Millennials Leaving Religion A Transcendental Phenomenological Research Study on Religious Disaffiliation

Millennials Leaving Religion A Transcendental

Phenomenological Research Study on Religious

Disaffiliation

Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study

Introduction

Religion is a vital component of culture, one that is thought to provide

access to a rich psychological knowledge base and considered by many to

form the foundation of human civilization (Pankalla & Kośnik, 2018). An

individual’s religious foundation that has been established during childhood

is sometimes challenged later in life to the point of religious disaffiliation

(Gullickson, 2018; Rousselet, Duretete, Hardouin, & GrallBronnec, 2017).

In many situations, the decision to disaffiliate from a religion is not

completed in haste but takes place over a period of time (Thiessen &

Wilkins, 2017). Many individuals who disaffiliate from religion have grown

up in religious households, but for various reasons, have lost their sense of

religious connection or experienced circumstances that have left them with

more questions than answers or solutions (Rousselet et al., 2017).

An increase in religious disaffiliation trends is particularly evident in

Europe and North America (Hackett, Stonawski, Potancokova, Grim, &

Skirbekk, 2015), with these trends resulting in an increase of research

focusing on atheism and disaffiliation (Smith & Baker, 2015). In this

research study, I sought to add new knowledge to the existing scholarship on

religious disaffiliation. This study involved an exploration of the lived

experiences of Millennials who had become religiously disaffiliated with the

intent of better understanding the perspectives and experiences of the

disaffiliated. I also explored the perceived effects of disaffiliation on

Millennials’ psychological well-being. The resulting data offer insight into

the experiences of disaffiliation among this

subpopulation, which had received little scholarly attention to date (Frost,

2019). In Chapter 1, I contextualize the study by providing an overview of

the background of the topic. The problem statement and study’s purpose are

presented. Also discussed are the research questions, the theoretical

framework for the study, its significance, and an overview of the study’s

method. Study assumptions, delimitations, and limitations are also

highlighted. The chapter concludes with a brief summary and transition to

Chapter 2.

Background

The process of religious disaffiliation has increased in the United

States, with 15% to 20% of residents claiming no religious affiliation by

2018--a rate that has increased by approximately 1% each year (Larson,

2017). Globally, the percentage of people claiming no specific religion

comprised of 16.4% of the world’s population in 2010 (Hackett et al., 2015).

The trend of disaffiliation is particularly notable in North

America and Europe (Hackett et al., 2015). In the United States,

approximately 40% of Millennials claim no religious identity, with rates

being higher amongst Generation Z individuals (Baart, 2018; Ferguson,

2018).

There are many reasons--some connected to beliefs and some not--

why individuals disaffiliate from a religion (McClendon & Hackett, 2014).

Irish researchers posited that disaffiliation was a phenomenon confined to

young adults, with little disaffiliation among older adults (McClendon &

Hackett, 2014). Consequently, disaffiliation in Ireland is partly related to

stages of life. In contrast, older Austrians tend to disaffiliate from religious

organizations in order to avoid religious taxes (McClendon

& Hackett, 2014).

In the United States, disaffiliation is often associated with the

formation of friendship bonds with nonreligious individuals (Sepulvado,

Hachen, Penta & Lizardo,

2015), as strong social networks may encourage the disaffiliation process.

For example, Downey (2014) found that increased Internet use is associated

with decreased religious affiliation. Specifically, moderate Internet use of

only 2 hours per week was associated with a decline in religiosity, with a

steady decrease as Internet usage continued (Downey, 2014). Downey

estimated that Internet use could account for the disaffiliation; although it is

difficult to pinpoint any exact reasons, the researcher surmised that

individuals using the Internet had greater access to information on other

religious or nonreligious topics and access to such information, coupled with

the amount of time that they spend online, could be factors in disaffiliation.

Research into the causes of religious disaffiliation has focused on

individuals that identify as religiously unaffiliated. Research on disaffiliation

and atheism has been limited in the past century (Smith & Baker, 2015). One

finding is that disaffiliating from a religion does not make someone an

atheist, as some still have faith and consider God and spirituality important

(Rousselet et al., 2017). However, this trend in research has recently

changed. The shift in emphasis has involved research topics such as

subpopulations among atheists, how the nonreligious connect with the larger

culture, and other diverse topics, such as atheism, agnosticism, and irreligion

(Smith & Baker, 2015). Researchers have also examined how individuals

raise their families, including how the religious unaffiliated raise their

children (Edgell, 2017). Given the relative newness of the research, it should

be unsurprising that there continue to be gaps in the literature regarding

religious disaffiliation.

Studies on religious affiliation, disaffiliation, atheism, and other

related topics have become more prevalent over the past few years

(Berghammer, Zartler, & Krivanek, 2017; Coates, 2013; Schwadel, 2010).

Although researchers have delved into reasons for disaffiliation, few have

specifically examined how this trend affects Millennials (Fisher, 2017;

Vargas, 2012; Voas, 2006). Furthermore, a lack of qualitative investigation

exists on the outcomes of religious disaffiliation among young people, based

on my review of the literature.

Little is known about the lived experiences of Millennials who have

gone through the process of leaving their religion. More specifically, there

has not been a focus, according to my review of the literature, on their

psychological well-being throughout the process of religious disaffiliation.

Even though some individuals do not experience emotional strife after the

process of religious disaffiliation, others can experience challenges that

include grief, emotional distress, and even posttraumatic stress disorder

(PTSD; Knight, Esmiol Wilson, Ward, & Nice, 2019). Previous researchers

have examined data from 1973 to 2012, finding that individuals leaving their

church could experience diminished social relationships, practice, behavior,

and health and well-being (Fenelon & Danielsen, 2016; LeCount, 2017).

These changes could occur during a vulnerable time for some young adults.

However, more recent researchers focusing on Millennials have discussed

how some young individuals chose disaffiliation due to spiritual wounds

experienced by exclusion from the church (Vaughn, 2016), cognitive and

spiritual disconnections, and disengagement for personal well-being (Chase,

2013). Studies have also revealed other challenges associated with leaving a

religion, with individuals also experiencing the loss of family support,

friendships, social isolation, political factors, religious skepticism, and the

loss of self and social identity relationships (Fenelon & Danielsen, 2016;

LeCount, 2017; Uecker, Mayrl, & Stroope, 2016; Vargas,

2012).

By 2060, the rate of religiously unaffiliated people in the United

States is expected to increase slightly to approximately 1.20 billion, to

include atheists, agnostics, and those who are not aligned with any particular

religion (Pew Research Center, 2017,

p. 1). These statistics demonstrate why understanding the lived experience of

young adults regarding their well-being after the process of religious

disaffiliation is important. The lack of research in this area has left room to

explore the outcomes of religious disaffiliation using a qualitative approach

to better understand the experiences of Millennials who disaffiliate. The

results of this study provide a clearer understanding of the psychological

well-being of Millennials who disaffiliated, and the events related to

religious disaffiliation among them. Results also shed light on the process

that Millennials experienced in religiously disaffiliating and the effect that it

had on their psychological well-being, assisting mental health professionals

in gaining a more profound understanding of the psychological factors that

some individuals may experience during religious disaffiliation.

Problem Statement

Religious disaffiliation has increased over the past 20 years (Fenelon

Danielsen, 2016; Gullickson, 2018). Increasingly, Millennials lack religious

affiliation

(LeCount, 2017), with several factors being associated with this decline.

Politics, the Religious Right becoming extreme, and the inflexibility of the

church towards LGBT and other minority groups are just some of the factors

that affect Millennials’ departure from religion (Baart, 2018; Packard &

Ferguson, 2018). Other factors that can also contribute to religious

nonaffiliation includes a reconfiguration of one’s faith, changes that lead to

opposition of previously held religious beliefs, and doubt regarding

previously held faith beliefs (Fisher, 2017). Additional contributors to

religious disaffiliation include Millennials becoming more global and

inclusive while churches become more insular and exclusive (Djupe,

Neiheisel, & Sokhey, 2018).

Religious beliefs and the strength of those beliefs arise from multiple

sources (Manglos-Weber, Mooney, Bollen, & Roos, 2016). Individuals’

specific beliefs may not align with their outward behaviors, leading to

situations in which individuals feel detached from their experiences with

religious organizations. This feeling of internal disaffiliation can lead to

experiences of isolation and loneliness (LeCount, 2017). Essentially, before

people formally disaffiliate from religious organizations, they may

experience a process of internal disaffiliation. However, firm conclusions

about how this process of internal disaffiliation occurs in Millennials are

lacking (Fenelon & Danielsen,

2016). The lack of research on religious disaffiliation in Millennials has

resulted in a lack of understanding regarding the disaffiliation process and its

aftermath. Specifically, little is known about the well-being of individuals

following religious disaffiliation.

The specific problem of this research was that little is known about the

ways that religious disaffiliation affects the psychological well-being of

Millennials. As LeCount (2017) noted, there are few studies concerning the

psychological well-being of young adults following religious disaffiliation

and how they contend with the moral and ethical ambiguity that some

individuals might experience after disaffiliation. I addressed this gap in the

literature by conducting the present investigation.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore

the lived experiences of male and female religiously disaffiliated Millennials

regarding their psychological health and well-being. Results from this study

expand the discussion on religious disaffiliation by viewing the phenomenon

from the perspectives of religiously disaffiliated Millennials. Although some

researchers have examined the impacts of religious disaffiliation on

psychological health and well-being, few have considered these impacts on

young adults and how this population contends with the moral and ethical

ambiguity that some individuals might experience after disaffiliation

(LeCount, 2017). The main goal was to shed light on an increasingly

common phenomenon that remained overlooked in the literature, by

exploring individuals’ lived experiences in detail. In gaining insight into

Millennials’ viewpoints, attitudes, and responses towards religious

disaffiliation, I hoped that my research would assist individuals in better

understanding the process of leaving religion, along with how individuals

could be better supported if or when they needed help. To reach this

understanding of the psychological well-being of Millennials after the

process of religious disaffiliation, I conducted semistructured interviews

with this population, who were between 24 to 34 years old at the time of the

study. I asked questions that aided in identifying any personal characteristics

and environmental factors related to the phenomenon. There is the potential

for positive implications in facilitating adjustment and helping mental health

professionals understand possible psychological challenges experienced by

Millennials during the process of religious disaffiliation.

Research Questions

I sought to answer the following two research questions (RQs):

RQ1: What are the lived experiences of Millennials regarding their

well-being after their process of religious disaffiliation?

RQ2: How do Millennials adjust to the process of religious

disaffiliation? I developed interview questions based on the RQs and

used interview responses to determine both major themes and

subthemes.

Theoretical Framework for the Study

Self-determination theory (SDT) provides a framework for

understanding forces that influence individuals’ motivation. The theory

includes several forms of motivation, each having its own consequences for

“learning, performance, personal experience, and well-being” (Ryan & Deci,

2000, p. 2). The goal of SDT is to clearly identify the components that

support inherited human potentials required for growth, integration, and

individual welfare (Ryan & Deci, 2000). SDT is also useful for examining

courses of action and stipulations that promote healthy development and an

efficient functioning among individuals, groups, and surrounding

communities (Ryan & Deci, 2000).

Researchers have used SDT in a variety of contexts. For example,

SDT has been previously employed in other areas of research that focus on

religion, specifically, religion and motives for sustainable behaviors (Minton

et al., 2015). Minton et al. (2015) utilized SDT in their study focusing on the

link between religion and sustainable behaviors and found that individuals

who were more religious were more likely to participate in sustainable

behaviors. In their study, sustainable behaviors included purchasing organic

foods and recycling (Minton et al 2015). By using SDT, Minton et al. were

able to determine that the influence on religion and the use of sustainable

behaviors was consistent across all cultures (Minton et al 2015).

SDT originated in the 1970s, evolving from studies on human

motivation, with an emphasis on the ways intrinsic motivators affect

people’s behaviors (Lepper, Greene, & Nisbett, 1973). In the 1980s, SDT

was formalized as a theory; it evolved over the next two decades (Lepper et

al., 1973). In expanding the theory, researchers never abandoned its core

emphasis on intrinsic motivators, which are often at the heart of driving

activities as people seek out a sense of self-satisfaction (Lepper et al., 1973).

The three intrinsic needs involved in self-determination include

competence, relatedness, and autonomy (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Competence

describes the desire to control outcomes and circumstances in one’s life

(Ryan & Deci, 2000). Relatedness describes the desire to be connected with

others (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Finally, autonomy describes the desire to be the

central driver of actions in one’s own life (Ryan & Deci, 2000). These three

needs will be able to aid in a discussion on how male and female Millennials

experience disaffiliation, effects on their well-being, and adjustment

throughout the process. This may perhaps be accomplished as Millennials

discuss their need to experience acceptance, form a connection with others,

and still have a since of independence.

Deci’s (1971) prior work in the area of competence revealed that

positive feedback was associated with increased motivation, indicating that a

sense of competence was associated with an increased desire to work on a

task. Deci also examined autonomy and found that that not placing limits on

an individual’s autonomy, including not attempting to motivate them with

external rewards, actually improved intrinsic motivation. In a study of infant

attachment styles, Frodi, Bridges, and Grolnick (1985) found that those with

secure, stable connections demonstrated more effort and task mastery. As a

whole, increased competence, relatedness, and autonomy positively affects

motivation and contributes to self-determination (Frodi, et al., 1985).

In their work on SDT, Carroll and Norman (2017) suggested that the

actions people take are done to (a) make them feel competent, (b) generate

meaningful interactions with others that create a sense of connection, and (c)

engage in actions with which we identify. From such a statement, it may be

possible to conclude that individuals chose to disaffiliate from religious

organizations because they failed to meet one of these three conditions

(Carroll & Norman, 2017). Perhaps participation in that organization no

longer created a sense of connection or involved work with which a person

could identify

(Carroll & Norman, 2017). This approach indicated that people left religious

organizations and pursue alternatives that more adequately met these

conditions for personal behavior (Carroll & Norman, 2017).

Nature of the Study

The nature of this study was qualitative, following a

phenomenological design. Individual semi-structured interviews were used

to explore the processes that Millennials experienced when disaffiliating

from religion. I focused on understanding the lived experiences of

Millennials’ religious disaffiliations and the influence that disaffiliation had

on their psychological well-being. To answer the research question, I

conducted an interview with male and female Millennials between the ages

of 24 and 34 years of age who had separated from their childhood religion at

least 2 years ago, in order to explore their perceptions of the effects of

disaffiliation on their well-being. By implementing this approach, I gained

knowledge of experiences of Millennials who disafilliated from religion,

including their experiences, views, and perceptions of psychological well-

being after disaffiliation (Worthington, 2013).

Definitions

Millennials: Individuals who typically range in age from 23 to 38

years old (Pew Research Center, 2018). The participant age range selected

for the study was 24 to 34, based on Uecker et al.’s (2016)

operationalization.

Religion: Faith that is arranged in more than one social category (Flunger &

Ziebertz, 2010). Religion is also associated with the values that an individual

maintains (Flunger & Ziebertz, 2010) and is defined by the magnitude of a

group or community and the differences found in each individual’s status

(Flunger & Ziebertz, 2010).

Religious beliefs: Beliefs involving faith and spirituality within the

organizational context of a specific religious (Flunger & Ziebertz, 2010).

Religious disaffiliation: The act of changing from identifying as

religious to being nonreligious (Fenelon & Danielsen, 2016). Religious

disaffiliation considers both the childhood religion of individual and his or

her present affiliation with a religion (Fenelon & Danielsen, 2016). Four

categories of religious affiliation and disaffiliation exist, including

individuals who (a) uphold and remain in their childhood religion (consistent

affiliation), (b) were raised with a religious foundation, but change to no

religious affiliation (disaffiliation), (c) were raised nonreligious and

unaffiliated and switch to being religious (converters), and (d) were raised

nonreligious and remain nonreligious (consistently unaffiliating; Fenelon &

Danielsen, 2016). Religious disaffiliation occurs in specific denominations,

such as Evangelical Protestants, Mainline Protestants, Catholics, and “high-

cost groups” (Fenelon & Danielsen, 2016, p. 5). High-cost groups are

religious denominations that include Mormons, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and

Seventh Day Adventists and that require a higher level of commitment from

those who are members (Fenelon & Danielsen, 2016).

Religious socialization: The approach used by individuals to learn,

incorporate, and uphold religious ways of thinking, standards, principles, and

conduct (Gutierrez, Goodwin, Kirkinis, & Mattis, 2014). Religious

socialization consists of a shared sense of like-mindedness among

individuals concerning standards, principles, frame of mind, and practices

(Gutierrez et al., 2014). Families also use religious socialization to force

younger generations to form relationships and participate in moral

communities and settings to develop vital cultural, communal, and spiritual

wealth, including religious knowledge by way of concrete skills (Gutierrez et

al., 2014). Individuals discover the benefits of living a religious life through

socialization, which derives from family dynamics during the early stages of

development and remains throughout the lifespan (Gutierrez et al., 2014).

Ryan and Deci’s self-determination theory (SDT): A theory that

provides an explanation for human motivation as a way to satisfy

individuals’ psychological needs

(Leavell, 2016).

Assumptions

Assumptions are inherent to the study. For example, the I assumed

that individuals would respond honestly to the interview questions posed.

One problem that could have occurred in the semi-structured interviews was

that of response bias. Individuals may occasionally attempt to answer

questions in ways that they believed the interviewer wanted them to.

Attempts to prevent dishonest or biased answers to the questions were

undertaken by reminding participants that they had the option to skip or

return to a question at a later time, to use clear language, to repeat a question

or explain more in-depth, and to remain neutral throughout the interviewing

process. The confidentiality of all participants’ identities was ensured. I

intervened during responses to interview questions only to clarify questions

or ask follow-up questions. The intended result was to assure each

participant that the study results would not reflect on them in any way that

was public, and that I had no vested interest in answers that skewed one way

or another.

Scope and Delimitations

The scope of this study was limited to the experiences of 12 male and

female Millennials between the ages 24 and 34 years old who resided in

urban and suburban areas of Atlanta, Georgia and had experienced religious

disaffiliation as adults. I sought to understand the lived experiences of

Millennials who had become religiously disaffiliated. Data was drawn

entirely from semi-structured interviews with participants. The study was

limited to those who were already religiously disaffiliated, and I did not

attempt to explore related phenomena, such as constant atheism from a

young age or the experiences of Millennials who had generally not

participated in religious organizations. Given that the study was conducted

entirely within the Atlanta area, the scope of the study was regionally

limited.

Limitations

There were several limitations in thisqualitative phenomenological

study. The first issue was the small sample size, which could limit the

generalizability of the study’s findings (Savin-Baden & Major, 2013). Small

samples allow researchers to collect rich textual data but precludes

generalizability. The second limitation was related to the use of a purposive

sampling technique. Non-random samples limit the generalizability of study

findings. The sample may not had represented the target population in terms

of age, ethnicity, gender, or socioeconomic background. The resulting

sample may not have adequately reflected the study population, making it

difficult to generalize findings to that of the larger population. A final issue

was the limited geography of the study sample, which limited the

generalizability of the study’s findings (Savin-Baden & Major, 2013).

The factors mentioned above did not apply to the national population, and

therefore, the results drawn from the data had limited generalizability to the

larger population. Limitations also existed in the time to collect and analyze

the data, the data collection strategy, including how the researcher could

interpret the perceived effects of disaffiliation with psychological well-

being.

Significance

The aim of this research study was to better understand the lived

experiences of Millennials who disaffiliated from religious organizations.

This study was conducted at a time when interest in topics such as atheism,

agnosticism, and religious disaffiliation was on the rise. The shift in research

to include these topics occurred as religious disaffiliation emerged. This

research study was significant because it added to the growing body of

literature on the topic. However, this study provided significant insights into

the wellbeing of the religiously disaffiliated Millennials. This aided in

determining whether efforts were needed to address poor well-being among

religiously disaffiliated Millennials. As more interest builds on religious

disaffiliation, specifically Millennials’ understanding their faith, social

experiences, and psychological well-being will be of importance for others

going through similar processes or are curious but have no knowledge about

this particular population.

Summary

This research study followed a qualitative approach to better

understand the lived experiences of Millennials who had become

disaffiliated from religion. The framework consisted of self-determination

theory (Ryan & Deci, 2000). This research study occurred at a time when

interest in religious disaffiliation, atheism, and agnosticism was increasing

due to growing disaffiliation in certain parts of the world. To the researcher’s

knowledge, the study was the first to qualitatively explore the lived

experiences of Millennials who had become religiously disaffiliated.

A number of factors can prompt religious disaffiliation. Religious

affiliation and disaffiliation are complex phenomena; people may become

internally disaffiliated prior to formal disaffiliation from religious

organizations. Though interest in religious disaffiliation is on the rise,

researchers rarely focus on the Millennial subpopulation of this phenomena.

Results from this qualitative study shed new light on the perceived wellbeing

of Millennials who disaffiliated from religion. Findings contributed value to

the existing literature on disaffiliation by highlighting concerns and needs of

Millennials who disaffiliated from religious organizations. Chapter 2

includes an examination of the current literature on the topic of religious

disaffiliation while further exploring the theoretical framework of self-

determination theory.

Chapter 2: Literature Review

Introduction

In this chapter I provide important background on religious affiliation

and disaffiliation, such as how religious beliefs are formed, the perceived

value of religion, and what religion helps individuals achieve, with a focus

on Millennials. In addition, research on the health and well-being benefits of

religion is examined, along with the adjustment to disaffiliation in an

individual’s life. This chapter begins with a discussion of the strategies

utilized to locate research for this chapter. Next, a discussion of research on

family and childhood religious beliefs is provided, including the perceived

effects of religion on individuals’ social and personal relationships. A

discussion on the incidence of religious disaffiliation follows. This chapter

also focuses on religious socialization and the role of religious organizations.

I review research regarding the motives for leaving religion as young adults

and the influence of religion on individuals’ lives.

The theoretical foundation section provides an in-depth discussion of

Ryan and Deci’s (2000) SDT. This section includes a review of the factors

that influence motivation to satisfy the three psychological needs of

autonomy, competence, and relatedness (Miller & Gramzow, 2016; Sanchez-

Oliva, Pulido-González, Leo, GonzálezPonce, & García-Calvo, 2017). I used

Ryan and Deci’s SDT to explore the degree to which the fulfillment of each

need is accomplished and the overall impact on one’s mental and physical

health outcomes (see Miller & Gramzow, 2016). The final section of this

chapter includes an overview of the study design of phenomenology, which

is appropriate for exploring the lived experiences of participants (Patton,

2005). Using a phenomenological design, I was able to explore the ways in

which Millennials’ form or maintain religious beliefs, and value and sense of

accomplishment that religious affiliation provides.

Literature Search Strategy

I accessed a number of sources to locate literature for this chapter.

First, I accessed Walden University’s online library to search several

psychology databases, including PsycINFO, PsycARTICLES,

PsycCRITIQUES, PsycEXTRA, SAGE Journals, and SocINDEX. The

following terms were employed: religious socialization, religious beliefs,

religiosity, disaffiliation, family religiousness, young adults and religion,

Millennials and religion, childhood and religion, childhood spirituality,

health and religious beliefs, religious organizations, and Ryan and Deci’s

self-determination theory. The search results yielded a sizeable return, which

was reduced by limiting the search to peer-reviewed scholarly journals and

adjusting the search parameters to articles published between 2013 and 2018.

These adjusted search parameters produced current, relevant

articles.

For the initial search, I used the Boolean terms AND/OR by searching

for articles on Millennials AND religious disaffiliation OR abandonment.

When searching for articles on one specific topic, such as Millennials or self-

determination theory, Boolean terms were not used. I was able to retrieve

334 peer reviewed articles using Academic Search Complete and

PsycARTICLES; when I employed additional databases, I located a total of

1,148 peer-reviewed articles. I identified additional articles by reviewing the

references of previous articles. A large percentage of the articles employed

as a source

for the literature review were obtained through Walden’s online library

services. Articles not obtained through Walden’s online library services were

retrieved through Google Scholar. The complete list of databases accessed

for this review included Academic

Search Complete, CINAHL Plus with Full Text, Education Source, ERIC,

GreenFILE,

PsycARTICLES, PsycCRITIQUES, PsycEXTRA, PsycINFO, Research

Starters-

Education, SocINDEX, and SAGE Journals.

Theoretical Foundation

The framework for the research was self-determination theory, also

known as SDT (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Researchers developed SDT to explore

three psychological needs: autonomy, competence, and relatedness

(Sanchez-Oliva et al., 2017). These three dimensions are deemed to be

psychological nutrients and are considered by theorists to be important for

improving motivation (Sanchez-Oliva et al., 2017). SDT frames individuals

as active beings with an inborn desire to grow along specific directions

(Sanchez-Oliva et al., 2017). Humans have an innate tendency to grow and

develop psychologically; however, these paths of growth differ between

individuals. Differences in growth create variations in the way’s individuals

are motivated (Sanchez-Oliva et al., 2017).

In the context of SDT, autonomy occurs when individuals feel as if

their work is initiated independently and they are willingly engaged in

specific activities (SanchezOliva et al., 2017). The second element of SDT is

competence, which occurs when individuals feel as if they can successfully

engage with their environments (SanchezOliva et al., 2017). Competent

individuals develop a feeling of achievement when performing various tasks

effectively. The final element of SDT is relatedness, which occurs when

individuals derive feelings of achievement while performing tasks.

Relatedness occurs when the feeling of satisfaction is derived from simply

from engaging in the task (Sanchez-Oliva et al., 2017).

With regard to motivating individuals, SDT contextualizes motivation

into three specific types: autonomous motivation, controlled motivation, and

amotivation (SanchezOliva et al., 2017). The first of these, autonomous

motivation, is driven by intrinsic desires. Individuals who are driven by

autonomous motivations are involved in activities because they derive a

sense of enjoyment and satisfaction from those activities. These individuals

also find that the activities hold a specific personal relevance to their lives.

Autonomous motivation has previously been associated with activities that

protect against alcoholic consumption in alcoholics, as an example of its

effects (Richards, Cabriales, & Field, 2016). Autonomously motivated

individuals are more likely to engage in protective strategies that guard

against drinking and reduce their chances of harm, compared to those with

limited intrinsic motivation.

In contrast to autonomous motivation, controlled motivation is driven

by external regulations, which may include rewards and punishments as well

as external expectations (Sanchez-Oliva et al., 2017). Essentially, controlled

motivation is based on the desire to achieve external goals rather than

intrinsic enjoyment of an activity. This form of motivation also occurs when

individuals attempt to avoid feelings guilt or shame by taking specific

actions. Among employees, those requiring extrinsic motivators are less

likely to experience positive outcomes those who are intrinsically motivated

(Kuvaas, Buch, Weibel, Dysvik, & Nerstad, 2017). Findings from three

cross-sectional and crosslagged studies across various industries indicated

that intrinsic motivation was associated with more positive outcomes than

extrinsic motivation, demonstrating the value of encouraging intrinsically

motivated individuals (Kuvaas et al., 2017).

As a result of SDT’s emphasis on individual motivation, the theory is

often used to contextualize and understand factors that influence motivation

(Miller & Gramzow, 2016). This theory also provides a useful context for

examining how individuals’ abilities to meet their psychological needs

influence their physical and mental health (Miller &

Gramzow, 2016). Because individuals’ levels of self-determination are

predictive of their mental and physical health, researchers have often

attempted to improve autonomous motivation (Miller & Gramzow, 2016).

An increase in autonomous motivation is associated with improvements in

positive health behaviors (Miller & Gramzow, 2016).

Consequently, SDT provides useful context for examining factors that

hinder or encourage self-motivation (Miller & Gramzow, 2016). Researchers

have suggested that people sometimes undermine their own psychological

needs, inhibiting selfdetermination (Miller & Gramzow, 2016). Thus, SDT

can be used to examine individuals’ environments and identify factors that

preclude self-determination and motivation. Educators interviewed regarding

how to encourage intrinsic motivation produced several themes that may

increase internal motivation, including placing increasing responsibility in

students’ hands, providing regular feedback to work done, and encouraging

teamwork and group communications (Orsini, Evans, Binnie, Ledezma,

& Fuentes, 2015). These attempts increasingly encourage individuals to

become producers of their own work (Orsini et al., 2015). Research into the

use of SDT revealed that variables occurring in an individual’s social context

can be adjusted, with observed changes to how personalities manifest (Miller

& Gramzow, 2016). As a result, the current study will demonstrate how

some Millennials have used self-determination and their environment, as a

form of motivation in deciding to disaffiliate or leave a religion.

Much research into the application of SDT was conducted to

understand differences between internal and external regulations (Miller &

Gramzow, 2016). Specifically, the theory has been used to understand how

individuals’ transition between different forms of motivation at different

times. For example, individuals can be encouraged to foster greater internal

regulation and internal motivation when they perceive their work as

meaningful (Allan, Autin, & Duffy, 2016). Shifting work so that it felt more

meaningful among employees is an example of how contexts can be changed

to improve individuals’ levels of self-regulation. Therefore, individuals can

experience changes in motivating factors when the context of their goal’s

changes (Miller & Gramzow, 2016). Current research indicates that people

rarely experience a single form of motivation, but can experience intrinsic

and extrinsic motivation, simultaneously (Miller & Gramzow, 2016).

Therefore, in this study, the theory was in alignment with the purpose, as

Millennials who had experienced disaffiliation from their religion

experienced a change of motivation, self-regulation, in conjunction with

their religious and/or spirituality goals.

Within research into each of these types of motivation, several forces

inspire action. Consequently, when used to understand what drives people to

act and how to motivate them, SDT suggested that different approaches may

be needed to motivate different individuals. The theory has also been used to

examine how specific types of motivation are both created and maintained,

as well as how different factors may undermine the three forms of

motivation (Miller & Gramzow, 2016).

While acknowledging that people are self-determined individuals who

are often driven by internal forces, SDT makes room for psychopathologic

developments in which intrinsic forces are undermined (Miller & Gramzow,

2016). These developments occur in a wide variety of settings over an

individual’s life, suggesting that different dynamics may be at play in

different contexts (Miller & Gramzow, 2016). Certain types of motivation

may be more likely to arise and thrive in specific contexts, and less likely in

others. For example, intrinsic motivation is most likely to occur when people

experience a perceived sense of security (Miller & Gramzow, 2016). When

provided with the right context and support, extrinsically-motivated

behaviors can transition to intrinsicallymotivated behaviors (Miller &

Gramzow, 2016). This form of autonomous behavior is characterized by

individuals’ beliefs that they possess the abilities to accomplish their goals

(Miller & Gramzow, 2016). Given the wrong contexts and lack of support,

individuals may require extrinsic motivators and demonstrate poor

independent initiatives (Miller & Gramzow, 2016). This may occur in a

number of contexts, from religious experiences to the workplace, with

individuals demonstrating behavioral patterns contingent upon extrinsic

motivators. These same unsupportive contexts may also lead to associated

declines in performance and/or attendance (Miller & Gramzow, 2016).

When working with SDT, researchers may first examine individuals’

social contexts to explain the lack of intrinsic motivation (Miller &

Gramzow, 2016). After examining the social context, they look to a person’s

developmental environment to better understand if development in areas like

competence or autonomy have been undermined during the person’s

development phase. Finally, social contexts may affect individuals’

experiences and fulfillment of their basic psychological needs, thereby

promoting or discouraging intrinsic motivation (Monteiro, Mata, & Peixoto,

2015). Beginning at birth, individuals require supports to cultivate a sense

of competence, autonomy, and relatedness (Miller & Gramzow, 2016). This

process continues well into individuals’ schooling years and adulthood,

following them as they transition into a number of roles, later in life

(Giordano, Cashwell, Lankford, King, & Henson, 2017). As in this research

study, religious communities can act as a strong support system for

individuals yet may change as a level of importance in later life through

disaffiliation.

A lack of appropriate psychological support may create distress and

undermine the development of qualities needed to become internally

motivated (Giordano et al., 2017). Current research lacks an examination of

how Millennials experience religious disaffiliation; thus, little is known

about how religious organizations may adjust to better approach and guide

individuals during their transition into adulthood. Instead, researchers have

focused on family religious beliefs, the benefits of religion concerning one’s

health, and passing along religious beliefs to adolescents with the

expectation that he or she will remain religious into adulthood (Crosby, Ritt,

& Slunaker, 2018; Jorgensen, Mancini, Yorgason, & Day, 2016). Therefore,

Self-Determination Theory will be helpful for exploring how autonomy,

competence, and relatedness may play roles in religious disaffiliation. For

example, if findings from this research study reveal that religiously

disaffiliated Millennials lack a sense of autonomy, religious organizations

may examine ways that autonomy may be better fostered in a religious

context. Perhaps, Millennials disaffiliated because they lacked a sense of

control over how religious texts are interpreted or applied to their lives; if

this was the case, religious organizations may revise religious instruction to

be more participative and less directive. Ryan and Deci’s (2000) SDT was

useful for exploring individuals’ motives for religious disaffiliation as they

responded to personal experiences with religion. Results from this study in

the context of SDT, aided in guiding religious organizations to adopt to the

needs of their young flock so that their parishioners did not become

disaffiliated. Religious organizations also understood why millennials were

disaffiliating from religion.

Literature Review Related to Key Constructs

The existing and steadily growing conflict surrounding religion

among

Millennials has contributed to plummeting rates of church attendance and

participation (Baart, 2018; Gullickson, 2018; Hughes, 2014). This trend in

disaffiliation has increased amid church leaders’ lack of understanding for

the reasons behind the disaffiliation of Millennials. According to Hughes

(2014), little understanding exists regarding the high rate of religious

abandonment in the United States. The following literature review provides

insights into what is currently known about the formation or maintenance of

set religious beliefs among Millennials.

Millennials and Religious Disaffiliation

Religious disaffiliation has increased over the past 20 years (Fenelon &

Danielsen, 2016; Gullickson, 2018). Increasingly, Millennials lack religious

affiliation (LeCount, 2017), with several factors being associated with this

decline. Politics, the religious right becoming extreme, and the inflexibility

of the church towards LGBT and other minority groups, were just some of

the factors that affect Millennials’ departure from religion (Baart, 2018;

Packard & Ferguson, 2018). Other factors that can also contribute to

religious non-affiliation includes a reconfiguration of one’s faith, changes

that lead to opposition of previously held religious beliefs, and doubt

regarding previously held faith beliefs (Fisher, 2017). Additional

contributors to religious disaffiliation include Millennials becoming more

global and inclusive, while churches become more insular and exclusive

(Djupe et al., 2018).

Within the U.S. population, Millennials are least likely to identify with

a religious group, or, if they do identify within a religious group, are most

likely to be religiously unaffiliated (Lipka, 2015). Twenge, Exline, Grubbs,

Sastry, and Campbell (2015) discussed how Millennials entered the pool of

religious unaffiliates after the year 2000, with trends identifying Millennial

females as being less likely to be affiliated with a religious group and whose

fathers did not identify with a religion. There are many factors as to why

Millennials are seen as moving away from religious affiliation, with some

studies suggesting that Whites, low socio-economic individuals, and those

who reside in the geographical region of the Northeastern United States are

more likely to experience low rates of religious affiliation. Alternatively,

Millennials who identify as African American and are politically

conservative are more likely to be affiliated with a religion (Twenge, et al.,

2015; Waters & Bortree, 2012).

Many studies have focused on why Millennials leave their church

more so than previous generations and have highlighted some important

results. Vaughn (2016) discussed that many Millennials leave a church or an

entire religious organization, deciding to move into a category of nones.

Nones, a group of unaffiliated religious individuals is on the rise throughout

the United States, with Millennials moving into this category due to spiritual

wounds experienced from exclusion from their church, corresponding

attitudes due to the lack of exclusion, and the fact that they view the church

as has having a lack of authenticity. Fosse (2015) supports the notion of

Millennials becoming disaffiliated from religion and cited that due to the

increasing trends of science and technology, combined with growing up in a

non-traditional household is why the United States is seeing approximately

40% of Millennials moving into a category of none. Brauer (2018) purported

that many Millennials may decide to disaffiliate due to identifying as

religious, but unable to accurately describe their beliefs. Comparing

Millennials against older generations, the author found that the United States

was on a similar track of experiencing disaffiliation of religion than that of

European countries, citing that further research needs to be completed as it is

difficult to ascertain whether this decline is due to particular cultural

movements or long-term ongoing processes.

Reed (2016) discussed how it was possible to aid Millennials in

moving back to religion by having churches focus on ensuring that the Bible

teachings were relatable to Millennials’ lives. The author purported that

Biblical study classes should aim at highlighting the importance and

relevance of the teachings, to increase appeal to this generation that was

leading the movement towards nones. Biblical study classes should ensure

relevancy for Millennials and be used as an example of human creativity,

group reflection, political rhetoric, and social discourse in order to engage

individuals, which many churches are not doing (Reed, 2016). Further,

because many Millennials experience careers and lifestyles that focus on a

global environment, there is an increased need to restructure Biblical study

classes to demonstrate connections between the church and differing

worldviews.

Because religious affiliation is associated with better mental health, it

is important to better understand the reasons why Millennials leave a church

or religion, to combat negative effects from the transition (May, 2018). May

(2018) completed a study that focused on individuals in three categories;

stayers (individuals who had considered dropping out), leavers (individuals

who had dropped out of religion), stable affiliates (individuals who were

consistent in their religion), and stable nones (non-religious affiliates). After

studying mental health issues within the four the different groups, the author

found that individuals who had considered dropping out, but had ultimately

stayed within their religion, experienced higher levels of depression and an

increase in depressive symptoms over time than any of the other groups.

This appeared to differ with the study of Reutter and Bigatti (2015), who

purported that religion aided in the improvement of mental health, in all

generational groups.

Family Religious Foundation

McNamara-Barry. Prenoveau and Diehl (2013) conducted a study on

the relationship between religious faith activities performed at home during

childhood and adolescence with the persistence of emerging adults’ religious

practices and beliefs. The sample was comprised of 551 undergraduate

students ranging from age 18 to 29 attending four-year universities in the

United States (McNamara-Barry et al., 2013). Findings indicated a

significant positive correlation between frequency of religious faith activities

during childhood development and subsequent religious practices and beliefs

of emerging adults. Findings also supported the role of faith activities in

households of emerging adults reared in “explaining religious practices and

beliefs and the changes that occur in emerging adults’ religious beliefs and

practices” in one year (McNamara-Barry et al., 2013, p. 10). In particular,

faith exercises performed at home often provided free forecast of both

religious practices and beliefs at Time 2 (T2) well beyond the impact of the

religiousness indicators found in Time 1 (T1) (McNamara-Barry et al.,

2013).

French, Eisenberg, Sallquist, Purwono, Lu, and Christ (2013) found

that parental warmth and parental religiosity predicted adolescent religiosity

for a sample of 296 Indonesian Muslim adolescents and their parents. Data

for parental warmth was collected using the Warmth subscale of the

Parenting Styles and Dimensions; religiosity was measured using the

Religiosity Scale (RS) developed by Purwono (2010) in consultation with

Indonesian religious leaders and university faculty, and graduate students

(French et al., 2013). The RS was administered to both parents and

adolescents to compare the degree of compliance between generations

(French et al., 2013). The sample reflected the diverse Indonesian culture:

14% of mothers and 22% of fathers had less than a high school degree, 42%

and 45% respectively, had a high school education, 11% and 14%

respectively, had technical training, and 31% and 18% respectively, held

college degrees

(French et al., 2013). Research revealed that transmission of parental

religious convictions to children was aided by parental warmth, which was

consistent with results that this warmth produces a level of openness to

parental influence (French et al., 2013). Findings also show that supportive

parenting was related to internalized submission to parental expectations and

the internalized values of a parent (French et al., 2013).

Chalik, Leslie, and Rhodes (2017) conducted a switched at birth study

with 350 children ages 5 to 10, and adults 35 years old to examine religious

affiliation. Findings indicated that religiosity of a baby born to parents of one

religion but raised by parents of another religion were significantly more

likely to affiliate with the adopted family religion (Chalik et al., 2017).

Participants were either Jewish or Christian, and 73% of the sample was

White, 7% Black, and 19% other (Chalik et al., 2017). The findings were

significant across religious backgrounds, and age groups suggesting that

cultural context is vital to a developing child’s religious affiliation later in

life (Chalik et al., 2017). Younger children were open to both religious

possibilities regarding essentialism and cultural contribution, despite each

child’s individual religious background (Chalik et al.,

2017).

Kim-Spoon, Longo, and McCullough (2012) conducted a study of 322

adolescents and their parents or primary caregivers (parents) to examine the

relationship between parent-adolescent relationship quality and

intergenerational transmission of personal and organizational religiousness.

Personal religiousness was measured using the two items from the

Multidimensional Measure of Religiousness/ Spirituality and four items the

Value on Religion Scale (Jessor & Jessor, 1977; Kim-Spoon et al., 2012).

Organizational religiousness was measured using two items regarding

participant’s involvement in a formal religious services and activities (Kim-

Spoon et al., 2012). Parent-adolescent relationship quality was measured

using the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment (Armsden & Greenberg,

Kim, Chen, Wang, Shen & Orozco-Lapray 2013; Kim-Spoon et al., 2012).

The IPPA was administered to both adolescents and Parents and consisted of

three subscales: quality of communication, degree of trust, and alienation

(Kim-Spoon et al., 2012).

Kim-Spoon et al. (2012) reported a significant correlation between

parents’ and adolescents’ personal and organizational religiousness in the

range of r=.40 to.61, p<.01 for all comparisons. Researchers found a modest

positive correlation between parentadolescent relationship quality and

adolescents’ personal and organizational religiousness in the range of r=.23

to.31, p<.01 for all comparisons (Kim-Spoon et al., 2012). Parentadolescent

relationship quality positively moderated the relationship between parents’

and adolescents’ personal and organizational religiousness (Kim-Spoon et

al., 2012). In summary, there was a strong association between patents’

religiousness and their adolescents’ religiousness and the association was

stronger for those with higher parentadolescent relationship quality (Kim-

Spoon et al., 2012). There were no significant differences in the study based

on adolescents’ gender (Kim-Spoon et al., 2012).

Power and McKinney (2013) communicated that a wealth of

information was available concerning the religion of one’s parents and the

manner in which parents influenced them during childhood. For example,

Petts and Knoester (2007) analyzed data generated from “two waves of the

National Survey of Families and Households” (p. 6). Wave 1 described a

cross-sectional national probability sample made up of 13,007 adults during

1987 through 1988. Within this sample were families composed of

minorities, single parents, stepchildren, cohabiting couples, and newly

married individuals. Newly married couples in Wave 1 with children ages 5

and 17 were also interviewed in Wave 2. The aim of this study was to

examine the connection between each parents’ religious heterogamy and the

welfare of their children (Petts & Knoester, 2007). The overall findings

suggested that differences exist between religiosity heterogamous families

and same-faith families, which influenced one measurement concerning each

child’s wellbeing identified as delinquent behaviors (Petts & Knoester,

2007).

Religiosity as intergenerational threads. Religiosity is often the

result of intergenerational threads, which describe the relationships formed

between grandparents and grandchildren (Bengtson, Copen, Putney, &

Silverstein, 2009). Bengtson et al. (2009) utilized 30 years of information

gathered from individuals of multigenerational families through a

Longitudinal Study of Generation (LSOG). The focus of this study was on

“the transmission of religious beliefs, values, and practices” from four

generations starting in 1971 to 2000 (Bengtson et al., 2009, p. 16). The goal

was to gain knowledge about the manner in which religion is passed on to

younger generations from the formation of single irreducible family units

and distant family settings to the role of grandparents during the

transmission process and the difference in the processes across generations

and time (Bengtson et al., 2009). Findings confirmed that grandparents had a

direct influence on their grandchildren concerning religious socialization

specifically with their granddaughters (Bengtson et al., 2009). Findings also

confirmed the continued resilience and relevancy in families involving the

passing on of religious customs and beliefs to younger generations

(Bengtson et al., 2009).

Negru, Haragâş and Mustea (2014) led a subjective report that

analyzed the interrelationship of religious discernments, conduct, and

feelings observed in prospective grown-ups. Their example comprised of

Romanian youth that were Orthodox Christian, Roman Catholic, or Neo-

protestant. In looking at the parent-kid relationship, a second report was

directed on family relationship and religious socialization once people

achieve adulthood. This investigation had approximately 14 members.

Findings demonstrated that religious families were even more eager to talk

about their religious convictions, rather than non-religious families.

Meetings included children and their parents.

Hwang, Silverstein, and Brown (2018) offered in-depth research on

the impact that a parent's religious personality and conduct concerning

wrongdoing was displayed by adolescents. Behavior was affected from one's

parents, peers, and other agents that were social amid one's adolescence.

Results demonstrated that both the religious characteristics and parental

practices affect the reprobate conduct that is developed in a child. Leonard,

Cook, Boyatzis, Kimball, Flanagan and Kelly (2013) discussed how parental

religiosity levels were shown to affect child and adolescent religiosity;

therefore, emerging adult religiosity was high and similar to that of their

parents’ levels of religiosity. Leonard et

al. (2013) investigated the association shared between the improvement of

grown-up religiosity and the obvious religiosity found in parental figures.

Likenesses were uncovered concerning both mothers and fathers’ religious

convictions and their need to bring up youngsters under a particular

conviction framework, parental confidence bolster, and the connection that

one has to his or her parent. This investigation comprised of 481 graduated

class members that originated from two Christian schools. Findings reported

that the religiosity shared regular points in the two guardians and their

youngsters moving toward adulthood.

Manning (2015) investigated an examination on religiously

unaffiliated guardians who decided the way in which they will raise their

children with the inclusion of religious qualities and convictions. A

qualitative methodology with the application of grounded theory was utilized

to look at changed perspectives concerning the expression "None" and the

way in which the beliefs tended to decide how a parent will bring up their

children (Manning, 2015). This investigation comprised of 48 religious

guardians who were unaffiliated and lived in the United States from 2005 to

the year of 2007. Findings affirmed the acknowledgment of secularism,

otherwise called theism. Religious pluralism is likewise acknowledged by a

few. In light of a person's decision and his or her encounters, they will have

the ability to shape a perspective in the future.

Marks and Dollahite (2016) revealed that the religious conversation

between religious parents and their children in modern America needed to be

modified, in order to grant autonomy within an individualistic culture

(Marks & Dollahite, 2016). Researchers also confirmed that there were

several types of religious conversations initiated between adolescents and

their parents (Marks & Dollahite, 2016). These religious conversations can

be adult-dominated, or discussions that are reciprocal and are experienced in

an empathetic manner both by adolescents and their parents that encourage

the independent investigation of religious subjects and religious socialization

among youth (Marks & Dollahite, 2016).

Parental religiosity and the disaffiliation of their children.

Although previous studies have highlighted how children obtain their

religion and religious affiliation from their parents, other studies convey how

parental religiosity can aid in the disaffiliation of their children. Glass,

Sutton, & Fitzgerald (2015) completed a study that focused on religious

switching among conservative protestant youth and found that families, who

have a strong religious affiliation as conservative Protestants, provide more

difficulties from switching to a different religion in early adulthood. For

example, the authors found that crucial markers of completed educational

attainment, age at first marriage, age at first birth, and income play a role in

one’s ability to switch religion; however, family religious affiliation

appeared to delay switching for these young adults.

Similarly, Bornstein, Putnick, Lansford, Al‐Hassan, Bacchini, Bombi,

& Malone (2017) completed research on different religious groups that

included Catholicism, Protestantism, Buddhism, and Islam, and found that

throughout all groups there were two negative markers found for parents

who held and followed religious practices. The authors concluded that

negative associations occurred within their parenting experiences and their

child’s adjustment when their child was eight years old. They found that due

to greater parental religiousness levels, higher levels of parental control were

needed and in return, their children exhibited more internalizing and

externalizing problems through to the age of 10. The study found that higher

levels of parental religiosity was associated with higher levels of controlling

parenting, which accounted for problematic behaviors and the possibility of

children moving away from religion as the entered young adulthood.

Disaffiliation in Earlier Generations

To gain a better understanding of Millennials and the factors that

prompt religious abandonment, it was vital to focus on the lived experiences

concerning religion up to disaffiliation. Flannelly, Galek, Kytle, and Silton

(2010) conducted a study that aimed to understand the ever-changing scene

of religious affiliation in the United States. Data were obtained from the

National Opinion Research Center during the years of 1972 through 2006,

accessible through a national survey conducted with American adults

(Flannelly et al., 2010, p. 4). Twenty-three surveys were conducted over six

five-year periods with 45,463 participants’ (Flannelly et al., 2010). Findings

from this study aligned with Gullickson (2018) and Kosmin and Keysar

(2008) by verifying that a decline had occurred in religious affiliation within

the United States among adults since 1990 (Flannelly et al., 2010). Second,

the study corroborated that the trend in the decline of religious affiliation

existed many years ago (Flannelly et al., 2010). Third, Gallup and Castelli

(1989) verified the extent of the decline in religious affiliation, with the

inclusion of Kosmin and Keysar (2008), and the rates concerning religious

affiliation that Flannelly et al. (2010) discovered when examining different

periods. Findings also reported that there was a significant decline in the

attendance of religious services among those expressing religious affiliation

(Flannelly et al., 2010). Lastly, the South was viewed as more religious and

the West as less religious, in comparison to different parts of the nation

(Flanelly et al., 2010). Older African American women that resided in the

South were also viewed as more religious when examining measures

presented in the study.

Birth-cohort had no immediate effect on religious measures (Flannelly et al.,

2010).

To examine religious disaffiliation across different generations, it was

important to understand religious practices amongst generational cohorts.

For example, Chase

(2016) highlighted how gender affects religious practices across the different

generations. Baby Boomer and Millennial women attended religious services

more often than men did; however, there were no noted gender differences

among Generation X individuals. Additionally, as the Bible being the word

of God, Baby Boomer women believed this more than men, and Generation

X women believed in life after death more so than their male counterparts

(Chase, 2016).

Leaving a religion is not an act done in haste, but something that

occurs over time. For example, empirical research confirmed that separating

from the Catholic Church was a process that occurrs throughout one’s life in

Austria, and is not something that happens only during adolescence and

early adulthood (Berghammer et al., 2017; McClendon & Hackett, 2014).

Berghammer et al. (2017) examined the reasoning behind disaffiliation from

the Roman Catholic Church as the first procedure prompting changes in the

religious organization of the Austrian populace.

Berghammer et al. (2017) concentrated on family-related issues and

encounters in investigating this matter. Data were retrieved by conducting

qualitative interviews with 19 individuals who identified as former

Catholics. The researchers utilized the

“Generations and Gender Survey,” which allowed them to analyze the

attributes linked to Catholics who disaffiliated during the survey period from

2008 to 2012 (Berghammer et al., 2017, p. 19). From this data, it was

discerned that the qualitative and quantitative sample presented two types of

leavers (attached and distant). Both the attached and distant leavers hardly

ever attended church service and were disapproving of the church. Attached

leavers were described as individuals who regardless of their disaffiliation,

still held religious convictions and occupied with religious practices

(Berghammer et al., 2017). Distant leavers, on the other hand, were

individuals whose thoughts were far from religion and did not participate in

any religious activities (Berghammer et al., 2017).

Chan, Tsai, Fuligni (2015) addressed the fact that transitioning to

young adulthood is a stage that involved social change, which influenced

some developmental changes in one’s religiosity. Approximately 744

students participated in the study, with the focus being on both 12th graders

and individuals who left high school four years prior, and how their

religiosity changed since adolescence into adulthood (Chan et al., 2015).

Follow-up data were collected two years later with 525 of the 744 original

participants (Chan et al., 2015). Findings concluded that this transition also

prompted reevaluation and further exploration of religious identity and

participation.

Religious interest decreased for the individuals who upheld religious

participation amid secondary school, bringing about low levels of

cooperation for some individuals four years after finishing secondary school

(Chan et al., 2015). These findings proposed that religious character may

have increased positive emotions, such as “meaning and purpose, yet it may

not secure against negative well-being” (Chan et al., 2015, p. 11). No

determination had been found on whether an individual’s affiliation with

religion would decrease as it had in previous years, become stable, or

rebound in the future (Chan et al.,

2015).

Youth Development and Experience of Religious Beliefs

Religious development could describe the manner in which young

individuals absorbed a specific set of knowledge, then incorporated and

preserved attitudes, individual values and beliefs, and actions connected to

one’s religion (Gutierrez et al., 2014). Through religious socialization, one

can both develop and share their belief system with others. Religious

socialization is based on the family dynamic, which is developed from

childhood and throughout one’s life (Gutierrez et al., 2014).

Schwartz (2006) focused on approaches to uncover what is adding to

both the transmission, notwithstanding the value-based models of

socialization and the change model to gain knowledge on the social variables

and the impact that they have on young adult religious faith. Four thousand

Christian adolescents finished numerous measures related to faith (Schwartz,

2006). The outcomes showed that both guardians and friends had an

influence on participants' religious confidence (Schwartz, 2006). Inside this

investigation, mediated regression analyses uncovered that faith support

from a friend had an effect on the faith support that originated from

guardians concerning religious confidence (Schwartz, 2006).

Alisat and Pratt (2012) conducted longitudinal research that

investigated religious and spiritual peak experiences that shaped the religious

self in young individuals. These profound accounts of narratives discussed

by individuals entering early adulthood connected both subjective and

quantitative strategies in the authors’ research (Alisat & Pratt, 2012). Every

story shared was done so in comparison to individuals who shaped religious

convictions and personality status at around 17, 19 and 23 years of age

(Alisat & Pratt, 2012). The findings uncovered a connection between one's

personality status and the religious account introduced, which affirmed

different formative stages and attributes identified with the advancement of

one's religious convictions (Alisat & Pratt, 2012). For example, participants

in his research highlighted how one’s life story of identity development,

coincided with an illumination of a religious experience.

Roehlkepartain (2014) surveyed the most commonly used definition

of spirituality as one’s “search for the sacred” (p. 2). This research examined

diverse models of theory that included both stage and non-stage theories also

known as continuous and discontinuous. Diverse models of theory assume

that each theory should be used to explore both one’s religious and spiritual

development to provide a clear picture of the process of religious transition.

It was discovered in examining both religious and spiritual development that

a connection was shared in the following areas: physical, cognitive,

emotional, and social development” (Roehlkepartain, 2014, p. 2). Emerging

adults tended to distance themselves from their parent, form their own

identity, and engage in new practices that involved his or her own family

(Roehlkepartain, 2014).

Jules and Maynard (2016) conducted a study that examined the

advancement of one's spirituality, addressed the positive influence that

interfaith had on Caribbean youth, yields clarification to "rising adulthood

and the related psychosocial attributes" that contribute to one's profound

improvement (p. 1). The findings discovered that growth in one's spirituality

offered a sound working family, alongside a positive association with their

companions (Jules & Maynard, 2016). There is additionally a reduction in

the likelihood of pre-adults taking part in the consumption of liquor and

cannabis (Jules & Maynard, 2016).

Religious youth groups can aid young individuals in developing and

experiencing their religious beliefs. Davis & Kiang (2015) highlighted how

young individuals who attend religious events and follow religiosity tend to

experience higher levels of selfesteem, greater positive affect, and reduced

depressive symptoms.

The Role of Religious Organizations and Religious Beliefs

Religious organizations and service in the community. Research

highlighted that 68 percent of individuals between the ages of 18 and 29

years old were religiously affiliated; this was a lower percentage than other

groups identified, and lower in comparison to other generations at the same

age (Gullickson, 2018; Reutter & Bigatti, 2015). For instance during the

1970s, just 12% of adults between the ages of 18 and 29 reported being

unaffiliated with no specific religion. During the 1990s, the percentage of the

religiously disaffiliated increased by 4% to 16% and is currently close to

32% (Ferguson, 2018; Reutter & Bigatti, 2015).

Anshel and Smith (2014) dove deeper into the roles of leaders in

religious organizations, to examine how they could encourage a healthy

lifestyle. Anshel and Smith (2014) demonstrated how religious leaders could

aid in shaping behaviors of both congregational members and individuals in

the community. When religious leaders preach about living a healthy life

with the support of scripture, it then serves as a source that fosters healthy

habits and decreases the costs in medical services (Anshel & Smith, 2014).

Approaches that facilitated a change were offered to religious leaders to

highlight healthier habits to use in religious communities. Some suggestions

offered included: becoming a sponsor to wellness programs and services,

including facilities within the community, and designing a fitness room

inside church buildings (Anshel & Smith, 2014). Additional suggestions

included: hiring health experts, arranging seminars and workshops that focus

on a wellness program and Bible study, and lastly creating a mentoring

program that utilizes ethical role models (Anshel & Smith, 2014).

Leung, Chin, and Petrescu-Prahova (2016) demonstrated how

religious organizations often provided an adequate amount of assistance to

immigrants regarding spiritual and moral support. Specifically, religious

organizations had offered cultural shelter, several social services, and the

opportunity to be a part of a community (Leung et al., 2016). Therefore,

religious organizations influenced different cultures and took leadership

roles in issues that were non-religious such as well-being advancement

(Leung et al., 2016). The data for this study was obtained from research

conducted over a 6-year period with Chinese immigrant religious institutions

and the likelihood of becoming involved with HIV/AIDS activities (Leung et

al., 2016). The hypothesis of this study implied that no difference would

show in HIV/AIDS involvement based on the role that religious

organizations have in the lives of immigrants. Findings revealed that

religious organizations that were involved with HIV/AIDS activities

demonstrated a lower level of bonding social capital based on having fewer

connections and shared attributes (Leung et al., 2016). However, findings

also highlighted that “high bridging social capital linked to HIV/AIDS

involvement” based on organizational members demonstrating more

connections to individuals outside their congregation or sanctuary (Leung et

al., 2016, p. 7). Findings were consistent with the vague suspicion that

spanning social capital was identified with more receptiveness towards

differing or disputable thoughts and data (Leung et al., 2016). Findings also

revealed the significance in looking past different religions and

characteristics of leadership in informal community structures among

individuals with the end goal to likely disclose association level openness to

HIV/AIDS inclusion (Leung et al., 2016).

Religion can promote the satisfaction of human needs, though this

may occur in a variety of ways dependent on the type of religion; commonly,

religions promote transcendence. Transcendence is the ability to rise above

something to be in a superior state (Joas, 2015). Buddhism is an example of

a non-theistic religion that requires individual self-transcendence, which is

promoted among followers by asking them to relinquish their own desires

(Xu, 2018). Theistic religions promote transcendence in an alternative way

through some form of eternal reward (Burns, 2015). Among the most

common portrayals of this eternal reward is the idea of Heaven, a place

where the dead are reunited with their loved ones and experience eternal

satisfaction.

Well-being and religion are an increasingly important issue in Petts’

(2014) study. The objective of this examination was to additionally examine

connections between family attributes, religious participation, and the

welfare of an adolescent (Petts, 2014).

The study was completed utilizing longitudinal information and

consolidating an assortment of measures (Petts, 2014). The measures

focused on “family structure, changes in family structure, the value of the

parent-adolescent relationship, adolescents’ regular religious participation

from late youth throughout young adulthood and going to church services

with parent(s) in late adolescence” (Petts, 2014, p. 7). Longitudinal data

were examined on 5,739 adolescents and young adults, from 1992 to 2006

(Petts, 2014).

The sample was retrieved from a National Longitudinal Survey of Youth

from 1979 (Petts, 2014).

These findings were in alignment with previous research revealing

that the structure of the family and the quality of the parent-child

relationship during late youth were linked to psychological welfare (Petts,

2014). Results expressed that children raised in families with married parents

seemed to pursue a direction of higher well-being all through adolescence,

than youth brought up in nontraditional families (Petts, 2014). Results

showed that youth who go to church services with their parent(s) in late

youth would probably encounter a direction of higher mental well-being all

through adolescence (Petts, 2014). Results demonstrated that joining parents

in attending church services while a youth might be advantageous to youth

(Petts, 2014). Finally, this study was unable to corroborate that estimated

percentages of religious participation from late adolescence through young

adulthood could be useful to youth brought up in nontraditional family

structures (Petts, 2014). Interestingly, overall religious participation after

some time seems, by all accounts, to be less gainful to youth raised by single

guardians than youth raised by married guardians (Petts, 2014).

Allen and Wang (2014) examined religion and well-being from the

views of yet another religious population known as the Latter-Day Saints

(LDS/Mormons). The study aimed to determine whether there were

connections between “religious responsibility, compulsiveness, and

scrupulosity and their effect on psychological outcomes connected to

despondency, tension, confidence, and fulfillment with life in an entirely

LDS setting” (Allen & Wang, 2014, p. 2). The sample consisted of 267 LDS

individuals that resided in a religious LDS community in a southwest district

of the United States (Allen & Wang, 2014). First, findings revealed that

there was a definite connection that existed between religious commitment

and fulfillment with life as a whole (Allen & Wang, 2014). Results also

showed that the sample population was placed into the category of adaptive

perfectionists because members presented an increased level of intrapersonal

and interpersonal commitment to their religion, confidence, and overall

fulfillment with life (Allen & Wang, 2014). Findings suggested that LDS

members be assisted in gaining an understanding of their views regarding

faith because it is probably one-sided based on perfectionistic discrepancy

(Allen & Wang, 2014).

Religious organizations and potential causes of disaffiliation.

Individuals who are neglected are likely to decide to leave the church, as the

levels of dissatisfaction increase (Olison & Roloff, 2008). Neglect and exit

were also identified as “forms of organizational withdrawal” concerning

congregation members’ absence of voice in church (Olison & Roloff, 2008,

p. 10). Lastly, researchers anticipated that congregation members who had

been with the church for a brief timeframe would exit because of

authoritative disappointment versus individuals who had been members for a

longer timeframe (Olison & Roloff, 2008). The last hypothesis was

confirmed as new members with shorter timeframes at the church

contemplated leaving the church more so than extended timeframe members

(Olison & Roloff).

Olison and Roloff (2008) conducted a quantitative study by applying a

critical incident method, asking participants to recall the last time an unusual

choice was made by leaders in the church, and what their feelings and

reactions were once the decision was announced publicly. A sum of 193

congregational individuals from an inner-city church residing in Chicago's

southwest side was enlisted to take part in this study (Olison & Roloff,

2008). This particular study explored the indicators of the extent to which

congregational members stayed committed and active in their church

congregation (Olison & Roloff, 2008). Second, researchers focused on

examining the social exchange of ideas and the effect of voice (Olison &

Roloff, 2008).

Findings showed that congregation members who felt dissatisfied

decreased the amount of time spent interacting and their involvement in the

church. Congregation members in this case also strongly considered

terminating their membership with the church (Olison & Roloff, 2008).

Third, researchers anticipated that congregation members who were

disappointed and decided not to leave the congregation, would choose to

express their disappointment by downsizing their commitments to the

congregation (Olison & Roloff, 2008). When examining the contact between

both neglect and satisfaction statistical significance, with the form being

opposite of the expectations , Olison and Roloff (2008) found that neglect

and exit also showed a relationship, mainly when the level of satisfaction

was low.

Religion and protective factors. In most Western societies, religion

is of great value in the lives of an immeasurable amount of people (Thomas,

Völlm, Winder, &

Abdelrazek, 2016). Research shows that religion has a positive effect on

quality of life (Thomas et al., 2016). Living a lifestyle that involves some

form of religion has been linked to a reduced level of crime, increased ability

to deal with stress, improved selfimage and mood, increased life expectancy,

and reduced depression, suicide, and selfharm (Thomas et al., 2016).

Religion seems to exert a protective influence against criminal

behavior, indicating that those who value religion are less prone to such

behaviors (Salvatore & Rubin, 2018). As individuals become more engaged

with religion, the likelihood of criminal behavior declines (Salvatore &

Rubin, 2018). The degree to which people value religion is often assessed

via two separate aspects of religious behavior; private religious adherence

and outward attendance of religious services. High levels of private

religiosity were found to have an inverse relationship with criminal

behaviors, as was religious services attendance (Salvatore & Rubin, 2018).

Consequently, those who value religion are associated with personality types

that are less prone to criminal action.

In studying sexual offenders, faith-based communities seemed to

protect individuals from repeating their behavior (Kewley et al., 2015).

Kewley et al. (2015) examined how sexual offenders behaved following

release. Religion’s role in this context surrounded the faith-based

communities in which individuals participated. These communities

surrounded individuals with protective factors that prevented reoffending

apart from religion (Kewley et al., 2015). As such, the researchers concluded

that religion could prevent repeat behavior, even if the cause may have been

due to the socially supportive factors apart from religious groups (Kewley et

al., 2015).

Religion has a protective effect in the face of distress (Rosmarin,

Pirutinsky, Greer, & Korbman, 2016). Specifically, researchers examined

how religion affected feelings of gratitude in times of distress. Rosmarin et

al. (2016) examined how individuals coped and how religion sustained

feelings of gratitude, even during difficult times. The phenomenon under

study was benefit detection, which dealt with the perception of having

gained something when another person voluntarily and intentionally took an

action to benefit the person (Rosmarin et al., 2016). Religiosity had a

positive effect on benefit detection, indicating that religion helped

individuals cope with their distress and preserved feelings of gratitude, even

during distress (Rosmarin et al., 2016). Consequently, religion may help

preserve individuals’ feelings of gratitude toward others’ beneficial actions

(Rosmarin et al., 2016).

Religion and spirituality had a protective effect among aging

individuals who were HIV-positive (Emlet, Harris, Pierpaoli, & Furlotte,

2017). Researchers studied adults over the age of 50 to examine how religion

and spirituality intersected with aging.

Participants often described undergoing two journeys; aging and surviving

HIV. Spirituality helped individuals maintain resilience and strength among

older HIV-positive individuals (Emlet et al., 2017). Consequently, the value

of religion was in its ability to protect individuals against the mental stress of

aging with HIV (Emlet et al., 2017).

Even individuals who do not attend religious service may continue to

be privately religious is an indication of religiosity (Roger & Hatala, 2017).

For those with chronic illnesses, religion may serve as an important coping

mechanism by which they deal with their sickness (Roger & Hatala, 2017).

Researchers argued that medical professionals should take into consideration

the value of religion and spirituality in helping patients cope with illness

(Roger & Hatala, 2017). Given the increasingly diverse U.S. population, it is

important for doctors to become better acquainted with various faiths and

how they might support those dealing with long-term sickness (Roger &

Hatala, 2017).

Religion may not always have a beneficial impact in the face of

illness, at least when considered from the position of medical professionals

(Bowie, Bell, Ewing, Kinlock, Ezema, Thorpe & Laveist, 2017).

Researchers studied individuals with cancer and how religion affected types

and sources of information patients drew upon to make treatment decisions

(Bowie et al., 2017). Also studied were other factors, including race and

marital status. After adjusting for several factors, religion’s intersection with

race emerged as a factor in how people made cancer treatment decisions

(Bowie et al., 2017). Racial differences led religious individuals to consider

cancer as a punishment from God or a test of faith (Bowie et al., 2017). In

other cases, individuals believed cancer could be cured with enough prayer

(Bowie et al., 2017). Race also influenced the number of advisors an

individual consulted, particularly when they felt cancer was a punishment

from God or a test of faith (Bowie et al., 2017). There may be times when

religion’s influence may have had a negative impact on the well-being of an

individual, as indicated by those who did not seek advisors when coping

with cancer (Bowie et al., 2017).

The value of religion in the lives of the individual tends to be

associated with other characteristics that vary by culture (Bernardo,

Clemente, & Nalipay, 2016). Investigators conducting indigenous research

among Filipinos found that religiosity, the degree to which individuals were

religious, was positively associated with the characteristics of conformity

(Bernardo et al., 2016). In contrast, religiosity was negatively associated

with an individual’s feeling of personal power (Bernardo et al., 2016). These

findings suggested that individuals within the Filipino culture, who were

highly religious, might be more prone to conforming personalities, though

whether religion caused a conforming personality was beyond the scope of

the study (Bernardo et al., 2016). In other cultures, those who were highly

religious may have been associated with different personality types

(Bernardo et al., 2016). Culture affects the degree to which religion

influences individual well-being (Bond & Lun, 2017). Researchers

hypothesized that religiosity occurred within specific social and

psychological contexts with all three factors (Intrinsic, Quest, and

Satisfaction with life) converging to produce different outcomes for

individuals of different cultures (Dowson & Miner, 2015). Following an

analysis of data from across multiple nations, including religious beliefs,

practices, and the impact of those beliefs and practices on subjective

wellbeing, the researchers concluded that religion’s impact on individuals

was culturally determined (Bond & Lun, 2017). The degree to which an

individual values religion might have had a differentiated impact on well-

being, depending on culture.

Religion was also associated with increased personal well-being in a

study of Muslim female academics in Malaysia (Achour, Grine, Nor, &

Yusoff, 2015). Religiosity referred to participation in prayer, worship, and

personal beliefs (Achour et al., 2015). The researchers also examined coping

strategies of Muslims in the face of negative circumstance and their reliance

on God and religion under those circumstances (Achour et al., 2015). The

findings revealed that reliance on religion was positively and significantly

associated with well-being (Achour et al., 2015).

Beyond simply being of great personal value in the lives of many

people, religion may also protect against negative behaviors and mindsets

(Thomas et al., 2016). Religiosity may prevent criminal behavior (Salvatore

& Rubin, 2018), though the evidence for preventing repeat offenses was

mixed, with some researchers finding only limited evidence against

protecting against recidivism (Stansfield, Mowen, & O’Connor,

2017) and others pointing to religion’s social effect as protecting against

repeat behavior (Denney, 2018). Beyond criminal behavior, religion was

also cited as exercising a protective influence over distressing circumstances

such as grief (Mangione, Lyons & DiCello, 2016; Rosmarin et al., 2016).

Religiosity may also protect against loneliness and strengthen the inverse

relationship between hope and anxiety (Ciobanu & Fokkema, 2016;

Dipierro, Fite & Johnson-Motoyama, 2018). Religion was also used as a

coping mechanism to deal with disease, though the influence was not always

positive and sometimes led to negative healthcare decisions (Bowie et al.,

2017; Emlet et al., 2017). Religion also seems to have a positive impact on

well-being (Achour et al., 2015; Bourne, Sharpe-Pryce, Francis, Hudson-

Davis, Solan, Lewis & George, 2016). The body of literature therefore

suggested that religion positively influenced well-being in a number of ways.

Phenomenological Research

The design chosen for the study was phenomenology. Qualitative

phenomenological research allows researchers to collect in-depth,

descriptive information on specific topics, based on individuals’ lived

experiences (Moustakas, 1994; Patton, 2005). Through the employment of

phenomenological theory, meanings are derived from individuals’

perceptions, ideas, and personal human experiences (Creswell & Creswell,

2017). To be precise, phenomenology considers the experiences that

individuals endure as they occur. Phenomenology carefully captures each

experience in its entirety by way of examining all sides of an incident,

various angles, and numerous perspectives (Moustakas, 1994; Patton, 2005).

While phenomenology seeks to grasp the meaning of experiences, its main

goal is to obtain detailed descriptions as they emerge (Moustakas, 1994).

Phenomenological researchers assume that the experiences described are

conscious and focus on the concept (Creswell & Creswell, 2017).

In this study, individual’s experiences were collected using semi-

structured interviews with open-ended questions. Millennials were

questioned about their childhood religious beliefs, in addition to their current

religious beliefs. Phenomenology creates an outlet to explore all

relationships, including those with friends, family members, and spouses

and/or partners, and how people interact with millennials concerning

influences on one’s religious beliefs (Moustakas, 1994). The essence of

always having a religion, changing religion, or recently coming into religion

was captured through semi-structured interviews reported and communicated

in the participants’ own words.

Summary and Conclusion

The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore

the lived experiences of religiously disaffiliated Millennials regarding their

psychological health and well-being. Millennials who become disaffiliated

from their religion may feel psychological repercussions, though not all

individuals who become disaffiliated will face these difficulties. This study

examined these difficulties and helped create a better understanding of the

impact of religious disaffiliation.

There was significant support in the literature regarding the positive

influence of religion on individuals in a number of contexts. From acting as

a means of coping with trauma and disease to preventing criminal

reoffending and helping prevent negative mental states, religiosity was

associated with a number of positive outcomes. Despite these positive

benefits, researchers had documented the phenomenon of younger people,

including Millennials, abandoning their religion even when earlier family

members were adherents. This abandonment of religion often occurs during

the transition into adulthood when individuals are more likely to reevaluate

their personal beliefs and positions.

Despite the positive impact of religion found in the literature and

research into the abandonment of religion, there was little in the way of

better understanding how religious disaffiliation impacted Millennials. This

left a gap in the literature that the study addressed. Chapter 3 describes the

study’s research design, the sample, tests performed, and methods of

analyzing the data. Religious disaffiliation was studied using a

phenomenological design, producing qualitative research data drawn from

the perceptions and lived experiences of a sample of male and female

Millennials who left their religion. Results of the study will be presented in

Chapter 4, followed by a discussion of findings and a conclusion of the study

in Chapter 5.

Chapter 3: Research Method

Introduction

The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore

the lived experiences of male and female religiously disaffiliated Millennials

regarding their psychological health and well-being. There are potential

positive and negative psychological ramifications of religious disaffiliation,

such as negative health and wellbeing, confusing emotions, and negative

feelings towards religious organizations (Fenelon & Danielsen, 2016).

Similar to Bowie et al. (2017), I provided insight into people’s perception of

the effects that religious disaffiliation had on their well-being. I also added to

the body of existing literature by examining religious disaffiliation among

Millennials at a time when a decline in religious affiliation among this

population was occurring. As noted by Baart (2018) and Packard and

Ferguson (2018), increasingly, Millennials consider themselves unaffiliated

with religious organizations.

This chapter includes a description of the study design; an overview of

the target population, the sample, and method of powering the sample; and

the procedures used for data collection and analysis. Also included in this

chapter are the research design and rationale, participant recruitment

strategies, and instrumentation. Data from the study were gleaned from one-

on-one interviews that focused on the lived experiences of religiously

disaffiliated Millennials. The chapter closes with a summary and transition

Chapter 4.

Research Design and Rationale

The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to

provide insight on the experiences of Millennials regarding religious

disaffiliation and psychological challenges endured after religious

disaffiliation. In this study, the term religious disaffiliation was associated

with doubt and questioning, faith reconfiguration, and disagreement with

prior religious beliefs (Fisher, 2017). I sought to answer main research

questions:

RQ1: What are the lived experiences of Millennials regarding their

well-being after their process of religious disaffiliation?

RQ2: How do Millennials adjust to the process of religious

disaffiliation? Based on the primary questions, a list of interview questions

was presented to all participants. I used this qualitative research design

throughout the interviewing process with Millennials who reported

religious disaffiliation as adults. The semistructured interview questions

allowed me to explore each participant’s experiences of religious

disaffiliating, with a focus on the perceived effects of disaffiliation on

participants’ psychological well-being. In addition, I examined each

participant’s description of religious disaffiliation.

As a qualitative study, this research did not contain independent or

dependent variables, as one would find in experimental or correlational

studies (see Savin-Baden & Major, 2013). Rather, the aim of this study was

to gather rich data on the experiences of those Millennials who became

religiously disaffiliated. I employed a phenomenological approach

(Moustakas, 1994) to gather and analyze study data. Phenomenological

researchers leverage interviews to investigate a phenomena, as one form of

data (Moustakas, 1994). The phenomenon of investigation in this study was

the lived experiences of religiously disaffiliated Millennials regarding their

psychological wellbeing. A qualitative phenomenological approach is

appropriate when attempting to explore phenomena for which little research

exists based on my review of the literature (Savin-Baden & Major, 2013). In

cases of experimental or correlative studies, there are clear dependent and

independent variables; researchers conducting these types of studies seek to

better understand relationships between those variables (Savin-Baden &

Major, 2013). However, phenomenological studies are appropriate when

little understanding of the study phenomenon exists, and for which clear

variables have yet to emerge (SavinBaden & Major, 2013). A qualitative

study allows for the collection of rich data that can be the basis for future

studies.

A review of qualitative phenomenological data can reveal consistent

themes regarding individuals’ experiences of study phenomena. From these

reviews, a phenomenon can be refined, allowing researchers to identify

themes and potential independent and dependent variables to inform future

research (Savin-Baden & Major, 2013). The topic of Millennials who have

become religiously disaffiliated had yet to be studied enough to allow for the

creation of variables, based on my analysis of the research literature. In

conducting this study, I identified variables that affected the outcomes

related to well-being among religiously disaffiliated Millennials in the study.

Role of the Researcher

In qualitative investigations, the role of the researcher is to question

participants and to clarify points of dispute (Savin-Baned & Major, 2013).

Researchers must minimize their interference during data collection and

allow participants to respond to interview questions without intrusion or bias

from the researcher. It is particularly important for qualitative researchers to

avoid leading participants, which can place them at risk of researcher-

oriented bias in which they respond in ways they believe the researcher

wants them to (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). To prevent personal bias and

my professional background as a religious leader from influencing the data

in any way, I practiced bracketing and kept a reflexive journal. Bracketing

involved intentionally reviewing and setting aside any personal biases

before, during, and after data collection (see Creswell & Creswell, 2017). In

addition, I used a reflexive journal to note my personal opinions, thoughts,

and biases, to prevent subjective thoughts and experiences from coloring the

study data. My personal biases were also managed by discussing them with

my mentor. My note-taking procedures also included taking notes of

nonverbal signals, cues, and communication that could not be captured

during the audio recordings of the conversation.

Following the conclusion of the data collection phase, I transcribed,

reviewed, and coded the interview data. In this capacity, I was responsible

for reviewing the transcribed records line by line, identifying and

highlighting recurring key words, phrases, and ideas, and inputting these

themes into categories with labels in a table. Following this process, I was

better prepared to eliminate redundant themes and collapse multiple, related

categories into singular categories. Finally, I was prepared to present these

recurring themes in a logical way that addressed the research question. These

steps were completed by following the modified Van Kaam method

(Moustakas, C. (1994).

Methodology

Participant Selection Logic

The target population for this study was religiously disaffiliated

Millennials. The number of religiously affiliated people is in decline around

the world (Hackett et al., 2015). The trend in religious disaffiliation is

strongest in North America and Europe (Hackett et al., 2015). Researchers

have estimated that religious disaffiliation will continue to increase globally

over time (Hackett et al., 2015). The number of religiously disaffiliated

Millennials is particularly high in the United States, where 40% of the

population claims to be disaffiliated (Baart, 2018; Packard & Ferguson,

2018). I employed a purposive sampling strategy to recruit male and

female participants for this study. A purposive sample of religiously

disaffected male and female Millennials between the ages of 24 and 34

years was recruited using the recruitment flyer (see

Appendix A), which I distributed to areas around Atlanta, Georgia, such as

Roswell, Alpharetta, Canton, Ballground, Woodstock. A purposive sample is

a nonprobability sample of individuals who share characteristics common to

the target population (SavinBaden & Major, 2013). No efforts were made in

sample recruitment to represent any particular demographic composition. A

purposive sample allows researchers to draw the sample more easily in the

presence of limited resources (Savin-Baden & Major, 2013). To be eligible

for this study, individuals must have met the following criteria: (a) be

religiously disaffiliated and (b) be between the ages of 24 and 34. The reason

for limited the number of participants in this way was twofold. First, in this

qualitative study that leant so heavily on interviews and the statements of

participants, a significant amount of data was collected despite the small

sample size ). Second, the sample was limited based on age in order to target

the population of male and female religiously disaffiliated Millennials. The

small sample size is adequate for a qualitative study, based on Boddy

(2016), which states a sample size of 10 to 30 is common in qualitative

research studies.

Research setting. All participants were recruited in the community of

Atlanta, Georgia via recruitment flyer (see Appendix A). The flyers were

posted and handed out in the community. No organization served as a

community partner. By recruiting in the community, I had access to a

diverse population. I was also able to access eligible participants in the

community. As volunteers contacted me by phone or e-mail, I provided more

information on the nature of the study. When volunteers contacted me via

phone or e-mail, they were asked two brief questions to determine whether

they align with the study. The two questions were

1. Have you personally experienced religious disaffiliation as a young

adult?

2. Are you between the ages 24 and 34 years old?

Both questions were found in the recruitment flyer (see Appendix A).

Once interested individuals agreed to participate in the study, a

consent form was provided for their signature and returned before

scheduling an interview. After receiving the signed consent form,

participants scheduled their one-hour interviews at times that were

convenient for them. I conducted semi-structured interviews to collect study

data.

Interviews with participants took place in a private meeting room at a local

library, where there were no distractions or interruptions during the

interview process. Permission was granted to use a meeting room for one to

three hours when interviews were scheduled.

This environment protected the safety and comfort of participants during the

interviews.

Sampling procedures. I received approval from the Walden

University Internal Review Board (IRB) and was assigned the IRB approval

number [06-27-19-0323605] to conduct my research study. The sample

population included males and females who were religiously disaffiliated

Millennials between the ages of 24 and 34 years old. These individuals were

required to have experienced leaving a religion that he or she was reared in

as a child. The experience of disaffiliating from a religion must have

occurred during adulthood. All participating individuals were required to

reside in the Atlanta, Georgia area. Study participants must have been

willing to share their experiences of religious disaffiliation as an adult. The

sample included a total of 12 male and female participants; one participant

dropped out of the study leaving 11 participants in total. I interviewed

participants who met the criteria of the study until data saturation was

reached.

I posted the flyer for the study throughout the community to recruit

participants. The flyer included contact information and stated how many

volunteers were needed for the study. Immediately after participants

responded to the flyer, I called and emailed them to review their eligibility. I

provided several times and locations for eligible interviewees to choose

from, and then scheduled interviews according to participants’ availability.

Prior to the screening process, I provided more details on the study,

including the risks/benefits, participants’ right to withdraw at any time, and

the process of informed consent. Participants were screened both in-person

and over the phone to determine whether they met all outlined criteria for the

study. If a potential participant did not meet the requirements of the study, he

or she was informed. Participants who met all requirements were required to

provide informed consent prior to interviews. Purposive sampling was used

(Patton, 2015). In selecting purposive sampling, I was able to gain an in-

depth understanding of millennials’ perspectives about religiously

disaffiliating, and their sense of psychological well-being during the process

of disaffiliation (Patton, 2015,

p. 53). All questions were open-ended to foster detailed responses. The

open-ended questions centered on participants’ past and present experiences.

The employment of semi-structured interview questions offered participants

the opportunity to speak freely about their experiences related to the topic.

Sampling size. The initial target sample size was 12 male and female

participants to increase the likelihood of achieving data saturation. If data

saturation was not reached with the initial participants, additional individuals

were recruited until saturation was indicated. However, the sample consisted

of approximately 11 male and female participants in total. The twelfth

participant dropped out of the study. Creswell (1998) and Creswell (2013)

suggested a sample size of 5 to 25 people in conducting a phenomenological

study, while Moustakas (1994) recommended approximately 8 to 10

participants, or more, until data saturation is achieved. I employed a

purposive sampling strategy to select participants. In using purposive

sampling, I focused strictly on characteristics that aligned with the

population of interest and answered the research questions. Purposive

sampling is commonly used when conducting qualitative research to focus

on gathering rich information (Patton, 2015). This type of sampling allowed

me to identify and select participants that had experienced the phenomenon

in question or were knowledgeable (Creswell, 2007). No additional sampling

strategy was necessary because purposive sampling provided 11 participants,

which was within the required number of participants to conduct this study.

Consent process. Participants were provided with an informed

consent form that explained the nature of the study in depth, including the

role of the researcher, and the stated expectations of each participant. The

informed consent form was written in a clear and concise manner that

participants understood. As the researcher, I was responsible for providing

participants with a set of information before he or she decided to agree to

participate (APA, 2010). I explained the purpose behind the research, the

time allotted for the study, study procedures, and the participant’s right to

participate, decline participation, or withdraw from the study at any time

(APA, 2010). In addition, I explained how study information was to be

collected from participants and applied within the study, all potential

risks/benefits, participants’ right to privacy and confidentiality, limitations,

and information on who to contact with questions pertaining to the study or

participants’ rights (APA, 2010). The informed consent was designed as a

written agreement between participants and myself as the researcher. In

signing this form, both parties were stating that they understood all aspects

of the study including, their roles in the research, and their willingness to

participate in the research study (APA, 2010). Potential participants were

provided the opportunity to ask questions for clarification and receive

answers that explained what he or she had agreed to (APA, 2010). I also

provided sample interview questions that potential participants viewed as

they read the consent form. Participants were informed of the types of

questions that would be asked regarding their disaffiliation with a childhood

religion, how they addressed issues following disaffiliation, and the

influence that religious disaffiliation had had on their lives. By providing a

sample of the interview questions to potential participants in advance,

individuals were able to reflect upon their experiences of disaffiliation to

prepare for the interviews.

Instrumentation

The primary data source for this study was semi-structured interviews

consisting of open-ended questions. I asked questions regarding participants’

past and present status since religiously disaffiliating, yielding in-depth data

on the phenomenon being studied. Member checking was used while each

interview was taking place to determine whether participants felt that the

summarized findings were accurate (Creswell, 2014). The initial interview

was expected to take approximately 50 minutes to one hour to complete.

Additional time was scheduled if needed when conducting each interview. In

Chapter 4, an in-depth discussion will be provided on the interview process,

the collection of data, and data analysis.

A researcher-developed protocol was followed for the semi-structured

interviews (see Appendix B). To ensure validity, the set of interview

questions was reviewed and approved prior to the study being conducting.

Using semi-structured interviews, I guided participants using a set of

interview questions, while still allowing for independent responses. All

sources for the study included the 12 male and female participants drawn

using the aforementioned purposive sampling method. Participants were

interviewed individually, and the same set of questions was asked of all

participants.

Pilot Study

A pilot study was conducted to verify reliability and validity of the

semistructured interview (Roberts, 2010). The pilot study took place after

the researcher received IRB approval. I approached the pilot study in the

same ethical manner as this study, to see firsthand what could transpire in

conducting a study with male and female religiously disaffiliated

Millennials. The semi-structured interview questions for the actual study

were used in the pilot study. The pilot study interview took place at the local

library in a private meeting room. The interview was expected to take 50

minutes, but no longer than one hour. After the pilot interviews were

completed, I was able to determine how much time was needed to conduct

the actual interview and transcribe. Individuals were notified that their

participation was voluntary, the study was explained, and a consent form

was signed. During the pilot study, I tested the interview questions with two

random individuals that were between the ages of 24 and 34 years old and

religiously disaffiliated. The pilot study participants were not included as a

part of the actual study sample and their responses are not included in the

final data analysis. In asking the interview questions, I discovered the

following: (a) what type of answers were likely to be given; (b) whether the

questions presented were clear to participants; (c) if certain questions needed

to be revised or removed; (d) what each participant found interesting or

difficult about the questions during the interview; and (e) what the reactions

of participants were to the questions. The opportunity to conduct a pilot

study enabled me to fill out the study and make changes in how I presented

both myself, and the interview questions.

Procedures for Recruitment, Participation, and Data Collection

I personally recruited the research participants for my study by

distributing and posting flyers (see Appendix A) in the community of

Atlanta, Georgia. No organization or group of individuals was recruited in an

attempt to assist in distributing or posting flyers. I researched and drove

around to public places in various neighborhoods and public parks handing

out flyers and posting them within the community. I avoided any form of

solicitation in recruiting participants. Surprisingly, I anticipated that it would

take weeks to recruit participants, but in a matter of three days, I received

my first email from a potential participant and the following week I was able

to recruit 10 more participants. All participants had viewed the flyer and

responded via email stating that they are millennials who have disaffiliated

with a childhood religion and were interested in the study. For some of the

participants’ they were informed about the study through a friend or

acquaintance, but only individuals that fit the criteria of the study were

invited to participate. Individuals who contacted about the study were

questioned to ensure that they fit the study before being offered an invitation.

It was not difficult to recruit and gather participants because Atlanta,

Georgia is a state that is home to many religions.

Through the participants I learned that there are a variety of practicing

religions from Catholic to Methodist, Baptist, non-denominational,

Pentecostal, Islamic, Judaism and more. When sharing further information

about the dissertation, I discovered that there are many people who want to

express what they have experienced in leaving a childhood religion.

Unfortunately, the recruitment process revealed that there are many

individuals who were once affiliated with a religion, but now have

disaffiliated as adults.

Recruitment took place using flyers posted on bulletin boards and

handed out in the community parks and neighborhoods to draw in

participants located in Atlanta, Georgia areas. Personal contacts were not

notified or sent an announcement to participate in the study. Participants

were alerted to the study and provided initial contact information to send an

email if they wished to participate. After receiving the initial email, I

responded and ensured that the respondents met the minimum criteria for

participating in the study. All participants were required to sign an informed

consent form prior to interview. If vulnerable adults participated in the study

without the researcher’s knowledge, their inclusion was justified. There was

no reason to exclude pregnant women, those with emotional disabilities,

those who are from the LGBTQ community, and those who still held

religious beliefs, but had disaffiliated with a religion, etc. because this study

posed no more than minimal risk to them. All participants were able to

withdraw from the study at any time. The researcher monitored each

participant and expressed that the interview would be stopped if she felt that

a participant was becoming distressed. No form of distress occurred in the

study.

Data were collected on a one-on-one basis using semi-structured

interview questions and field notes (see Appendix B). Each question was

structured to gain specific responses; however, participants were able to

discuss any related topic that he or she felt was important to talk about. This

procedure allowed for the collection of information that directly addressed

the interview questions, while allowing related information to be provided.

Aside from the interview questions, I minimized my interactions with the

participants to avoid leading their responses. During the interview process, I

supplemented the audiotaped answers provided by the subject by taking

hand written field notes. Field notes captured nonverbal signals and my

observations as the researcher. The Audacity® application was used to

audio-record participant interviews. Once recorded, I transcribed all

interviews using Express Scribe Pro®. Hand written field notes were

transcribed into a Microsoft Word document. The researcher provided a

summary of the results, by email, to all participants recapping the details of

the research study. No participants were identified in the shared summary of

the results. All participant email addresses were confirmed at the time of the

interview.

Data Analysis Plan

Data analysis involved the capture of essential experiences,

perceptions, and concepts that participants used to create meaning (Smith,

Flowers, & Larkin, 2009). Analysis was conducted through line-by-line

analysis, identification of emergent themes and patterns, development of a

framework for relationships between themes, organization and format of

themes, development of personal narratives, and, lastly, “reflection on one’s

own perceptions, conceptions and processes” (Smith et al., 2009, p. 79). The

data analysis process was a non-linear, iterative path to a final internally-

consistent representation of experiences. The process required patient

reflection to find a path that spoke to participants’ lived experiences.

Coding was accomplished using a spreadsheet to collect words and

phrases organized by initial themes (Savin-Baden & Major, 2013). As data

accumulated, themes were revised and subthemes emerged (Savin-Baden &

Major, 2013). I created specific headings and edited, merged, or deleted

themes as necessary (Savin-Baden & Major, 2013). This iterative process

allowed for comparison within and across interviews for connected

experiences (words and phrases), to distil interviews into insights

(SavinBaden & Major, 2013).

Findings were reported as follows: First, a table was created that

summarized participants’ demographic data for age, gender, ethnicity, and

employment status.

Second, a personal narrative for each participant using their own words was

included. Finally, themes and subthemes were reported and analysed using

the literature review as context.

Coding process. The modified Van Kaam method was used to

provide an analysis of the phenomenological data collected from each

participant (Moustakas, 1994). The seven steps outlined in Moustakas

(1994) was applied to all transcribed data. First, horizontalization took place

by listing all of the relevant meanings that resulted from dataset. Coding

involved listing the expressions relevant to each participant’s experience

(Moustakas, 1994). Second, I used reduction and elimination, to identify

codes that were both relevant and incomparable (Moustakas, 1994). In

identifying these particular codes repetition and extraneous data were

eliminated (Moustakas, 1994). Third, thematization of the invariant

constituents were performed to group codes that were related into categories,

to determine the themes (Moustakas, 1994). The grouped and labelled

constituents served as the core themes of the experience of Millennials’

religious disaffiliation. Fourth, a review of the themes occurred (Moustakas,

1994). In this step, themes were reviewed according to the dataset to confirm

that the findings were supported by the documented interview transcripts

(Moustakas, 1994). Any information that was not explicit or compatible was

viewed as irrelevant and was deleted (Moustakas, 1994). Fifth, a creation of

individual textural descriptions occurred, which involved producing a

summary of each participants experience verbatim from the transcriptions

(Moustakas, 1994). Sixth, a creation of structural descriptions occurred

allowing me to explore all possible meanings based on textual summaries

and imaginative variation (Moustakas, 1994). Seventh, the creation of a

composite description occurred producing rich descriptions of the lived

experience of each participant incorporating textualstructural descriptions

(Moustakas, 1994). Lastly, based on the individual textualstructural

descriptions a merged “description of the meanings and essences of the

experience” was developed in representation of the participants as a group

(Moustakas,

1994, p. 121).

Issues of Trustworthiness

One of the issues inherent to this study was the limited generalizability

of study findings. The purposive sample for the study was small and drew on

the personal experiences of religiously disaffiliated Millennials. This created

a situation in which certain variables inherent to other locations were not

captured in the responses of the participants. The inclusion criteria for study

participation included religiously disaffiliated males and females who were

considered Millennials between the ages of 24 to 34 years.

Trustworthiness was established within this qualitative study by

displaying credibility, dependability, and confirmability (Creswell & Miller,

2000). Confirmability was established by use of reflexivity. I reflected on

my role in the study, personal background, culture, and experiences that

could potentially shape the interpretations of themes and meanings ascribed

to all data collected (Creswell, 2013). Member checking was used to

increase the credibility of the study. Once all interviews were transcribed,

and the preliminary analysis was finalized, I provided a copy of the themes

that emerged from the compiled data to each participant via email. In the

email, participants were instructed to provide brief feedback stating whether

the themes matched their personal perceptions and true experiences. I

applied all feedback received from participants to finalize the results

documented in the data analysis. A detailed description of the environment

(Atlanta, Georgia) and the participants (male and female Millennials ranging

from 24-34 years of age, residing in Alpharetta, Canton, Roswell,

Woodstock, Cummings, and other surrounding counties and having

disaffiliated with a religion), contributed to determining transferability

within the sample population of this study. An accurate description of the

components of this research study, the participants, environment and

experience, aided others with the possibility of transferability of this

research. Dependability and credibility were achieved through my field notes

and face-toface audio recorded interviews. The theoretical lens of Deci and

Ryan’s (1985) selfdetermination theory (SDT) informed components of this

study. Deci and Ryan’s theory helped establish adequacy in the responses

self-reported by each participant concerning (environmental factors and

psychological needs) as the analysis, and interpretations were examined

against this theoretical framework (Ryan & Deci, 2000).

Ethical Procedures

Permission was requested and obtained from the Walden University

Institutional Review Board (IRB) before participants were recruited and data

was collected for the study. Those who participated in this study did so on a

voluntary basis; I did not directly approach anyone or solicit. Participants

were recruited as responses were returned via email in response to the flyer.

No harm was expected to occur to those participating in this study.

Interview-based research did not face the same sort of ethical difficulties of

an experimental style study. There were fewer issues than in correlational

research. Given that no experimentation was being performed on the

participants, risks of harm to participant were inherently minimized.

However, it was still important that participants were fully informed about

the study before providing informed consent. Participants needed to be given

the opportunity to fully consent to all aspects of the study.

In order to ensure that participants were given the chance to fully

consent, they first were informed of their rights in the study. Participants

were allowed to withdraw from the study at any time. The consent form was

given prior to the start of each interview and individual signatures were

collected. As such, they were provided with my contact information prior to

agreeing to participate. During the introductory email, participants were

informed about the nature of the study, how their responses would be used,

and how their identities were masked. Names were only be contained in the

raw data but masked in the study itself via pseudonym.

All data, collected and analyzed, was kept secure on a flash drive in a

coded folder and placed in a filing cabinet at my home office. The coded

folders included all documented notes, transcripts from the interviews, and

audio recordings. Separate files for each participant were created for their

interview transcripts and audio recordings. I am the only person who had

access to any of the data collected in this research study. I eliminated any

information that could reveal the identity of participants to make certain that

their privacy was maintained before transcribing and analyzing the data. The

files will be permanently deleted on the flash drive by clicking on the icon

that says, “safely remove mass storage device” and selecting the coded

folder. All notes and signed documents will be shredded. I applied

pseudonyms when reporting all findings concerning the analysis. I also

examined and double-checked the quotes of each participant to ensure that

their identity or personal information was not revealed.

Summary

There is a growing trend of religious disaffiliation in the United States

and around the world, particularly with young adults between the ages of 23

to 38 years of age (Baart, 2018; Packard & Ferguson, 2018). This study used

a phenomenological design to allow for the generation of rich data from

which insights into Millennials’ experiences with religious disaffiliation was

gained, and general themes identified. This study provided a basis for

identifying variables that could be used to inform future quantitative studies.

I employed thematic coding to identify common themes between religiously

disaffiliated Millennials, hopefully capturing the challenges they faced.

Chapter 4 includes a presentation of study findings and discusses

methodological issues that arose.

Chapter 4: Results

Introduction

The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore

the lived experiences of male and female religiously disaffiliated Millennials

regarding their psychological health and well-being. The aim of the study

was to understand the lived experiences of Millennials regarding their well-

being after they adjusted to the process of religious disaffiliation. I used a

phenomenological design to allow for the generation of rich data on

Millennials’ experiences with religious disaffiliation.

Pilot Study

I conducted a pilot study to determine whether participants would

understand the interview questions and to ensure that the protocol for the

interview was valid and was capable of evaluating what it was designed to

evaluate. In recruiting, I posted flyers in the community on public bulletin

boards and handed out flyers in the park and in random neighborhoods to

random people. People showed interest, as I handed out flyers and began to

inquire. On Day 1 of handing out flyers, one individual contacted me, and

we discussed the research study and whether they fit the study. This

individual fit the criteria for the study, and an interview was scheduled.

Every day, I posted flyers and within two to three days individuals would

contact me. Some individuals who reached out did not fit the criteria and

were not invited to be a part of the study. It took 2 weeks to recruit

participants who fit the criteria of the research study. I received e-mails from

people based on the flyer. Prior to the study, I did not know any of the

participants. There were no previous relationships, and none of the

participants reported knowing one another.

Two participants who fit the same criteria outlined in the research

study were invited to be a part of the pilot study. After recruiting the two

participants, I determined that the results obtained from the research

questions were adequate enough to be applied to the research study. The two

pilot study participants met in a private room at the local library to engage in

an interview designed specifically for this study. I followed the same

interview guide designed for the main study by asking the interview

questions word for word in the original order that was outlined. I audio

recorded and transcribed each 60minute pilot study interview using the

Audacity application. During the interview, participants were encouraged to

ask for clarification of interview questions to improve understanding. After

each pilot interview, participants had the opportunity to provide feedback

during member checking. While member checking, participants reviewed

responses for accuracy; this activity created an opportunity for participants

to share their thoughts regarding the interview. Pilot participants expressed

satisfaction with the interview process, which provided cues to recall

important details, and expressed that they felt sharing their story was

important. Both participants noted that the questions were not invasive.

The pilot study revealed that the interview questions were sufficient

and should be used to answer the overall research questions in a 60 minute

or less interview. Surprisingly, the pilot study interviews took only 30

minutes to complete, and both participants were very detailed in their

answers. I considered the responses to each question and whether the

interview questions were suitable or needed to be changed to fit the initial

research study. The pilot study did not indicate the need to revise the initial

interview questions for the research study.

Setting

I conducted the interviews in a private room at the local library to

ensure that each participant’s interview responses remained confidential.

Participants had the choice of meeting at a local library in either Canton,

Alpharetta, or Atlanta, Georgia, and selecting a date that was convenient for

them to meet for an interview. Because the flyers were handed out in the

community, all potential participants indicated that the location easiest for

me would be fine. I collected the signed consent forms one to three days

before the actual interview. All interviews were conducted at local libraries

in Canton, Georgia and Alpharetta, Georgia. I received permission from the

libraries to use a private room, and the seating was relaxing, which allowed

participants to engage in an open-ended conversation relevant to the research

questions. No distractions occurred during any of the scheduled interviews.

Demographics

Findings are reported in three ways. First, Table 1 characterizes study

sample demographic data for age, gender, ethnicity, and employment status.

Second, I offer a personal narrative for each participant using their own

words. Finally, themes and subthemes are reported and analyzed using the

literature review as context. The study required 12 participants, and 15 to 20

individuals responded. I invited 15 individuals to interview after they

answered questions that determined whether they fit the criteria of the study.

Two of the 15 individuals participated in the pilot study, and 11 were a part

of the research study. Two participants never fulfilled the requirements of

the study and were disqualified from participating to uphold the integrity of

the study. I recruited more than the amount needed in case a participant

decided to not continue or did not fulfil the requirements needed. All

participants expressed that they had disaffiliated or left a childhood religion.

Demographic information is shown in Table 1. Data revealed that the

majority of participants were Black females, who were college educated and

working full-time jobs. Six individuals identified as single, while five were

married. All participants were between the ages of 26 and 34 years of age.

Five participants lived in the main geographical location of Atlanta, and the

rest were from Acworth, Augusta, Brunswick Grovetown, Kennesaw, and

Marietta, Georgia. Participant 1 is the only participant who openly

acknowledged not being heterosexual though many briefly mentioned the

LGBTQ community and how they are not accepted in the religious

community.

Table 1

Participant Demographics

Demographic variable n (%)

Gender

Male

3 (27%)

Female 8 (73%)

Ethnicity

White

4 (36%)

Multiracial 1 (9%)

Black 6 (55%)

Educational attainment

High school

diploma

1 (9%)

Some college 2 (18%)

Associate’s degree 1 (9%)

Bachelor’s degree 5 (46%)

Postgraduate degree 2 (18%)

Employment Status Full-

time

9 (82%)

Part-time 1 (9%)

Unemployed 1 (9%)

Marital Status

Single

6 (55%)

Married 5 (45%)

Religious status

Disaffiliated (no new faith)

6 (55%)

Switched to a new faith 5 (45%)

Note. N = 11.

Data Collection

Interview Questions

1. What religion did you disaffiliate with and when/where did the

disaffiliation occur?

2. Can you describe the situation(s) that influenced your decision to

disaffiliate with a religion?

3. What steps did you take in disaffiliating with that particular

religion?

4. Can you describe your lifestyle since disaffiliating with a religion?

5. What role did you take on in your childhood religion prior to

disaffiliating?

6. What influence did immediate or extended family relatives have on

your religious beliefs during your childhood?

7. How would your decision to disaffiliate from a religion change

based on time and experience?

8. What issues did you face at the time of disaffiliating and how did

you address those issues?

9. What are your feelings towards religion as a whole today and the

possibility of affiliating with a religion?

10. How did religious disaffiliation change your relationships with

family, friends, and community? How did friends, family, and

community support your decision to disaffiliate with your religion?

11. What advice do you have for those who considering religious

disaffiliation and why?

12. How do you see yourself today, in terms of your decision to

disaffiliate with a religion?

Transcription of Participant Interviews

In transcribing, I played back all audio-recorded files of the 11

participants’ interviews. In playing the recorded interviews, I wanted to

ensure that the information transcribed was accurate. The 11 interviews were

transcribed verbatim, and any questions participants emphasized were

included in the write-up. All transcriptions were confirmed by checking

them against the audio recordings. The recordings were played back for two

to three days to make certain that all transcriptions were valid and accurate

according to what each participant shared.

Data Analysis