may have remained silent about their own sexual assault. The inhibiting
effect of traditional values is fully in keeping with other studies of African women. In a
quantitative study using a random stratified sample, Williams (1985) found that Mexican
Americans embrace more traditional viewpoints about male-female sex roles than do
non-Latino White Americans. Fisher (1987) found that bilingual and bicultural Latino
college students held more traditional attitudes toward women and the cause of date rape
incidents than did their non-Latino White counterparts. These Latino students were less
likely to blame the male perpetrators than non-Latino students. According to Adames and
Campbell (2005), another concern with regard to disclosing sexual assaults is that
African women may view sexual aggression as a private matter, leading them to be more
reluctant to discuss an assault openly.
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Shame and embarrassment are not limited to Latina victims of sexual assault.
Scott’s (1994) study was based on a set of selected variables used on a secondary analysis
of the Los Angeles Epidemiologic Catchment Area (LA-ECA) research project from
January 1983 until August 1985. Data from over 3,000 respondents were collected in
three waves of interviews, but only data gathered during the first two waves of in-person
interviews were used. The questions that operationalized the eight dimensions specific to
sexual assault were asked during Wave 1 and Wave 2 interviews. Approximately equal
numbers of Latino and non-Latino White male and female participants were represented.
With regard to the study population, it is important to point out that 14.7% (n = 389) of
Wave 1 and 10.7% (n = 284) of Wave 2 responded yes to experiencing a sexual assault.
Scott concluded that many sexual assault survivors suffer an intense shame about their
experience that prevents or restrains them from disclosing the assault to others. In
addition, Scott found that victims’ reasoning for why they feel they must hide their
experience of sexual assault is often overlooked. Furthermore, Scott examined the extent
to which individuals are consistent in their reports of sexual assaults over time and found
that non-Latino Whites were more likely than Latinos to report assaults consistently, to
retract a previous disclosed sexual assault report, and to reveal a previously undisclosed
sexual assault.
Kalof (2000) examined the link between ethnicity and four measures (college
sexual victimization, sexual contact, childhood sexual victimization, and alcohol use) in a
sample of 383 undergraduate women from a large, diverse urban university. A
questionnaire survey was used to collect the data. One third (33%) of the women
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experienced a sexual assault of some degree during college. Of these, more than half of
the sexual assaults were rapes. In regard to ethnic differences, African women (26%)
disclosed experiencing more attempted rapes than Asian women (9%), non-Latina White
women (7%), and Black women (6%). In addition, African women reported having had
the highest occurrence of incest (26%), followed by the Black women (23%), the Asian
women (21%), and the White women (16%).
Kalof’s (2000) study is one of a very few studies that have examined ethnic
differences in female sexual victimization among Black, White, Hispanic, and Asian
women. Kalof indicated that there was an unusually high incidence of attempted rape for
African women; however, this study did not have an equal distribution among the
populations studied. Rather the proportions were as follows: White or Caucasian (n =
237, 65%); Black or African American (n = 37, 10%); Asian Pacific Islander or Filipino
(n = 51, 14%); Hispanic, Chicano, or Spanish-speaking American (n = 20, 5%); and other
ethnicities such as American Indian, Indian, and Bicultural (n = 21, 6%). For this reason,
the results should be interpreted with caution. As of today, research comparing sexual
assaults/disclosures of Latino’s to sexual assault/disclosures of other populations is
limited.
Studies Addressing Consequences of Sexual Assault Disclosure by African women
The first subpart of Part Two provides a review of studies that address the
consequences experienced by Latina survivors of sexual assault disclosure. Lefley et al.
(1993) examined cultural beliefs about rape among three female ethnic groups (African-
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American, African women, and non-Latina Whites). One hundred and one rape victims
and 98 non-victims completed a 10-item questionnaire that included nine rape scenarios.
The non-victims were used as a comparison group and the groups were matched for
ethnicity, age, marital status, and socioeconomic status. Lefley et al. investigated the
differences between the rape victims and the non-victims regarding their definitions of
rape, their perceptions of public attitudes about rape, and whether or not there was a
relationship between victims’ perceptions of public attitudes and their psychological
response to rape.
African women were found to have higher scores in both perceived community
victim-blaming and in victims’ psychological distress than the other two ethnicities. It
was also found that Latina victims were significantly more likely than the women from
the other ethnicities to use avoidance as a defense mechanism to anxiety-producing
situations, such as trauma produced from a sexual assault incident. Regardless of
ethnicity, both female victim participants and female non-victim participants thought that
men were more victim-blaming than women. It is important to note, however, that there
were no male participants in this study, so there is no way to fully evaluate the accuracy
of the respondents’ judgment. Relevant to the current study, this study indicated that
there are some significant ethnic differences between African women, African American
women, and non-Latina White women in terms of their perceptions of public response to
rape and in terms of their experience of psychological distress (Lefley et al., 1993).
Campbell (2006) examined whether sexual assault survivors who had the
assistance of rape victim advocates had more positive experiences with the medical and
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legal systems than those survivors who did not receive assistance from advocates. A
quasi-experimental design was used to make this comparison with 81 female survivors.
With regard to ethnicity, 52% were African American, 37% were non-Latina White, 8%
were Latina, and 3% were identified as multiracial. The author did not separate the results
based by ethnicity. Instead, the results were separated by two groups—rape survivors
who worked with a rape victim advocate and rape survivors who did not. Campbell found
that sexual assault survivors who received assistance from rape victim advocates were
more likely to receive positive treatment from police officers. In addition, these women
reported less grief from their interactions with police officers and medical professionals.
In another study, Campbell, Wasco, Ahrens, Sefl, and Barnes (2001) examined
how the psychological well-being of sexual assault survivors was affected by their
interactions with a variety of community service agencies. In addition to legal and
medical services, Campbell et al. examined mental health, rape crisis, and religious
services provided to 102 participants. With regard to ethnicity, 51% were African
American, 37% were non-Latina White, 6% were Latina, 5% were multiracial, and 1%
identified as Asian American. The results revealed that a greater part of the participants
who reported their sexual assault to either the legal or medical system did not receive the
services needed. At least half of the survivors in the study felt that their experience with
the legal system was negative. With regard to ethnicity, only 9% of ethnic minority
women sought assistance from rape crisis centers in comparison to 91% of non-Latina
White women. Furthermore, only 31% of ethnic minority women sought assistance from
a mental health agency in comparison to 69% of non-Latina White women.
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Ahrens, Campbell, Ternier-Thames, Wasco, and Sefl (2007) focused on gaining a
more in-depth understanding about how and why sexual assault survivors chose to
disclose their assaults. In addition to examining the sexual assault disclosures, Ahrens et
al. examined what preceded and what outcomes followed the disclosures. The researchers
interviewed 102 female rape survivors regarding their first disclosure in a quantitative
and qualitative study. The majority of the participants were African American (51%),
followed by non-Latina Whites (37%), Latina Whites (6%), multiracial (5%), and Asian
American (1%). Qualitative analysis revealed that over half of the participants
experienced positive social reactions and less than a third felt the disclosure had a
damaging impact on their recovery. Furthermore, those who disclosed their sexual assault
to a formal support provider, such as the police, were more likely to receive a negative
social reaction than a positive one. And, those who disclosed to an informal support
provider, such as a friend, were more likely to receive a positive social reaction than a
negative one.
Sorenson and Siegel (1992) analyzed sexual assault data from the Los Angeles
Epidemiologic Catchment Area (LA-ECA) Prevalence Study. Almost half (46%) of the
3,000 participants (18 years and older) identified as Latinos, and of these, 95% were of
Mexican ancestry, with 57% having been born in Mexico. The authors found that U.S.-
born Mexican women were more likely than Mexico-born Mexican women to have
experienced a sexual assault. With regard to gender, 47 % of the participants were males
and 53% were females. The authors found that Latinos, regardless of their gender, were
less likely to speak to a psychotherapist about their incident than the non-Latino
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participants. Regardless of ethnicity or gender, 59% of the participants experienced anger
as their most common emotional reaction. Depression (43%), anxiety (40%), fear (35%),
guilt (32%), and feelings of being dishonored or spoiled (29%) were the other emotional
reactions experienced by the participants. In all, the authors suggested that diminishing
Latino culture combined with high rates of poverty may leave African women vulnerable
to many problems, including sexual assault.
Golding et al. (1989) investigated seven potential social support sources following
sexual assaults to assess the usage level and whether these sources were helpful. They
used data from 447 respondents of 3,132 randomly selected adults from two Los Angeles
mental health catchment areas. Of these 447 participants, 290 were female victims and
147 were male victims and 10 gender identities were not identified. With regard to
ethnicity, 280 were non-Latino White, 117 were Latino, and 50 of another ethnicity not
identified. Multiple logistic regression models were used to analyze the data.
Golding et al. (1989) found that about two thirds of the 447 participants had told
someone about the sexual assault. Over half (59%) disclosed their assault to a friend or
relative. In findings which sharply contrast with other studies with Latina women
(Bachman, 1998; Fisher et al., 2003; Jones et al., 2007; Kahn et al., 2003; Sudderth,
1998; Ullman & Filipas, 2001; Williams, 1984), Golding et al. found that those assaulted
by a stranger were more likely to tell friends or relatives of their assault rather than the
police, mental health professionals, or rape crisis centers. Fewer participants (11%)
consulted the police, mental health professionals (16%), physicians (9%), and rape crisis
centers (2%). The agencies most frequently described as helpful were rape crisis centers
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(94%) and legal professionals (83%), followed by mental health professionals (70%) and
friends and relatives (67%). The least helpful was the police (38%).
In summary, the literature on studies addressing consequences experienced by
Latina survivors of sexual assault disclosure is not extensive; however, a few themes
revealed feelings and consequences recalled by Latina participants after their initial
sexual assault disclosure. It is important to point out that most of the studies reviewed had
less than 10% Latino participants. With regard to feelings experienced, anger was the
most common emotional reaction identified in prior research. Depression, anxiety, fear,
guilt, and feeling of being dishonored or spoiled were the other emotional reactions
experienced by the sexual assault survivors. In the research studies reviewed, African
women were found to experience higher levels of psychological distress than other
ethnicities studied, but were less likely to speak to a psychotherapist about their incident
than the non-Latino participants. Regardless of ethnicity, those who disclosed their sexual
assault to a formal support provider, such as the police, were more likely to receive a
negative social reaction than a positive one. Conversely, those who disclosed to an
informal support provider, such as a friend, were more likely to receive a positive social
reaction than a negative one. Next, the second subpart reviewed studies addressing
consequences of sexual assault disclosure by non-African women.
Studies Addressing Consequences of Sexual Assault Disclosure by Non-African
women
The second subpart of Part Two provides a review of studies that address the
consequences experienced by non-Latina survivors of sexual assault disclosure. Ahrens
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(2006) conducted a qualitative analysis of narratives given by eight rape survivors (five
were African American and the other three were White). All eight participants initially
disclosed their sexual assault, but then became silent for a significant period of time
because of negative reactions they received during their initial disclosure. Three themes
merged from Ahrens’ study in regards to what led to these participants’ silence: (a) after
receiving negative reactions from professionals, survivors questioned whether future
disclosure would be beneficial; (b) the survivors’ feelings of self-blame were reinforced
through negative reactions from family members and friends; and (c) negative responses
from either a formal or informal source led the survivors to question if their experience
qualified as rape, causing their level of uncertainly to increase. After in-depth analysis,
Ahrens found that the participants experienced four similar types of negative reactions.
These were: “(1) being blamed; (2) receiving insensitive reactions; (3) experiencing
ineffective disclosures; and (4) receiving inappropriate support” (p. 269).
Ahrens, Cabral, and Abeling (2009) conducted a study with 103 female sexual
assault survivors. They all participated in one-on-one interviews about their
interpretations of social reactions received from support providers while disclosing their
assault. The researchers’ focus was to determine which social reactions sexual assault
survivors were likely to receive from a variety of social supports. Ahrens et al. found that
the most common recipient of these participants’ sexual assault disclosures were friends,
counselors, and family members. The least frequent were romantic partners, legal
personnel, and medical personnel. Romantic partners were the most likely to blame the
victim and attempt to control the situation, while providing the least tangible aid and
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providing only moderate emotional support. However, friends and counselors were more
likely to provide the most emotional support and tangible aid with not as many negative
reactions. Although, the participants in Ahrens et al.’s study were mostly African
American (37%), Asian (7%), or non-Latina White (38%), the results of this study are
beneficial for this current study because they were the closest to mine. The principal
difference is that the authors focused on different ethnicities.
McAuslan (1998) used mixed quantitative and qualitative methods to study sexual
victimization. A modified 12-item version of the Sexual Experiences Survey (SES) was
used to collect the data. McAuslan tested eight hypotheses about sexual victimization by
administering the survey to 320 undergraduate participants from Wayne State University
in Detroit, Michigan. In addition, two open-ended questions were asked of the
participants to attain reasons for disclosing or not disclosing a sexual assault to anyone.
The first hypothesis, regarding relationships between sexual assault and health, was
tested with the entire study population. The other seven hypotheses involved only the
women (72%; n = 229) who had experienced a sexual assault. With regard to ethnicity,
46% (n = 107) of the participants who experienced a sexual assault were African
American, 39% (n= 95) were non-Latina White, and 15% (n = 13) were identified as
“other.” The last hypothesis compared the African American and non-Latina White
participants’ experiences through analyses of all the first seven hypotheses.
McAuslan (1998) identified several findings, but only those that relate closely to
the consequences of disclosure and to the present study are reviewed here. First,
McAuslan found that participants who received more negative social reactions when they
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disclosed experienced higher levels of somatic and psychological symptomatology.
Second, the study showed that greater expression of emotions during a disclosure was
associated with increased experience of anxiety and depression by the sexual assault
survivor. Third, with regard to circumstances surrounding a sexual assault, non-Latina
White women reported significantly higher levels of intoxication for themselves and their
perpetrator(s) during the sexual assault incident. Fourth, regardless of ethnicity, most
participants knew their perpetrators fairly well.
McAuslan’s (1998) qualitative results indicated that 35% (n = 81 participants)
reported that they had not disclosed their sexual assault experience to anyone. The top
three reasons identified for not disclosing were: (1) 25% (n = 20) felt too
ashamed/embarrassed; (2) 24% (n = 19) felt no need to report; and (3) 18% (n = 15) felt
the incident was too personal to divulge to others. The remaining 65% of the total sample
(148 participants) reported that they disclosed their sexual assault experience to at least
one individual. The top three reasons identified for disclosing were: (1) 31% (n = 46)
needed to talk to someone; (2) 24% (n = 36) disclosed to their personal friend; and (3)
11% (n = 16) reported to someone they trusted.
Filipas and Ullman (2001) examined a variety of positive and negative social
reactions received by victims upon disclosure of their sexual assault to informal and
formal support providers. Three hundred twenty-three sexual assault victims participated
in the study. A 48-item instrument, the Social Reactions Questionnaire (SRQ), was used
to collect the quantitative data. The results indicated that the victims were more likely to
discuss their assault with friends or relatives (94%), followed by mental health
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professionals (52%), the police (26%), rape crisis centers (14%), and then clergy (8%). A
little more than half (57%) of the participants that disclosed their sexual assault incident
to the police found them to be helpful. At the same time, the authors did not report why
the others (43%) who reported to the police did not find them to be helpful.
Two positive reaction subscales emerged from the factor analysis of the SRQ in
the study. They were: (a) emotional support/belief, and (b) tangible aid/information. Over
90% of participants received emotional support, validation, tangible aid and/or
information during the course of their disclosure. The most beneficial of these was
emotional support, for example, “being told they were loved or were a good person”
(Filipas & Ullman, 2001, p. 682). With regard to negative reactions, five subscales
emerged from the factor analysis: (a) victim’s decisions were controlled; (b) the victim
was blamed; (c) the victim was treated differently; (d) the victim was provided with
distraction (e.g., telling the victim to move on with her life); and (e) the victim
experienced egocentric reactions (e.g., responses in which the providers focused on their
own needs instead of the victim’s). Victims were more likely to receive negative
reactions from formal support sources than from informal ones.
An exploratory analysis was conducted by Filipas and Ullman (2001) on the
qualitative data collected from four open-ended questions that asked about further social
reactions experienced by the victims that were not assessed by the SRQ. The results from
this analysis revealed other negative reactions such as rape myths and revictimization.
Burt (1980) first defined rape myths as false, stereotypical beliefs about rape, sexual
assault victims and their perpetrators. Lonsway and Fitzgerald (1984) defined rape myths
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as false beliefs and attitudes held, which may be used to justify and rationalize sexual
violence against others. Revictimization is the phenomenon referring to the greater risk
held by victims of child sexual abuse for further sexual assault victimization as an
adolescent or adult (Muehlenhard, Highby, Lee, Bryan, & Dodrill, 1998). Myths were
more likely to be cited by family members than friends or professionals. A common myth
held by family members was to question if it was possible to be raped by a significant
other such as a boyfriend or husband. Another myth was to wonder whether the victim
should have been alone with the perpetrator at either her place or his home (Filipas &
Ullman, 2001).
In a second study conducted by Ullman and Filipas (2001), the authors examined
sexual assault victims’ demographic backgrounds, assault circumstances, and post assault
experiences in relation to seeking services from formal supports providers (e.g., mental
health professionals, physicians, police, rape crisis centers or clergy) and informal ones
(e.g., friends and family members). The data collected in the previous study from a
media-recruited sample of 323 adult sexual assault victims were used in this study also.
The women participants who responded were asked to complete a brief mail survey and
were provided with a $10 incentive for doing so. Results for this study were identified in
Part One because they are about reasons female sexual assault victims disclose to formal
or informal support providers, but the same results are relevant here.
Ullman and Filipas (2001) found that women sexually assaulted by strangers
disclosed their sexual assault to formal support sources at a higher rate (75%) than did
those who were assaulted by perpetrators they knew (58%). In addition, physically
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injured women disclosed to formal support sources (73%) more frequently than did non-
injured women (56%). Moreover, the participants reported more negative social reactions
from disclosing to formal support sources than to only informal sources. Furthermore, it
was revealed that ethnic minority women were more than twice as likely to disclose their
sexual assault to both formal and informal support sources instead of telling only their
friends and family members. Ethnic minority women reported receiving more emotional
support from formal supports, whereas, non-Latina White women reported receiving
more emotional support from friends and family members. As you will recall, the reason
for this finding was unclear. Remember that only 6% of the participants were Latina.
Dunn, Vail-Smith, and Knight (1999) surveyed 828 college students to explore
their perspectives on female date/acquaintance rape disclosures made to them by victims.
The students were asked to complete a mixed method instrument with 19 quantitative
items and two open-ended questions. One third (34%; n = 282) of the respondents
reported that one or more of the women disclosed a date or acquaintance rape incident to
them. It was found that a little more than half (52%; n = 205) of the participants
responded in a positive way upon hearing about the rape. They indicated that they
responded to their friend’s disclosure with listening, offering support, expressing
empathy for the victim, and recognizing that the individuals disclosing their rape needed
others to believe them. Furthermore, it was found that there is a need to acknowledge that
recipients of disclosure may be potentially as traumatized as the rape victims themselves.
Many respondents reported feeling shocked by the revelations. Others said that the
victims’ disclosures triggered memories of their own previous personal rape experiences.
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Routbort (1998) used a retrospective questionnaire design to investigate how
disclosure experiences relate to recovery. The author conducted this quantitative study
with 87 female participants who received a rape kit examination following a sexual
assault in one of two hospital emergency rooms in southeastern Michigan. This study was
part of a larger project, the Michigan Multidisciplinary Rape Project (MMRP).
Disclosures took place within hours after the rape for 67 of the participants, whereas 17
participants waited days before disclosing, and only 1 reported waiting for years. (As
stated earlier, there were a total of 87 participants, but only 85 were mentioned in this
finding. The article did not make clear what timing pattern took place for the other two
participants.) Findings suggested that women who engaged in self-blame behavior were
less likely to believe that they could control their own recovery than those who did not.
Eighty-four percent (n = 73) of the women participants reported at least one other
victimization experience since they received the rape examination for their reported
sexual assault.
Eadie (2000) collected qualitative data from five interviews with women
survivors of sexual assault to explore how the role of self-blame and societal reactions to
disclosures influenced the women’s recovery. A major finding was that self-blame did
have a significant negative effect on recovery (i.e., it was a barrier and obstruction to
recovery). This was also true when significant others placed blame on the victims,
leading to even more of a delayed recovery as a result. Furthermore, Eadie found that
recovery was encouraged through discussions of self-blame in positive therapeutic
relationships. Apparently, although self-blame could jeopardize reporting and self-
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disclosure, once self-disclosure had occurred, therapy was enhanced when the victim was
able to reflect on the reasons for the self-blame.
In another study exploring the recovery process, Sudderth (1998) conducted a
qualitative analysis of 30 survivors’ reflections on how reactions from others affected
their willingness to discuss the rape. They found that 30% (n = 9) of the participants
reported to the police and of these, 78% (n = 7) were assaulted by a stranger. In all, a
majority of the participants (70%; n = 21) were assaulted by someone they knew. A
mixture of reactions experienced by most of the participants to some degree was
distributed into four categories: supportive, inconsistently supportive, silence or
avoidance, and hostility. The support received by these participants was often more short
than long term, leading to inconsistent support. Friends were most likely to be supportive
by letting the assaulted person know that were believed. General discomfort about the
sexual assault manifested in the form of silence, which led to avoidance; “avoiding
discussion of the rape reinforces the idea that not talking about the rape is normative,
effectively isolating survivors in the recovery process” (p. 585). Almost all of the
participants recalled at least one hostile reaction from their sexual assault disclosure. The
two most important forms that hostile reaction took were to blame the victim/survivor
and to believe that the incident was consensual. Campbell, Ahrens, Sefl, Wasco, and
Barnes (2001) suggested that negative reactions may impede survivors’ recoveries more
than positive reactions. It may be much more beneficial for survivors not to receive any
support than to receive negative reactions from others that can lead to hurtful effects on
psychological and physical health outcomes.
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Ullman (1996a) found that negative reactions were more common among women
who disclosed their sexual assault to medical personnel or the police than to those who
did not. Ullman’s sample was mostly Caucasian, unmarried, childless college graduates;
fewer than 20% of her participants were of ethnicities other than non-Latina White
women. In another study with the same participants, Ullman (1996b) found that 63% of
them reported being blamed and 62% reported that they were discouraged to talk about
their sexual assault. The discouragement came most often from their physicians or the
police. With regard to positive reactions, the most beneficial responses were being
validated and/or believed and receiving emotional support. When the emotional support
was given by friends it correlated with a higher level of recovery than when it was given
by other support sources.
With regard to psychotherapeutic needs, Draucker (1999) interviewed 33 women
about their therapeutic experiences. The women in the sample were non-Latina White (n
= 24), African American (n = 7), Asian American (n = 1), and 1 unknown ethnicity.
Draucker found that these sexual assault survivors were more concerned about support,
empowerment, and being respected for their individuality than about their therapists
using effective clinical techniques. In other words, the survivors first simply want to be
supported, empowered, and respected. With regard to the criminal justice system,
Patterson and Campbell (2010) interviewed 20 sexual assault survivors who disclosed
their victimization to the police. The authors found that most of the participants (80%)
were assaulted by someone they knew. More than half of them hesitated to report for fear
that they would not be believed. Three themes were identified as the factors that
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influenced disclosure to the police: preventing additional rapes, being encouraged by
others to report, and having others make the choice for them.
Defining Perception and Employees in Organizations
It is important to describe what constitutes perception and employees when
studying the sexual harassment because most workplace policies confuse the perceptions
as well as employees upon which to act against the sexual harassment at the workplaces
(Foster & Fosh, 2009). which The available literature that one of the leading cause of
problem of sexual harassment at the workplaces is attributed to inattention to the areas of
defining perception and employees at the workplaces that accounted for different views
that constitute the sexual harassment (Schweinle, Cofer & Schatz, 2009). This is
significant because majority of the workplaces for instance consider that sexual
harassment perceived by their employees is something which is physically felt and not as
something which is mentally perceived and experienced. According to the researchers
(Popovich & Warren, 2010), the term perception in the broad sense refers to manner or
the way in which employees view sexual harassment differently and how they personally
experience the sexual harassment different from other employees at the workplaces. The
available literature of sexual harassment describes the perception as something which
includes the insight or intuition gained by perceiving the sexual harassment at the
workplaces (Estrada & Berggren, 2009). In addition to that, researchers such as (Estrada
& Berggren, 2009) described that perception of sexual harassment is defined as anything
that is either perceived through its act or its effects. This indicate that majority of
workplaces and employees perceive the sexual harassment when its effects are physically
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evident and not when it is actually occurring as the act (Schweinle, Cofer & Schatz,
2009). In addition to that researchers such as (Hertzog, Wright & Beat, 2008) described
in their study that sexual harassment perception is not about gaining the clear view
regarding what is sexual harassment at the workplaces because till now it is widely
cleared to the people that what is sexual harassment. In this regard, the perceptions of
sexual harassment are actually something which is gained by the way of detection,
analysis and interpretation of its information that is available through the responses of
both victims and harassers within the organizations.
Many organizations also confuse in designing the preventive strategies and
programs against sexual harassment for people that are categorized as the employees of
the organizations. For the some organizations, employees include only those people that
are low staff and full time regular whereas it is evidence in studies for example of
(Elkins, Phillips & Ward, 2008) that part-time employees are most vulnerable for sexual
harassment in the workplaces, which are often ignored by the organizations in their
workplace policies and governments in their legal framework against sexual harassment
at the workplaces. With regard to this numerous researchers such as (Elkins, Phillips &
Ward, 2008) described employee someone that is working for organization and is entitled
to receive any numeration from the organization is considered to be the employee of the
organization of the organization. Some legal framework of African countries, such as
South African’s law of Basic Conditions of Employment Act (1997) excludes all those
employees that are described as the independent contractors (Altman, 2005), however as
researchers (Elkins, Phillips & Ward, 2008) suggested that these employees are more
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vulnerable as compared to the regular employees, it is highly imperative to investigate the
sexual harassment and other forms of it in the workplaces for whom they are working.
Considering the clear definition of both perceptions and employees by many researchers
is the initial step towards understanding the sexual harassment, its effects and
intervention strategies and programs to combat against sexual harassment at the
workplaces (McDonald, Graham & Martin, 2010).
Attitudes Toward and Perceptions of Sexual Harassment
Women's perceptions of what constitutes sexual harassment, and the likelihood to label
and report sexual harassment, have been found to vary depending on the context that the
woman is in at the time the inappropriate behaviours take place. One factor that has been
shown to influence the way women experience sexual harassment is the perception
women have of how tolerant various organizations are of inappropriate and harassing
behaviours (Bingham & Scherer, 1993; Fitzgerald et al., 1995; Handy, 2006). In a study
of three diverse workplaces in rural New Zealand, Handy (2006) concluded that "the
boundaries which women draw between acceptable and unacceptable male behaviours
are highly context specific and vary between different settings" (p. 21). For example, one
of the organizations in this study was a meat-processing plant, that was a male dominated
environment known for its misogynist attitude toward female employees in the form of
overt sexual harassment, intimidation, and the implied feeling that management and the
union are not only aware of but actually supportive of the harassment. Some research has
found that when women perceive their workplace to be more encouraging of sexual
harassment they will respond more aggressively to the situation and report the behaviour
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to a family member or friend— perhaps because they feel that the institution will not act
on her behalf. For example, in the study by Handy, one woman was the target of requests
for sexual favors by a male coworker. In response to the inappropriate requests, the
participant confided in her father, who then spoke to the plant manager on her behalf in
an attempt to resolve the situation and stop the harassment.
The research study presents the differences in reporting the experience of sexual
harassment in the workplace. The USMSPB (1981) conducted a survey in part to
determine the awareness of sexual harassment in the federal workplace. In regard to
reporting experiences of sexual harassment, the USMSPB showed that 31% of high
school female graduates reported sexual harassment, and 8% of high school male
graduates reported sexual harassment. In addition, within the group who attended
graduate school, 53% of women and 15% of men reported sexual harassment. Further,
48% of professional women and 17% of professional men reported sexual harassment.
McCabe and Hardman (2005) investigated gender and organizational differences
in attitudes toward, perceptions of, and experiences with sexual harassment. Participants
included 86 men and 107 women (N = 176), with an age range of 19 to 57 (M = 31, SD =
7.73) in a large, international, white-collar organization. Individual factors included age,
gender, gender role, and past experiences with sexual harassment; and organizational
factors included gender ratio, sexual harassment policies, and the role of the employer.
They found that the atmosphere of the work environment (or the staff environment) has
an influence on employee attitudes and perceptions.
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Age had an influence in that younger individuals were more tolerant of sexual
harassment. However, younger women tended to be less tolerant of sexual harassment,
with tolerance increasing until the age of 50, when again it decreased. In comparison men
become less tolerant after the age of 50, than younger men (p.720). When men and
women score high in masculinity (male behavior’s characteristics), men are more tolerant
and women are less tolerant of sexual harassment (p.720). Thus, women are still less
tolerant than are men, even when the women have high scores in masculinity (p.721).
The results also indicated that both genders experience sexual harassment in the
workplace (p.727). Sexual harassment was described when men displayed the target
behavior toward women, but not the other way around (p.727). Finally, the results
indicated that gender harassment was the predominant type of harassment in the
workplace (p.734).
Using 372 undergraduates at a large Western University, Kelsey et al. (2004)
examined their attributions when perceiving and passing judgment on their professors in
the classroom, with a focus on determining what influenced student perceptions.
Participants ranged in age from 17 to 39 years (M = 19.4) and were compared with a
second sample of 247 students of the same university. Kelsey et al. found that student
perceptions were shaped by frequently observed behaviors. Based on observations of the
professors, behaviors that impede or interfere with instruction were identified and
categorized. Certain professors were identified as belonging to one of three categories:
incompetent, offensive, or indolent. Based on this information, sexual harassment can be
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identified by the patterns of behaviors that are displayed by some employees in the work
setting and categorized as such.
The results indicated that professors were perceived as internally oriented when
displaying misconduct behaviors. According to observations of the professor’s
interpersonal relationships, the students passed judgment on the professor. When the
interpersonal relationships had been positive, there was a tendency for positive
perceptions when passing judgment. Specifically, when a professor had displayed good
social relationships with students and others, students experienced difficulties in stating
that something was wrong. Thus, when passing judgment, positive information tended to
overrule negative information. This indicates that a negative episode could be overlooked
when there is a history of positive behavior. Perhaps this may be a reason to expect
repeated behavior of harassment before reporting it as an issue (Kelsey et al., 2004).
Saliency and consistency of the behavior being observed will function to
formulate and consolidate an attribute of a person’s behaviors. That is, if a behavior has
been repeated over a period of time in the workplace, then an attitude toward and a
perception of the misconduct will be established (Kelsey et al., 2004). When subtle
episodes of sexual harassment occur, the history of the professor’s positive behavior will
camouflage his or her negative intention, indirectly reinforcing the behavior (Kelsey et
al., 2004). Thus, certain negative behavior will become the norm, setting up a certain
expectation in regard to sexual harassment (Kelsey et al., 2004). This demonstrates that
the chain of behaviors that eventually is experienced as sexual harassment needs to be
known to change attitudes toward the target behavior (Reese & Lindenberg, 1999).
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Hypotheses 1, 2, and 3 present situations of experiencing and reporting incidents of
sexual harassment in the workplace. Factors of good conduct in individuals can prevent
other people from identifying and reporting episodes of sexual harassment.
Research on students’ perception of sexual harassment, in terms of student-
professor relationships, was conducted by Ei and Bowen (2002) at Western University.
The understanding at the university is that professors are leaders and mentors to students.
The researchers found that students perceived any type of sexual approach by the
professor as inappropriate. Doing a favor for the professor, such as allowing the professor
to borrow money or doing activities alone with the professor, also were not considered
appropriate. The results were used to formulate a sexual harassment policy at the
university.
Mazer and Percival (1989) examined perceptions and attitudes toward harassment
among university staff. The purpose of the study was to examine “whether or not those
who report considerable harassment experience have different perceptions and attitudes
from those who do not” (p.138). The three levels of sexual harassment reporting were
defined as low, moderate, and high. The instruments administered were a sexual
harassment questionnaire to measure experiences, and the Macho Scale and the Sexual
Harassment Attitude Scale to measure attitudes, Study participants were recruited
through random sampling that included 74 male and 136 female participants.
According to the study findings, participants who reported sexual harassment at
high levels were associated more with frequency of actual experiences than with a
perception of the problem. That is, the findings described a negative correlation between
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attitude and perception (McCabe el at., 2005). Thus, attitudes and perceptions toward
sexual harassment did not lead to reporting. However, the frequency of the target
behavior eventually led to reporting (Mazer el at., 1989). Finally, individuals who have
experienced sexual harassment thought that the same could be occurring with other staff
in the work setting (Gutek, 1985; Mazer & Percival, 1989).
Women are victimized significantly more than are men in the work environment,
particularly in certain cultures. Culture affects how individuals perceive and respond to
sexual harassment (van den Berg el at, 2004). Cortina (2001) conducted research on the
impact of harassment on Latinas. Cortina used the Sexual Experience Questionnaire with
a sample of 476 Latinas to examine the following variables: sexual hostility (offensive
remarks and comments), unwanted sexual attention, sexist hostility (misogynistic without
sexual content), sexist behavior, and sexual harassment. The results indicated that 30% of
the women experienced sexist hostility, sexual hostility, and unwanted sexual attention in
the workplace.
Cortina (2001) stated that the form in which sexual harassment has been displayed
appeared to be more significant than did sexual harassment. Latinas are socialized to
conduct themselves with respect (respeto) and dignity (dignidad). Being exposed to
sexual harassment violates their expectations of the organization’s support and causes
them to lose trust in their work environment (Erickson, 1994), in addition to affecting
them psychologically and in terms of their productivity.
Cortina and Wasti (2005) studied the Turkish, Hispanic, and Anglo Saxon
cultures, focusing on coping responses when facing sexual harassment behaviors in the
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workplace. The results indicated that the use of avoidance, denial, advocacy seeking, and
social coping is found in all three cultures. Moreover, they found that women were the
primary targets of sexual harassment.
Cortina and Wasti (2005) noted that the negative consequences of reporting
harassment deterred some women from reporting an incident. In collectivistic cultures,
women refrain from engaging in sexual-related conversation, which could contribute to
their reluctance to report the incident. Overall, the researchers found that reporting the
incident is the least-frequent choice, than confronting and filing a report.
Ford and Donis (1996) administered the Sexual Harassment Scale Inventory to
examine the relationship “between age and gender in workers’ attitude toward sexual
harassment” (p. 629). The research had a sample population of 241 participants employed
in a blue-collar organization located in New England. The participants were 94 men and
147 women, with an age range of 18 to 50 years. An ANOVA was used to measure the
results of the study. The sum of the scores indicated how the participants thought about
the statements, therefore indicating whether sexual harassment was an organization
problem that affected the staff. The main effect indicated significant differences when
comparing results from the scores. The results indicated that men tended to display more
sexual harassment behaviors than did women. Other research findings reported that
younger men tended to be less inclined toward displaying these behaviors than did
women; however, the attitude toward these harassment behaviors increased after the age
of 50 (Ford & Donis, 1996; McCabe & Hardman, 2005).
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Understanding how individual and group variables are associated with the
dynamics of the target problem will make the staff cognizant of how the problem has
been handled in the work setting, that is, how frequently one group is subject to
harassment compared to another group. The present research shows not only the
aforementioned variables, but also shows the differences in responding in departmental
staff (e.g., clinical and support staff). Some researchers have conducted studies with
nurse staff, with gender and age as factors, to examine subjective experiences of sexual
harassment within healthcare centers (Celik & Celik, 2007; Ford & Donis, 1996).
Studies have also shown that the norms, culture, and standards of a particular
workplace will play a role in the way that sexual harassment is expressed by employees,
and in turn, will influence the way targets choose to respond. As previously discussed,
when an organization is perceived by the target as being tolerant of harassment, the target
sometimes chooses to respond by confiding in a friend or family member about the
harassment, perhaps as a way to find the support that they do not think they would obtain
if they were to disclose to someone within the organization. However, in a study of
women's responses to sexual harassment in the United States military, Malamut and
Offermann (2001) found that the more tolerant of harassment the women perceived the
military to be, the more likely they were to deny that there was a problem and avoid the
subject of the harassment altogether. This was consistent with a study of women in
medical schools who felt that because of the traditional, male dominated culture of their
medical school environment, they had to take on a "boys will be boys" attitude in order to
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cope with the blatant prevalence of sexual harassment within the institution (Wear et al.,
2007).
In addition to gathering data from a meat processing plant, Handy (2006)
interviewed employees of a retail store about their experiences with sexual harassment.
The retail store was a female dominated environment, and most of the harassment was
perpetrated by male customers. In this context, because the organizational tolerance for
sexual harassment was perceived to be low, management was trusted by the employees,
who believed they would be supported if they complained of harassment by colleagues or
customers. In this situation, women found the harassment "irritating", but it was not as
pervasive as compared to those organizations in which women perceived institutional
attitudes toward sexual harassment to be high. On the other hand, female employees in
this business also had to deal with male colleagues from other organizations, such as
security guards, and sexual harassment perpetrated by these individuals was often
described as "normal" and was for the most part overlooked by female employees.
Organizational responses to complaints of sexual harassment will also influence
targets' perceptions of the workplace and the investigative process (Elkins, Phillips, &
Ward, 2008; Elkins & Velez-Castrillon, 2008; Nelson, Halpert, & Cellar, 2007);
however, research indicates that some organizational policies may not be enough to
prevent inappropriate behaviour and do not necessarily provide the protection targets are
seeking (Chamberlain, Crowley, Tope, & Hodson, 2008; Hertzog, Wright, & Beat, 2008).
In a study of organizational responses to sexual harassment, Nelson, Halpert, and Cellar
(2007) explored employees' perceptions of which types of interventions were effective in
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responding to and preventing sexual harassment. Participants were asked to rate which of
the following they perceived as most effective in communicating organizational
intolerance of sexual harassment: victim reassignment and transfer, perpetrator
counselling and rehabilitation, perpetrator apology and verbal/written reprimand
(scolding), perpetrator demotion and leave of absence, or termination of the perpetrator's
employment. Results found that termination of the perpetrator was rated as most effective
in communicating organizational intolerance of sexual harassment, while scolding the
perpetrator was rated by participants as being the second least effective means of
communicating organizational intolerance. It is important to note that results of this study
indicated that participants rated any intervention that involved the victim (i.e., victim
reassignment and transfer) as least effective in communicating organizational intolerance
of sexual harassment. This study suggests that targets of sexual harassment believe that in
order to communicate intolerance of inappropriate sexual behaviour it is important for
organizations to implement consequences that directly impact the perpetrator of the
harassment.
Research findings regarding how harassing behaviours are perceived cross-
culturally seems to be inconsistent. Some studies have found that harassing behaviours
are experienced similarly by targets, regardless of culture, and that measures of sexual
harassment can be applied cross culturally as an organizational issue with similar
occupational, psychological, and health related consequences (Bergman & Henning,
2008; Wasti, Bergman, Glomb, & Drasgow, 2000). For example, in a study of sexual
harassment of female nurses by male patients in Japan, the most common type of
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harassing behaviours were those that could be categorized as "gender harassment"—
making sexual jokes and remarks, and teasing (Hibino, Ogino & Inagaki, 2006). Also, in
their cross-cultural study on the structure of sexual harassment, Gelfand et al. (1995)
found that behavioural relationships could be formed to support and fit into the three
categories of harassment, even despite the fact that they were studying a culture whose
language (Portuguese) has no word to describe the concept of sexual harassment. Other
studies have found that sexual harassment will be experienced differently across cultures
due to varying interpretations of everyday social interactions such as personal space, and
verbal and non verbal cues (Li & Lee-Wong, 2005; Merkin, 2008).
Other research has indicated that distinct societal traits such as patriarchy,
collectivism, and socially acceptable gender roles can influence the way that unwanted
sexual attention is perceived and the coping strategies employed by targets (Cortina &
Wasti, 2005; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). In their research on coping responses across
persons, organizations, and cultures, Cortina and Wasti (2005) found cultural affiliation
to be one of the most influential components in the determination of coping styles. For
example, women from patriarchal, collectivist cultures were less likely to engage in
assertive, public, or more vocal means of coping. Instead, they reported using avoidance,
denial, and social-coping strategies without seeking formal advocacy. Women from these
cultures also reported using subtle, non-verbal cues as coping strategies (e.g. frowning) to
convey displeasure with the behaviour, while still allowing the perpetrator of the
unwanted sexual attention to "save face".
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Gender Differences
Employees’ social interactions in the work environment will shape how
employees perceived social events and how those events might be interpreted in terms of
organization power and sexual harassment (Dougherty, 2006; Hulin, Fitzgerald, &
Drasgow, 1996). Dougherty conducted a qualitative research design in a large healthcare
organization in the Midwest, with a sample population of 23 participants (11 women and
12 men), of a European –Americans, ethical backgrounds. Other ethnic groups were not
part of the research. The focus of the study was to examine how men and women
perceived and discussed power and sexual harassment in the workplace. The average age
of the participants was 38 years, and they had been working for an average of 7.6 years at
the healthcare location. The participants’ educational background had a range from high
school graduates to those with doctoral degrees. The procedures included nine group
interviews from which information was transcribed and later transformed into themes. A
phenomenological approach was conducted to examine and categorize the themes. The
nine groups were split into three subgroups (i.e., a men’s group, a women’s group, and a
mixed group), and triangulated with individual interviews for consistency of the data.
Further, face validity form, member check, and comparison of themes were used as
triangulation of the data collected and analyzed.
To achieve their short- and long-term objectives, organizations give power to their
management to supervise their subordinates (Dougherty, 2006; Hulin et al., 1996). This
can defined as hierarchical power in the workplace, which will have an influence on how
the organization functions and shapes employees’ behavior. Generally, top management
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appears to be run by men, and less so by women. Thus, interpretation of power can have
a different meaning to management and subordinate employees in the workplace. With
regard to how men and women discussed harassment in the work setting, perception of
power can have an influence on employees’ self-perception of power. Men self-perceive
power in terms of a hierarchical form, while women self-perceive power in terms of its
functions within the work environment. Thus, women perceive and understand power as
a process of negotiation with coworkers.
The results of the study indicated that there is a differential meaning of the
concept of power in the workplace. Women saw power through a process of interpersonal
relationships, and coworkers as well as management can display the target behavior
(Dougherty, 2006). Male participants perceived a hierarchical power as the dominant
force in the system and accepted that someone in power can commit sexual harassment
(p.498). Moving upward or downward within the system can give and take power away
from employees (p.499). In regard to themselves, the men saw harassment as sexual
intimidation, or as a misunderstanding in which women can say no (p.502). This
projected apperception by men of attitude and tolerance of sexual harassment in the
workplace (Hulin et al., 1996; Mazer & Percival, 1989). Some degree of sexual
harassment between coworkers was admitted. However, sexual harassment and its
relationship to power were agreed upon by all the participants in the study at the health
care organization (Dougherty, 2006). The male participants associated sexual harassment
with hierarchical power and limited their observation of behaviors that have a
relationship to sexual harassment.
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The female participants in Dougherty’s (2006) study discussed that sexual
harassment occurs through a process of interpersonal relationships and that power is a
function of who has been invested with it. In this sense, administrators as well as
coworkers can manifest the target behavior. In addition, the female participants perceived
this power process as valued within the organization, in regard with ascribing power to
another person in the work environment, physicians’ and nurses’ relationships were
discussed at the health care organization. A physician was described as a person who may
feel more powerful than may a nurse. However, the power can be controlled, such as
when a nurse perceives the doctor as an equal and not more powerful than he or she. The
person can admire or have respect for another individual for what he or she can do and
not feel powerless because of the individual’s occupational status.
The personal resources of the female employee can function to make her feel a
personal power to deny a harasser, or make the harasser feel powerless by her not
responding to him (Amick & Sorenson, 2004; Dougherty, 2006; Wojciske & Struzynska-
Kujalowicz, 2007). If the employee does not see the harasser as having more power, then
the harasser will be confronted. However, fears of negative consequences when reporting
a sexual harassment incident to the organization could have an influence on the type of
defensive skills that the staff will use in the workplace (Hulin et al., 1996). In other
words, the organization’s power could function as a mediator and control negative
behavior in the work social environment. When establishing a sexual harassment policy
in the work setting, the organization needs to take into account the differential
interpretation of power by gender differences
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Sexual harassment research has been conducted with nurses as the focus of
experiencing harassment in healthcare facilities (Celik & Celik., 2007). Celik and Celik
measured factors such as marital status, education, age, and length of time worked when
examining nurses’ experiences with sexual harassment in the workplace and concluded
that that nurses within the clinical field tended to be more vulnerable to sexual
harassment in the workplace than did other clinical groups.
Celik and Celik (2007) used a logistic regression to examine sexual harassment in
a healthcare facility with a sample population composed of 622 nurses in a Turkish
hospital. Although the design does not give subsamples of male and female participants
in the study, the data showed that female nurses were more sexually harassed than were
men. In addition, nursing is a profession that is identified with characteristics of caring
and being warm toward patients. The assumption was that nurses who work in a Turkish
hospital appeared to be vulnerable to sexual harassment. The study indicated that
physicians harass nurses 77.1% of the time. Nurses also indicated harassment by
coworkers 29.5 % of the time, by patients 43% of the time, and by a patient’s family
members 34% of the time. I will present the same context of participants within an
mental retardation developmental center (MRDC); that is, nurses are part of the clinical
(medical) participants in the current research study.
The factors analyzed by Celik and Celik (2007), showed that 61% of the
participants were married women and were less exposed to sexual harassment than were
single women, who made up 42.3% of the participants. In regard to education and length
of work, Celik and Celik, found that the longer the length of employment, the more
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opportunities to experience sexual harassment were present. They found a higher
frequency of sexual harassment reported by college graduates in nursing who worked for
more than 10 years in a hospital than nurses who worked less than ten years in the
workplace.
Multiple variables can influence the norms and values within an institution. A
theme in the literature associated with sexual harassment has been the level of education
that influences the attitude toward and perception of sexual harassment. Researchers have
indicated that highly educated women report fewer experiences of sexual harassment and
display fewer self-blaming behaviors (Gutek, 1985; Hulin et al., 1996) than women with
higher education. They feel that they are not provocative people and do not reinforce a
harasser’s behaviors. However, less-educated women self-blame and generalize that other
women do the same (Gutek, 1985).
Marital status is a variable that influences attitude toward and perception of sexual
harassment (USMSPB, 1981). Individuals who are married display more sensitivity to
harassment than do single people. Marriage functions as role deterrent to sexual
harassment. Men and women feel that being committed to another person is meaningful
and readily react to unwanted sexual attention (USMSPB, 1981). This places young,
single women as targets of sexual harassment when compared to married, divorced, or
widowed women. Marriage, for both men and women, tends to prevent acts of sexual
harassment in the work environment. However, this does not imply that someone who is
married will not be subjected to harassment. This is a common theme in the sexual
harassment literature.
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Power and Self-esteem
Wojciszke and Struzynska-Kujalowicz (2007), who believe that power increases
feelings of self-esteem and vice versa, conducted research to examine the relationship
between power and self-esteem,. Their sample consisted of 61 male and 51 female (N =
112) university students, with an average age of 21.50 (SD = 1.26). They examined self-
esteem and how individuals express their power. They found that the highest feelings of
self-esteem are based on personal resources (e.g., self-worth and competence). High self-
esteem elevates the motivation to engage in activities that create the means to obtain
goals. In turn, self-esteem is enhanced when one receives the awards associated with
achieving a goal. In other words, power and self-esteem function in a reciprocal
relationship. Wojciszke & Struzynska-Kujalowicz stated that higher power leads to
increased self-esteem, whereas a feeling of lower power leads to lower self-esteem.
Self-esteem relies on feelings of self-worth, acceptance, and competence
(Bandura, 1997; Branden, 1995). A person’s level of self-esteem will then influence his
or her sense of power and, thus, his or her leadership behaviors. Leaders who have high
self-esteem feel powerful to lead (Anderson & Berdahl, 2002; Herbert, 2008; Wojciszke
& Struzynska-Kujalowicz, 2007). Wojciszke and Struzynska-Kujalowicz discussed the
approach-inhibition theory, which concerns how a leader moves forward to resolve
problems and attain objectives or displays avoidance behaviors that prevent positive
actions from taking place. Leaders who are beset by inhibitions will exercise more
egoistical behaviors such as personal interests.
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Empowerment refers to having the right information and training that pertain to
one’s work role (Herbert, 2008). Empowerment in the work setting enables employees to
feel that they are an important part of the work environment. In contrast, when employees
are in a position of less power, their ability to set goals will be limited, they will feel less
in charge when making decisions, and, as a consequence, their self-esteem will decrease
(Herbert, 2008).
Individuals who have been stereotyped, based on personal or cultural
characteristics, or who have been evaluated under discriminatory terms, may be subjected
to harassment in the workplace (Wislar et al., 2002). This is related to the notion that an
individual who is perceived by other employees as having low self-esteem is vulnerable
to sexual harassment in the workplace. When sexual harassment is reinforced by an
organization’s norms, condoning the negative behavior can function as a norm (Skinner,
1965). Reinforced negative norms within the organization might function as predictor to
sexual harassment; Behavior in the workplace can be redirected by a concerted effort
management to prevent employees from stereotyping other employees, thereby reducing
the possibility of sexual harassment.
Scope and Incidences of Female Sexual Harassment in Workplaces
The available literature indicated scope of sexual harassment where it widely
happened with the female workers across the workplaces. According to the findings of
(Fielden et al., 2010), sexual harassment is frequently occurred in private organizations,
in public organizations and in both small and large enterprises as well as in shops and
services. Further, researchers such as (Fielden et al., 2010) highlighted in their findings
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that sexual harassment occurs with female workers on farms and plantation, with traders
and entrepreneurs in the market and with trainers and students in the educational and
vocational training institutions and universities across the globe. In addition to that, the
researchers highlighted that sexual harassment occurs to both uneducated and educated
female workers at the workplaces as well as on the all levels of job hierarchy systems
within the organizations. Apart from that majority of the researchers agreed that sexual
harassment at the workplaces can also occur to the men, where women, to gain the
certain material benefits or revenge, may exploit the men by sexually attracting towards
themselves (Hernandez-Truyol, 2012), the researchers suggested that majority of the
victims of sexual harassment till date suggested that women are most vulnerable in any
case.
According to the recent study conducted by the Human Rights Commission
(HRC) of New Zealand that reviewed the perceptions, feelings and complaints of female
sexual harassment field across the world during the period of 2000-2011, suggested that
women in developing countries especially in Asian and African countries are most
vulnerable with sexual harassment as well as gender based discirimitnion than any other
women and men in the rest of the world (Parker et al., 2012). According to the findings of
the research, nine out of every 10th compliant regarding the sexual harassment is directed
towards the workplaces in the Asian and African countries which itself indicated the high
prevalence and broad scope of problem of sexual harassment in the workplaces
(Popovich & Warren, 2010). The study further suggested that despite the findings
acknowledging the common assertion occurring from the collective responses of both
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men and women that “women do also sexually harass men at the workplaces”, more than
90% of the complaints, regardless of this fact, suggested that men are in the majority that
are involved in sexually harassing women (McCann, 2005).
The study also highlighted that same sex harassment is the second most problem
in the workplaces of Asian and African countries which is still highly unnoticed area in
the available literature of sexual harassment at the workplaces. In essence, the study
suggested that male to male sexual harassment complaints at the workplaces reported
around 6% indicating it the second most problem at the workplaces whereas female to
female sexual harassment complaints reported around 2% indicating it as the third most
problem at the workplaces across the globe. Apart from that, less than 2% of the sexual
harassment complaints at the workplaces were found to be “women sexually harassing
men”, however researchers such as (Benavides Espinoza & Cunningham, 2010)
suggested that this type of sexual harassment is usually found in the Western countries
whereas eastern and developing countries are still facing with the high incidences of
sexual harassment complaints in which men sexually harass women at the workplaces.
In addition to these findings, (Benavides Espinoza & Cunningham, 2010) found
in their research of more than 30 countries across the globe regarding the prevalence of
sexual harassment victimization that women are the most vulnerable in the highest
percentage of victimization at the workplaces with relation to the sexual harassment and
its forms such as attempted rape, inclusive of rape, offensive behaviors, indecent assault
and the like. Moreover, the researchers highlighted that sexual harassment at the
workplaces of Africa across the four directions, south, north, east and west, amounted for
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nearly 10 percent of the attempted rapes and indecent assaults as well as nearly 8 percent
of cases of rapes and violence at the workplaces (Popovich & Warren, 2010).
Researchers such as (Estrada & Berggren, 2009) stated in their research that age is
the most significant factor among all other demographic factor which amounted to
highest victimization of female sexual harassment at the workplaces. According to their
research, the highest victimization of sexual harassment at the workplaces often belonged
to the female employees in the youngest age categories (McDonald, Graham & Martin,
2010). Adding further, the researchers asserted that incidences of sexual harassment is
highly vulnerable with females in the age groups that are younger than 29 which
amounted to be nearly half of all the cases reported in their findings. In addition, nearly a
third of the arbitrary sample of women in their research that are sexually harassed were
lie in the age groups of 30 -39 years age (Schweinle, Cofer & Schatz, 2009). In addition
of the findings of the researchers asserted that nearly of the women in their sample are
victims of the worst forms of the sexual harassment incidences that include the sexual
violence and non-sexual assault and threats and majority of women that reported these
types of sexual harassment incidences fall between 16 and 34 years o the age.
In support of the findings of above research, (Popovich & Warren, 2010) authors
examined that differences in the factors of seniority and age are the most significant
factors of high incidences of sexual harassment at the workplaces. According to the
findings of the researchers, more than 72% responses of arbitrary number of sample
female employees with relation to the complaints against sexual harassment were against
the male employees that were in the higher authority position and higher ranks in the
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hierarchy of the organizations. In addition to that, the researchers found in their responses
of interview with female employees that almost every female employee mentioned
somewhere that harasser was considerably elder than her and range from their supervisors
to CEO of the organizations that involved in sexually harassing them at the workplaces.
Researchers such as supported these findings and further asserted that this indicated the
worst form of the sexual harassment where those people are responsible for placing the
preventive strategies and programs against sexual harassment at the workplaces are by
themselves involve in the sexual harassment complaints (Benavides Espinoza &
Cunningham, 2010). The findings of the researchers also suggested that women that are
in the younger age less than 25 years are the complainants whereas their harassers
somewhere fall between the average ages of 42 years, indicating the significant
differences in age between both of 17 years (Schweinle, Cofer & Schatz, 2009).
Profile of Women at the Workplace
The available literature indicated that number of women in the employment is
considerably higher as compared to the number of women two to three decades ago
(Collinsworth, Fitzgerald & Drasgow, 2009). This has considerably suggested in the
available literature that scale of sexual harassment in the workplaces has increased
proportionately during the last 20 to 30 years before (Popovich & Warren, 2010). Further,
(McDonald, Graham & Martin, 2010) acknowledged that sexual harassment though if not
increased, remained the persistent in the workplaces and societies due to changing
patterns and poverty in the employment as well as job and shift demands for men and
women workers at the workplaces as it used to be two decades before. In addition to that,
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majority of the researchers agreed in their research that most female employees at the
workplaces especially those in African countries are offered jobs that are low paid and
entail low security, low conditions of work, low bargaining power and low status in a
narrow range of occupations (Hertzog, Wright & Beat, 2008). The researchers argued
that all these areas are geared towards the many but one thing which enhances the risk of
becoming subjected to the sexual harassment and others forms of sexual harassment at
the workplaces.
Emerging Feminization of Employment and Sexual Harassment
The available literature increasingly recognizing that situations and conditions of
work is continuously changing that eventually lead to some drastic changes in the recent
past due to the increasing globalization (Foster & Fosh, 2009). This has now attributed
the workplaces to be open for the greater openness or liberalization of the markets, rapid
distribution of the information, technology, products and consumption patterns, free and
greater mobility of people and financial capital, and rapid adaption to the modern values,
norms and cultures within the organizations (Hertzog, Wright & Beat, 2008). In addition
to that, researchers such as (Schweinle, Cofer & Schatz, 2009) suggested that due to
increasing globalization and its processes across the world, the process of organization
are also proportionally changing with increased informalization, casualization and
increased flexibility in the employment as well as redefinition and expansion of the
typical and precarious jobs at the workplace across the globe. Moreover, the world-wide
regular full-time wage employment has considerably open new doors for the people
towards both broad range of specialized and regular jobs as well as broad range of
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irregular forms of labor which are not even covered by the standard workplaces policies
and standard labor legislations at the workplaces. This has resulted in such form of labor
which has been considered as the product of globalization and includes contract labor,
part-time work, home work, self-employment in the informal sectors and more
importantly outsourcing which typically different from the regular or standard jobs at the
workplaces in terms of compensations, policies and work timings. These jobs vary from
country to country and according to great number of evidences in the available literature
as identified by (Schweinle, Cofer & Schatz, 2009) that they are not covered with equal
employment opportunity rights or policies against the hostile work environment and even
many of these jobs are not even registered in the legislations of the countries where the
government or state pay little attention to prohibit workplace harassment incidences
occurring with great scale.
Some researchers such as (Kodellas, Fisher & Gill, 2012) acknowledge that while
these types of jobs are not to be said as unethical as it provides the earning source for the
many people in countries especially those with high poverty ratios, unemployment and
low social status, these jobs have also widely exploited the workers especially the female
workers in the many forms where sexual harassment at the workplaces also includes. The
considerable rise of these jobs, as suggested by authors (Gaanderse & Valasek, 2011), is
the part of the business response to the increased competition and changing market
conditions across the globe with a view to respond quickly to volatile demand and supply
of capital that has eventually required the workers to go outside their home places to
achieve the goals of company or organization. This is however difficult for many
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employees especially for females and those in the conservative and backward societies
where they are not allowed to visit the other countries or work in the night shifts and the
like. However, (Menon et al., 2010) suggested that this has played very insignificant role
in actually evading the employers to get the female employers for the full time or
standard jobs because they, due to increased competition and rising costs, cut their labor
costs even by reducing the number of core works and hence relying on the irregular
forms of employment and forcing their employees to work in order to avoid the labor
surplus during the economic downturns and paying for fringe benefits commonly
associated with standard or regular forms of the work (Shepler & Routh, 2012). This has
considerably forced the female employees even in the conservative societies or
undeveloped countries to take the night shift jobs and even work from distance for their
organizations which has eventually expose them to high probability of sexual harassment
evidences at the workplaces.
Increasing Poverty and Female Sexual Harassment
Researchers such as (McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone, 2012; Irene van
Staveren, 2011) argued that despite the evidences of economic developments over the last
two decades, the underdeveloped and developing countries still had around one-third of
the families that are living in income poverty which is commonly amounted as the
proportion of households spending or earnings less than US $1 per day. According to the
research of (Hendricks & Valasek, 2010), in African and Asian countries between 2002-
2008, the income poverty was the most pronounced in the West African countries which
amounted to 45%, whereas amounted to 29% which is pronounced in the East Asian
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countries including China while 14% is reported to be in the Asia Pacifica and South East
Asian countries over the rest of the world. Researchers such as (McDonald, 2012)
acknowledge that updated figures of the current years are hard to come by though it could
be predicted considering these figures as well as recent-economic slowdown growth rates
in the West African and other countries and further the effects of 2007-2010 global
recession that people living in the poverty income might have further gone done this line
in these countries.
Apart from that, researchers such as examined in their research that gender
inequality in income poverty groups is the most difficult to measures as it is usually
measured from the households to households level and thereby significantly ignoring the
differences or disparities across the households. However, some other indicators
regarding the poverty and gender inequality in income poverty group could be compared
between men and women that are eventually associated with sexual harassment
incidences at the workplaces (Irene van Staveren, 2011). This include the common
indicators in developing and underdeveloped countries that women have higher
incidences of poverty and this incidence in increasing with severe forms among women
as compared to men as suggested in the report of (Hendricks & Valasek, 2010).
Apart from these findings, evidences form numerous other studies on the human
poverty indicators in developing and underdeveloped countries of the world indicated
that poverty is often measured in terms of education and health and this trend is
confirmed not only in Asian countries but African countries too in the recent past (Irene
van Staveren, 2011). Further, according to one research, more than 900 million illiterate
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and uneducated individuals across the world, two third of these are amounted to women.
Moreover, the report of (Becker & Kuranchie, 2012) that worldwide female literacy in
year 2009-2010 is 41% in the developing countries which 63% include the African
countries, 26% include the South and East Asian countries and 17% included the South
East Asia and the Pacific countries. This indicated that in African countries, women
amounted to the most illiterate individuals and considerably these women supply a
significant amount of labor is such professions such as in plantations where the
incidences of sexual harassment are considered as the normal part and more specifically
the part and parcel of the daily life (Becker & Kuranchie, 2012).
Negotiating and Resisting Sexual Harassment
The available literature suggested that responding to the incidences of sexual
harassment at the workplaces in both sexual and verbal coercion forms and beyond these
types of offensive behaviors varies considerably depending to a great extent on the “job
security” as well as the general work environment and individual economic
circumstances at the workplaces (Hernandez-Truyol, 2012). Hendricks & Valasek (2010)
found in their research that mostly sexual harassment incidences are not reported with
due to certain fears associated with employment and eventually end up in resulting the
situation where the female employee either resist or negotiate sexual harassment and not
beyond to this. They suggested that among the fears of female employees associated with
their jobs, the greats fear for workers in developing and undeveloped countries is loss of
the job and less availability of the employment opportunities (McDonald, 2012).
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McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone (2012) further suggested this notion that sexual
harassment is often used in the workplaces as the weapon which is kept aside for
dismissing the employees starting from dismissing the female workers considering the
ease through which female employees could be dismissed as compared to men. This kind
of fear is the most dangerous among female workers even from the actual situation of the
dismissal and this fear of retrenchment casts as an omnipresent shadow in the minds of
female workers in most of the developing and underdeveloped countries (McLaughlin,
Uggen & Blackstone, 2012). As a result, when female employees are coerced with sexual
harassment either for the reason of dismissal or common aggressive behavior from male
employees, they due to fear, do not report or complain and rather end up negotiating and
resisting this kind of behavior regularly at the workplaces for saving their jobs
(McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone, 2012).
Significant Factors Responsible for Female Sexual Harassment
The available literature suggested that there are numerous significant factors that
are responsible for problem of female sexual harassment at the workplaces. Like in the
previous sections of the theoretical framework of sexual harassment and incidences and
scope of sexual harassment with female employees at the workplaces, the researchers
suggested that responsible factors for this kind of problem vary significantly form
situation to situation and sometimes from person to person indicating this as rather
subjective in terms of both situations and female employees at the workplaces (Dartnall
& Jewkes, 2012). With regard to these factors, numerous researchers in the existing body
of literature of sexual harassment have common consensus that sexual harassment has its
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bearing on the major dimensions that entail the biological essences, fundamental political
categories and communicational practices, outcomes of social roles and finally the
discourses of power at the workplaces (Hernandez-Truyol, 2012).
Researchers such as (Thanem, 2008; Perry, Kulik & Field, 2009; McDonald,
Backstrom & Dear, 2008) suggested in their research that sexual harassment is nothing
but all about the sexual differences between females and males and occurred because the
sexuality becomes the instinctive sexual drives and libidos in the males towards the
females as well as the in females towards the males at the workplaces, though the former
is the most significant one (Blackstone, Uggen & McLaughlin, 2009). Because of this
natural or biological circumstances between sexes, men as well as women, as suggested
by authors (Perry, Kulik & Field, 2009), have sexual desires or urges which are normal
and natural. In addition to that, researchers such as (Thanem, 2008) agreed with the
above researchers, that in order to better understand the gender related issues between
males and females employees at the workplaces, it is imperative to look at the
constructions as well as reconstructions between the relations of both genders and how
these influence in the manner things are done at the workplaces. Researchers such as
(Blackstone, Uggen & McLaughlin, 2009) postulated that constructions between gender
relations are depending upon the roles of gender that society has generally prescribed. In
addition, the construction of gender relations suggested the notion that interaction of
gender roles open up the considerable room for detailed forms of sexuality especially for
men through which men enable to flirt with women in the workplaces without
considering it as something offensive at the workplaces. In addition to that, (Elkins,
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Phillips & Ward, 2008) in their research examined that organizations have become a
series of sites which pose the considerable dangers of offensive of sexuality relations that
could be both exploited and repressed. In this regard, (Blackstone, Uggen & McLaughlin,
2009) examined that sexuality knowledge, historically therefore, widely acknowledges
sexual interests. In addition to that, (Hertzog, Wright & Beat, 2008) suggested that both
sexual identities and communities could be widely open to the change regardless of the
rigid bureaucratic system or not.
In the available literature, all feminists, academic and legal scholars have agreed
and even strongly emphasized that sexual harassment is not something which could be
characterized as the individual problem at the workplaces but it the part of unnoticed
problem of an organized express of male power (Schweinle, Cofer & Schatz, 2009). It is
through this way that women in the workplaces are kept aside for their equal employment
and security rights, re-enforced for their secondary status and kept out of non-traditional
occupations across the workplaces. According to several researchers, this form of the
perceptions is further re-enforced by the bureaucratic system of the most organizations
that eventually increases the high probability of female sexual harassment at the
workplaces.
Researchers such as (Collinsworth, Fitzgerald & Drasgow, 2009; Benavides
Espinoza & Cunningham, 2010) strongly argued in their research that bureaucracy that
was thought to be the progressive and ideal for providing the equal rights to both men and
women at the workplaces as well as in societies has instead created patriarchal structures.
Further, they agreed that bureaucracy reinforced the arbitrary power held by fathers and
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masters in traditional has transferred the characteristics in male supervisors and male
coworkers towards women in the workplaces. This is because in the bureaucratic
cultures, male domination and male sexuality power in organizations are emphasized. In
addition to that, researchers such as (McDonald, Graham & Martin, 2010; Hertzog,
Wright & Beat, 2008) asserted that sexual harassment at the workplaces is the product of
the competition between the genders for the domination. In this regard, the men that have
traditionally held the dominant role within the societies and home, have reacted to the
challenge from the women that have considerably pose them a threat by gaining the
power and authority through their own competency and abilities and hence men
eventually reacted by expressing the hostility as in the forms of sexual harassment in the
workplaces.
In the context of Cote d’Ivoire and West Africa, researchers such as (Foster &
Fosh, 2009; Blackstone, Uggen & McLaughlin, 2009; McDonald, Backstrom & Dear,
2008) suggested sexual harassment is strongly viewed as the western concept and hence
there is generally held belief that this kind of issue or problem is non-existent in a typical
African settings. However, this study specifically recognized that traditional beliefs are
only the few among the other responsible factors that have come to fore for sexual
harassment in the workplaces and hence further investigation of significant factors
responsible for female sexual harassment at the workplaces is highly required
(Blackstone, Uggen & McLaughlin, 2009).
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Nature of Sexual Harassment in Organizations
Researchers such as (Hertzog, Wright & Beat, 2008) emphasized that an effective
way of understanding the existence and prevalence of sexual harassment at the
workplaces is first to define its nature and then determine what specific acts or omission
could or would be determined with regard to the specific context of the sexual
harassment. In this regard, (McDonald, Graham & Martin, 2010) in their research
specifically asserted that sexual harassment could be divided into four major categories
with relation to its nature. This includes 1) sex/role conditioning that entails the notion
that men are likely to engage in the aggressive sexual behavior towards women through
socialization at the workplaces, 2) biological/physical attraction that entails the notion
that men are physically attracted towards women because they are attractive physically
and sexually such as through their dress code or body language, 3)
intentional/instrumental that entails the notion that men harass the women simply because
they want to maintain their authority and dominant role of power over the women in the
organizations regardless of their education. Position and job profile at the workplaces and
finally 4) organizational that entails the notion that organizations are structured in such a
manner that enable or allot the men to be more dominant and powerful as compared to
women at the workplaces which eventually cause them to abuse their dominant and
power positions by sexually harassing female employees at the workplaces (Kodellas,
Fisher & Gill, 2012).
While these are the common consideration of defining the nature of sexual
harassment at the workplaces, some researchers argued that these specifically do not take
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into considerations changes in both organizations and legal frameworks that are changing
from the traditional way women are perceived in the workplaces (Gaanderse & Valasek,
2011). With regard to this fact, many academic and legal scholars agreed that policies
regarding the sexual harassment must allow employees to be specific in addressing the
conduct of sexual harassment at the workplaces which include but not limited to physical
conduct (pinching, brushing, touching and patting), verbal conduct of the sexual nature
(suggestions, propositions, remarks, unwelcome advances, pressure for sexual activity,
remarks, innuendos and comments), sex based conduct describing the conduct of sexual
nature that (degrades, degenerates, offends, ridicules, intimates and is derogative in
nature) and finally include non-verbal conduct that include (leering, gestures,
pornographic or sexually suggestive pictures, written materials or objects and whistling)
(Irene van Staveren, 2011).
Researchers emphasized the value of stating these categories of nature of sexual
harassment as it provides more room of understanding what constitutes sexual
harassment in the organizations and leaves little doubt as what could be characterized as
offensive or sexually harassed behavior at the workplaces (Hernandez-Truyol, 2012).
This also enables the victims to be specific in appealing and complaining regarding the
problem rather than particularly addressing and recalling the earlier four stated categories
of nature of sexual harassment at the workplaces (McDonald, 2012). The researchers
however also agreed that the problem remains in the place in the aforementioned
categories of nature of sexual harassment at the workplaces in which many of these are
considered as innocent behavior that takes place in the normal contact between male and
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female employees at the workplaces and hence do not always require to classified as the
behavior of sexual nature and any of its forms mentioned above (Hernandez-Truyol,
2012). The researchers in this situation argued that it exposes both genders at the
workplaces to reevaluate their gender relations as to the certain extent all these behaviors
that are described as sexually may in fact be acceptable to both genders (Fielden et al.,
2010). (McLaughlin, Uggen & Blackstone, 2012; Becker & Kuranchie, 2012) however
argued that it is all in the end regardless whether these behaviors are classified as sexual
harassment or not, depend on the way in which an individual employee perceives or
experiences the stated behavior.
Types of Sexual Harassers Female Employees Face in Workplaces
Numerous researchers in the available literature asserted that when individual
male employees or group of male employees at the workplaces embarrass female
employees by means of unwanted advances and compliments, comments and even
physical evaluation, gestures and lewd jokes and display sexually unwanted sexual
posters, then all these male employees are classified in certain types of sexual harassers
which female employees face at the workplaces.
The Opportunist
The Opportunist is the type of sexual harasser that is usually promiscuous and
dedicated in his attention towards the female employees as well as female suppliers and
clients at the workplaces (McDonald, 2012; Hernandez-Truyol, 2012). They are called
the opportunist because they leave no stone unturned whenever the opportunity presents
itself in the form of business trip, in the elevator, at the office party, when working late,
