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Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study
Introduction
Sexual harassment in the workplace is a severe and frequently prevalent issue in
many organizations. The issue is prevalent in every type of organization, on some level,
and constitutes an urgent concern in contemporary society. Efforts are being made to
address the issue in societies around the globe, with current trends highlighting that this
behavior is entirely unacceptable and inappropriate in the workplace. In this study, I
conducted a comprehensive review and analysis of sexual harassment, focusing on why
employees who have been subjected to sexual harassment may not report such an
incident and how reporting of sexual harassment subsequently impacted the workplace
experiences of those who report the issue.
Scholars have widely examined sexual harassment in the workplace. For example,
researchers have examined the prevalence of employee sexual harassment by gender and
its effects on gender performance and morale (Rihal et al., 2020). Recent research on this
topic has shown that individual and relational resilience in the context of an incident in
the workplace are essential factors to consider moving forward (Ford & Ivancic, 2020).
While providing critical insights into the problem, such studies only captured some
dimensions. The issues involved with sexual harassment in the workplace are complex,
multi-faceted and have many important legal implications. Therefore, comprehensive
literature consultation across diverse disciplines and research areas was necessary to
understand the problem.
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Among these complexities, according to recent research, there is the lack of real-
world application of sexual harassment laws (Dahl & Knepper, 2021). Hébert (2020)
explained that legal terminology serves to protect the workplace from unsubstantiated
claims by incorporating concepts such as the unwelcomeness requirement and the
measurement of the actions as severe or pervasive. Essentially, the current dialogue
indicates that the laws represent what should be rather than what is relevant in the
workplace (Dahl & Knepper, 2021; Hébert, 2020). In this model, victims of sexual
harassment remain aware of the potential for being blamed or perceived as overreacting
to a behavior that is not deemed severe or pervasive (Hébert, 2020). Where laws and
practices do not protect these victims, there is a need to better understand how the laws
can be rewritten to empower those who experience workplace sexual harassment and
deter these behaviors by increasing accountability (Dahl & Knepper, 2021; Hébert,
2020).
Another complexity in the application of the laws has been presented as the lack
of knowledge provided to employees about the processes for reporting sexual harassment
(Clancy et al., 2020). Even in cases where whistleblower programs are in effect, Boles et
al. (2020) explained that employees are often unaware of the legal processes while being
overly conscious of legal thresholds within the context of retaliation protection. The
presentation of these protections often highlights the constraint of clear definitions in the
law, declaring an internal approach to subjectively determining the severity of the
behaviors (Boles et al., 2020). Subordinates are provided with enough information to
achieve compliance, while remaining primarily uncertain of their rights (Boles et al.,
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2020; Clancy et al., 2020). The same organizational subjectivity, in this frame of
discussion, is applied to the perceptions of retaliation (Boles et al., 2020). According to
Boles et al. (2020), while some workplaces have policies that surpass the requirements of
the laws, others continue to justify decisions based on the loopholes that the legislation
affords. To close these gaps, it is imperative that the legal mandates are informed by the
lived experiences of those who have experienced sexual harassment and related
retaliation.
In the literature review section of this study, I review over 150 academic research
articles to provide an understanding of various aspects of the issue related to business
organizations. Through my literature review, I found that many researchers have
investigated this problem by focusing on prevention, laws governing workplace practices,
and employee satisfaction (Block & Whitehead, 2019; Conte, 2019; Griffith & Medeiros,
2020; World Health Organization, 2019). The most significant percentage of cases of
sexual harassment in the workplace were also unreported (Siuta & Bergman, 2019),
creating a need for a better understanding of the barriers to reporting sexual harassment.
At the same time, practices to prevent sexual harassment in the workplace have proved
futile (Kahsay et al., 2020; Levinson, 2019; Rihal et al., 2020; Studzińska, 2019).
Investigating the lived experiences and outcomes of persons who experience and report
sexual harassment in the workplace was critical for understanding such barriers from the
perspective of persons who experience the issue.
My goal for this study was to provide valuable insights for policymakers, guiding
them in the development of effective measures to combat sexual harassment in the
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workplace. By informing the best practices, I sought to contribute to the improvement of
programs promoting the reporting of such incidents and addressing any adverse impacts
on victims. My goal was to facilitate social change by demystifying the issue and raising
public awareness about the problem.
Background
Sexual harassment is a pervasive social issue that has permeated many different
areas of society and the workplace for many decades at least—but perhaps it became
especially prominent after women entered the workforce more regularly than in previous
generations. Especially during the era following what is known as the second wave of
feminism during the 1970s, women began to exercise their rights more fully (Antunovic,
2019; Keplinger et al., 2018; Seidman, 2019). They entered many prominent professions
where men had been accustomed to a type of boys' club, heckling secretaries, and others
without any consequences for their outrageous behaviors—such as in business
organizations, medical science, and academia—all of which changed radically throughout
the 1970s/80s period (Antunovic, 2019; Keplinger et al., 2018; Seidman, 2019). For these
reasons, as well as many sociohistorical events, there was an increased focus in research
relating to sexual harassment from the 1990s through the early 2000s (Fitzgerald &
Cortina, 2018, p. 215).
Several recent studies have revealed that sexual harassment is a prevalent concern
among many organizations—not only in the workplace but in most settings with
organizational hierarchies with power differentials. Where people are in authoritative
roles or where one person's position confers more power on the individual compared to
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the other, a type of power relation is set up that creates the potential for sexual
harassment to occur. For example, in academic settings where students and teachers work
together, teachers are considered authority figures, and some teachers take advantage of
this power dynamic (Wood et al., 2021). Furthermore, Wood et al. (2021) noted that
peer-mentors or students assigned to work duties that mimic authority are perceived as
having authority over the general student population. This is a common situation for - the
majority of women, but also men in some cases – in diverse types of organizations
(Brown et al., 2019; Chadha et al., 2020; Choo et al., 2019; Fenwick et al., 2021).
According to the studies, women and girls were frequently victims of these situations that
were accurately categorized as sexual harassment (Fitzgerald & Cortina, 2018).
Nevertheless, there is a gap in the research literature on sexual harassment and why many
cases are not reported. In this research study, and especially in the literature review
section, I addressed this gap in an organized, comprehensive manner.
Sexual harassment is a form of discrimination (Griffith & Medeiros, 2020). There
is a specific philosophical underpinning in discussing the laws regarding sexual
harassment. The laws governing workplace practices on sexual harassment in business
organizations were considered in any situation that may arise (Block & Whitehead,
2019). For example, Block and Whitehead (2019) discussed the types of practices related
to sexual harassment in the workplace, it became evident that the complexity of the issues
involved needed to be sorted out at various levels of legal institutions and organizations
(Block & Whitehead, 2019).
Block and Whitehead (2019) expressed the following concerns:
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The current sexual harassment law with a focus on what sexual
harassment looks like, the quid pro quo and hostile environment doctrines,
the recent supervisor liability guidance from the Supreme Court, and our
concerns about the vagueness and First Amendment issues that arise in the
context of the claims (p. 139).
However, due to the involvedness of the issues regarding sexual harassment incidents in
the workplace and several other related issues, there was a definite vagueness
surrounding the topic that needed to be addressed more specifically. According to Conte
(2019), sexual harassment exposes the vagueness of the supervision guidelines provided
by the Supreme Court.
Thus, several research studies were conducted on this topic to clarify the
situations that may arise—not only from an ethical point of view but, importantly,
including the legal perspectives required to move forward with a court case. One notable
study conducted by Kahsay et al. (2020) explored the perceived injustice of the current
sexual harassment law. In their published journal article, the researchers provided a more
comprehensive analysis than many other articles on the topic. They achieved this by
adopting a holistic approach, examining the issue from various perspectives. This
inclusive method offers a more complex understanding of sexual harassment, a
perspective often lacking in existing literature. Significantly, the authors distinguished
sexual harassment from its previous portrayal in the literature, which predominantly
emphasized the attraction aspects of the behavior (Kahsay et al., 2020).
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As the authors explained, behavior that is currently characterized as sexual
harassment is viewed differently than it was in the past—that is, researchers, as well as
legal scholars, understood the complexity of the issues involved (Kahsay et al., 2020).
Within this evolving context, Kahsay et al. (2020) observed that sexual harassment is
more appropriately understood as discriminatory conduct that may have much to do with
hostility and sometimes little to do with sexual desire. This progress in understanding
sexual harassment, in turn, influences evolution in the research, law, and preventive and
corrective mechanisms that apply to sexual harassment. This more modern approach
provided additional clarity regarding many of the underlying issues in sexual harassment,
thereby providing a stronger foundation for legal recourse where sexual harassment
occurs. It did not resolve the entire issue, but it was a positive step in the right direction.
According to Levinson (2019), sexual harassment is easily perpetrated in the
current societal system and with devastating impacts. This assessment was confirmed by
numerous other research articles on the topic reviewed in this study. Rihal et al. (2020)
observed that sexual harassment can occur as an aspect of the workplace culture in any
business organization, significantly affecting job performance and many other areas of
human relations. Siuta and Bergman (2019) posited that sexual harassment in the
workplace affects the psychological well-being of an individual. Confirming this
observation, Von Gruenigen and Karlan (2018) explored the impacts of sexual
harassment on the well-being of the victims. Similarly, they found that such experiences
negatively and seriously affected the well-being of victims. Therefore, the need to
address this issue effectively is urgent, from non-contact aspects, such as making sexist
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comments, to physical harassment (Rihal et al., 2020). According to MacDonald (2019),
the evidence was overwhelming in that an end to the practice of sexual harassment is a
necessity. However, much work needs to be done from a societal perspective.
Yet, despite an understanding that all occurrences of sexual harassment, as
perceived by the victim, result in poor working conditions, the legal relevance of these
claims remains elusive in both research and practice (Dahl & Knepper, 2021; Hébert,
2020). In fact, Boles et al. (2020) explained that, even though the individual feels
victimized, the perpetrator or organization is not accountable unless the subjective
perception of the event is supported by legal terminology. This raises significant
questions as to the difference between the victim’s perception, the organization’s
justification, and the court’s interpretation of the events. Furthermore, according to Boles
et al. (2020), the organization is responsible, under the notion of compliance, for
informing the subordinates of their rights and protections under the law.
One such law, according to Garrick and Buck (2020), is the Whistleblower
Protection Act, which is intended to prevent retaliation for reporting unethical behaviors
including sexual harassment. Multiple governing agencies have set accountability terms
to define the concept of retaliation (Garrick & Buck, 2020). For instance, the EEOC
includes aspects of scrutiny, performance evaluation, physical abuse, transfer, and verbal
abuse while OSHA defines retaliation tactics such as denial of benefits, blacklisting, and
firing (Garrick & Buck, 2020). The World Health Organization uses terms such as
insecurity and isolation, along with bullying and poor work environments (Garrick &
Buck, 2020). Interestingly, the retaliation costs in the literature primarily focused on
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those to the organization such as reputation and financial restitution (Heese & Pérez-
Cavazos, 2021). This leaves a significant gap in knowledge relating to how these
retaliation practices with notable variations in definitions affect the victims of sexual
harassment.
To some extent, the lived experiences of women who have reported sexual
harassment have been examined in the literature. For instance, Saade (2023) found that,
because there has been an increase in women in leadership, there has been a coinciding
elevation in women reporting sexual harassment. From this correlation, the researchers
were able to assert that there is a higher comfort level in whistleblowing when women are
represented in leadership positions (Saade, 2023). Yet, Porter (2020) pointed out that it is
not only leadership who can retaliate against whistleblowers. In fact, the researcher found
that, when leadership leaks information about whistleblowers to other subordinates, the
victims are likely to experience bullying and isolation from their colleagues (Porter,
2020). However, because such actions are not defined under the legal constructs of
retaliation, there is minimal research on these lived experiences. Therefore, it is not
known if this is a factor in determining whether or not to report or how this impacts the
work experiences for those who report sexual harassment.
In both areas of complexities explored in the literature present a significant need
for continued research. It is important to understand if the current laws such as the
Whistleblower Protection Act are being clearly communicated or if the organizational
presentations are hindering active reporting. Additionally, it is essential to know if
retaliation tactics beyond what is defined by the governing agencies are being used to
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punish those who come forward. By exploring the lived experiences of those who either
chose not to report and those who did report but experienced varying degrees of
retaliation, this study aimed to address these gaps in current knowledge and better inform
legal doctrine and practical applications.
Problem Statement
The issue of harassment involving sexual overtures or overtones is pervasive in
many business organizations. This problem occurs even in organizations where strict
professional and ethical codes of conduct are required and expected, such as in medical
and scientific organizations (Vargas et al., 2020; World Health Organization, 2019).
Hundreds of studies pointed in this direction, albeit with the hope and the promise that
the issues involved were coming more to the forefront of public awareness and legal
recourse for such types of concerns (Mallett et al., 2021; Wasti et al., 2020; Whitley,
2022). However, studies revealed that many incidents of sexual harassment often go
unreported. This research sought to explore and understand the reasons for low reporting
of sexual harassment in the workplace. First, it was essential to understand as much as
possible why an employee who had been sexually harassed may not have reported such
an incident (Frisinger, 2021). As Ford and Ivanec (2020) pointed out in their study,
different people assign meaning in a unique way to an incident of sexual harassment.
This insight emerged from their study on organizational tolerance toward sexual
harassment and how it influences resilience, harassment fatigue, coping, and the victim's
perceived vulnerability to future sexual harassment. Evidence from the literature, thus,
indicates that there are diverse dimensions to the issue of sexual harassment. Researchers
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need to examine the issue from various perspectives to understand the problem
comprehensively, how to prevent it, and how to address its outcomes (French et al., 2021;
Marín et al., 2021). This topic is thoroughly discussed and analyzed in the literature
review section of this study to ascertain specific patterns and trends that arose in the
current research literature.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this qualitative study was to understand the perspectives of
individuals who were victims of sexual harassment in the workplace, especially related to
the process of reporting. Sexual harassment is a pervasive workplace problem in business
organizations of the 21st century (World Health Organization, 2019). In these
contemporary times, the issues involved with sexual harassment in the workplace are
complex, multi-faceted, and have many important legal implications. Further, the topic
has been prominent among research scholars in the legal and social sciences for over
twenty years or more (Clancy et al., 2020). Despite the discussions among these
academic professionals and other key decision-makers in political circles, surprisingly,
little progress has been made in moving forward progressively in the workplace when the
subject is sexual harassment. It is a severe issue that, in many circles, has not gained a
significant amount of attention, which causes various psychological side issues as well
(Ford & Ivancic, 2020). Sexual harassment is a predominant form of heckling or making
a person feel uncomfortable in the workplace; it does not bring a positive social climate
into the business organization. Instead, it has a demeaning effect, which is quite
damaging for those experiencing sexual harassment (Griffith & Medeiros, 2020).
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Research Questions
In this research study, I addressed the following two questions about experience
of reporting or not reporting sexual harassment in the workplace and the impact on how
individuals perceived their workplace after reporting the incident:
Research Question 1: What factors are perceived as those influencing the decision
of workers to report or not report sexual harassment in the workplace?
Research Question 2: How do those who report sexual harassment perceive the
lived experience of their work environment after the event?
Theoretical Framework for the Study
The theoretical framework that I used for this qualitative research study was the
feminist theory, which was formalized by the works of Charlotte Perkins Gilman.
According to her theoretical work on the topic of feminism,
uneasiness appears to be an expression of an androcentric world, more generally
speaking, of a world in which gender relations are understood according to the
pattern of normality and deviation…unease can be understood as an expression of
power asymmetries that damage the epistemic authority of some" (Wille, 2020, p.
1).
It was this sense of unease and how it relates to gender roles and relations in the
workplace and society where the question of sexual harassment issues intersects within
the culture overall. Awareness and recognition of the diversity of lived experiences were
crucial for recognizing the role of gender power in developing theories and practices of
sexual harassment to understand some of the significant issues involved (Grosser &
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Tyler, 2021). Employee satisfaction was another concept used to gauge the prevalence of
sexual harassment in the workplace (Block & Whitehead, 2019). In addition to feminist
theory, Charlotte Perkins Gilman had given courses on gender-based violence on war
rape. A new approach to sexual harassment was developed in this study (Kahsay et al.,
2020; MacDonald, 2019).
To further support the application of the feminist theory, it was necessary to
examine the potential utilization of other relevant theories. Firstly, the organizational
justice theory was considered with a focus on an explanatory method for examining
organizational justice and transparency (see Neall et al., 2021). In this theoretical
approach, it is possible to assess the relationships between perceived justice and
organizational trust (Solinas-Saunders et al., 2024). Relating to the current study, this
theory could have provided insight as to the role of organizational trust in the decision to
report sexual harassment, but it would not have provided for the context of lived
experiences following the report. Secondly, the social exchange theory was considered as
the theory provides the foundation for interpreting decisions based on perceived risks and
benefits (Aggarwal & Brenner, 2020). Like the organizational justice theory, Aggarwal
and Brenner (2020) explained that the social exchange theory involves an element of trust
in that the rules of exchange should benefit all parties. Yet, more importantly, the belief
component of the reciprocity rules is dependent on the diverse perspectives among the
exchange participants and the cultural orientation (Aggarwal & Brenner, 2020). This
approach could have informed the current study in identifying the perceptions of potential
negative exchanges upon reporting and exploring the justifications for these deviations.
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However, the theory holds an emphasis on all parties in the exchange while this study
focused on the victims’ decisions and lived experiences.
After consideration of the organizational justice theory and the social exchange
theory, I determined that the feminist theory provided a more comprehensive approach to
the study. More specifically, the approach provided that sexual harassment was a
complex and multi-faceted phenomenon, and the lack of consensus on definitions and
measurements has hampered knowledge. Other scholars, such as Griffith and Medeiros
(2020), suggested that workplace practices could be improved through better laws to
govern employee satisfaction. The research gap, in this case, was that the barriers to
reporting sexual harassment in the workplace were not fully explored, as well as the
impacts of reporting on the workplace experience for those who do report this problem.
Nature of the Study
I used a qualitative method and phenomenological design for this study.
Phenomenology is well-suited to examine a research topic where the participants live
through the experiences of the phenomena under investigation. Each participant's unique
experiences and outlook on the topic were evaluated to develop some desired conclusions
(Peled-Raz et al., 2021). Some of the areas that I delved into with this design were to find
out how the employee's outlook towards sexual harassment affects the decision of
whether the incident will get reported and if reported, how were they experience
afterwards.
The data collection stage involved using a an interview guide that I developed to
conduct Zoom video or phone interviews based on the participant's preference. The
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interviews were audio-recorded after getting consent from the participants (see Peled-Raz
et al., 2021). The population for this research study was 12 adults aged 18 and upward
who had been a victim of some form of sexual harassment at organizations based on
convenience sampling results of volunteer employees drawn from all sectors of the
American workforce in the United States. I defined harassment as unwelcomed conduct,
whether verbal, visual, nonverbal, or physical, that is sexual or related on someone's sex
(U.S. EEOC 2018b). However, it was essential to acknowledge the disruptive and even
hostile behavior underlying sexual harassment to understand the full view of its negative
reach in workplace situations.
Several essential statutes and laws have been formulated over the past several
decades to address the issues involved with sexual harassment in the workplace from a
legal position. Legal standards established for actionable workplace harassment must be
severe or pervasive with negative implications for working conditions (U.S. EEOC
2018b). In this study, I explored, reviewed, and analyzed the topic of sexual harassment
by way of a sampling research procedure. After convenience sampling and the population
were drawn out, stratified sampling was done so that the study was undertaken on an
equal number of male and female employees (see Peled-Raz et al., 2021). The recording
tool that I used was an audio recorder. In cases where the respondent was willing to
reveal their identity, the video camera on Zoom was used to record the interview.
The data analysis approach that I used was the use of concept analysis and theme
coding. Each of these research methods is further explained in Chapter 3, methodology.
For introductory purposes, it is essential to acknowledge that these methods are used
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frequently in research studies and are considered reliable, valid, and appropriate for
conducting qualitative analytical studies (Trochim, 2020). Text analysis was carried out
to filter and separate vital research information (Walden University, Center for Research
Quality, 2022). Afterward, the concept analysis was undertaken, and the concepts that
stood out from the interviews were picked. This process went along with the thematic
coding of the filtered interview research, where the various themes that stood out and
accounted for the phenomenon under investigation were itemized.
Definitions
Sexual harassment refers to unwanted sexual or otherwise suggestive remarks and
possible physical contact in a social or workplace setting (Tenbrunsel et al.,2019;
Theriault, 2020). For a more formal definition that may be consulted as a general
organization of understanding, the following is an excellent one: Sexual harassment is
behavior that derogates, demeans, or humiliates an individual based on that individual's
sex which may involve sexual force and degradation, sexist materials, comments, and
jokes, or other acts experienced by an individual (Galdi & Guizzo, 2021). Due to the
clarification of several associated issues that these authors provided, it was evident that
sexual harassment may be quite complex. It was much more than just a brief flirtation at
the water cooler between an overtly interested male and one of the female employees.
Instead, sexual harassment also tinged upon the subject of demeaning and making the
person feel uncomfortable, harassed in general, and a fundamental disruption in the
workplace setting, which can escalate over time and continue to be a severe problem
overall. These definitions have been in place for some years; the general public
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understands them well, and they are also clearly recognized in courts of law. For this
reason, it was essential to acknowledge the academic research conducted on sexual
harassment during previous decades, especially around the new millennium milestone
around 2000.
Due to the nature of the research inquiry to include the lived experiences of
victims of sexual harassment, it was also important to establish a foundational
understanding of the laws intended to protect whistleblowers. According to Fiorelli
(2020), early laws were intended to benefit the government by offering a bounty to those
who reported conspirators just after the Civil War. The False Claims Act has continued to
be revised to encourage whistleblowing among wrongdoers. In 2002, the Sarbanes-Oxley
(SOX) provided some protection for employment-based whistleblowers when reports of
securities fraud occurred. The Dodd-Frank Act of 2008 added to the SOX by
incorporating elements of the False Claims Act in terms of payment for reports.
However, the Dodd-Frank Act also included protections against retaliation, but gaps in
application remained when the reports were initially made internally. The Whistleblower
Act was then established to incorporate protections for those who report behaviors not
only associated with fraud (Fiorelli, 2020). According to Owusu et al. (2020), however,
awareness of these protections remains minimal, leaving many victims frightened to
come forward. In addition to the Whistleblower Protection Act, the Dodd-Frank Act was
reformed in 2009 to incorporate a Whistleblower Protection Program, ensuring that
victims have access to legal counsel in the case of retaliation (Evans et al., 2021). Most
notably, the continued progression of these laws has been driven by new understandings
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and the identification of gaps between the laws and practice. Further progression will be
supported with the results of the present study.
Assumptions
According to recent research studies on sexual harassment, public sexual
harassment is a severe disruption of the safety culture that should be provided in a
workplace setting. This was one of the significant assumptions to consider throughout the
research study. As discussed in recent times by prominent scholars, contested gendered
space is a crucial issue that will require steps toward sociolegal innovation as the 21st
century progresses (Vera-Gray & Kelly, 2020; Vidu et al., 2022). Pioneer legislation on
the second order of sexual harassment is currently being conducted in several research
studies.
Scope and Delimitations
In qualitative research, many ethical issues arise, especially concerning access to
the target audience, access to the required data, confidentiality, and privacy that impact
the feasibility of the proposed design. The research topic is sensitive as it involves private
traumatic experiences. It was imperative that if a participant agreed to take part in my
research, their identity would be guarded and that their narratives were only used for the
intended purposes (Walden University, Center for Research Quality, 2022).
Limitations
The confidentiality and privacy of the research participants were a big issue in my
qualitative research. I strictly followed the IRB ethical guidelines to ensure that the
confidentiality and privacy of my research participants were guaranteed (Peled-Raz et al.,
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2021). Access to organizational data that included reported sexual harassment cases was
also a significant challenge in this research study, as there was no public or private
database. Organizations had to give their consent so that the data could be accessed
legally.
Significance
Sexual harassment is a significant area of study, not only within the ethical
boundaries of society but also within the law and social culture of the workplace. The
issues involved had many different legal implications for future business organizations.
Movements such as the #MeToo movement were especially central to how sexual
harassment was discussed and how to proactively change situations towards a more
positive focus to be successful in business organizations overall (Baum, 2019; Bissell et
al., 2021; Braileanu et al., 2021). The topic was one that continues to hold a good deal of
promise and hope in terms of feminist equality in the workplace, especially as these types
of issues pertain to sociolegal innovations (Aggarwal & Brenner, 2020; Anierobi et al.,
2021; Banerjee & Kankaria, 2022). However, there were still many unusual or less
discussed types of sexual harassment to consider within this comprehensive analysis
framework.
Summary
Sexual harassment is a grave issue in business organizations of the 21st century.
In contemporary times, the issues involved with sexual harassment in the workplace are
complex, multi-faceted, and have several important legal implications. Studies showed
that many incidences of sexual harassment go unreported. Due to the continued line of
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inquiry, legislation and policies have been developed to coincide with new knowledge as
it emerged. However, although laws and policies have been implemented and adapted to
protect victims of sexual harassment from retaliation, there remains a gap in knowledge
relating to the lived experiences of victims that impact their decision to report and the
working conditions following a report. Addressing the inadequacies in the current
practices cannot be effectively achieved without incorporating the victims’ lived
experiences into the development of new policies and adaptations to existing laws.
Throughout Chapter 1, I have examined this need for continued research by
presenting an introduction to the subject, providing background information, and
establishing the problem statement. Through these processes, I was able to justify the
purpose of the study and the selection of the feminist theory as a foundation for this
research. The nature of the study was presented along with pertinent definitions, the study
scope, and delimitations, as well as the limitations. Finally, the significance of the study
led to the chapter summary.
In Chapter 2, I present an extensive review of the literature along with my search
strategy. Prior research is examined relating to defining and reporting sexual harassment,
legal perspectives, attitudes and perceptions, social change implications, and gender role
in the workplace. The analysis of the literature is presented along with the direction of the
research in contemporary times.
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Chapter 2: Literature Review
Introduction
Sexual harassment is a disruptive situation in workplace settings. Persons who
experience sexual harassment feel uncomfortable as they are subjected to unwanted
sexual comments and advances and feel harassed. They have not done anything to
encourage such advances and are disturbed by them. Although persons from diverse
groups and genders can be affected, most cases appear to have occurred with women as
the frequent victims compared to men (Bondestam & Lundqvist, 2020). The impacts of
sexual harassment on women are wide-ranging. They may include damage to women's
prospects for gaining employment, limiting their career advancement, hindering higher
wages, and potentially creating an unsafe work environment that interferes with their job
performance (Mainwaring et al., 2023).
One of the main points acknowledged and focused on is that sexual harassment is
a continuing, unwanted sexual attention where the one who is experiencing the
harassment has made it clear to the perpetrator that he/she is not interested and has set the
boundaries in such a way that there should be no mistake about it. Sexual harassment
behaviors that are more widely recognized involve repeated attempts to establish
romantic relationships after refusal from the victim, unwanted touching, and sexual
assault and imposition (National et al., 2020; Vitelli, 2020). For these reasons, a clear link
exists between sexual harassment and safety issues.
I considered many different categories to achieve a complete understanding of
how sexual harassment may develop in the workplace. According to the U.S. Department
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of Justice, Office on Violence Against Women (OVW), sexual assault as it pertains to
sexual harassment may be defined as a nonconsensual sexual act, regardless of the
individual’s ability to consent (U.S. DOJ, OVW2018). Sexual assault may sound far
more severe than sexual harassment, although the two terms are related more frequently
than expected.
Literature Search Strategy
The articles discussed in the following paragraphs related to the topic and how I
examined the gap in literature for this study. The keywords that I searched for
were sexual harassment, sexual harassment at the workplace, sexual discrimination, the
law governing the workplace, and the impact of sexual harassment. Each of these pivotal
research articles is further discussed and analyzed in the literature review section of the
study.
The data collected for this research study were nominal data, which included
words, letters, and symbols. Perception data aimed to explain gender variations in
reporting decisions. Nominal data of reported sexual harassment cases were collected as
an essential way to inform researchers on the outcome of the various gender perspectives
on reporting sexual harassment at the workplace. Primary data were collected through
Zoom and telephone interviews. The perceptions guiding the employee views on sexual
harassment reporting were collected at this stage. The secondary data involved the
collection of nominal data on the reported sexual harassment cases from the institutions
whose employees volunteered to take part in this research study. Reported cases were
public data or access was gained by getting consent from the sampled organizations.
23
Defining Sexual Harassment in the Workplace
A clear definition of the term sexual harassment is a necessary backdrop to an
examination of the literature relating to its reporting and the legal perspectives associated
with this issue. The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) identifies
sexual harassment as a request for sexual favors, unwelcome sexual advances, and other
harassment of a sexual nature, whether verbal or physical, conduct that explicitly or
implicitly affects the victim's employment, interferes with their work performance, and
creates a work environment that is hostile, intimidating, or offensive (U.S. EEOC,
2018a). Although sexual harassment may manifest in different forms, the concept has
three distinct categories, and overlaps may occur across the categories. The first category
is sexual coercion, which involves making job-related threats or bribing an individual to
force them into a sexual relationship with their harasser. The second category of sexual
harassment in the workplace is unwanted sexual attention, such as sexual advances
towards someone else that are unwelcome or offensive (examples include pressuring
someone for a date or touching). The third category is gender harassment, which involves
behaviors aimed at undermining workers due to their gender. Gender harassment involves
hostile behaviors and verbal attacks such as denigrating comments, violent threats, and
off-color jokes that mock the victim (Cortina & Areguin, 2021; Vitelli, 2020).
Sexual harassment is common in workplaces across the United States. According
to the EEOC, an average of 2,790 people are sexually harassed in the U.S. workplace
each year (Yaqub, 2023). Nearly two-thirds of employees who reported sexual
harassment claimed that their harasser was someone in a higher position of authority,
24
such as a supervisor or boss. The EEOC reported that resolutions that included sexual
harassment claims increased by 10% in 2021 (EEOC, 2022). Sexual harassment, along
with other forms of sexual violence, affects millions of people in the U.S. each year and
is associated with adverse psychological and physical health conditions (Dawson et al.,
2021; Sardinha et al., 2022).
Reporting of Sexual Harassment in the Workplace
In terms of reporting, only 25% of sexual harassment in the workplace is reported
by the victims to the authorities, such as a manager, supervisor, or management.
Approximately 75% (3 in 4) of cases of workplace sexual harassment remain unreported;
63% of women who experience sexual harassment do not file a complaint, while 79% of
men keep the issue to themselves Research evidence also shows that 55% of victims of
sexual harassment in the workplace experience retaliation after making a claim or
speaking up. These alarming findings highlight the need for organizations to address this
problem. Finding ways to improve reporting of sexual harassment may be essential as
harassers get away with this behavior and continue to harass other employees if they are
not reported and held accountable for their actions (Yaqub, 2023).
Reporting of Sexual Harassment in the Workplace by Men
Launched by the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, the National
Intimate Partner, and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS) is a nationally representative
survey that assesses the state of the nation on sexual violence, intimate partner violence,
stalking, and victimization among adult men and women. Data from the survey reveals
that sexual harassment and unwanted sexual experiences are equally important issues
25
affecting men in the country. Nearly a quarter of men in the United States (27.6 million -
24.8%) experience some form of sexual violence in their lifetime (Sardinha et al., 2022).
However, many men do not describe their experiences as sexual violence or identify
themselves as survivors or victims. Many use terms such as abusive or unwanted to
describe their experiences. Similarly, the rates of sexual harassment in the workplace
among men may differ in studies because of the differences in terminologies used when
measuring the issue (National Sexual Violence Resource Center, 2020).
Vitelli (2020) observed that while the phenomenon of women experiencing sexual
harassment on the job is more pervasive, sexual harassment of men is gaining more
attention. However, male victims of sexual abuse tend not to speak out regarding the
experience. Out of the 7,809 sexual harassment charges submitted to the EEOC in 2011,
16.1% were lodged by males, and this figure rose to 17.6% in 2013. As per a recent
survey, almost one-third of employed men encountered some form of sexual harassment
in 2019 (National Sexual Violence Resource Center, 2020; Vitelli, 2020). Vitelli (2020)
also stated that severe consequences arise from sexual harassment, irrespective of the
gender of the victim, but that sexual harassment against men has not been taken as
seriously as sexual harassment against women. Whereas extensive research has focused
on how the issue affects women emotionally and economically, fewer studies have
looked at the effects of the issue on men. Both women and men have experienced the
three types of sexual harassment in the workplace, with the perpetrators often being other
men (Vitelli, 2019).
26
A recent study by Griswold et al. (2020) published in the Journal Psychology of
Men and Masculinity sought to examine the factors that increase sexual harassment
among men in the workplace. The researchers collected data using Amazon's Mechanical
Turk platform. The men in the study reported that they had experienced at least one form
of sexual advance harassment within the year, such as being touched in a way that made
them feel uncomfortable or experiencing some threat if they refused to be sexually
cooperative. The study found that men who did not fit traditional gender roles were more
likely to experience harassment. Men whose behaviors challenge existing gender
hierarchy are also vulnerable to sexual harassment. For example, men are expected to be
masculine in behavior. If they deviate from that expectation, they may be exposed to
harassment. Examples include men caring for children or supporting causes seen as
feminist or unmasculine. Widespread tolerance for sexual harassment in the workplace
also emerged as a strong predictor for this behavior. The likelihood of sexual harassment
was also higher in organizations that tolerated that behavior (Bondestam & Lundqvist,
2020). A key conclusion from this study was that organizational policies against sexual
harassment in the workplace are a potent tool for preventing this behavior (Griswold et
al., 2020). Strong anti-harassment policies in a company protect men and women who
otherwise would have had no option but to leave their jobs to escape harassment (Conte,
2019). Organizational leaders must, therefore, consider strengthening such policies to
protect their employees.
27
Reporting Sexual Harassment in the Workplace by Women
The fact that women are particularly vulnerable to sexual harassment in the
workplace is commonly known. Roughly 1 in 3 women under 35 have been sexually
harassed in the workplace, with 38% of women reporting the issue. The proportion of
disabled women who have experienced sexual harassment in the workplace is also high,
seven out of 10 (Yaqub, 2023). Women who express strong feminist beliefs about issues
challenging gender biases are also vulnerable to sexual harassment (Vitelli, 2020). Data
from the EEOC reveals that women continue to file a higher proportion of the charges
alleging sexual harassment. Between 2018 and 2021, women filed 78.2% of the 27,291
sexual harassment charges received by the EEOC. Women also filed 62.2% out of the
98,411 total harassment charges on any basis, such as national origin or race that were
received between 2018 and 2021. For example, out of the 1,945 sexual harassment
charges filed concurrently with a race charge between 2018 and 2021, a high proportion,
71.2%, identified African American or Black as the relevant race. Among the 797
simultaneous filings of sexual harassment charges and charges related to national origin
in the same period, 15.7% of these charges were categorized as having a Mexican
national origin, while 37.6% were classified as Hispanic (EEOC, 2022; Bernstein, 2019).
Furthermore, charges of retaliation and sexual harassment are often linked. Between 2018
and 2020, out of 27,291 sexual harassment charges, 43.5% had a current charge of
retaliation (EEOC, 2022).
28
Reporting of Sexual Harassment of LBGTQ
A variety of sources have documented harassment and employment
discrimination against LGBTQ people. Persons who belong to sexual minorities are
vulnerable to sexual harassment, and this kind of treatment often overlaps with displays
of homophobia (Vitelli, 2020). Recent evidence shows that nearly one-third of LGBT
persons have reported experiencing discrimination or harassment in recent years. More
than 40% of LGBT workers have been harassed because of their gender identity or sexual
orientation at some point (Avery, 2021; Sears et al., 2021).
LGBTQ+ employees also face a higher risk of experiencing sexual harassment in
the workplace and often face hostility and discrimination from coworkers and employers
(Sears et al., 2021). More than 8 million workers in the United States identify as LGBT,
with recent data showing that an estimated 70% of LGBT people are sexually harassed in
the workplace. Such harassment has been found to have a negative impact on the well-
being, health, job commitment, and job satisfaction of the members of this group (Avery,
2021; Griswold et al., 2020; Hershcovis et al., 2021). One in four LGBT employees have,
at some point in their careers, experienced sexual harassment in the workplace because of
their gender identity and sexual orientation. Transgender employees were twice as likely
to report experiences of sexual harassment, with 22.4% reporting sexual harassment
compared to 11.9% of cisgender LGB employees (Avery, 2021).
Following the general pattern of sexual harassment in the workplace, LGBT
people continue to experience discrimination and harassment in the workplace even after
the Supreme Court has extended non-discrimination protections to LGBT people in the
29
country. The Supreme Court ruling in Bostock v Clayton County, Georgia, in June 2020
was that Title VII's protection against sex discrimination in employment also extended to
gender identity and sexual orientation. Despite this protection, 8.9% of LGBT employees
reported being fired or not being hired because of their gender identity or sexual
orientation in 2020 -2021 (Avery, 2021). LBTQ people experience other forms of
harassment, including physical violence and verbal attacks in the workplace. In addition,
a higher percentage of LGBTQ employees of color (36%) report experiencing verbal
harassment in the workplace, compared to 26% of their white counterparts (Avery, 2021).
Legal Perspective
It is evident that sexual harassment is still a somewhat subtle form of legal
discussion. It continues to be essential in how the various legal definitions were
interpreted and used within the court systems. Therefore, even though sexual assault is
considered a criminal act, the legal system also acknowledges sexual harassment as a
manifestation of workplace discrimination (Shaw et al., 2018, p. 1). Since the issues that
may evolve in the workplace when sexual harassment is present are severe—that is, they
are likely to interfere substantially with the person's job in myriad ways—such issues are
complex indeed. They are not easily met in the workplace or discussed within the
framework of one's place of employment. Nevertheless, they need to be addressed at
some level of the business organization's structure due to the legal aspects of the
situation.
For these complex reasons, various explanations, definitions, and terms related to
sexual harassment in the workplace have been developed over the years. Three categories
30
of sexual harassment have been recognized, encompassing gender-based harassment,
undesired sexual attention, and sexual coercion, each involving a range of verbal and
nonverbal actions (O'Hare & O'Donohue, 1998). From a legal perspective, it violates
codes and ethical laws that will be supported through the courts. Sexual harassment is
identified as illegal sex discrimination under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, an
act enforced by the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) (Shaw et
al., 2018). The EEOC states that unwelcome sexual advances and verbal or physical
sexual connotations constitute sexual harassment when this affects an individual's
employment or interferes with an individual's work performance (U.S. EEOC, 2018a).
Title VII applies to organizations with 15 or more employees, federal, state, and local
governments, labor organizations, and employment agencies. These developments are
significant regarding court cases that may arise over issues likely to occur in workplace
settings. They minimize the possibility of confusion or misconstrued intentions should a
case of sexual harassment arise in the courts or the employment offices of law and
occupational safety (Hastie, 2021).
Statutes of Limitations on Reporting Sexual Harassment in the Workplace
Although there are federal and state protections against sexual harassment in the
workplace, such protections often involve pursuing a claim through the courts, and many
affected persons do not have the resources to go through the process. Many times, staying
silent about the experience may be seen as the only available option (Vitelli, 2020). At
the same time, federal and state laws place time limits on the individual's right to bring a
sexual harassment claim (Kingsley, 2021). Thus, the statute of limitations is an essential
31
consideration in matters relating to the reporting of sexual harassment. A statute of
limitations is a law that prohibits a plaintiff or an injured party from filing a lawsuit or
claim after a time limit or deadline set by the law has passed. Victims who fail to bring
claims before the time limit may lose their right to bring the claim. Furthermore, sexual
harassment statute of limitations may vary between federal and state laws. If a victim
misses the statute of limitations under federal law, the individual may still have the time
to file a case in state court (EEOC, n.d.; Kingsley, 2021). Time limits on sexual
harassment claims vary depending on the type of claim (such as personal injury claim),
whether the claim is civil or criminal, and the state in which the claim is filed. The EEOC
handles all Title VII claims and sets a statute of Limitations of 180 days for all Title VII
claims. Plaintiffs or victims have 180 calendar days from the most recent sexual
harassment episode to bring their causes of action. The time limit increases to 300 days,
where the state has separate sexual harassment laws protecting workers. After
investigating a claim, the EEOC provides the victims with valid claims with permission
to file a lawsuit in federal court in the form of a Right to Sue Letter (Kingsley, 2021;
EEOC, n.d.).
Different states have different laws and statutes of limitations for sexual
harassment in the workplace claims. In New York State, for example, victims have a time
limit of 3 years to file a claim or lawsuit for sexual harassment in the workplace. Sexual
harassment in the workplace is dealt with by the New York State Human Rights Law
(NYSHRL) under the sex discrimination provision. Sexual harassment claims in the state
are filed with the N.Y. State Division of Human Rights (New York State Government
32
Division of Human Rights, 2019). The New York City Human Rights Law (NYCHRL),
which mimics the NYSHRL, also has a statute of limitations of 3 years to file a sexual
harassment claim in New York City (New York State Government Division of Human
Rights, 2019).
The statute of limitations under Pennsylvania's sexual harassment laws is 180
days. Sexual harassment claims in the state are overseen by the Pennsylvania Human
Relations Commission (PHRC). In New Jersey, sexual harassment claims are filed as sex
discrimination claims under the state's New Jersey Law Against Discrimination
(NJLAD). The time limit for filing a claim under the NJLAD is two years. In Florida,
sexual harassment claims are handled by the Florida Commission of Human Relations
(FCHR). The statute of limitations to file a claim in Florida is one year from the date of
the incident. In California, the California's Fair Employment and Housing Act (FEHA)
protects workers from sexual harassment at work. The statute of limitations in this state is
three years. Most states have a relationship with the EEOC such that when a claim is filed
at the state level, it automatically means that a claim has been filed with the EEOC
(Derek Smith Law Group, 2021; EEOC, n.d).
Most cases of sexual harassment do not go before a jury and are settled out of
court through processes such as settlement involving monetary payments being made to
the plaintiff. Employers are also legally prohibited from engaging in retaliatory actions,
such as demoting or firing employees for filing sexual harassment complaints (EEOC,
n.d; Kingsley, 2021).
33
Public Awareness
Public awareness about the issues involved with sexual harassment in the
workplace was elevated to a national level of concern during the Bill Clinton presidency.
The impetus for focusing on various power relations and other vital factors of sexual
harassment became known as the Monica Lewinsky case or scandal—however, the media
reported it. This case provided an essential foundation for understanding the development
of higher levels of awareness and empowerment of women for this discussion. Sexual
coercion was discussed as being one of the three different types of sexual harassment that
was likely to take place in the workplace setting. Sexual coercion is considered or
classified as one of the least expected yet most universally recognized types of
harassment, which involves either explicit or implied bribery and threats in exchange for
sexual cooperation (O'Hare & O'Donohue, 1998). It is this type of classification of sexual
harassment that perhaps may be the most confusing one of all—or at least one that is
completely misunderstood, especially as it pertains to the types of power relations that
may be established in such a relationship that made worldwide news back in the 1990s
when Monica Lewinsky and Bill Clinton's supposed relationship—or affair—or perhaps
simply a case of sexual coercion bribery and the like—it is still nearly impossible to
determine.
A relationship between two consenting adults is very different in the eyes of the
law than one that also includes various forms of coercion and other types of threats and
bribery (Reuter et al., 2020; Vera-Gray & Kelly, 2020). The Monica Lewinsky-Bill
Clinton case almost became a spectacle for the U.S. during the late 1990s, when it was
34
being broadcast and reported all around the globe. Bill Clinton, the U.S. president
holding such a high political office, certainly had several political detractors and others
who viewed him unfavorably—all of which are somewhat difficult to disentangle from
the actual case itself. When President Bill Clinton was brought into a court of law to
explain his relationship with Monica Lewinsky, the issues involved were unclear. Even at
this top level of government, sexual harassment somehow became entangled with what
became known as Clinton's self-defense, or apologia. Clinton overcame the Lewinsky
scandal by employing a graduated apologia (Van Herzele, A., & Aarts, 2019). This type
of rhetorical strategy was not very well-known among the public, so in many ways, his
approach was almost a form of trickery to the American people and politics in general.
However, it occurred, and these situations will likely occur again in the legal system. So,
when dealing with sexual harassment, as it has been developing over the past several
decades, one will require awareness and reasonable legal representation.
However, it was imperative to acknowledge the widespread and influential effects
of the case as it pertained to power relations; sexual harassment, where perhaps the
advances of a person in a higher position will take advantage of their position for
personal gain; and several other critical issues involved with how sexual harassment
cases have evolved since that period nearly thirty years ago. As observed by Ford and
Ivanec (2020), sexual harassment in the workplace is complicated by the intersection
between several factors - power relations, race, gender, organizational hierarchy, and the
need to maintain one's job and income. Thus, although a general assumption is commonly
made that sexual harassment is inherently about sexual desire, the behavior often
35
attempts to dominate the victim and exercise power over others. For some reviewers, the
topic may seem different than sexual harassment per se because the young woman
appeared to have been a consensual player in the relationship. Nevertheless, was she?
These questions are challenging to determine or understand, even in a court of law where
the different legal aspects of the case are considered objectively.
Sometimes, this was very difficult to achieve—viewing the topic of sexual
harassment objectively. For example, research studies show a high prevalence of
harassment within colleges and universities known as academia. As observed by Clancy
et al. (2020), rather than meeting the expectation that academia should inspire change and
lead other organizations, academia instead has the highest rate of sexual harassment
events after the military. Both men and women are known to have been targets for some
of these sexual harassment incidents, as several recent studies have shown (Kinsgley,
2021). In academia, for example, men experience sexual harassment, although at slightly
lower rates than women (Clancy et al., 2020; Vargas et al., 2020).
Attitudes and Perceptions
This area of study has a crucial role in understanding how a culture of safety that
includes keeping sexual harassment at bay in the workplace also provides similar
protection in other social settings as well as in the organizations where work takes place
(Banerjee & Kankaria, 2022; Clair et al., 2019; Clancy et al., 2020; Ford & Ivancic,
2020). Shi and Zheng (2020) found that attitudes associated with gender roles are often
associated with a higher degree of tolerance for sexual harassment. The researchers
further noted that these attitudes can be both explicit and implicit. For instance, an
36
attitude that is hostile towards women and one that is paternalistic differ in context while
sharing a similar influence on sexual harassment tolerance. The exhibition of these
attitudes, according to Shi and Zheng (2020), impact the perceptions of the organizational
culture and elements of safety to include protections from retaliation for reporting.
According to Hershcovis et al. (2021), when reports are not made and leadership fails to
address sexual harassment, the victims perceive the harasser as untouchable and their
plight for safety as insurmountable. In this relationship between attitudes and perceptions,
the research demonstrates that high tolerance for sexual harassment impacts the
perception of safety. These perceptions could hinder the willingness of victims to come
forward and increase the likeliness of retaliation for those who report sexual harassment.
Social Change Implications
The topic of sexual harassment emphasized the importance of social change as it
was currently developing. The main reason why this vice is not ending is that there is a
silent culture toward reporting sexual harassment incidents in the workplace (Jamil, 2020;
Starkey et al., 2019). This research discussed some possible reasons and explained what
may be behind this development of a silent culture as perceived by the two primary
genders. Afterward, the study recommended new measures that policymakers at the
workplace could implement to stop this vice. Additionally, legal precedents that have
taken place throughout history were reviewed and analyzed to highlight some of the
significant areas of focus over the years (Bernstein, 2019; Barron, 2019; Blumell &
Mulupi, 2021). If the workplaces were safe from sexual harassment, the community
would also be safe as it is hard for the perpetrators of this vice to continue the vice in
37
their homes when it has been tackled at the workplace. This area of study had a crucial
role in understanding how a culture of safety that includes keeping sexual harassment
under control in the workplace also provided similar protection in other social settings as
well as in the organizations where work takes place (Banerjee & Kankaria, 2022; Clair et
al., 2019; Clancy et al., 2020; Ford & Ivancic, 2020). The study also demystified the
topic of sexual harassment in the workplace while creating awareness about the problem
simultaneously.
Gender Role and the Workplace
Gender roles play a critical role in the pervasiveness of the issue, and gender
differences exist in the reporting data (Crenshaw, 2019). These facts provide
opportunities for further research concerning gender roles and sexual harassment in the
workplace. However, the factors that influence the decision to report or not to report
sexual harassment in the workplace are a crucial focus of this study. The literature review
pointed to a significant gap in understanding, especially from the perspective of the
person experiencing sexual harassment in the workplace. Additionally, sexual harassment
victims were mainly traumatized by the vice, and they could not find the courage to relive
their experience through acts such as narrating them. Thus, it was often most challenging
to discuss the issues involved in certain research studies that would possibly make it more
difficult to find resolutions. If the workplaces are safe from sexual harassment, the
community will also be safe as it is hard for the perpetrators of this vice to continue the
vice in their homes when it has been tackled at the workplace.
38
Review and Analysis
Sexual harassment in the workplace has been an ongoing issue in many
organizations and at various levels of the businesses where these issues occur. Sexual
harassment of various types is prevalent nearly everywhere on some level. This is not to
say that sexual harassment is accepted—by no means. Instead, how sexual harassment
has been addressed in societies around the globe highlights current trends that suggest it
is entirely unacceptable and inappropriate in the workplace. Investigating the lived
experiences of employees who experience sexual harassment in the workplace, the
factors that influenced their decisions to report or not report the event, and how they
perceive their work environment after reporting such events will contribute critical
information to inform the best practices for reducing the incidence of this issue and
preventing the problem in the workplace. This study was particularly critical, given that
evidence suggests that current practices to prevent sexual harassment in the workplace
have proved futile or ineffective (Kahsay et al., 2020; Levinson, 2019; Rihal et al., 2020;
Studzińska, 2019).
This issue has a predominant role even in medical and scientific organizations,
where there is more of a professional tone among the group in workplace settings (Vargas
et al., 2020; World Health Organization, 2019). Hundreds of studies point in this
direction, albeit with the hope and the promise that the issues involved were coming more
to the forefront of public awareness and legal recourse for such types of concerns (Mallett
et al., 2021; Wasti et al., 2020; Whitley, 2022). However, studies have shown that many
times, an incident of sexual harassment goes unreported. There are various reasons for
39
this type of situation, explored from multiple perspectives in this research essay. First, it
was essential to understand as much as possible why an employee who has been sexually
harassed may not report such an incident. This topic was thoroughly discussed and
analyzed in the literature review section of the paper to ascertain specific patterns and
trends that arose in the current research literature. This research essay addressed these
issues of sexual harassment in the workplace in a comprehensive, all-inclusive manner.
Sexual harassment in the workplace is a never-ending problem that has not gotten a
lasting solution. This research tried to give new solutions to this problem by investigating
the current gaps in sexual analysis in the workplace literature.
One of the main points to acknowledge and focus on is that sexual harassment is a
continuing, unwanted sexual attention where the one who is experiencing the harassment
has made it clear to the perpetrator that he or she is not interested and has set the
boundaries in such a way that there should be no mistake about it. Sexual harassment
consists of behaviors often recognized as harassing including repeated attempts to
establish a romantic relationship after the refusal, undesired touching, and sexual
imposition (O'Hare & O'Donohue, 1998). For these reasons, safety issues come into focus
as a genuine possibility. According to some recent research studies on the topic of sexual
harassment, public sexual harassment is a severe disruption of the safety culture that
should be provided in a workplace setting; contested gendered space is a vital issue that
will require steps towards sociolegal innovation as the 21st century progresses (Vera-
Gray & Kelly, 2020; Vidu et al., 2022). Pioneer legislation on the second order of sexual
harassment is currently being conducted in some research studies. It is a crucial area of
40
the law and within the social culture of the workplace that will have many different legal
implications in future business organizations.
Movements such as the #MeToo movement were especially central to how sexual
harassment is currently being discussed and how to proactively change situations towards
a more positive focus in order to be successful in business organizations overall (Baum,
2019; Bissell et al., 2021; Braileanu et al., 2021). The topic continues to hold a good deal
of promise and hope in terms of feminist equality in the workplace, especially as these
types of issues pertain to sociolegal innovations (Aggarwal & Brenner, 2020; Anierobi et
al., 2021; Banerjee & Kankaria, 2022). However, there are still many unusual or less
discussed types of sexual harassment to consider within this comprehensive analysis
framework. As many recent studies have revealed, sexual harassment is a prevalent
concern among many organizations—not only in the workplace but also in an academic
setting where students and teachers work together, and the teacher may be considered an
authority figure. This type of relationship sets up a particular type of power relation,
which, unfortunately, the teacher may take advantage of. According to the studies,
women and girls are frequently victims of these situations that can accurately be
categorized as sexual harassment (Fitzgerald & Cortina, 2018). The listed articles
discussed throughout this literature review section were predominant issues within the
framework of sexual harassment. As previously delineated, the keywords searched were
sexual harassment, sexual harassment at the workplace, sexual discrimination, the law
governing the workplace, and the impact of sexual harassment. In brief, they covered the
following essential topics throughout this research study. In order to achieve a complete
41
understanding of how sexual harassment may develop in the workplace, these different
categories were also considered. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, Office on
Violence Against Women (OVW), sexual assault as it pertains to sexual harassment may
be defined as a nonconsensual sexual act proscribed, regardless of the victim’s ability to
consent (U.S. DOJ, OVW2018). Sexual assault may sound far more severe than sexual
harassment, although the two terms are related more frequently than expected.
A somewhat subtle form of legal discussion is essential in interpreting and using
the various legal definitions within the court systems. Thus, "while sexual assault is a
criminal offense, the law also recognizes sexual harassment as a form of employment
discrimination" (Shaw et al., 2018, p. 1). Since the issues that may evolve in the
workplace when sexual harassment is present are severe—that is, they are likely to
interfere substantially with the person's job in myriad ways—such issues are complex
indeed. They are not easily met in the workplace or discussed within the framework of
one's place of employment. Nevertheless, they will need to be addressed at some level of
the business organization's structure due to the legal aspects of the situation.
For these complex reasons, various explanations, definitions, and terms related to
sexual harassment in the workplace have been developed over the years. These
developments minimize the possibility of confusion should a case of sexual harassment
arise in the courts or the employment offices of law and occupational safety. According
to the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), the official position
states that unwelcome sexual advances or other forms of verbal or physical behaviors
42
related to sex can be defined as sexual harassment if the behaviors explicitly or implicitly
interferes with the working environment (U.S. EEOC, 2018a).
In many of the significant definitions of sexual harassment, a couple of critical
points were quite essential to understand from the outset of the discussion. Sexual
harassment refers to unwanted sexual or otherwise suggestive remarks and possible
physical contact in a social or workplace setting (Tenbrunsel et al., 2019; Theriault,
2020). For a more formal definition that may be consulted as a general organization of
understanding, the following is an excellent one: Sexual harassment is behavior that
derogates, demeans, or humiliates an individual based on that individual's sex which may
involve sexual force and degradation, sexist materials, comments, and jokes, or other acts
experienced by an individual (Galdi & Guizzo, 2021). Due to the unique clarification of
several associated issues that these authors provide, it was evident that sexual harassment
was quite complex. It is much more than just a brief flirtation at the water cooler between
an overtly interested male and one of the female employees. Instead, sexual harassment
also tinges upon the subject of demeaning and making the person feel uncomfortable,
harassed in general, and a fundamental disruption in the workplace setting, which can
escalate over time and continue to be a severe problem overall. These definitions have
been in place for some years; the general public understands them well, and they are also
clearly recognized in courts of law. For this reason, it was essential to acknowledge the
academic research conducted on sexual harassment during previous decades, especially
around the new millennium milestone around 2000.
43
Direction of the Research in Contemporary Times
In the 21st century, the issues involved with sexual harassment in the workplace
continue to evolve. They are beginning to have some critical legal implications not
addressed previously. However, this topic has become more prominent among research
scholars by adding existing research literature from twenty years back (Reynolds, 2021;
Robson, 2020). Nevertheless, despite the discussions among these academic professionals
and others, little progress has been made in moving forward when the subject is sexual
harassment. "Gender harassment involves behaviors that generally convey hostile and
degrading attitudes about women, such as gender-based hazing" (O'Hare & O'Donohue,
1998, p. 562). It is a grave issue that, in many circles, has not gained much attention,
which causes various psychological side issues as well.
Summary and Conclusions
The literature reviewed by this study found that researchers have investigated this
problem by focusing on prevention, laws governing workplace practices, and employee
satisfaction (Block & Whitehead, 2019; Conte, 2019; Griffith & Medeiros, 2020; World
Health Organization, 2019). None of the studies reviewed examined the factors that
influenced the decision to report or not to report an incidence of sexual harassment in the
workplace, representing a gap in the literature. My research study filled this gap by
contributing insights and knowledge on how employees experience sexual harassment
and the impact of its reporting on employees. The study had practical implications as
policymakers may use the information to improve programs designed to improve the
reporting of sexual harassment. The social change implications of the study include the
44
creation of public awareness regarding the problem, demystifying the topic, and
contributing information to inform and support measures to stop sexual harassment in the
workplace.
Sexual harassment is a disruptive situation in workplace settings, which, in most
cases, appears to impact women more frequently than men. Being the victim of sexual
harassment carries severe negative impacts for affected persons, including damaging the
individual's prospects for gaining employment, damaging prospects for advancing in their
careers and potentially attaining higher wages, as well as creating an offensive work
environment that hinders job enjoyment and performance (Mainwaring et al., 2023).
People who feel uncomfortable around someone making unwanted sexual comments and
advances feel harassed. They have not done anything to encourage such advances and are
disturbed by them. Thus, it was evident that sexual harassment is still a somewhat subtle
form of legal discussion. It continues to be essential in how the various legal definitions
are interpreted and used within the court systems. Thus, "while sexual assault is a
criminal offense, the law also recognizes sexual harassment as a form of employment
discrimination" (Shaw et al., 2018, p. 1). Since the issues that may evolve in the
workplace when sexual harassment is present are very serious—that is, they are likely to
interfere substantially with the person's job in myriad ways—such issues are complex
indeed. They are not easily met in the workplace or discussed within the framework of
one's place of employment. Nevertheless, they will need to be addressed at some level of
the business organization's structure due to the legal aspects of the situation.
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For these complex reasons, various explanations, definitions, and terms related to
sexual harassment in the workplace have been developed over the years. O'Hare and
O'Donohue (1998) identified three types of sexual harassment - ender harassment,
unwanted sexual attention, and sexual coercion. Each of these categories of sexual
harassment consists of verbal and nonverbal behaviors. From a legal perspective, it is a
violation of codes and ethical laws that will be supported through the courts, as the
following excerpt shows: "Sexual harassment constitutes illegal sex discrimination under
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which the EEOC enforces" (Shaw et al., 2018,
p. 1). These developments are significant regarding court cases that may arise over issues
likely to occur in workplace settings. They minimize the possibility of confusion or
misconstrued intentions should a case of sexual harassment arise in the courts or the
employment offices of law and occupational safety (Aguilar & Baek, 2020; Hastie,
2021).
In the official position of the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
(EEOC), sexual harassment is constituted by request for sexual favors, unwelcome sexual
advances, and other types of verbal or physical harassment of a sexual nature, conduct
that explicitly or implicitly impact an individual's employment, interferes with their work
performance unreasonably, or creates a hostile, intimidating, or offensive work
environment (U.S. EEOC 2018a).
In conclusion, this research study was a comprehensive review and analysis of
sexual harassment by focusing on gender roles. The approach showed the notable
patterns and trends associated with sexual harassment as it developed over several
46
decades. In the literature review section of the study, over 150 academic research articles
were reviewed at some level of understanding, highlighting how the various trends had
developed in business organizations. Additionally, it was essential to understand and
acknowledge gender roles as the place of sexual harassment in terms of how these issues
were reported or, in most cases, swept aside as if they had not occurred. Chapter 3
presents the detailed methods employed to establish this understanding and contribute to
the body of knowledge.
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Chapter 3: Research Method
Introduction
In this study, I explored the lived experiences of employees who have
experienced sexual harassment in the workplace to determine the factors that influenced
the decision to report or not to report the incident. My goal was to understand the lived
experiences of those who reported the incidences of sexual harassment within the
working environment to determine the extent, if any, the victims experienced retaliation.
The findings offer knowledge and insights to help initiatives targeted at enhancing the
reporting of workplace sexual harassment and its eventual abolition. These findings show
the gaps between policy and practice that affect reporting decisions and experiences of
those who choose to report occurrences of sexual harassment. I answered the following
research questions in this study:
Research Question 1: What factors are perceived as those influencing the
decision of workers to report or not report sexual harassment in the workplace?
Research Question 2: How do those who report sexual harassment perceive the
lived experience of their work environment after the event?
Chapter 3 includes a presentation of the methodology employed when carrying
out the study. The chapter is organized into the following main sections. Firstly, the
research design and rationale are presented to include the justification of the qualitative
research tradition. Next, the role of the researcher is presented to include practices to
ensure ethical research that is free from research bias. The process of recruitment, data
collection, and data analysis are then presented followed by issues of trustworthiness.
48
Finally, the chapter concludes with a summary of the methods employed in this study. By
presenting these details, the selected qualitative approach is justified as appropriate for
this study and the findings are supported.
Research Design and Rationale
I addressed the following two questions, which I designed to explore the lived
experiences of employees who have been victims of sexual harassment in the workplace:
Research Question 1: What factors are perceived as those influencing the decision
of workers to report or not report sexual harassment in the workplace?
Research Question 2: How do those who report sexual harassment perceive the
lived experience of their work environment after the event?
I focused on the issue of reporting sexual harassment in the workplace and the
lived experiences of those who report sexual harassment. For this study, sexual
harassment was defined based on the EEOC's position statement as requesting sexual
favors, unwelcome sexual advances, and other actions constituting harassment that are
sexual. The emphasis placed on the perception of factors in the first research question
was justified through the understanding that attitudes impact the perceived culture of
safety. By evaluating these perceptions for both those who did and those who did not
report, it was possible to align this understanding of perceptions in practice. In the second
research question, it was important to establish the lived experiences of these participants
without suggesting that these experiences were either positive or negative. Thus, the
semistructured interviews were appropriate for allowing the participants’ voice to be
heard in the findings.
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I used a qualitative design approach for this study. A qualitative research tradition
is a naturalistic approach to research that allows the exploration of the phenomena of
interest in their natural environments (Denny & Weckesser, 2022; Wang, 2021).
Qualitative research is inductive and focuses on discovering social phenomena using
qualitative data such as emotions, words, perceptions, and pictures (Szekeres et al.,
2020). Qualitative researchers, thus, will seek to gain in-depth insights regarding research
phenomena using rich and nuanced qualitative data, which are, in turn, analyzed using
suitable subjective techniques such as content analysis, descriptive analysis, narrative
analysis, and thematic analysis (Queirós et al., 2017).
The study was based on the interpretive paradigm. The main assumptions under
this research paradigm are that reality is socially constructed, and that theory should be
developed from data collected through research (Kankam, 2019). Researchers who apply
the interpretive paradigm in their work attempt to understand people's experiences and
events by interpreting the experiences of the research subjects regarding phenomena
based on their thoughts, perceptions, and the meanings that they ascribe to the event and
its contexts (Sim & Waterfield, 2019).
I chose a qualitative approach in this study to provide participants with the
opportunity to freely express and discuss their ideas and interpretations of the subject.
This opportunity was met most effectively by using open-ended interview questions,
which are the design objectives of a qualitative research study. The qualitative design is
characterized by a detailed description of the research phenomenon, making it very
suitable for exploring social processes and the lived experiences of people (Stenfors et
50
al., 2020). Qualitative designs provide well-grounded descriptions of research events in
their local contexts, thus providing insight that numbers would not offer alone. Therefore,
the qualitative design was appropriate for exploring and understanding the experiences of
workers who have experienced sexual harassment in the workplace.
By contrast, quantitative research designs focus on measuring cause and effect
relationships using quantifiable data, which are, in turn, analyzed using computational or
statistical/mathematical techniques. Quantitative research designs focus on hypothesis
testing and attempt to distill generalizations from a sample to a larger population
(Stenfors et al., 2020). Because I focused on understanding factors that influenced
decision-making regarding reporting sexual harassment in the workplace, the quantitative
approach was not be a suitable design.
I chose a phenomenological design for this study after excluding other designs
such as ethnography (ethnography focuses on investigating the shared cultural
occurrences within a group of people across an extended period (see Creswell &
Guetterman, 2019), the narrative design (this design explores personal stories and retells
it), and the grounded approach (which seeks to understand and develop a theory about a
phenomenon of interest; see Gronmo, 2019). Phenomenology is used to understand how
people make sense of their lives and encounters (Gronmo, 2019). I used this design to
explore the lived, firsthand experiences of employees regarding sexual harassment and its
reporting in the workplace and to gain their perspectives on why they choose to report or
not and how they experienced the workplace after reporting sexual harassment.
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Role of the Researcher
In my investigation of workplace sexual harassment, I employed a qualitative
phenomenology design. With this design, I explored factors influencing the decisions of
employees who have experienced workplace sexual harassment, examining both their
choices to report or not report such incidents. For this study, I ensured that all ethical and
legal requirements were met and that the study followed the approved proposal
guidelines. As the primary researcher, I ensured that all steps in the methodology were
executed accurately and successfully to achieve the required research outcomes.
In terms of quality, qualitative studies are very subjective processes and may be
influenced by researcher bias or bias from the research participants. I addressed this
possibility through several processes. First, I was engaged in reflexivity throughout the
study (examination of one's assumptions regarding the topic and their implications for the
research findings). I maintained a reflexive journal to record such reflective views to help
me distinguish my thoughts and avoid allowing such opinions to influence the data
obtained from the study. To ensure that the study was conducted without bias or ethical
concerns, I regularly reviewed my reflexive journal and communicated with my
dissertation committee members. Although the reflexive journalling helps the researcher
to identify potential areas of bias, using additional resources such as the dissertation
committee members provides multiple perspectives and a greater chance of identifying
any issues during the process.
As I investigated the lived experiences of the participants, I was responsible for
developing interview questions that would provide insight into the research questions.
52
However, it was important that the interview questions did not direct or influence the
participants’ responses. I used the semistructured interview approach to stay on topic
while providing the participants with the opportunity to include their perspectives without
influence. The data collection and analysis processes were done as rigorously as possible.
To prevent data loss, interviews were recorded using an audio recording device and
Zoom videoconference. In the data analysis, it was important to review the interviews
multiple times to ensure that the subjective interpretations reflected the participants’
intended message.
My role and responsibilities as the primary researcher were clearly outlined in the
informed consent form. The consent form also outlined participants' roles to prevent
confusion regarding roles and expected behavior. No financial incentives were used in
the study. There were no personal and professional relationships between me and the
participants. There were no conflicts of interest for the study because I had sole
responsibility, including funding.
Ethical Concerns
The data collection stage involved the use of a researcher-developed interview
guide that was used to conduct Zoom video or phone interviews based on the preference
of the participant. The interviews were recorded after getting consent from the
respondents (see Peled-Raz et al., 2021). When the participant expressed a willingness to
reveal their identity, a video camera via Zoom was used to record the interview. The
population for this research study was the employees who have been victims of sexual
53
harassment at organizations based on convenience sampling results of volunteer
employees drawn from all sectors of the American workforce.
To ensure relevance of these experiences, the following operational definition of
sexual harassment was presented during the recruitment process:
Such harassment may include unwelcome verbal, visual, nonverbal, or
physical conduct that is sexual or based on someone's sex. Case law has
established that to meet the legal standards for action, workplace
harassment must be 'severe or pervasive' and affect working conditions.
(U.S. EEOC 2018b)
After convenience sampling was done and the population was drawn out,
stratified sampling was done so that the study could be undertaken on an equal number of
male and female employees (see Peled-Raz et al., 2021). The recording tool that I used
was an audio recorder (Otter.ai).
Methodology
The data analysis approach I used in this study was concept analysis and theme
coding (see Trochim, 2020). Text analysis was carried out to filter and separate vital
research information (Walden University, Center for Research Quality, 2022). Afterward,
the concept analysis was undertaken, and the concepts that stood out from the interviews
were picked. This process went along with the thematic coding of the filtered interview
research, where the various themes that stood out and accounted for the phenomenon
under investigation were itemized. The type of data that were collected for this research
study were nominal data, including words, letters, and symbols. Perception data about
54
why specific gender reports or does not report sexual harassment incidents at the
workplace was a significant area of research collected as the study progressed. Nominal
data of reported sexual harassment cases were also collected as an essential way to
inform researchers on the outcome of the various gender perspectives on reporting sexual
harassment at the workplace. Primary data were collected through phone and Zoom video
interviews. The perceptions guiding the employee views on sexual harassment reporting
were collected at this stage. The secondary data involved the collection of nominal data
on the reported sexual harassment cases from the institutions whose employees
volunteered to take part in this research study. No database tracks these report cases, and
access was gained by getting consent from the sampled organizations.
Participant Selection Logic
The population for the study was workers from business organizations for which
the law against sexual discrimination were applicable. The EEOC identifies organizations
under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 as organizations with 15 or more
employees, employment agencies, labor organizations, and federal, state, and local
governments.
Sampling Strategy
A sampling strategy is the procedure through which a desired number of elements
(the sample) is drawn from the population. Sampling strategies may be random (for
quantitative studies) or non-random (for qualitative studies; Cucari, 2019). Accordingly, I
used a non-random sampling strategy for this study. The sample was drawn using
convenience sampling. I recruited via LinkedIn for volunteers for the study.
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Criterion for Participant Selection
The inclusion criteria for the study were (a) age 18 years or older, (b) be an
employee of an organization with established HR policies and reporting procedures, (c)
was a victim of sexual harassment within the workplace, and (d) reported the incident,
which was investigated and resolved by the organization. Exclusion criteria included
persons who are under the age of 18, persons not employed at organizations with
established HR policies and reporting procedures, persons who have not been a victim of
sexual harassment in the workplace, and persons who did not report the incident, nor was
it investigated or resolved by the organization.
Sample Size
The sample size for the study was 12. If the sample size is too large, the data
would be unmanageable, and if it is too small, it may not yield sufficient data to answer
the research questions. According to scholars, a sample size of N>30 is suitable for
qualitative studies (Boddy, 2016; Rijnsoever, 2017). Some scholars hold that for research
that is based on interviews, data saturation can be achieved with a sample size as small as
6 (Malterud et al., 2015). Therefore, a sample size of 12 was selected to allow for
sufficient data collection for this study without the data becoming unmanageable.
Relationship Between Saturation and Sample Size
In quantitative studies, sample size is calculated using power analysis (Bell et al.,
2022; Malterud et al., 2015). However, in qualitative studies such as this, sample size is
based on estimations of data saturation or the principle that the sample be large enough to
provide sufficient data to achieve research goals (Malterud et al., 2015). Saturation
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involves reaching a point where no further codes can be identified in the data. Saturation,
thus, cannot be used in estimating sample sizes before data has been collected, but it can
be invoked as a criterion to justify using small sample sizes (Boddy, 2016; Gronmo,
2019).
Participant Recruitment
Permission was sought from employees for this study. A brief description of the
study was provided in the flyer, including its purpose and inclusion criteria. The flyer
contained my contact information. Interested people willing to volunteer for the study
were asked to contact me. Interested persons who contacted me received a detailed
research information sheet known as a consent form, which they must consent to and
return to me to be enrolled in the study. Only persons who gave consent via email were
recruited into the study. (See Appendix A for Recruitment Flyer).
Research Participants
In qualitative research, many ethical issues might arise, especially concerning
access to the target audience, access to the required data, confidentiality, and privacy that
may impact the feasibility of the proposed design (Simon, 2011). The research topic was
sensitive as it involves private traumatic experiences. Sexual harassment victims are
mostly traumatized by the vice, and they cannot find the courage to relive their
experience through acts such as narrating them. It was, therefore, imperative that if a
participant agrees to participate in my research, their identity was guarded to ensure that
their narratives will not only be used for the intended purposes (Walden University,
Center for Research Quality, 2022). Participants consisted of 12 adults aged 18 and over
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who feel they have experienced sexual harassment in the workplace of any business
organization in the United States. These participants were recruited through professional
social network ad (LinkedIn). Once selected, participants were notified via email and
gave consent for either a Zoom or phone interview to take place. Once the interview was
scheduled, participants were interviewed via Zoom or phone in the privacy area they
prefer and feel comfortable.
Instrumentation
The confidentiality and privacy of the research participants was a big issue in my
qualitative research. I strictly followed the IRB ethical guidelines to guarantee my
research participants' confidentiality and privacy (Peled-Raz et al., 2021). Access to
organizational data that included reported sexual harassment cases would also be a
significant challenge in this research study as there are no public or private database.
Interviews were conducted via Zoom or telephone and audio recorded.
Data Collection Instrument
The data collection tool used in this study was an interview protocol developed by
the researcher for this study. The protocol was developed based on research questions,
literature, and data published on the research subject by professional groups. The
interview protocol was submitted to an expert from the researcher's institution for review
to establish the sufficiency of the interview protocol to answer the research questions.
Comments and suggestions made by the professor in the expert review process were
applied to the final interview protocol located within the consent form. Interviews were
then recorded and transcribed using Otter.ai software. According to Gaber et al. (2020), a
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recent study of nine speech to text applications revealed that only three, Otter AI, IBM’s
Watson Beta, SpeechPal, effectively transcribe with accurate punctuation. Among these,
Otter AI was determined to be the most accurate (Gaber et al., 2020). Thus, the decision
to utilize this tool was determined by empirical validation.
Procedures for Recruitment, Participation, and Data Collection
Semi-structured interviews were conducted in this study. The four main interview
formats are structured, open-ended/unstructured, semi-structured, and focus group
interviews (Johnson, 2020). Structured interviews are rigid and are characterized by
limited freedom for the researcher and participants; unstructured interviews allow the
researcher and participants freedom in exploring issues and following up on questions.
Semi-structured interviews merge both formats such that the researcher and participants
can explore issues or discuss related issues around the research question while focusing
on the pre-determined questions in the interview guide (Stenfors et al., 2020).
The interviews were conducted using videoconferencing technology (Zoom). The
interviews were conducted over the phone for participants who are uncomfortable with
the software. The interviews were all audio-recorded electronically using Otter.ai
software with the permission of the participants. Upon completing the interviews, the
participants were informed that they would be free to call the researcher anytime to
provide more information. They were also told to expect two more contacts from the
researcher. The first contact was a member-checking process in which copies of the
transcripts of their respective interviews were given to the participants to allow them to
verify that their experiences and perceptions were truthfully captured in the data. The
59
second contact was a phone call to thank them for participating and contributing to the
study. A digital thank you card was also emailed to the participants.
Data Analysis Plan
The data analysis plan in a qualitative research study must be somewhat flexible
and open-ended due to several essential areas. For example, organizations will need to
consent to access the data legally. In many significant definitions of sexual harassment, a
couple of crucial points were essential to understand from the outset of the discussion.
Sexual harassment refers to unwanted sexual or otherwise suggestive remarks and
possible physical contact in a social or workplace setting (Tenbrunsel et al., 2019;
Theriault, 2020). For a more formal definition that may be consulted as a general
organization of understanding, the following is an excellent one: Sexual harassment is
behavior that derogates, demeans, or humiliates an individual based on that individual's
sex which may involve sexual force and degradation, sexist materials, comments, and
jokes, or other acts experienced by an individual (Galdi & Guizzo, 2021). Due to the
clarification of some associated issues that these authors provide, it became evident that
sexual harassment may be complex. It is much more than just a brief flirtation at the
water cooler between an overtly interested male and one of the female employees.
The goal of data analysis was to identify factors that influenced the decision to
report or not to report sexual harassment in the data, as well as elicit how participants
perceived their workplace after reporting incidents of sexual harassment based on the
data. Towards this goal, data collected from the interviews was analyzed using thematic
analysis, which is described in the literature as "a method of identifying, analyzing, and
60
reporting patterns (themes) within data" (Castleberry & Nolen, 2018, p.808). Thematic
analysis in this study was done using the six-step framework proffered by Kiger and
Varpio (2020).
Step 1: Familiarization with Data
The first step in the thematic analysis framework involves active and repeated
reading of the transcripts to become familiar with the data (Kiger & Varpio, 2020). I
actively read the interview transcripts to gain familiarity with the data. I took notes
during the interviews to help me note salient facts in the data. In addition, I gained an
understanding of the data through the transcription process as I listened to the recorded
data repeatedly.
Step 2: Generation of Codes
Codes are information segments regarding the research topic that can be harvested
from the raw data. They are created by identifying items of interest and information units
within the data (Kiger & Varpio, 2020). A coding framework was developed for this
study, and the codes were created to fit logically within that framework. The coding
framework was inductive as it was based on pertinent issues and ideas identified in the
data. The coding process was done using Microsoft Excel. According to Giesen and
Roeser (2020), Microsoft Excel provides a unique platform for strategically creating a
codebook for qualitative research by inputting code conceptualizations and the source or
interview questions. The formatting allows for revisions necessary through reflexive
assessments, creating a living document as an element of the analysis process (Giesen &
Roeser, 2020).
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Step 3: Searching for Themes
The third step in the thematic analysis framework was to look for potential themes
in the inventory of codes (Kiger & Varpio, 2020). Themes are patterns of data and
meaning formed by a combination of various codes (Castleberry & Nolen, 2018). Theme
identification is an interpretive process in which codes are compared, combined, and
mapped based on their relationship. Like the coding process, theming can be an inductive
process in which themes are derived from the codes or a deductive process where pre-
defined themes are identified from the theoretical frameworks (Kiger & Varpio, 2020).
For this study, the theming was done inductively, as the themes were created from the
codes, further justifying the use of Microsoft Excel as an editable tool in data analysis as
indicated by Giesen and Roeser (2020). Furthermore, a thematic chart showed the
interaction between the themes and sub-themes identified in the data.
Step 4: Review of Identified Themes
This step involved a two-level analysis. The first level of the review process
included reviewing the fit between the codes and themes to ensure a proper fit which
were identified as Issues. The second level of analysis involved assessing the themes
concerning the whole data set to ensure that the theme fits meaningfully into the data.
(Kiger & Varpio, 2020).
Step 5: Definition of Themes
After reviewing the themes, a narrative description of respective themes was
created that explains how the themes align with the research question. The narrative
showed how the codes converge to produce themes and identify sub-themes within the
62
data (Kiger & Varpio, 2020). Discrepant codes or themes were scrutinized to understand
their relationship to the research topic, if any, and the findings included in the final
research report.
Step 6: Report Development
The last step in the thematic analysis framework involved creating a report of the
analysis and its findings. This report contained a narrative account of how the data were
analyzed and an interpretation of findings using narrative descriptions supported by
representative data facets or direct quotes from the raw data (Kiger & Varpio, 2020).
Issues of Trustworthiness
Sexual harassment also tinges upon the subject of demeaning and making the
person feel uncomfortable, harassed in general, and a fundamental disruption in the
workplace setting, which can escalate over time and continue to be a severe problem
overall. "Sexual harassment constitutes illegal sex discrimination under Title VII of the
Civil Rights Act of 1964, which the EEOC enforces; (Shaw et al., 2018, p. 1). The
definitions have existed for several years; the general public understands them well and
recognizes them in law courts. For this reason, it is essential to acknowledge the critical
academic research conducted on sexual harassment during previous decades, especially
around the New Millennium milestone around 2000.
Sexual coercion is discussed as being one of the three different types of sexual
harassment that is likely to take place in the workplace setting. Sexual coercion is
considered or classified as one of the least expected yet most universally recognized
types of harassment, which involves either explicit or implied bribery and threats in
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exchange for sexual cooperation (O'Hare & O'Donohue, 1998). It is this type of
classification of sexual harassment that perhaps may be the most confusing one of all—
or at least one that is completely misunderstood, especially as it pertains to the types of
power relations that may be established in such a relationship that made worldwide news
back in the 1990s when Monica Lewinsky and Bill Clinton's supposed relationship—or
affair—or perhaps simply a case of sexual coercion bribery and the like—it is still nearly
impossible to determine.
A relationship between two consenting adults is very different in the eyes of the
law than one that also includes various forms of coercion and other types of threats and
bribery (Reuter et al., 2020; Vera-Gray & Kelly, 2020). The Monica Lewinsky-Bill
Clinton case almost became a spectacle for the U.S. during the late 1990s when it was
being broadcast and reported all around the globe. Bill Clinton, the U.S. president
holding such a high political office, certainly had several political detractors and others
who viewed him unfavorably—all of which is somewhat difficult to disentangle from the
actual case itself. However, it is essential to acknowledge the widespread and influential
effects of the case as it pertains to power relations; sexual harassment, where perhaps the
advances of a person in a higher position will take advantage of their position for
personal gain; and several other critical issues involved with how sexual harassment
cases have evolved since that time nearly thirty years ago.
Sexual harassment in the workplace is particularly complex due to how power
relations intersect with gender, race, organizational hierarchy, and the desire to maintain
a job and income" (Ford & Ivancic, 2020, p. 187). For some viewers, the topic may seem
64
different than sexual harassment per se because the young woman appeared to have been
a consensual player in the relationship. However, was she? These questions are
challenging to determine or understand, even in a court of law where the different legal
aspects of the case are considered objectively. In qualitative studies, trustworthiness is
usually indicated through four quality indicators - credibility (which aligns with internal
validity in the positivist paradigm), confirmability (which aligns with objectivity in the
positivist paradigm), transferability (aligning with external validity in positive research),
and dependability (which aligns with reliability in the positivist paradigm) (Kankam,
2019; Rose & Johnson, 2020).
Credibility
This quality measure indicates the extent to which a study's data collection and
analysis processes are believable and authentic. Several processes were adopted to
establish credibility for this study, including member checks, triangulation, reflexivity,
expert review, and pilot testing of the interview protocol. For member checking, the
transcripts from the interviews were sent back to the participants to allow them to verify
the accuracy of the transcripts. Triangulation will involve using multiple sources of data
or information to comprehensively understand a research subject (Rose & Johnson, 2020;
Stenfors et al., 2020). Data triangulation was done using the literature and the raw data
collected from the study. Reflexivity involved self-scrutiny to examine one's beliefs to
see how they influence the selection of a research approach, research problem, and data
interpretation (Sim & Waterfield, 2019). I also maintained a process of reflexivity
throughout the research process, using a reflexive journal to note my assumptions
65
regarding the factors that influence decision-making concerning reporting or not
reporting sexual harassment at work. Expert review and pilot testing of the interview
protocol will also be done to establish its reliability.
Transferability
Transferability refers to using sufficient contextual data to enable other people to
relate the findings from the study to their contexts (Kankam, 2019). This study will
establish transferability using a thick description of research variables and a detailed
review of theoretical and empirical literature.
Dependability
Dependability is a quality measure that indicates that if the study is repeated
under similar conditions, the same outcomes will be obtained (Kankam, 2019; Rose &
Johnson, 2020). Qualitative studies are highly subjective, and contextual variables may
change in research settings. Thus, achieving the same outcomes in qualitative studies may
not be possible (Kankam, 2019), and alternative methods of establishing dependability
are required. For this study, dependability was established through triangulation of data,
use of well-defined research procedures, and careful documentation of research
procedures.
Confirmability
Confirmability describes the extent to which other scholars can confirm the study
findings. It emphasizes minimizing and eliminating personal bias from the findings
(Kankam, 2019; Rezapour Nasrabad, 2020). Confirmability was established using several
66
processes, including member checking, reflexivity, expert review of the interview
protocol, and data triangulation.
Ethical Procedures
Institutional approval for this study was obtained from the researcher's institution.
After obtaining this approval, permission was sought from the selected participants who
were employees of an organization for this study. The study commenced once these
agreements were achieved. Ethical research principles regarding the treatment of human
participants were followed for this study. The first principle in treating human subjects is
that no harm must come to participants due to their involvement in this study. This
principle was achieved by protecting participants' information and assuring the
confidentiality of all information provided by the participants. Information about sexual
harassment is difficult to talk about. For this reason, it was essential to ensure
participants' safety and confidentiality in this study. Personal identifying information will
not be collected from participants. Participants were determined using numbers in all
research documents. Information collected under the study was kept locked in a secure
file that only the researcher can access. However, the information would have been made
available to people who needed to see it - such as my research supervisor.
Participants were provided with complete information about the study before
participating, including risks and benefits associated with the study, participants' rights,
and the researcher's role. Participants were informed that they could withdraw from the
study at any time and for any reason without any penalties whatsoever, as participation in
the study was entirely voluntary. Only participants who signed a consent form were
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enrolled in the study. After completion of the study, all the research materials, such as
interview transcripts, will be deleted from computer files, and paper copies shredded per
the policy of the researcher's institution. There were no conflicts of interest in the study. I
was solely responsible for the study, and no external funding sponsors existed. There was
no confusion about roles as the researcher, and participants were provided detailed oral
and written communication in the consent form.
Summary
Sexual harassment is a severe issue in business organizations of the 21st century.
In contemporary times, the issues involved with sexual harassment in the workplace are
complex and multi-faceted and have some important legal implications. However, studies
have shown that many times, an incident of sexual harassment goes unreported. There are
various reasons for this type of situation, which were explored from various perspectives
in this research essay. First, it was essential to understand as much as possible why an
employee who has been sexually harassed may not report such an incident. This topic
was thoroughly discussed and analyzed in the literature review section of the paper to
ascertain specific patterns and trends that have arisen in the current research literature.
Second, it was essential to gain an understanding of whether gender had a role in the
reporting of sexual harassment. This research essay addresses these issues on the topic of
sexual harassment in the workplace in a comprehensive, all-inclusive manner.
This chapter presented the detailed methodology used in conducting this study on
employee perspectives on reporting sexual harassment in the workplace. The study
explored the lived experiences of employees to determine the factors that influenced their
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decisions to report or not to report sexual harassment in the workplace, as well as how
employees experienced the workplace after reporting such incidents. The study was based
on the interpretative paradigm. Data were collected using semi-structured interviews
conducted both over the phone and Zoom videoconferencing software. Data analysis
involved thematic analysis. Ethical procedures were strictly followed throughout the
research process, including protecting the rights of participants and assuring the
confidentiality of participants' information. The urgency to ensure participants' protection
was heightened by the nature of the research topic, as sexual harassment is a complex
topic to discuss for persons affected by the issue. The next chapter will present the
detailed findings from the study.
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Chapter 4: Results
Introduction
The purpose of the study was to examine the experience of reporting sexual
harassment in the workplace and its impacts. I addressed those gaps, guided by two
research questions:
Research Question 1: What factors are perceived as those influencing the decision
of workers to report or not report sexual harassment in the workplace?
Research Question 2: How do those who report sexual harassment perceive the
lived experience of their work environment after the event?
I used a qualitative design for this study and collected data using semi-structured
interviews that provided participants with the opportunity to share their experiences. I
used thematic analysis to identify patterns and themes within the narratives. This process
included transcription, coding, and the organization of data into themes and subthemes.
Setting
I conducted this study using virtual platforms to ensure accessibility, convenience,
and confidentiality for participants. Data collection involved semi-structured interviews
conducted over Zoom or phone, based on participant preferences. These methods were
selected to accommodate participants’ comfort, as the sensitive nature of the study
required privacy and flexibility. Interviews were scheduled at times convenient for
participants, ensuring minimal disruption to their personal or professional commitments.
To further prioritize confidentiality, participants were encouraged to select a private
location for their interviews. All sessions were audio-recorded with explicit consent, and
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transcription was completed using Otter.ai software. This dual-layer process ensured
accuracy in capturing participants’ narratives while maintaining a secure environment for
data handling. Participants were provided with information about the study and its
objectives, the processes in place to protect their anonymity and confidentiality, and
informed that they could withdraw at any time without penalty. All participants were
contacted to validate the accuracy of their responses. This process involved sharing a
summary of their transcripts, allowing them to clarify or expand on their statements.
Participants were also sent digital thank-you cards acknowledging their contribution. This
setting ensured the effective collection and documentation of data and adherence to
ethical approaches for research involving human subjects.
Data Collection
I located participants through convenience sampling by posting the recruitment
flyer to professional networks such as LinkedIn. Potential participants clicked the
LinkedIn flyer or link and emailed me to express interest. I sent the informed consent
form to potential participants, who emailed back stating, "I consent," along with their
preference for the interview method (Zoom or phone), alias, and proposed interview
schedule. I then contacted the participants to confirm and conduct the interview. Twelve
participants, eight women and four men, were included in the interviews, which took
place over a 2-week period ranging from December 27, 2024 - January 8, 2025. All
interviews took place in the evening time and late night to accommodate participants who
worked early mornings or afternoon shifts. Three interviews took place via Zoom video
conferencing whereas all others (nine interviews) took place via phone, and all were
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recorded using Otter.ai software. Data collection concluded with twelve participants
when data saturation was achieved. Saturation was confirmed as no new themes or
insights emerged from the final interviews, a process that ensured the adequacy of the
sample size (Fusch & Ness, 2015). As part of the study’s ethical procedures, follow-up
communication confirmed the findings from each participant interview and their
wellbeing following the interview. Participants were also provided with an opportunity to
clarify or expand on responses. Afterwards, participants received digital thank-you cards
to acknowledge their contributions and remind them of the contact information if they
had any questions or comments. Thematic coding and analysis of content validated the
consistency and depth of the findings and alignment with the study’s research objectives.
Data Analysis
Overview
The major themes and subthemes identified through the thematic content analysis
of the participants’ narratives offer a structured understanding of the experiences in
reporting workplace sexual harassment, and the impacts of this experience. The thematic
coding process was grounded in a systematic approach. Data were transcribed and
reviewed extensively to ensure familiarity. I used inductive coding for the identification
of recurring patterns across participant narratives, which were subsequently organized
into categories and overarching themes. This iterative process emphasized consistency
with the research questions and maintained alignment with the study’s objectives.
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Evidence of Trustworthiness
Overview
I took measures to ensure the trustworthiness of the study’s findings through
rigorous data collection, analysis, and validation processes. These steps reinforced the
reliability and authenticity of the results by aligning them with appropriate research
standards.
Credibility
All participants were provided with summaries of their interview transcripts to
confirm the accuracy of their narratives in a follow-up communication. Nine participants
replied with confirmation of the agreement. Three participants acknowledged receipt but
did not offer any specific confirmations. This step ensured that their experiences were
represented authentically (Nowell et al., 2017). Data results were compared with themes
derived from existing literature to validate the findings and highlight alignment with
broader research on workplace sexual harassment. I used the iterative thematic analysis
process for thorough familiarity with the data, enhancing the depth and authenticity of the
findings.
Transferability
Detailed accounts of participant experiences, organizational contexts, and cultural
factors are included in this study, and readers can assess the relevance of findings to other
settings. Participants represented diverse workplace environments, from traditional
corporate offices with established HR departments to technology startups with fluid
reporting structures. One participant from the education sector described a set chain of
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command for reporting the incident, while a participant in the tech industry faced
reporting without the structure of a traditional HR team, illustrating how industry context
influenced reporting experiences.
Dependability
A comprehensive record of the research process was maintained, including data
collection instruments, raw data, coding decisions, and analytical memos. This ensures
that the study can be replicated or assessed for consistency. Each interview transcript was
analyzed using the same systematic process: initial coding within 48 hours of the
interview, secondary review after 24 hours, and final coding verification by the research
supervisor within one week. This consistent approach ensured reliability across all data
analysis.
Consistency was maintained throughout the study by:
• Using the same semi-structured interview protocol for all 12 participants
• Following identical transcription procedures for each interview
• Conducting member checks using the same process for all participants
• Maintaining consistent coding procedures across all transcripts
• Using the same thematic analysis approach throughout data analysis
• Documenting any deviations from established procedures with explanations
Confirmability
Thematic saturation was determined when no new themes emerged during the
final interviews, thus affirming the adequacy of the sample size and the reliability of the
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data (see Fusch & Ness, 2015; Tight, 2024). Each interview was reviewed independently
and notated for primary and subthemes. To maintain objectivity, participant quotes were
used extensively to illustrate findings, minimizing researcher interpretation. To reduce
researcher biasness, the themes were independently validated with participant quotes and
a list of categories. Member checking was implemented through the participants’ review
of the transcript and coded quotations. While there were no outliers during this process,
resolution strategies were in place. Expert review of the interview protocol ensured
consistency for the interviews. The thematic coding framework was grounded in the data
itself, with all identified patterns and themes cross-checked against raw transcripts. I
practiced reflexivity and documented personal assumptions and biases to ensure they did
not influence the findings. For instance, when one participant, a female marketing
professional, stated, “…it made me realize how unprepared companies are to handle
sexual harassment unless it is a clear, cut and dried case of an old male supervisor hitting
on a pretty young thing,” I notated that this statement appeared blanket and seemed
derogatory. However, it was important to recognize that the purpose of the study was to
gain the participants’ perspective in their own voice. Data triangulation was not
implemented due to the single data collection method.
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Results
Table 1
Overview of Results
Major Theme
Subthemes
Number of
Participants
Description
Relevance
Decision to
Report
- Fear of
retaliation
- Support from
Colleagues
- Organizational
trust
10/12
Factors
influencing
initial
reporting
decisions
This
theme
helped to
resolve
RQ1.
Reporting
Experience
- HR response
- -Process clarity
- Timeline issues
8/12
Experiences
during the
reporting
process
This
theme
helped to
resolve
RQ2.
Emotional and
Professional
Impact
- Perceptions of
professionalism
- Trust
- Judgement
9/12
Experiences
following
reporting
This
theme
helped to
resolve
RQ1 and
RQ2.
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Major Theme
Subthemes
Number of
Participants
Description
Relevance
Organizational
Shortcomings
- Structural and
organizational
issues
- Accountability
- Policy
- Resistance to
change
11/12
This
theme
helped to
resolve
RQ1 and
RQ2.
The first theme, Decision to Report, included motivations, barriers, and contextual
factors that influenced participants’ decisions to report workplace sexual harassment,
which aligned with research question one. While most participants experienced
retaliation, two participants reported positive organizational responses, noting timely
mediation. Public humiliation and physical boundary violations frequently acted as
critical triggers that compelled participants to act. While emotional support from
colleagues or confidants was relevant in the decision-making processes for reporting,
seven participants noted that colleagues were either unsupportive or they did not feel
comfortable sharing with them prior to reporting. Notably, highlighted hope for
organizational accountability as a motivating factor. In contrast, fear of retaliation often
emerged as a powerful deterrent. Mistrust in HR’s ability to act impartially, concerns
about being perceived as overreacting, and structural challenges like power imbalances
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were significant barriers to reporting. Participants described environments where the
power and influence of harassers further discouraged action, leaving many feeling that
their concerns would not be taken seriously.
Consequences after Reporting, which aligned with research question two,
emerged as the second theme, detailing the aftermath of participants’ decisions to report
harassment. Retaliation was a common experience, with seven participants describing
intentional exclusion, diminished responsibilities, and ostracism by colleagues. These
retaliatory behaviors created an isolating environment that compounded the emotional
toll of reporting. Additionally, participants noted an absence of follow-ups or counseling,
which further heightened feelings of abandonment. Organizations often failed to address
the harm caused by harassment or to support participants in reintegrating into their
workplace environments.
The third theme, Emotional and Professional Impact, which aligned with both
research questions, highlights the toll that harassment and the reporting process took on
participants. Nine described feelings of stress, anxiety, and a profound loss of confidence
in their professional abilities. The lack of organizational support amplified these
challenges, leaving participants feeling humiliated and powerless. Professionally,
participants reported diminished job satisfaction and questioned their future career
trajectories. Some ultimately chose to leave their positions, feeling that the experience
had irreparably damaged their sense of belonging in their chosen fields.
The fourth theme, Organizational Shortcomings, aligned with both research
questions to examine the structural and cultural failures that participants identified within
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their organizations. Policy and accountability gaps were frequently noted, with
participants describing inconsistent enforcement of harassment policies and a lack of
consequences for influential individuals. Cultural resistance to change further
undermined efforts to create safe and inclusive work environments. Participants
expressed the perception that internal organizational needs were prioritized over
employee well-being, perpetuating systemic barriers to the feeling of safety and
protection from sexual harassment at work. The final theme, Recommendations for
Improvement, provides insights in relation to recommendations and proposed reforms
from the participants’ perspective. Several participants called for ongoing support,
including counseling services and proactive follow-ups, to address the emotional and
professional impacts of harassment.
Decision to Report
The Decision to Report theme explored motivations that influenced the decision
to report sexual harassment in the workplace. Participants identified several key factors
that motivated them to report harassment. Emotional triggers, such as moments of public
humiliation or boundary violations, often acted as decisive catalysts. One participant, a
female CEO assistant, recounted, "The final straw was when he made a comment in front
of other executives, implying I was ‘his right-hand woman in more ways than one.’
Everyone laughed, but I felt humiliated." For some, the support and encouragement of
trusted colleagues or confidants played a pivotal role in overcoming hesitation and
proceeding with formal complaints. A female educator that participated in the study
shared, "I talked to another teacher who had worked at my school before. She encouraged
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me to report and confirmed that I wasn’t overreacting.” Additionally, participants
expressed hope that reporting would lead to organizational accountability and foster a
safer workplace environment. The female educator stated, "I thought filing a formal
complaint would create a record to prevent him from targeting others.”
While these factors provided impetus, participants’ decisions to report were rarely
straightforward. They were often preceded by a period of internal deliberation, during
which participants weighed the potential risks and benefits of coming forward. This
process underscores the emotional and psychological complexity of the decision to
report, particularly in environments where structural or cultural barriers exist.
Despite these motivating factors, participants encountered numerous barriers that
complicated their decision to report. Fear of retaliation emerged as a dominant concern,
with participants expressing apprehension about potential professional and social
consequences. Participants often voiced skepticism about the impartiality of reporting
processes, citing mistrust in HR departments and management willingness to fairly
address their concerns. Neither management nor colleagues were trusted to keep this
sensitive matter confidential.
Structural challenges, such as organizational hierarchies and the influence of
powerful harassers, further discouraged reporting. Many participants described feeling
powerless in the face of individuals who held significant authority within their
workplaces, reinforcing a sense of futility about seeking redress. Additionally,
participants’ concerns about being perceived as overly sensitive or exaggerating their
experiences added another layer of hesitation. "Would people think I was making it up or
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just being sensitive?" a male participant asked. These cultural and interpersonal
dynamics often created an environment in which silence felt safer than speaking out. In
some cases, unclear reporting procedures left participants unsure of how to proceed and
contributed to delays. As a female delivery driver, despite a clear policy against sexual
harassment, "There’s no HR person you can just talk to—it’s just me and the app,"
Table 2
Excerpts from Participant Responses relating to the Decision to Report
EXCERPTS FROM PARTICIPANT
RESPONSES
ISSUE
"I didn’t go straight to HR. Instead, I
talked to my colleague. She had dealt
with HR before and seemed confident
that they would take it seriously." (P1)
"Yes, I talked to another teacher who
had worked at my school before. She
encouraged me to report and confirmed
that I wasn’t overreacting." (P12)
Support from colleagues or trusted
confidants
"The final straw was when he made a
comment in front of other executives,
implying I was ‘his right-hand woman
in more ways than one.’ Everyone
laughed, but I felt humiliated." (P5)
"I decided to report after he pressed his
erection into my hand while I was trying
to get down a ladder." (P9)
Moments of escalation or emotional
triggers, such as public humiliation or
physical boundary violations
"I reported it through the app’s system,
hoping they’d take action." (P4)
Hope for organizational accountability
and resolution
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EXCERPTS FROM PARTICIPANT
RESPONSES
ISSUE
"I thought filing a formal complaint
would create a record to prevent him
from targeting others." (P12)
"I was scared of it continuing but scared
of retaliation. I just didn’t want to go to
work anymore." (P1)
"I was worried they’d deactivate my
account or something." (P4)
Fear of retaliation and negative
reputational consequences
"I didn’t trust management to keep it
confidential." (P1)
"The CEO told me it was just a
misunderstanding, which felt like they
were brushing it off." (P7)
Lack of confidence in HR or
management’s ability to act fairly
"He was the CEO, so who could I
trust?" (P5)
"She was senior to me, and I knew she
had influence in the company." (P3)
Influence or authority of the harasser
and organizational culture that protects
those in power
"At first, I thought the way he treated
me was just part of the job." (P2)
"I figured he would realize I didn’t like
it and stop." (P9)
"Would people think I was making it up
or just being sensitive?" (P1)
"I worried people would think, ‘What’s
the big deal?’ or that I was being weak."
(P3)
Self-blame or minimizing the
significance of the experience
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Reporting Experience
The theme of "Reporting Experience" explores the dynamics of participants’
interactions with organizational reporting systems, shedding light on the systemic issues
and procedural challenges they encountered. Participants’ accounts highlighted a
spectrum of experiences, from professionalism and empathy to dissatisfaction with
superficial and ineffective processes. These insights underscore the critical role of
organizational behavior in shaping outcomes for those who report harassment.
Participants described their initial interactions with reporting channels as varied.
In some cases, HR personnel or designated reporting entities demonstrated
professionalism, providing clear guidelines and structured processes. However, these
positive encounters were often overshadowed by perceived tokenism. These interactions
left participants feeling that the process prioritized organizational liability over genuine
accountability.
In smaller organizations or non-traditional work environments, the absence of
formal HR structures posed significant obstacles. Participants in these settings often
described a lack of accessible reporting mechanisms, such as a delivery gig worker who
explained, "There’s no HR person you can just talk to—it’s just me and the app.” This
lack of clarity and engagement further eroded participants’ trust in the reporting process.
The narratives also revealed procedural inefficiencies that compounded participants’
frustrations. Delays in follow-ups were a recurring issue, with participants frequently left
in limbo after filing a report. "Weeks went by, and then I heard through the grapevine
that he received a verbal warning," a female educator explained.
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Mediation emerged as a particularly contentious aspect of the process. While
intended as a conflict resolution tool, participants described it as inadequate for
addressing the power dynamics inherent in harassment cases. A female retail employee
described how mediation appeared to be an effort to minimize the issue rather than
resolve it, leaving the participant feeling invalidated and unsupported. A lack of post-
resolution follow-through further highlighted procedural shortcomings. Participants
reported that HR or management rarely conducted follow-ups to ensure the harassment
had ceased or to assess the well-being of those involved. This absence of continued
support reinforced perceptions that reporting was a hollow exercise with little meaningful
impact.
The experiences shared by participants reveal systemic weaknesses in
organizational reporting processes, from inconsistent professionalism to inadequate
procedural follow-through. Some participants encountered empathetic responses, but
these were overshadowed by the widespread perception of tokenism and inefficiency.
Table 3
Excerpts from Participant Responses relating to Organizational Failure
ISSUE
Professionalism
and procedural
adherence by
HR/management
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ISSUE
Lack of formal
reporting structures
in non-traditional
workplaces
Perceived tokenism
or surface-level
engagement by
organizations
Reporting systems
that prioritize
minimizing
liability over
meaningful
resolution
Ineffective
handling of
complaints
Post-Reporting Consequences
The theme of "Post-Reporting Consequences" examines the aftermath of
participants’ decisions to report workplace sexual harassment. Their narratives highlight
the retaliatory actions they experienced, the lack of support provided by their
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organizations, and the broader emotional and professional impacts of reporting.
Participants consistently reported experiencing retaliation following their decisions to
report harassment. These retaliatory actions ranged from subtle exclusion to overt
professional setbacks. One female participant shared, "My new supervisor was polite, but
it felt like they were avoiding giving me important tasks. And some colleagues just
stopped talking to me altogether.” Another described being assigned less meaningful
work: "After reporting, I started getting put on prep work, which is basically like a
punishment.”
In addition to exclusion and reduced responsibilities, participants often faced
gossip and ostracism from their colleagues. "Some coworkers started acting differently
around me. Like, they’d avoid me or give me these weird, sideways looks," one female
participant recounted. A female warehouse supervisor shared how workplace dynamics
turned hostile: "Some of them started joking about the complaint, saying things like,
‘Careful, the boss might call HR.’ It was demoralizing.”
The professional consequences of retaliation were significant. Participants
reported being denied career opportunities or feeling forced to step back from their roles.
A CEO’s assistant noted, "I requested a transfer to another department, but it was denied
with no explanation. I started looking for another job.” Another explained, "I went back
to my old position because I couldn’t take the stress of the situation.”
Participants’ accounts revealed a pervasive lack of support from their
organizations after reporting harassment. Many noted that once the investigation
concluded, there were no follow-ups or efforts to ensure their well-being. "No follow-ups
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to see how I was doing. It felt like once the case was closed, they just moved on," one
participant explained (P1). The warehouse supervisor described a superficial response:
"HR followed up once to ask if things were ‘better,’ but by then, I felt like they just
wanted to move on.” The absence of meaningful organizational support took a toll. "I felt
isolated. It was clear I wasn’t welcome anymore," the CEO’s assistant shared. Another
highlighted the ongoing risk to others due to insufficient organizational action: "I had to
warn the student assistants not to encourage him or be alone with him. It kept happening"
(P11).
Table 4
Excerpts from Participant Responses Relating to Post-Reporting Consequences
ISSUE
EXCERPTS FROM PARTICIPANT RESPONSES
Retaliation
"After reporting, I started getting put on prep work, which is
basically like a punishment." (P2)
"My new supervisor was polite, but it felt like they were avoiding
giving me important tasks." (P1)
Gossip and Ostracism
"Some coworkers started acting differently around me. Like, they’d
avoid me or give me these weird, sideways looks." (P3)
Professional Setbacks
"I requested a transfer to another department, but it was denied with
no explanation. I started looking for another job." (P5)
Emotional and Professional Impact
The findings revealed profound emotional and professional consequences
experienced by participants following workplace sexual harassment and the subsequent
reporting process. These impacts were deeply intertwined with systemic organizational
shortcomings and the absence of meaningful support mechanisms. P1 shared, "It was
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tough. I felt anxious going into work every day, wondering how people would treat me.
My confidence was just gone. I used to feel like I was part of the team, but I didn’t feel
the same connection anymore." For others, feelings of powerlessness were intensified
during the reporting process itself. P9 recounted, "HR asked so many detailed questions
that I started to wonder if I imagined it. I felt powerless and unimportant." Participants
also expressed that the emotional strain often persisted long after reporting, affecting
their ability to function both personally and professionally.
The professional consequences of harassment and the subsequent reporting
process were equally profound. Many participants described a sharp decline in job
satisfaction and questioned their professional fit or future career trajectories. A restaurant
employee explained, "By the time I left, I felt like maybe I didn’t belong in the industry
at all." A male participant echoed this sentiment, stating, "I started questioning whether
this was even the right place for me anymore." Participants frequently cited a lack of
meaningful organizational response as a key factor in these outcomes. One female
participant shared that after reporting, "There were no follow-ups to see how I was doing.
It felt like once the case was closed, they just moved on." This lack of engagement
exacerbated feelings of isolation and professional disenchantment, leaving participants
with limited options to recover their confidence or sense of purpose within the
organization.
Table 5
Excerpts from Participant Responses - Emotional and Professional Impact
ISSUE
EXCERPTS FROM PARTICIPANT RESPONSES
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Emotional Toll
"It was tough. I felt anxious going into work every day,
wondering how people would treat me." (P1)
"HR asked so many detailed questions that I started to wonder if I
imagined it. I felt powerless and unimportant." (P9)
Professional Consequences
"By the time I left, I felt like maybe I didn’t belong in the
industry at all." (P2)
"I started questioning whether this was even the right place for
me anymore." (P3)
The intersection of emotional and professional consequences often led
participants to withdraw from their organizations or fields altogether. A gig worker
reflected, "It was really stressful. I stopped feeling safe while working. The stress just
wasn’t worth it anymore, so I quit." Similarly, an assistant noted, "I started looking for
another job because it was clear I wasn’t welcome anymore,” the warehouse supervisor
remarked, "HR followed up once to ask if things were ‘better,’ but by then, I felt like they
just wanted to move on. There was no counseling, no effort to rebuild team dynamics,
just nothing."
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Figure 1
Prevalence of Barriers to Reporting Workplace Sexual Harassment
Organizational Failures
Participants’ narratives underscored widespread systemic failures within
organizations, particularly in addressing workplace harassment effectively. These failures
spanned policy enforcement, accountability mechanisms, and workplace culture, all of
which compounded the negative impacts of harassment and reporting. Participants
consistently reported gaps in organizational processes, including a lack of accountability
for perpetrators. A female participant shared, "He stayed in his position and was told not
to create the perception of a problem, as though the problem was my perception of his
harassment." Similarly, a university library employee noted, "They said they wouldn’t be
able to move forward unless the student made a formal complaint. They really
downplayed my concerns." Many participants described their frustration with
inconsistent enforcement of harassment policies. One female participant recounted, "HR
handled the case objectively, but it didn’t help with the feeling that reporting it was a
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threat to me… not my job, but to me as a person and in terms of respect at work."
Participants also pointed out that mandatory training programs or policy updates
introduced after incidents often felt like superficial responses. A female participant
reflected, "The company introduced mandatory training sessions for everyone, but it
came too late for me."
Participants described organizational cultures that prioritized reputation over
employee well-being, creating environments where harassment was normalized or
dismissed. A customer support representative stated, "I believed in the company’s
mission and values, but they didn’t apply to the people. I felt let down, really let down."
This prioritization of reputation often led to superficial solutions rather than meaningful
change. One participant commented, "Policies about safety and zero tolerance are
meaningless. They protect the company, not the employees." Similarly, a university
library employee observed, "I realized how much they protect people with power, and
that a lot of the HR talk is just smoke and mirrors." Participants noted that organizations
often downplayed the experiences of those reporting harassment, particularly when the
accused held influential positions. A restaurant employee explained, "There needs to be
accountability, even for the talented and powerful.” A marketing professional recounted,
"They told me to avoid interacting with him and suggested I focus on moving forward.
That was it. No consequences for him, no acknowledgment of how his behavior was
impacting my work." One participant similarly observed, "They said they’d had a
conversation with him and that was it. I felt like they were saying it was my fault for
misunderstanding his behavior."
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Participants expressed disappointment in the lack of follow-through after
reporting harassment. While some organizations conducted investigations, few offered
meaningful support to victims. Participants emphasized that organizations failed to
provide counseling services, meaningful follow-ups, or efforts to rebuild trust. A
customer support representative noted, "The CEO checked in once to ask if things were
better, but it felt more like they were just covering their bases than genuinely trying to
support me." The absence of proactive measures left participants feeling abandoned. An
educator stated, "Steps have to be taken to ensure the victim feels safe and to keep others
from being a victim. It’s exhausting to deal with this and then not be believed. It affects
everything, especially your mental state and performance." The data suggests that the
emotional and professional impacts of harassment and reporting are intertwined, often
resulting in significant long-term consequences for individuals. For others, the lack of
support exacerbated feelings of isolation and hindered their ability to recover from the
experience.
Recommendations for Change
Participants shared valuable insights into how organizations can improve their
approaches to addressing workplace harassment. Their recommendations, derived from
lived experiences, emphasized the need for improved reporting mechanisms, robust
victim support systems, and organizational accountability to create safer, more inclusive
workplaces. A recurring theme among participants was the need for transparent,
accessible, and independent post-reporting processes. Many expressed frustrations with
existing systems that were either opaque or overly reliant on internal leadership. The
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customer support representative suggested, "Startups need to take HR seriously. You
can’t just have leadership dealing with sensitive issues without some kind of independent
process." Clear guidelines on how to respond to reports of harassment were also seen as
essential. One participant observed, "HR needs to take complaints seriously, even if they
seem subtle. There needs to be accountability." Participants emphasized that
organizations must ensure employees are aware of their rights and the steps involved in
reporting incidents.
Many participants recommended that organizations focus on providing consistent
and meaningful support to victims after reports are made. One participant shared,
"Companies need to extend support beyond the investigation phase. There were no
follow-ups to see how I was doing." Participants suggested offering counseling services,
regular follow-ups, and efforts to rebuild trust within the workplace. The warehouse
supervisor elaborated on the emotional toll caused by inadequate post-reporting support:
"There was no counseling, no effort to rebuild team dynamics, just nothing."
Participants wanted perpetrators to be held accountable, regardless of their
position within the organization. Participants expressed frustration with systems that
appeared to prioritize protecting influential individuals over addressing the harm caused.
Consistent enforcement of harassment policies was another key recommendation. The
university library employee stated, "Institutions need to stop prioritizing their image over
doing what’s right." Clear and measurable consequences for harassment were seen as
needed to reinforce trust in the system and deter future misconduct. One participant
remarked, "Mandatory training sessions are a step forward, but they need to be more than
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just a box to check." Participants recommended training that goes beyond basic
compliance. The educator suggested, "Steps have to be taken to ensure the victim feels
safe and to keep others from being victims." This included fostering open dialogue,
empowering employees to report harassment without fear, and building an environment
where all individuals feel valued.
Summary
Chapter 4 concludes by synthesizing the findings that shape the experiences of
employees reporting workplace sexual harassment, including the prominent subthemes of
fear of retaliation, mistrust in organizational processes, personal consequences for those
reporting, and gaps between policy and practice.
The two research questions were resolved as follows:
Research Question 1: What factors are perceived as those influencing the decision
of workers to report or not report sexual harassment in the workplace?
The study found the following factors influence reporting decisions: fear of
retaliation, support or lack of support of colleagues, organizational conditions, and trust.
These factors were examined through the themes of decision to report, emotional and
professional impact, and organizational shortcomings.
Research Question 2: How do those who report sexual harassment perceive the
lived experience of their work environment after the event?
Post-reporting experiences were characterized by process unclarity, negative
responses, changes in perceptions of professionalism, and a lack of accountability. The
lived experiences of those who report were identified through the themes of reporting
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experience, emotional and professional impact, and organizational shortcomings. Primary
factors were identified as
Fear of retaliation emerged as a significant psychological barrier when
participants considered reporting harassment. Retaliation often included social exclusion,
ostracism, and career stagnation, amplifying the emotional toll. Participants frequently
questioned whether their experiences were "serious enough," struggling with self-doubt
and internalized blame. While trusted colleagues sometimes encouraged reporting,
broader workplace cultures often stigmatized whistleblowers, discouraging action. Sexual
harassment policies alone proved insufficient to protect employees. Participants noted
that leadership in flat hierarchies often served as both policymakers and enforcers,
leading to conflicts of interest and inconsistent application. Many described these policies
as "lip service," particularly when influential perpetrators faced no consequences.
Organizational dynamics were pivotal. Power imbalances, especially in hierarchical
workplaces, left employees feeling unable to challenge influential harassers. In flat
hierarchies, such as startups and gig platforms, sexual harassment policies existed but
lacked enforcement mechanisms. Without HR departments or structured reporting
pathways, these policies were largely symbolic, failing to offer tangible support to
victims. Prevention programs, while mandatory in some organizations, were reactive
rather than proactive, often introduced after high-profile incidents. Participants criticized
these initiatives for failing to address systemic issues like power dynamics or toxic
workplace cultures. HR practices often prioritized organizational liability over
meaningful resolutions, and mediation, a common conflict resolution tool, was deemed
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inadequate in cases involving significant power imbalances. The absence of follow-up
support further alienated reporters, leaving them to navigate the aftermath without
institutional backing.
Participants expressed deep mistrust of HR departments, particularly in
hierarchical organizations where HR was seen as protecting the organization rather than
supporting employees. In flat hierarchies, the lack of formal HR structures left employees
without clear pathways for redress. Leadership in these settings often served dual roles,
undermining the integrity of reporting systems. External oversight mechanisms, such as
independent ombudsman systems, were notably absent, particularly in non-traditional
work environments like gig platforms. The lack of regulatory oversight exacerbated
systemic failures, rendering many reporting systems ineffective.
The economic impacts of harassment and reporting were significant. Participants
reported lost wages and career stagnation due to retaliation, exclusion from opportunities,
and being forced to leave toxic workplaces. Some described having to seek alternative
employment, often at lower pay or outside their field, resulting in financial instability.
For gig workers and those in precarious employment, economic vulnerability heightened
the risk of remaining silent about harassment, as reporting could threaten their income
entirely. Future research should assess the long-term economic consequences of
reporting, particularly for individuals in marginalized or precarious employment contexts.
The gap between organizational policies and employees' lived experiences was a
recurring theme. While many organizations promoted "zero-tolerance" policies, these
frameworks were inconsistently applied, especially in cases involving powerful
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perpetrators. Cultural resistance to change further undermined these policies, with
leadership prioritizing reputation management over accountability. This resistance
perpetuated distrust and discouraged employees from reporting.
The findings of this study illuminate the systemic and interpersonal complexities
that characterize the experiences of individuals reporting workplace sexual harassment.
Central to these findings are three overarching insights: the decision to report, procedural
ineffectiveness, and emotional/professional consequences. These findings emphasize the
emotional and psychological aspects of the decision to report and post-reporting impacts,
providing evidence of the need for workplace environments where employees feel safe in
coming forward. The study results revealed widespread deficiencies in relation to the
expectations of the organizational reporting processes, especially concerning follow-up
mechanisms, the protection of workers, and meaningful resolution. Participants
frequently described their interactions with HR and management as superficial,
contributing to a pervasive sense of disillusionment with institutional responses.
Reporting harassment exacted a significant toll on participants, manifesting as stress,
anxiety, professional disengagement, and, in some cases, career stagnation or departure.
The lack of sustained organizational support post-reporting further compounded these
impacts, illustrating the systemic failures that exacerbate harm instead of facilitating
recovery. Despite these challenges, participants provided actionable recommendations,
advocating for transparent and independent reporting systems, ongoing victim support,
and proactive organizational reforms to address cultural and structural barriers. These
insights provide a foundation for the discussion of implications, recommendations, and
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conclusions in Chapter 5. The next chapter explores the broader significance of these
findings, including their implications for social change, and outlines actionable
recommendations to address the identified challenges.
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Chapter 5: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations
Introduction
In this chapter, I will provide the interpretive analysis of participants' experiences
reporting sexual harassment in the workplace. The study highlighted that, despite the
existing of sexual harassment reporting policies and prohibition of harassment, personal
motivations and perceptions create structural barriers, and systemic inadequacies result in
ineffective organizational responses and profound emotional and professional
consequences in the post-reporting period. In this, discussion, I integrate these findings
with contemporary theoretical frameworks to inform recommendations for practice and
future research that advance equity and accountability in the workplace harassment
responses.
Interpretation of the Findings
In this section, I use the collected findings to respond to the research questions
and provide a comprehensive interpretation of the data within theoretical frameworks and
existing literature.
Addressing Research Question 1
Research Question 1: What factors are perceived as those influencing the decision
of workers to report or not report sexual harassment in the workplace?
The decision to report workplace sexual harassment emerged as a deeply personal
and context-dependent process. Participants described balancing motivations such as
seeking justice and ensuring safety with significant fears of retaliation and mistrust in
organizational systems. Many participants cited moments of escalation, such as public
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humiliation or physical boundary violations, as critical to their decision to report.
Emotional support from trusted colleagues often bolstered the decision-making process,
aligning with Butler’s (1990) insights on power dynamics and performativity. However,
structural barriers, including inadequate reporting mechanisms and cultural stigmas,
frequently deterred participants. Schein’s (2010) model of organizational culture
highlights how underlying assumptions, such as protecting powerful individuals,
perpetuate these barriers. Fear of retaliation and skepticism about HR impartiality were
common themes. Becton et al. (2017) have previously noted the failure of follow-up
mechanisms to protect victims of sexual harassment in the workplace, however the
recommendations to provide leadership training and better worker education are just
regurgitations of the approaches that clearly do not work without actual processes in
place that go beyond documentation. These findings emphasize the need for
organizations to foster transparent and supportive environments that empower employees
to report harassment without fear of adverse consequences.
Addressing Research Question 2
Research Question 2: How do those who report sexual harassment perceive the
lived experience of their work environment after the event?
Participants’ post-reporting experiences revealed significant gaps between their
expectations and organizational responses. Many reported that the primary goal in
deciding to report the sexual harassment was to stop the harassment and to hold the
perpetrators accountable. This did not happen as expected, as procedural inefficiencies
and a focus on liability management, among other issues, frequently undermined these
100
goals. Trauma-informed frameworks, such as those outlined by Fallot and Harris (2001),
recognize that safety and trust are necessary factors in achieving meaningful resolutions,
however these have not been prioritized in the responses of the organizations.
Participants described persistent stress, anxiety, and professional stagnation following
their reports. Organizational failures to provide post-reporting support exacerbated these
impacts, reinforcing feelings of isolation and betrayal. These findings align with existing
literature on the compounded harms of harassment and inadequate institutional responses
(Fusch & Ness, 2015; Tight, 2024). The findings underscore the necessity for
organizations to implement comprehensive post-reporting support mechanisms that
address victims’ emotional and professional needs while fostering accountability.
Discussion of Findings
The findings of this study affirm many of the challenges and systemic failures
documented in the existing research while offering deeper insights into the lived
experiences of victims. The consistent identification of fear of retaliation and systemic
barriers as deterrents to reporting aligns with Boles et al. (2020), who emphasized that
organizational cultures often discourage victims from coming forward. Participants in
this study highlighted how reputational harm, professional setbacks, and the
ineffectiveness of reporting mechanisms contributed to their hesitation to report
harassment. Hébert (2020) stated that liability-driven organizational practices further
expose victims, a perspective strongly echoed by participants who described feeling
unsupported or even punished after reporting. These findings underscore the entrenched
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nature of systemic failures, perpetuating a culture of silence that discourages transparency
and accountability.
The study reinforces the emotional toll of harassment, particularly stress, anxiety,
and loss of confidence, as identified by Siuta and Bergman (2019). Participants’
narratives revealed how emotional impacts extended far beyond the harassment itself,
often intensifying during and after the reporting process. For example, the lack of
organizational support left victims feeling isolated and self-doubting, reflecting the
compounded harm described in the literature. This study further refines the understanding
of emotional consequences by illustrating how organizational inaction exacerbates these
effects, turning a potentially reparative process into a prolonged source of distress.
Professional consequences, such as diminished job satisfaction, isolation, and
career stagnation, were also significant themes that align with research by Rihal et al.
(2020) and Von Gruenigen and Karlan (2018). Participants frequently reported feeling
undervalued and disconnected from their workplace, leading some to consider or pursue
career changes. This aligns with the literature's depiction of harassment as a critical factor
in professional disengagement and turnover. The study’s findings refine this perspective
by highlighting the specific mechanisms through which these professional impacts occur,
such as exclusion from projects and lack of recognition from leadership.
Schein’s (2010) organizational culture model can be used as a framework for
analyzing how organizational artifacts, values, and assumptions interact to shape
harassment responses. Misalignment between espoused values of equity and underlying
assumptions of protection undermines policy effectiveness. Conducting cultural audits,
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ensuring leadership accountability, and promoting transparency in reporting mechanisms
can align cultural elements with organizational commitments to safety and fairness.
Schein’s framework also supports embedding these changes into organizational culture
through structured change management (Kotter, 1996).
The pervasive policy gaps and accountability failures identified in this study
closely mirror findings by Dahl and Knepper (2021). Participants described unclear
procedures and inconsistent enforcement of policies, particularly when perpetrators were
individuals in positions of power. This not only deterred victims from reporting but also
reinforced perceptions of organizational complicity. These findings expand on the
literature by providing vivid accounts of how these systemic shortcomings manifest in
everyday workplace interactions, adding depth to the discussion of structural failures.
The absence of post-reporting support mechanisms was another critical area of
alignment with the literature. Porter (2020) emphasizes the importance of follow-up
counseling and reintegration efforts to aid victims’ recovery, yet participants in this study
consistently noted the lack of such measures. Instead, they described feeling abandoned
once investigations concluded, which intensified their sense of isolation and professional
disconnection.
These findings highlight urgent need for investment in victim-centered
approaches that extend beyond initial investigations. This study corroborates the cultural
resistance to change described by Banerjee and Kankaria (2022) and Clancy et al. (2020).
Participants frequently perceived organizational reforms, such as training programs or
policy updates, as superficial efforts that failed to address deeper cultural issues. These
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perspectives align with the literature's assertion that cultural norms often undermine the
effectiveness of harassment prevention initiatives. This study contributes by illustrating
how these cultural dynamics play out in specific organizational settings, further
demonstrating the gap between stated policies and lived realities.
Trauma-informed frameworks should be a core framework for organizational
responses to workplace harassment, with an emphasis on safety, trust, peer support,
empowerment, and cultural competence (Fallot & Harris, 2001). Confidentiality,
counseling, and trauma-sensitive training for managers may help to create supportive
environments that address victims' needs. There are physical, emotional, financial, and
economic impacts as a result of reporting sexual harassment, but modern HR practices,
despite the promise of support, often have inadequate processes to provide it (Knight,
2015; Wilson et al., 2013).
Limitations of the Study
This study provides valuable insights into the experiences of individuals reporting
workplace sexual harassment; however, several limitations must be acknowledged:
Eligibility Criteria and Exclusion of Non-Reporting Perspectives
The study’s eligibility criteria required participants to have been victims of
workplace sexual harassment, reported the incident, and worked in organizations with
established harassment reporting policies. Consequently, the voices of individuals who
chose not to report sexual harassment, or who worked in environments without formal
reporting policies, were not captured. This exclusion limits the understanding of barriers
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faced by individuals in contexts where reporting mechanisms are absent or ineffective, as
well as the broader factors influencing decisions not to report.
Sample Size and Diversity
I used a convenience sample of 12 participants, which, while achieving data
saturation, may not fully represent the diverse range of experiences associated with
reporting workplace harassment. Although participants came from various industries and
roles, the relatively small sample size limits the generalizability of findings to other
workplace contexts, including those outside the geographic or cultural settings of this
study.
Reliance on Self-Reported Data
Findings are based on participants’ self-reported experiences. These are
subjective, and so there are risks of recall bias, personal interpretation, and selective
memory. Member-checking was employed to enhance credibility, but the nature of self-
reported data is one that provides for perceptions, rather than more objective criteria.
Participants’ accounts also reflect their individual perspectives, which may not
encompass all dimensions of their organizational environments.
Cross-Sectional Design
I used a cross-sectional design to capture participants’ experiences at a single
point in time. This may limit the ability to examine how perspectives or organizational
responses may have evolved over time. The long-term impacts of reporting sexual
harassment remain to be explored, presenting an opportunity for further longitudinal
research.
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Contextual Variability
I did not account for differences in workplace size, industry practices, or
organizational hierarchies, which may influence how harassment is reported and
addressed. For example, experiences in large corporate environments may differ
significantly from those in smaller startups, gig platforms, or emerging industries. This
contextual variability limits the applicability of findings across all employment settings.
Focus on Formal Reporting
I centered this study on individuals who engaged with formal reporting
mechanisms, excluding those who reported harassment through informal channels or who
sought resolution outside of their organizations. Due to this focus, I may have overlooked
valuable perspectives on alternative reporting approaches or how informal organizational
cultures influence decisions to report.
Virtual Data Collection Setting
Data collection using virtual platforms such as Zoom or interviews by phone may
ensure accessibility and confidentiality, but they may have affected the depth of
participant engagement. Virtual interviews can limit nonverbal communication cues and
rapport-building, which may influence the level of trust in the researcher and could limit
the richness of the data that were collected.
Limits to Generalizability
These limitations highlight the need for caution in generalizing the findings to
broader populations or workplace contexts. Future researchers should address these
constraints by expanding eligibility criteria to include individuals who chose not to report
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harassment or who lack access to formal reporting mechanisms. Additionally, larger,
more diverse samples and longitudinal approaches could result in greater insight into the
long-term impacts of reporting and the effectiveness of organizational responses. A focus
on alternative reporting pathways may enhance understanding of the complex dynamics
surrounding workplace harassment. Despite these limitations, the study includes a critical
foundation for advancing the discourse on workplace harassment reporting and
organizational accountability.
Recommendations
Recommendations are divided into three streams, namely recommendations for
organizations, recommendations for workers suffering from sexual harassment, and
recommendations for future research.
Recommendations for Organizations
It is not enough for policies to prohibit sexual harassment. Organizations must
ensure the protection of workers, and this includes responding to the needs of persons
reporting sexual harassment and mitigating consequences as well as ensuring penalties
for perpetrators. This is fundamentally a matter of process, including strengthening
reporting mechanisms, enhancing post-reporting support, enforcing accountability,
fostering cultural reforms, ensuring policies work in a digital world and flat hierarchies,
and mitigating the impacts faced by victims. These systems must maintain
confidentiality, demonstrate impartiality, and outline a clear process for resolution.
Employers and their representatives in HR need actionable guidelines, such as step-by-
step instructions for responding to harassment, to reinforce the organization’s
107
commitment to holding perpetrators accountable. Such post-reporting support
mechanisms should ensure victims' safety with the provision of resources that include
counseling and legal assistance, even where this exposes the liability of the company.
Routine check-ins by HR or designated personnel can monitor the victim's reintegration
into the workplace while addressing potential retaliation promptly. Enforcing
accountability requires organizations to adopt clear, enforceable disciplinary measures,
consistently apply harassment policies, and communicate their enforcement to
stakeholders, reinforcing zero tolerance for non-compliance. While such approaches may
not be a popular approach for consideration by organization leaders, the greater
contingent liability remains the lack of safety at work and the potential loss of talent if
workers do not feel safe.
Structural and cultural reforms are equally essential. Mandatory training programs
should emphasize respect, bystander intervention, and the tangible consequences of
harassment to shift workplace norms. Regular cultural audits can identify misalignments
between policy and practice, prompting corrective actions by leadership. Organizations
must empower leaders to model ethical behavior, respond decisively to harassment
reports, and foster an environment of trust. Policies must ensure that emerging industries,
remote work, and gig platforms are adapted so that reporting tools are accessible,
effective, and subject to oversight.
Economic impacts on reporters must also be mitigated. Organizations could
consider offering financial support to offset costs associated with the impacts of sexual
harassment and retaliation, including lost wages. Where needed, career counseling could
108
be provided to help victims rebuild their professional lives and career. Such measures
would help to demonstrate the organization’s commitment to a harassment-free
workplace and support the broader goal of ensuring a safe and inclusive work
environment.
Recommendations for Workers Subjected to Sexual Harassment
For workers subjected to harassment, there is little evidence-based guidance.
Victims are often left to navigate complex reporting structures without adequate support
to address harassment. Workers should also be encouraged to document incidents as well
as consequences, ensuring that they can substantiate claims outside of the workplace if
necessary. To that end, being aware of their rights and protections under workplace laws
and regulations in their jurisdiction may have some value, but they cannot make up for
the professional and personal losses that appear likely to occur.
Recommendations for Future Research
Future research should prioritize mapping existing reporting processes and
analyzing their outcomes in relation to both organizational expectations and victim
experiences. This study highlights a persistent gap between the procedural intent of
harassment reporting mechanisms and their actual effectiveness in addressing victims’
needs and fostering accountability. A detailed examination of these processes is critical to
understanding the alignment—or misalignment—between policy design and
implementation. Research should begin with a systematic mapping of organizational
reporting structures across industries, focusing on variations in policies, mechanisms, and
access. Key areas of exploration could include the transparency of reporting pathways
109
and the clarity of steps outlined in organizational policies, the availability of alternative,
independent reporting channels for employees who mistrust internal mechanisms,
variations in the resources allocated to supporting victims post-reporting (counseling,
follow-up communication, and reintegration initiatives), and an audit of whether the
policy is effective in protecting workers from sexual harassment and its consequences for
victims who report.
Once mapped, research should critically evaluate the effectiveness of these
mechanisms in achieving their stated goals. For example, does the process minimize the
risk of retaliation or professional isolation, as promised in many organizational policies,
and are victims provided with consistent emotional and professional support throughout
and after the reporting process? To what extent are perpetrators held accountable, and
how often are outcomes perceived as just and satisfactory by victims?
The study’s findings revealed that reporting systems often fall short in practice,
with participants describing experiences that diverge from the promises of
confidentiality, fairness, and follow-up support. Future research should investigate these
discrepancies to identify systemic barriers, such as liability-driven organizational
practices or cultural resistance to change, that hinder the effectiveness of reporting
mechanisms and the contextualization of gendered relations within the organizational
culture.
110
Implications
Implications for Positive Social Change
The most significant gaps in addressing workplace harassment lie in the processes
that follow reporting. Reporting systems are intended to address harassment, but this
result is undermined by ineffective post-reporting processes. Participants consistently
described organizational failures to enforce policies, provide follow-up support, and
prevent retaliation. These inadequacies not only harm victims but also perpetuate mistrust
in organizational systems and discourage future reporting. At the individual level, the
study highlights the importance of trauma-informed post-reporting practices. At the
organizational level, the findings emphasize unrealized accountability, follow-up
mechanisms, and protection against retaliation to rebuild trust in the safety of the
workplace. Organizations should consider best practices in policy evaluation, such as
outcome auditing practices that determine whether the policy has successfully protected
workers from sexual harassment and provided protection for victims of workplace sexual
harassment.
Methodological, Theoretical, and Empirical Implications
This study highlights some of the systemic failures of current practices, but
further research is needed to fully detail these factors. While demographic and
intersectional factors were not included, future qualitative research could show how these
dimensions relate to post-reporting impacts and supports to better understand how
experiences of harassment and reporting differ across diverse populations. The findings
reinforce theories of organizational culture and power, demonstrating how hierarchies
111
and cultural resistance undermine the effectiveness of sexual harassment prevention
policies. The study provides evidence of the emotional and professional consequences of
inadequate post-reporting processes that actively support victims and hold perpetrators
accountable.
Call to Action
Organizations must focus on improving post-reporting processes to ensure victims
are supported and protected after coming forward. Trauma-informed practices should be
adopted, including providing access to counseling, conducting regular follow-ups, and
offering professional support to help victims recover. Not surprisingly, there is a similar
need and call to action in relation to police investigation of sexual assault that provides a
parallel (Lathan et al., 2022). Proactive measures against retaliation, such as monitoring
for exclusion or diminished responsibilities, are essential to ensuring victims feel safe and
valued in their workplace.
Conclusion
This study and findings reveal that, as with other forms of victimization, the
presence of laws, rules, and organizational policies alone is insufficient to ensure justice
or meaningful protection for workers who experience and report sexual harassment at
work. The policy frameworks and espousal of zero tolerance may establish the
expectation of safety and accountability, but the application often falls short. As a result,
victims must navigate a system that prioritizes liability management over the well-being
of victimized workers. The narratives of participants highlight a consistent and persistent
gap between policy and practice. Reporting mechanisms, though designed to address
112
harassment, often exacerbate harm to the victim, with few processes in place to help
address and resolve the complaint and its consequences.
Central to this disconnect is the absence of active protection for workers who
report harassment. Participants described inconsistent enforcement of policies, cultural
resistance to change, and a lack of follow-up support, all deficiencies that mirror broader
limitations in the criminal justice system, where responses often focus on punitive
measures rather than the support of victims and restoration of losses. Organizations,
much like justice systems, also fail to address the emotional and professional
consequences of reporting, leaving victims isolated and disillusioned.
The focus on compliance-driven frameworks must be recognized as inadequate to
provide safety in the workplace. Such safety would build on clear expectations of
behavior to include proactive, trauma-informed practices that prioritize victim safety and
well-being when victims report sexual harassment. Active protection must include
safeguarding victims from retaliation, offering counseling, and ensuring accountability
for perpetrators. Without these measures, organizational sexual harassment policies
remain performative and ineffective in meeting their objectives. It is clear that protection
from sexual harassment requires more than the existence of robust policies. It demands
processes and structures that can protect and mitigate harm, while fostering environments
where reporting is met with action.
113
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