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FOREIGN EXCHANGE RATE DYNAMICS
ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY
POS 485 - POLITICAL ECONOMY
WEEK 1
1.1.
GLOBAL RISKS WORLD CURRENCY VOLATILITY:
On February 27, 2020, The Economist Intelligent Unit (EIU) issued a report entitled "Top
five risks to the global economy in 2020".
The first risk is that the US-United States-Iran conflict sparks a surge in global oil prices.
What is happening in the Middle East is actually a struggle for American and Chinese
hegemony on the one hand, the desire to resolve the Saudi Arabia-Iran friction on the other.
The sole hegemony of the United States since the first Gulf crisis in 1990 and the second
Gulf crisis in 2003 continues. Since the Sino-Africano Summit in Sharm-El Sheikh, on the
coast of the Red Sea and Sinai Peninsula, Egypt in 2009, it has been shown that the economic
mecca is no longer solely the European Union and the United States (US), but increasingly
China. Similarly, Arab countries in the Middle East are no longer solely dependent on the US
for their economy, but are also building an economic axis with China. Hegemony is like a
rotating trophy. Britain started it for 150 years, then it was taken over by the US until today.
Japan and Germany tried to take it over in World War II, but failed. US hegemony in the
Middle East is dominant. In Iraq (in Asad-Anbar Province), the American military is still
entrenched. Qatar (in Al Udeid) and the United Arab Emirates have long been the home base
of the American and French military if at any time their neighbors across the sea in the
Persian Gulf, Iran, disturb them. In fact, Dubai was built by Iranian merchants in the past.
Through the Central Asian Regional Economic Cooperation (CAREC), China together with
Central Asian countries carried out regional cooperation to build silk roads in the past that
could connect China to Central Asia to West Asia through the idea of the Chinese Belt Road
Initiative (CBRI) to the Middle East region. Of course, with the development of cooperation
among Asian countries with the sole figure being China, it will threaten US geo-political
hegemony in Asia, the Middle East, which is not impossible to unite with Russia in the north
so as to unite CAREC cooperation in Super Eurasia. In addition, the problem of fellow Saudi
Arabia-Iran is trying to be overcome by fellow Saudi Arabian-Iranian countries themselves,
which according to the plan is trying to facilitate the Saudi-Iranian meeting by the Iraqi Prime
Minister, Adil Abdul Mahdi in Iraq. Of course, the US and Israel do not want a path to Saudi
Arabia-Iran "friendship" to occur because it will undermine its hegemony in the Middle East
including its arms market.
First, the petrodollar and dollar privilege. Both oil and gas are bifurcated into Arabian
Light produced by OPEC and Brent produced by non-Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC) for crude oil, and Liquified Natural Gaz (LNG) and Liquified Petro Gaz
(LPG) for gas. The price of gas always follows the price of crude oil. Both are traded on
futures. That is, the contract is bought and sold today, the delivery will be 1-3 months in the
future. On this side of the economy, Saudi Arabia as the number 2 oil producer in the world
after Venezuela, certainly does not want to be highly dependent on a single American market.
Therefore, Saudi Arabia exports its crude oil to China as well. It's not that the US doesn't have
crude oil reserves. They have some in Alaska that are reserved for a century to come as well
as oil fields that are being exploited in Texas, Louisiana, and others.
This oil sale and purchase cooperation can be carried out through work channels
Saudi Arabia's Aramco corporation and its Chinese partner either China National Oil
Offshore Company (CNOOC), or Sinopec, or PetroChina. If this cooperation is strong, then
Chevron, Exxon Mobile Oil Company will bite the bullet. Of course, the US Government will
use all means to fulfill their intentions as they did in Kazakhstan, bribing people around
President Nur Sultan Nazarbayev. Moreover, the proximity of Chinese corporations above
also occurs in Venezuela and Petrobraz.
Another economic reason is the hegemony of the dollar. As a privileged currency, the
dollar is valid everywhere. History proves that the US$700 billion spent by Bush Junior in the
pursuit of Osama Ben Laden, the Afghan War, George Walker Bush's Iraq War II, should
have bankrupted the US. The US did not go bankrupt because its government was dominant
owes its own people through the sale of Treasury Bills and the dollar as the world's privileged
currency. The entry of Yuan or Renmimbi in addition to Dinar, Euro, Yen as international
currencies is a new competitor for the dollar. The US will definitely be disturbed. Both
geopolitical hegemony and economic hegemony are what makes President Trump have to
break the chain before the Arab-Iranian 'friendship' road is created so that it can ease tensions
in the Middle East. This is probably the logical reason why the US 'killed' Major General
Qasim Suleimani so that tensions in the Middle East do not subside, and his weapons sell well
just to create a perpetuation of tension away from the impression of the Suni-Shiite
dichotomy.
Second, the trade war between the United States and the European Union. On the US side,
EU countries are not its trading partners. The US focuses its trade more on the North
American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Canada and Mexico as its neighbors and
three NAFTA members. Another trading partner is China where American agricultural
products are exported. Within the US itself, exporters of agricultural products are alarmed by
Trumponomic. Moreover, the strong ties between US exporters and Chinese importers run
quite strong. Of the 15 major destinations for US exports, five are EU member states
including the UK even though Brexit has not yet been officially enacted. US exports to the
five EU countries reached US$146.7 billion, accounting for 15.3 percent of total US exports.
The US will lose out if its export products are hit by countermeasures in the Trade War
with the European Union. If it continues to market in the five EU countries, it will be more
expensive after being subject to import duties with the same quality of EU production. Of
course, rational consumers will choose cheaper products produced in the EU over imported
products from the US, thus reducing demand for US products. After facing a huge trade
deficit with China, the US will also face an even bigger trade deficit with the EU. In 2018, the
trade deficit with the EU reached US$201.81 billion. However, the EU is more dependent on
US products than the other way around. Of course, the EU's burden will be heavier. In 2018,
exports of 28 EU countries to the US reached €407.06 billion, equivalent to 20.80 percent of
their total exports, ranking first in EU exports. This means that the frequency of trans-north
Atlantic trade is more dominant than trans-mediterranean, and/or EU trade to the eastern
region, although on the US side, the frequency of trans-pacific trade is greater both in terms of
value and volume of trade.
Since October 18, 2019, EU exports to the US have been in effect. The price of EU
products has gradually increased in the US market so that US consumers have shifted their
demand to similar products from domestic and/or low-cost NAFTA member Mexico. If EU
exports fade to the US, as the number one potential market, the impact will be felt by the EU
such as declining production, the threat of layoffs (PHK) which consequently increases
unemployment, adding to the already high unemployment burden as a consequence of labor
market rigidities. The suffering of the EU will affect the global economy. The EU-US Trade
War has disrupted the supply chain of products. If this happens, then exports and investment
fade so that export is an engine of growth and investment as a driver of economic growth will
be sluggish. In addition, we face the economic and health burdens of the spread of the
COVID-19 is causing a recessionary impact in Developing Countries which is exacerbated by
the burden of foreign debt. The prolonged protests in Hong Kong caused an exodus from
Asia's Largest Financial Center. Consequently, exchange rate volatility is increasingly
common which can overturn fundamental macroeconomic indicators.
1.2.
Empirical Findings on Exchange Rate Volatility:
Exchange rate volatility negatively affects a country's trade performance because it
provides exchange rate uncertainty that becomes a reference in international trade
transactions. Empirical findings, Arize et al (2000), Aristotelous (2001), Doganlar (2002),
Chit et al (2008) show that exchange rate volatility has a negative effect on a country's trade
performance negative impact. Historically, economists have argued that the consequences of
exchange rate volatility have been hotly debated over the optimization of various exchange
rate regimes since the collapse of the Bretton Woods system in the 1970s and since then,
exchange rates have become increasingly unstable. On the one hand, economists supporting
the fixed exchange rate regime state that exchange rate volatility actually worsens
international trade. On the other hand, economists supporting the free exchange rate regime
argue that free exchange rates provide an opportunity for a country's currency to find a new
equilibrium. This new balance is created through adjustments in the balance of payments in
response to international turmoil and to suppress increases in import duties, as well as to
control capital movements towards a new macroeconomic equilibrium. According to them,
exchange rate volatility can directly affect a country's international trade through the certainty
of production raw material prices, the adjustment of raw material prices and indirectly affect
the structure of output through investment and government policies.
In addition to exacerbating international trade, exchange rate volatility also affects
domestic price stability. The stability of prices in the form of the inflation rate also depends
on the weakness and strength of financial institutions in a country. Proponents of a fixed
exchange rate regime argue that pegging exchange rates contributes to inflation stability.
Empirical experience shows that in developing countries where financial institutions are
weak, pegged exchange rates become an important instrument in controlling inflation through
exchange rate stability and control of other monetary instruments. In contrast, in countries
where financial institutions are strong, central bank independence exists, financial markets
perform well, inflation targeting becomes an important instrument in price stabilization in
both developed and developing countries.
Exchange rate volatility also affects foreign capital flows and economic growth. Studies by
Bénnasy-Quéré (2001), Morrisey and Manop (2008) show that the depreciation of the
currencies of Southeast Asian FDI destination countries against the United States Dollar
(USD) will spur capital inflow into developing FDI destination countries. However, this does
not apply to The volatility of East Asian regional currencies against the Yen weakens FDI
flows from OECD countries to East Asian countries. However, these instruments are not the
only factors attracting foreign direct investment as cheap production and flexibility of the TK
market, number of telephone lines, economic growth, export to GDP ratio, gross value added
of the manufacturing sector, inflation rate, portfolio investment, infrastructure, investment
climate are also determinants of FDI inflows.
Exchange rate volatility also affects economic growth. Economists such as Schanbl (2007)
found that exchange rate stability has a positive effect on economic growth, especially if the
country concerned applies flexible exchange rates. Various empirical findings show that the
fluctuation of the rupiah goes hand in hand with the increasing integration of the Indonesian
economy in the world economic order. Since the 1997 Asian crisis, exchange rate volatility
has increasingly dominated the regional economy, which in turn has become one of the causes
of the economic crisis. What is noteworthy is that so far this economic crisis has
predominantly occurred in the region such as the Latin American crisis in 1994, the 1997
Asian crisis and the Eurozone crisis since 2010. Due to the frequent occurrence of regional
crises, economic cooperation such as the early warning system (EWS) developed by the Asian
Development Bank (ADB) must become a tradition. Even today, the regional economic
downturn is still felt as a consequence of the world economic downturn, especially China.
In 2001, Jeffrey A. Frankel declared 'no single currency'.
regime is right for all countries at all times'. There is no single exchange rate regime that is
right for all countries at all times. Since the collapse of the Bretton Woods system in 1970 the
exchange rate regime has shifted from a stable regime to a regime of exchange rate volatility.
The exchange rate has fluctuated even more as the world economy has been integrated into a
highly open financial system. The world financial architecture has changed. Countries whose
financial architecture still rely on banking institutions as the only source of finance will be
increasingly fragile compared to countries that rely on various sources of finance such as the
market bonds, debt securities market, stock market as well as long-term foreign capital flows.
Exchange rate volatility or fluctuating exchange rates of a country's currency
The rapid growth of macroeconomic indicators does not only affect one country's
macroeconomic indicators, but affects all macroeconomic indicators to the point of disrupting
the economic stabilization process of various countries in the world.
1.3.
Anticipate Increased Volatility in Rupiah Exchange Rate:
Krugman, Obstfeld, Melitz (2014) pointed out that there are two factors affecting the
current account, namely the real exchange rate and per capita income in the importing
country. Almost two decades after the monetary crisis in Asia, Asian countries shifted from a
fixed exchange rate system to a flexible exchange rate. However, a controlled floating
exchange rate is always associated with the US dollar, requiring costly interventions that
deplete foreign exchange reserves, resulting in a current account deficit, causing a decline in
foreign confidence in Indonesia's ability to pay. The traumatic Asian crisis encouraged East
Asian countries to conduct monetary cooperation in Asia. This cooperation took the form of
research and crisis anticipation, collective application of currencies pegged to the US dollar or
Yen or the use of a basket of major currencies.
In the aftermath of the Asian crisis, economists advocated a two-pronged solution where a
fixed exchange rate system, perfect capital mobility and independent management of financial
policy could be achieved simultaneously. The aim of this solution states that a fixed exchange
rate system is the only monetary system that can be sustainable in an environment where
capital mobility is perfect and free floating or pegged exchange rates such as the Currency
Board System (CBS) or dollarization are suitable in East Asia. Exchange rate systems that are
midway between fixed and free exchange rates are highly vulnerable to monetary and banking
crises. In the process of searching for an appropriate alternative monetary system in Asia,
especially from a stability perspective, the interest in the Asian Monetary Union (AMU) is
also an appropriate solution. The launch of the union The European economic and monetary
model is seen by Asian countries as an unrealistic proposal although Asian leaders are
interested in the same idea. However, fluctuations in regional currencies, especially against
the USD, are very disruptive to the economic targets and short-term performance of the
economies of East Asian countries, especially Indonesia in the form of exchange rate
fluctuations or exchange rate fluctuations cannot be separated from Indonesia's policy choices
in the international monetary field.
The consequences of Indonesia's choice of a floating exchange rate regime have been
predictable. So it is natural that this condition will continue, this is what is referred to as
macroeconomic vulnerability when Indonesia chooses to impose a floating exchange rate
regime. This is not to say that the choice of a fixed exchange rate regime is without
consequences.
The phenomenon of exchange rate volatility is actually a common thing in the global
financial market. Theoretically, first, the fluctuation of the rupiah exchange rate is inseparable
from Indonesia's choice in the implementation of the exchange rate system in the impossible
trinity or Mundell triangle. According to Mundell's concept, Indonesia cannot achieve three
monetary policy objectives at once, namely monetary policy independence, exchange rate
stability, and world financial market integration. Monetary policy independence and exchange
rate stability rely on capital flow control, exchange rate stability and world financial market
integration rely on monetary union, while financial market integration and monetary policy
independence rely on a floating exchange rate system. Like several other Asian countries
namely South Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia until recently preferred integration
in the global economy and monetary policy independence. The choice of exchange rate
regime is free exchange rate. Of course, it gives up the choice between exchange rate stability
and integration in the global economy and the choice between exchange rate stability and
monetary policy independence. Consequently, exchange rate stability was left to the market
mechanism, resulting in the current conditions that have persisted since the recovery after the
1997 Asian crisis.
Second, exchange rate fluctuations or precisely volatile exchange rates such as when This
is also a consequence of the heavy capital inflows into Indonesia as a consequence of
Indonesia's economic integration in the world economy Global. It's just different from during
the Asian crisis. During the Asian crisis, capital inflows in the form of financial investment
were short-term or hot money which at any time left for other countries and caused a sudden
stop. Currently, capital inflows are dominated by FDI, especially in the infrastructure sector.
However, the trade war between the United States and China, the Trade War between the
United States and the European Union, geopolitical risks especially in the Middle East,
economic instability in Latin America encourage sluggishness and uncertainty in the global
economy including global financial market uncertainty remains high. Capital inflows after
peaking in 2015 and then declining began to increase again in 2017 until now. The volatility
of capital inflows drives the volatility of the rupiah exchange rate. Since 2014, the difference
between interest rates and on-the-spot exchange rate changes has widened between 4-10
percent. Consequently, investment risks are higher in emerging market countries which
undermines Indonesia's triple B positive outlook credit rating, a performance that was
achieved twenty years ago.
Currently, there is an economic slowdown along with The fluctuating exchange rate of the
rupiah against the US dollar even reached its lowest point since the 1997 Asian crisis. This
phenomenon has led to fears of capital outflows that could plunge Indonesia into crisis. This
concern is exaggerated because this phenomenon also occurs in other countries. The
strengthening of the US dollar is not only against the rupiah, but against almost all global
currencies. For example, in the January-October 2015 period, there were capital outflows of
US$1.3 billion, but in the sovereign bond market net purchases reached US$5 billion,
meaning that capital inflows were greater than capital outflows and investors in the bond
market invested in the long term. On the other hand, the government managed to reduce the
debt ratio from 100 percent of GDP in 2000 to just 25 percent in 2015 and then rose to a level
of around 28 percent in 2018 to date. The current account deficit in 2015 reached 3 percent
which could be reduced through foreign direct investment (FDI) of 2 percent of GDP. As of
September 2015, FDI has reached US$21.3 billion which is estimated to be by the end of this
year will reach US$28.0 billion. This high level of FDI will be the right solution for reducing
the current account deficit because it is long-term. Unintentionally, 40 percent of this FDI is
invested in the services and tertiary sectors, including infrastructure, along with the large
allocation of infrastructure funds in the 2015 Revised State Budget (APBNP), which reached
Rp600 trillion and until now, labor-intensive infrastructure remains a development priority.
This increase in FDI continued until 2018. In the fourth quarter of 2019, investment
realization reached Rp208.3 trillion while investment realization in the January-December
2019 period reached Rp809.6 trillion or 102.2 percent of the target. The strategy of resolving
stalled investment issues in Indonesia is one of the promotional strategies to attract investors.
Currently, the Investment Coordinating Board (BKPM) has resolved the issues of 9 out of 21
stalled investment projects in 2019. The project is valued at IDR 708.- trillion because it is
hampered by technical problems. From the domestic side, the dominance of financial turnover
in the infrastructure sector does not have an inflationary impact in the country.
1.4.
Rupiah Volatility during the Covid-19 Pandemic:
Macroeconomics teaches us that the art of economic life is full of imbalances, volatility,
uncertainty, ambiguity and complexity. The fluctuation of a country's currency is only a
temporary condition that occurs incidentally due to economic and non-economic turmoil. The
turmoil can take the form of the Fed's interest rate dilemma, the United States-China Trade
War, the Saudi Arabian and Russian oil wars, the United States-Iran Conflict, piracy in the
Gulf of Aden, the incident at the Aramco oil well, and COVID-19.
Until 2020, the global economy is indeed entering a sluggish phase as a consequence of the
above events. This downturn will have a significant impact if experienced by countries that
hold the control of economic power such as the United States, China, Japan, the European
Union, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong. Similarly, the current fluctuation of the
rupiah currency occurs due to snow ball effect of COVID-19. China as the number two
economy in the world behind the United States is greatly affected both domestically and to its
trading partners. In Asian continent countries including ASEAN, COVID-19 has a wide
impact. The reason is that trade relations between China's neighboring countries are very
close, characterized by high trade intensity. Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar, Cambodia are
suppliers of raw materials for China's manufacturing industry. Trade between Indonesia and
China is very intense. China is the main destination of Indonesia's exports compared to other
countries, similarly, Indonesia's imports are dominantly from China.
In February 2020, Indonesia's exports reached US$13.94 billion or 2.24 percent compared
to January 2020. Of this amount, US$13.12 billion was non-oil and gas exports or an increase
of 2.38 percent compared to January 2020. Cumulatively, during the January-February 2020
period, Indonesia's exports reached US$27.57 billion. What should be encouraging is that the
destination of Indonesia's non-oil and gas exports is diversified, namely to China amounting
to US $ 1.87 billion, the United States $ 1.63 billion, Japan reached US $ 1.14 billion, whose
proportion as a whole in the three main destination countries for Indonesian exports reached
35.32 percent. Meanwhile, our exports to the European Union (27 countries) reached US$1.1
billion.
In contrast, in February 2020, Indonesia's imports reached US$ 11.60 billion, a decrease of
18.79 percent compared to January 2020. Of this amount, both oil and gas imports and non-oil
and gas imports decreased from January 2020 by 12.05 percent and 19.77 percent
respectively. Oil and gas imports reached US$1.75 billion and non-oil and gas imports
reached US$9.85 billion. As with exports, there are three countries that supply imported
goods to Indonesia, namely China, Japan, Singapore. During the January-February 2020
period, China ranked first as a supplier of goods to Indonesia with a value of US$5.92 billion
or a proportion of 26.76 percent. Japan is in second place as an importer of Indonesia with
US$2.38 billion or reaching 10.77 percent, and imports from Singapore rank third reaching
US$1.48 billion or a proportion of 6.67 percent. Non-oil and gas imports from ASEAN
reached US$4,713.2 million or a proportion of 21.29 percent, while imports from ASEAN
reached US$1.48 billion or a proportion of 6.67 percent from the European Union reached
US$1,965.0 million or a proportion of 8.88 percent.
About 75.22 percent of the imports were raw and auxiliary materials, 15.70 percent were
capital goods and 9.08 percent were consumer goods. The high content of imports of raw and
auxiliary materials is a minus factor for Indonesia's trade performance because these imports
are inputs for the manufacturing industry for export purposes. These raw material imports put
pressure on the Indonesian economy as they deplete foreign exchange reserves outside of gold
reserves, giving negative sentiment to the performance of Indonesia's foreign trade side. As a
result, the frequency of the rupiah to volatilize is accelerating.
The volatility of the rupiah exchange rate began to move on. Until the first day of the last
week of March, the rupiah fluctuated. In the afternoon session on Monday, March 30, 2020, it
was at the level of Rp16,338 per US$1, a weakening of 1.04 percent compared to the Friday,
March 27, 2020 session of Rp16,170 per US$1 in the transaction range of Rp16,155-
Rp16,415. Conversely, in the Friday, March 27, 2020 session, the rupiah strengthened by 0.83
percent compared to the previous day at Rp16,305 per US$1. The peak of rupiah depreciation
occurred on March 23, 2020, when the rupiah depreciated by 3.85 percent compared to the
last day of the previous week at the level of Rp15,960 per US$1, in the transaction range of
Rp15,975- Rp16,625. Meanwhile, the JCI on March 23, 2020 closed at 3,989.52 or weakened
4.90 percent against the previous day's closing of 4,194.94. The majority of stock exchanges
and currencies of major countries in Asia closed down along with the decline in US Wall
Street stocks as a consequence of COVID-19. This stock and currency price shock was
exacerbated by the 47-47 vote on the economic stimulus bill proposed by Republican senator
Mitch McConell amounting to US$2.- trillion to overcome COVID-19. In the second week of
April, the rupiah exchange rate gradually strengthened from Rp16,413 on April 6, 2020 to
Rp16,200 on Tuesday, then closed stronger on Thursday, April 9 to Rp15,880. The
strengthening of the rupiah was driven by positive global sentiment such as President Trump's
desire to rebuild the American economy as his second priority after handling the COVID-19
pandemic COVID-19. In addition, Russia's desire to cut oil production by 1.6 million barrels
per day or 15 percent of its production.
Domestically, the strengthening of the Jakarta Composite Index (JCI) and the rupiah are
positive signals that Bank Indonesia's intervention is working. Exchange rate volatility
indicates that all countries in the world face economic vulnerability as a consequence of the
increasing integration of a country's economy in the global economy. Economic integration is
characterized by trade integration and financial integration. The more integrated a country is
in the global economy, the faster the country adjusts to economic and non-economic turmoil,
however, on the other hand we do not ignore that the country is increasingly challenged in
anticipating exchange rate volatility.
Exchange rate volatility is not only faced by the rupiah, but by regional currencies,
including regional Asia and other parts of the world. This volatility will only last for a
moment as a consequence of the accumulation of the US-China Trade War, US-EU Trade
War, Saudi Arabia-Russia Oil War, and COVID-19. This phenomenon is a logical
consequence for Indonesia in implementing the choice of Mundell's impossible trinity
principle. This principle states that a country can only choose two of three policy options and
cannot simultaneously achieve three monetary policy goals, namely monetary policy
independence, exchange rate stability, and integration in world financial markets. The first
and second goals are based on capital flow control, the second and third goals are based on a
monetary union system, and the third and first systems are based on a free floating system.
Since Indonesia, South Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand share the same goals of monetary
policy independence and integration in the global economy, they have allowed their
currencies to volatilize towards a new equilibrium point. In the end, Jeffrey Frankel's (2000)
statement, "No Single Currency Regime is Right for All Countries or at All Times" is true.
Krugman, Obstfeld, Melitz (2014) point out that there are two types of factors affecting the
current account, namely the real exchange rate and income per capita in the importing
country. Almost two decades after the Asian financial crisis, Asian countries shifted from a
fixed exchange rate system to a flexible exchange rate. However, a controlled floating
exchange rate always associated with the US dollar required costly interventions that depleted
foreign exchange reserves resulting in a current account deficit, which led to a decline in
foreign confidence in Indonesia's ability to pay. The traumatic Asian crisis encouraged East
Asian countries to conduct monetary cooperation in Asia. This cooperation took the form of
research and crisis anticipation, collective application of currencies pegged to the US dollar or
Yen or the use of a basket of major currencies.
1.5.
Rupiah Exchange Rate Volatility: Government Policy Strategies in the Face of Dollar
Appreciation:
Nearly two decades after the financial crisis in Asia, Asian countries moving away from a
fixed exchange rate system towards a flexible exchange rate. However, a controlled floating
exchange rate is always associated with the US dollar requiring costly interventions that
deplete foreign exchange reserves resulting in a current account deficit, leading to declining
foreign confidence in Indonesia's ability to pay. The traumatic Asian crisis encouraged East
Asian countries to conduct monetary cooperation in Asia. This cooperation took the form of
crisis research and anticipation, collective application of currencies pegged to the US dollar or
Yen or the use of a basket of major currencies.
In the aftermath of the Asian crisis, economists advocated a two-pronged solution where a
fixed exchange rate system, perfect capital mobility and independent management of financial
policy could be achieved simultaneously. The aim of this solution states that a fixed exchange
rate system is the only monetary system that can be sustainable in an environment where
capital mobility is perfect and free floating or pegged exchange rates such as the Currency
Board System (CBS) or dollarization are suitable in East Asia. Exchange rate systems that are
midway between fixed and free exchange rates are highly vulnerable to monetary and banking
crises. In the process of searching for an appropriate alternative monetary system in Asia,
especially from stability, interest in an Asian Monetary Union (AMU) is also a viable
solution. The launch of a European-style economic and monetary union by Asian countries is
seen as an unrealistic proposal although Asian leaders are interested in the same idea.
However, fluctuations in regional currencies, especially against the USD, are very disruptive
to the economic targets and short-term performance of the economies of East Asian countries,
especially Indonesia in the form of exchange rate fluctuations or exchange rate fluctuations
inseparable from Indonesia's policy choices in the international monetary field.
The consequences of Indonesia's choice of a floating exchange rate regime had predictable
consequences. These consequences were seen during the third week of November through
mid-December 2015. On Wednesday, 25/11/2015, the rupiah exchange rate closed stronger at
Rp13,690.00 per USD or the rupiah strengthened 0.2 percent against the previous close. The
Jakarta Composite Index (JCI) closed 0.88 percent higher at 4,585.55 points. At that time,
foreign investors recorded a net buy of IDR 89.0 billion. Five sectoral indices with the largest
market capitalization closed higher, respectively the financial sector strengthened 1.36
percent, manufacturing 0.95, consumer 1.38 percent, infrastructure 0.28 percent, trade 0.62
percent. Indices in the Asian region all weakened except Shanghai which gained 0.88 percent.
Currencies in the East Asian region strengthened, namely the Taiwan dollar 0.59 percent,
Singapore dollar 0.41 percent, Baht 0.17 percent, Peso 0.2 percent, Yen 0.01 percent, Ringgit
1.41 percent except Yuan which weakened -0.01 percent. That day, was the final period of
strengthening of Asian regional currencies against the USD before weakening continuously
until mid-December although strengthening briefly during December 17-18, 2015. So it is
natural that this condition will continue, this is what is referred to as macroeconomic
vulnerability when Indonesia chooses to impose a floating exchange rate regime. This is not
to say that the choice of a fixed exchange rate regime is without consequences.
Then on Thursday, 26/11/015, the rupiah exchange rate began to depreciate significantly
slowly until Wednesday, 16/12/2015. On 26/11/2015 the rupiah closed weakened at the level
of Rp13,742.00, - per USD or weakened 0.38 percent against the previous closing period.
Currencies in the Asian region closed mixed, namely the Taiwan dollar weakened -0.28
percent, Singapore dollar weakened -0.22 percent, Baht -0.24 percent, Peso -0.24 percent,
Peso -0.22 percent and Ringgit -0.28 percent. On 4/12/15, the rupiah closed at Rp13,834.00, -
or strengthened 0.08 percent against the previous day, while regional currencies closed varied,
namely the Taiwan dollar strengthened 0.25 percent, Singapore dollar weakened -0.16
percent, Baht 0.03 percent, Peso 0.29 percent, Yen -0.14 percent, Yuan -0.07 percent, and
Ringgit strengthened 0.03 percent.
On Friday, December 11, 2015, the rupiah exchange rate along with other regional
currencies closed lower. The rupiah closed at Rp13,993.00, - per USD, Singapore dollar -0.22
percent, Peso -0.12 percent, Yen -0.28 percent, Yuan -0.26 percent, and Ringgit -0.78 percent.
On Wednesday afternoon, 16/12/15 the rupiah exchange rate was again closed weakened at
the level of Rp14,071.00, - per USD or weakened 0.18 percent against the previous closing.
Regional currencies closed down, namely the Taiwan dollar -0.42 percent, Singapore dollar -
0.29 percent, Baht -0.30 percent, Peso 0.03 percent, Yen -0.30 percent, Yuan -0.16 percent
and Ringgit -0.34 percent. Conversely, in the closing session Thursday afternoon, the rupiah
exchange rate strengthened again at the level of Rp14,009.00, - per USD or a gain of 0.44
percent from the previous day. In the East Asian region, the Taiwan dollar strengthened 0.11
percent and the Ringgit strengthened 0.07 percent. While the Singapore dollar weakened -0.39
percent, Baht -0.32 percent, Peso -0.28 percent, Yen -0.14 percent and Yuan also weakened -
0.17 percent. Why has the rupiah closed lower since November 26, after strengthening the day
before, then strengthening again during Thursday-Friday in the third week of December
2015? What is behind this?
Currently, there is an economic slowdown along with The fluctuating exchange rate of the
rupiah against the US dollar even reached its lowest point since the 1997 Asian crisis. This
phenomenon has led to fears of capital outflows that could plunge Indonesia into a crisis. This
concern is exaggerated because this phenomenon also occurs in other countries as shown by
the data above. The strengthening of the US dollar is not only against the rupiah, but against
almost all global currencies. In the January-October period 2015, there were capital outflows
of US$1.3 billion, but in the sovereign bond market net purchases reached US$5 billion,
meaning that capital inflows were greater than capital outflows and investors in the bond
market invested in the long term. On the other hand, the government managed to reduce the
debt ratio from 100 percent of GDP in 2000 to only 25 percent in 2015. The current account
deficit currently stands at 3 percent which can be reduced through foreign direct investment
(FDI) at 2 percent of GDP. As of September 2015, FDI has reached US$21.3 billion and is
expected to reach US$28 billion by the end of the year. This high level of FDI will be the
right solution for reducing the current account deficit because it is long-term. Unintentionally,
40 percent of this FDI is invested in the services and tertiary sectors including infrastructure
along with the allocation of infrastructure funds in the 2015 Revised State Budget (APBNP)
which reached Rp600 trillion in infrastructure. On the domestic side, the dominance of
financial turnover in the infrastructure sector does not cause inflationary impacts in the
country.
Exchange rate volatility has a negative effect on the trading performance of a currency
countries because it provides exchange rate uncertainty that becomes a reference in
international trade transactions. Empirical findings of Belanger et al (1988), Feenstra and
Kendall (1991), Savvide (1992), Frankel and Wei (1993), Arize et al (2000), Aristotelous
(2001), Doganlar (2002), Siregar and Rajan (2004), Chit et al (2008) show its negative
impact. History proves, these economists stated that the consequences of exchange rate
volatility have been hotly debated over the optimization of various exchange rate regimes
since the collapse of the Bretton Woods system in the 1970s and since then, exchange rates
have become increasingly unstable. On the one hand, economists supporting the fixed
exchange rate regime state that exchange rate volatility actually worsens international trade.
On the other hand, economists supporting the free exchange rate regime argue that free
exchange rates provide an opportunity for a country's currency to find a new equilibrium. This
new balance is created through adjustments in the balance of payments in response to
international turmoil and to suppress increases in import duties, as well as to control capital
movements towards equilibrium new macroeconomics. According to them, exchange rate
volatility can directly affect a country's international trade through the certainty of production
raw material prices, the adjustment of raw material prices and indirectly affect the structure of
output through investment and government policies.
Besides worsening international trade, exchange rate volatility also affects domestic price
stability. The stability of prices in the form of the inflation rate also depends on the weakness
and strength of financial institutions in a country. Proponents of a fixed exchange rate regime
argue that pegging exchange rates contributes to inflation stability. Empirical experience
shows that in developing countries where financial institutions are weak, pegged exchange
rates become an important instrument in controlling inflation through exchange rate stability
and control of other monetary instruments. In contrast, in countries where financial
institutions are strong, central bank independence exists, financial markets perform well,
inflation targeting becomes an important instrument in price stabilization in both developed
and developing countries.
Exchange rate volatility also affects foreign capital flows and economic growth. Studies
such as Golberg and Kolstad (1995), Bénnasy-Quéré (2001), Morrisey and Manop (2008)
show that the depreciation of the currencies of Southeast Asian FDI destination countries
against the USD will actually spur capital inflow to developing FDI destination countries.
However, this is not the case for the Yen as the volatility of East Asian regional currencies
against the Yen weakens the FDI flows of OECD countries to East Asian countries. However,
this instrument is not the only factor that attracts foreign direct investment because the factors
of cheap production and flexibility of the TK market, the number of telephone lines,
economic growth, the ratio of exports to GDP, gross value added in the manufacturing sector,
the inflation rate, portfolio investment, infrastructure, investment climate are also
determinants of FDI inflows.
Exchange rate volatility also affects economic growth. Economists such as Schanbl (2007)
and Reinhart and Rogoff (2002) found that exchange rate stability has a positive effect on
economic growth, especially if the country concerned applies a flexible exchange rate.
Various empirical findings show that the fluctuation of the rupiah goes hand in hand with the
increasingly integrated Indonesian economy in the world economic order. Since the 1997
Asian crisis, exchange rate volatility has increasingly dominated the regional economy, which
in turn has become one of the causes of the economic crisis. What is noteworthy is that the
economic crisis has been dominant in the region, such as the Latin American crisis in 1994,
the Asian crisis in 1997 and the Eurozone crisis since 2010. Due to the frequent occurrence of
regional crises, economic cooperation such as the early warning system developed by the
Asian Development Bank (ADB) must become a tradition. Even today, the regional economic
downturn is still felt as a consequence of the world economic downturn, especially China.
For Indonesia, the strategy that needs to be done is first, to keep Indonesia's trade balance
in surplus. This surplus is done through the cooperation of the government and business actors
to encourage value-added exports in the light manufacturing, electronics, and intermediate
and heavy industry sectors. Exports of raw materials based on natural resources should be
prohibited as much as possible because the terms of trade are low in the international market.
This will certainly foster more foreign exchange reserves. Indonesia's foreign exchange
reserves in November 2015 only reached US$100.24 billion, which is still very vulnerable. So
far, countries that are able to increase their foreign exchange reserves have become very
strong countries from the world economic turmoil. This cooperation becomes less meaningful
if the export component is still dominated by imported raw materials which are of course paid
in dollars. Therefore, the use of domestic raw materials must be encouraged. Second,
although the rupiah is currently under pressure due to the Fed Fund Rate increase on
Thursday, December 17, 2015 from 0-0.25 percent to 0.25-0.50 percent which will allegedly
encourage foreign investors in Indonesia to convert their funds from rupiah investments to
dollar investments, Bank Indonesia must maintain the attractiveness of the benchmark interest
rate of 7.5 percent even though on the other hand it is less attractive to the business world.
Third, Bank Indonesia can release securities denominated in dollars to increase its dollar
reserves. Fourth, the government can do repatriation, which requires export proceeds to be
kept in the country to maintain dollar reserves. Fifth, the central and regional governments
need to develop a roadmap and action plan for the use of domestic products as part of
economic nationalism. This campaign needs to start from the world of education, especially
including in the education curriculum the love of own products. Sixth, although rarely done,
the government can carry out sterilization, namely prohibiting the internationalization of the
rupiah, even though the current account is always in deficit. Seventh, in the short term, if the
elasticity of Indonesian exports is higher than the elasticity of imports, the government can
dump the exchange rate to spur Indonesian exports. Of course, it must take into account the
parity of people's purchasing power that will be eroded when Indonesia devalues, although
this policy was last implemented by Indonesia on September 12, 1986. Eighth, if necessary,
the government should cooperate with other ASEAN countries to impose a Tobin tax on
financial transactions. Ninth, the government can require foreign multinational companies to
keep half of the proceeds of their transactions in Indonesia until a certain period.
THE JOURNEY OF ECONOMIC CRISIS AND TRADE WAR
2.1.
INTERPRETING THE COURSE OF THE ECONOMIC CRISIS:
In April 2009, the Director of the Center for Macroeconomics and International Finance
Studies (CEMAFI) of Nice Sophia Antipolis University asked the author to observe the
exchange rate movements of various countries both individually and regionally during the
period 1948-2009. The author came up with several small notes at that time, namely first,
after the collapse of the Bretton Woods system based on fixed exchange rates, all countries
experienced economic vulnerability which was accelerated by the wave of various countries
in international trade integration and financial integration. Secondly, there is no single
currency regime that applies precisely to a country and or at the same time. Third, economic
crises occur regionally and then propagate into global crises.
The author focuses on the third point, namely the economic crisis. The journey of the
economic crisis began in the early 19th century when a number of American states defaulted
on their foreign debt on loans from Europe to finance the construction of various canals as
water transportation routes in that era. Failure to fulfill these payments according to the time
stated in the contract can be a negative sentiment for the borrowing state. In other parts of the
world, namely in Latin America, in that century, there was the Baring crisis or Panic of 1890
as a continuation of the severe crisis in Argentina which stemmed from the sovereign debt
crisis. Then in 1917, the Communist government of Russia waived Soviet government debt
making Britain and France lose millions of pounds of foreign investment in Russia. The
biggest crisis in history was the Great Depression in the 1930s when almost all developing
countries defaulted on their foreign debts. The history of crises continued with the foreign
debt crisis of the "MBA+" countries, termed Mexico, Brazil, Argentina plus Chile in the
1980s. Mexico experienced another crisis in 1987 and 1994 before moving into the Asian
crisis in 1997 and the Russian crisis in the same year, then the Brazilian public debt crisis, the
Argentine crisis in 2001-2002, the American crisis in 2008 and the Eurozone crisis in 2010.
The theoretical analysis approach suggests that the economic crisis that occurred can be
interpreted in two ways. First, the economic crisis is a consequence of imbalances in
international financial markets coinciding with optimism in stock prices, on the one hand, and
on the other hand the origin of debtors and exchange rate regimes. Renowned American
economists Kaminsky and Reinhart (1999) divide this crisis into three generational models.
The first generation crisis was introduced by Salant- Henderson-Krugman-Flood-Garber. The
second-generation crisis was introduced by Maurice Obstfeld, and the third-generation crisis
was introduced by Paul R. Krugman. The second is the economic crisis as a consequence of
economic openness introduced by Bernanke-Gertler, and the third is the Asian crisis
according to IMF-Radelet-Sachs.
First-generation crises are characterized by fiscal imbalances that tend to be sustained,
triggering attacks on the currency. This approach assumes that the Central Bank tends to
monetize the fiscal deficit through domestic credit, while at the same time trying to maintain a
fixed exchange rate. With limited official foreign exchange reserves, the expectation of a
devaluation has encouraged speculators to attack the currency and deplete reserves at the
Central Bank. This phenomenon has hit Mexico, bringing down the national currency
government bonds 'cetes' and dollar bonds 'tesobonos' to 'junk bonds' due to the
assassination of a Mexican presidential candidate. Second-generation crises are examined in
terms of the trade-off faced by governments between maintaining a fixed exchange rate and
implementing expansionary monetary policy to reduce unemployment. Even if there are
sufficient foreign exchange reserves to maintain a fixed exchange rate, speculators will tend
to attack if there is an indication of the government's lack of commitment to maintaining the
fixed exchange rate and the costs outweigh the benefits of maintaining a fixed exchange rate
policy. In this approach, a crisis is triggered by a deterioration in the economic foundations of
a country, such as low growth, high unemployment, and inflation high foreign debt, low
foreign exchange reserves, high budget deficits. A country with weak economic fundamentals
tends to experience a crisis, while a country with strong economic fundamentals tends to
avoid a crisis. Meanwhile, countries that are in between these two conditions can experience
self fulfilling speculative expectations.
The third generation of economic crisis analysis was developed by Krugman (1998) and
Corsetti, Pesenti, Roubini (1999). This approach tries to include the role of moral hazard
induced investment into the analysis of the factors that cause the crisis. This moral hazard
factor causes excessive investment/lending and excessive borrowing. Moral hazard occurs due
to the perception of government guarantees that are always ready to bail-out private
companies that are experiencing problems and guarantee investors future revenue. The
existence of this belief causes investors (lenders) to be willing to refinance projects that are
actually not profitable or make cash shortfalls. The result of these conditions is the
accumulation of a very large amount of private sector debt, which increases the risk to the
fiscal condition if the government bails-out. In a deteriorating economy, the government
cannot rely solely on tax revenue to finance the deficit and will tend to cover it from
seigniorage revenues. This seigniorage financing will then shape the expectation of future
inflationary financing which in turn will trigger speculative attacks on the currency.
According to Bernanke-Gertler, the openness of the economy encourages inflows of short-
term foreign capital into the domestic market. This was driven by the incessant borrowing of
domestic corporations in the international financial markets whose interest rates were
sometimes 2.5 percent higher than the benchmark lending rate at the London Interbank
Offered Rates (LIBOR) to increase their liquid assets. This has led to a loss of confidence
from foreign investors due to capital flight. Domestically, money printing was less effective
due to the depreciation of the national currency and the deterioration of the balance of
payments. This model refers to the Mundell- Fleming general equilibrium model.
Both the IMF (2006) and Radelet-Sachs (1997) argued that the economic crisis in Asia was
a crisis of economic governance. At that time, the Asian Miracle phenomenon was that during
the period 1970-1996, the economic growth of Asian countries reached 8 percent per year,
and neither monetary nor fiscal policies were expansionary. However, who would have
thought, the Asian economy held a "bubble economy" that could explode at any time. In the
second half of 1997, the phenomenon of monetary turmoil was characterized by the decline of
currency exchange rates in Asian countries. The fall of the Thai Baht on July 2, 1997 as a
consequence of the default of the Bangkok International Bank Facilities (BIBF) because it
was invested in the property sector by corporations caused a maturity and time missmatch.
The corporation, whose shares were dominated by members of parliament, Thailand's second
largest party at the time led to the fall of the Chavalit Yongchaiyudh Government in
November 1997. The fall of the Baht was followed by the fall of the Peso, Ringgit, Rupiah
and even the Singapore Dollar, considered by many to be one of the strongest currencies in
the region, slumped in value against the US Dollar. Luckily, Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai
was able to restore the Thai economy until 2001.
The economic crisis was triggered by internal and external factors Internal factors are
closely related to the economic fundamentals of a country. Meanwhile, external factors are
closely related to the emergence of moral hazard as a consequence of market sentiment. This
opinion only focuses on internal factors. The main indicators of economic fundamentals are
economic growth rate, inflation rate, official foreign exchange reserves, exchange rate,
foreign debt, trade balance performance, and unemployment rate. Indonesia's economic
growth rate will miss the government's target of 5.3 percent, and is even expected to contract
by 4.5-4.8 percent in 2020. The inflation rate in Indonesia generally reaches 3-4 percent lower
than the average economic growth rate of 5 percent. During January-March 2020. Inflation in
Indonesia reached 0.39 percent, 0.28 percent and 0.1 percent respectively. Indonesia's official
foreign exchange reserves in February 2020 reached US$131.7 billion, equivalent to 7.7
months of imports or 7.4 months of imports and external debt payments government and
above the international adequacy standard of around 3 months. The rupiah closed 0.39 percent
stronger at Rp16,430, - in the April 3, 2020 session, strengthening the previous day in the
range of Rp16,430-16,505, - In February 2020, Indonesia's trade balance experienced a
surplus of US $ 2,335.9 million. This was due to a surplus in the non-oil and gas sector
reaching US$3,267.5 million, on the other hand, the oil and gas balance experienced a deficit
of US$931.6 million. During the January-March 2020 period, Indonesia's trade balance
experienced a surplus of US$1,699.2 million due to the high surplus in the non-oil and gas
sector reaching US$3,801.8 million. Indonesia's external debt (ULN) position, at the end of
January 2020, was recorded at US$410.8 billion, consisting of public sector (government and
Central Bank) ULN of US$207.8 billion and private sector (including BUMN) ULN of
US$203.0 billion. Indonesia's external debt grew by 7.5 percent (year on year), slowing down
compared to the growth in the previous month of 7.7 percent (yoy). This development was
mainly due to the slowdown in private external debt. Private external debt grew lower than
the previous month. Lastly, BPS data showed that the open unemployment rate decreased
from 5.34 percent in February 2019 to 5.28 percent in August 2019. It is likely that the
unemployment rate will increase in the February 2020 edition published in May 2020 as a
consequence of industry closures in several regions.
Finally, the aforementioned data shows that the fundamentals Indonesia's economy is still
strong and different from the experience of 1997, but Indonesia remains vigilant and
anticipates the economic consequences of COVID-19.
2.2.
IS IT TRUE THAT INDONESIA IS ON THE VERGE OF AN ECONOMIC
RECESSION?
In the last week of March 2020 until now, when globally almost all countries in the world
are hit by the COVID-19 pandemic, is it true that an economic recession will arrive in
Indonesia? Recession or economic downturn is defined as a phenomenon characterized by a
decline in economic growth or negative real economic growth for two consecutive quarters or
more than a year. In the category of economic downturn more severe is known as depression
as in the 1930s in the United States, even stagnation or stagflation (Stagnation and Inflation).
In sluggish conditions, there is a simultaneous decline in economic activities such as
employment, investment and corporate profits. Indonesia experienced a recession in 1982. At
that time, Indonesia's economic growth reached 1.9 percent. A year earlier, as a member of
the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), Indonesia had just enjoyed the
second oil bonanza in 1981 which turned out to be a resource curse for Indonesia. This
phenomenon will clearly have a contagion effect on the economic life of various countries in
the world.
For the layman, the context of a recession must be well understood in order to obtain
complete, symmetrical information that is consumed by academics and the public, and fulfill
the five indicators of a recession.
The first indicator of a recession is an imbalance between production and consumption.
Many people predict that the economic growth rate will miss the government's target of 5.3
percent, and even a temporary estimate will experience a contraction of 4.5-4.8 percent in
2020. The growth rate could be even lower, reaching 2.3 percent if the scenario for handling
COVID-19 misses the government's scenario. This certainly has an impact on the domestic
production mechanism, but not necessarily on household consumption expenditure, especially
ahead of Ramadan and Eid al-Fitr where growth is supported by household consumption.
The second indicator is a slowdown in economic growth for two consecutive quarters. The
results of a joint press release between the World Health Organization (WHO) and the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) discussing COVID-19 in relation to accompanying
economic issues stated that the world is already in recession. However, not necessarily each
country has entered a recession. The World Bank, IMF, International Financial Institutions
(IFIs) are trying to mobilize existing financial reserves to fortify the fight against the COVID-
19 pandemic. The IMF has assisted with the COVID-19 response in Madagascar to the tune
of US$165.99 million and in Rwanda to the tune of US$109.4 million. Both the World Bank
and the IMF urging donor countries to prioritize health spending. As the plague attacks
humans with congenital health problems, countries with congenital economic problems will
suffer more severely than countries with relatively healthy economies like Indonesia.
Countries with relatively healthy economies are those with positive economic growth rates,
low inflation, poverty rates below 1 digit, foreign debt to GDP ratios below 60 percent, Debt
Service Ratio (DSR) below 30 percent, as well as state budget deficits to GDP below 3
percent and positive primary balances. Currently, more than 190 countries are applying to the
IMF for loans to secure liquidity. This indicates that the world economy is truly distressed by
the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the WB, IMF, IFIs are more focused on overcoming the
COVID-19 Pandemic rather than overcoming a recession that not all countries will
necessarily experience. Currently, the author states that Indonesia's economy will experience
a long slowdown of between 4.5-4.8 percent in 2020, although it is much lower than
Indonesia's economic growth rate during the Subprime Morgage crisis of 6.1 percent in 2008,
but in terms of economic vulnerability, economic turmoil is common as a logical consequence
of Indonesia's economic and financial integration in the world economy. On the potential loss
side, China is Indonesia's main trading partner and it is undeniable that Indonesia will lose
around Rp127 trillion in GDP. This will happen if China's economic growth decreases by 1
percent, then Indonesia's economy will be affected by around 0.3 percent because the
proportion of Indonesian exports in the Chinese market reaches 16-17 percent.
The third indicator is that a recession will occur if the value of imports is greater than
than the value of exports. BPS data shows that in February 2020, Indonesia's exports reached
US$13.94 billion or 2.24 percent compared to January 2020. Of this amount, US$13.12
billion was non-oil and gas exports or an increase of 2.38 percent compared to January 2020.
Cumulatively, during the January-February 2020 period, Indonesia's exports reached
US$27.57 billion. What should be encouraging is that the destination of Indonesia's non-oil
and gas exports is diversified, namely to China amounting to US $ 1.87 billion, The United
States reached US$1.63 billion, Japan reached US$1.14 billion, whose overall proportion in
the three main destination countries for Indonesian exports reached 35.32 percent.
Meanwhile, our exports to the European Union (27 countries) reached US$1.1 billion. This
means that the second and third indicators go hand in hand to have a positive impact on the
Indonesian economy. On the destination side of Indonesia's non-oil and gas exports, 15.47
percent of Indonesia's non-oil and gas exports meet the Chinese market as the main export
destination, followed by the United States market whose proportion reaches 12.58 percent.
While the export destinations of the Japanese and Indian markets were 8.79 percent and 7.72
percent respectively. The proportion of Indonesia's non-oil export destinations in the ASEAN
and European Union markets reached 23.01 percent and 7.72 percent, respectively.
8.54 percent.
In contrast, in February 2020, Indonesia's imports reached US$ 11.60 billion, a decrease of
18.79 percent compared to January 2020. Of this amount, both oil and gas imports and non-oil
and gas imports decreased from January 2020 by 12.05 percent and 19.77 percent
respectively. Oil and gas imports reached US$1.75 billion and non-oil and gas imports
reached US$9.85 billion. As with exports, there are three countries that supply imported
goods to Indonesia, namely China, Japan, Singapore. During the January-February 2020
period, China ranked first as a supplier of goods to Indonesia with a value of US$5.92 billion
or a proportion of 26.76 percent. Japan ranked second as Indonesia's importer at US$2.38
billion or 10.77 percent, and imports from Singapore ranked third at US$1.48 billion or a
proportion of 6.67 percent. Non-oil and gas imports from ASEAN reached US$4,713.2
million or a proportion of 21.29 percent, while imports from the European Union reached
US$1,965 million or a proportion of 8.88 percent.
During January-February 2020, Indonesia's non-oil and gas imports were dominant imports
from China reached US$5.9 billion or a proportion of 26.76 percent of Indonesia's total
imports, followed by imports from Japan reaching US$2.38 billion or a proportion of 10.77
percent. Meanwhile, imports from various other continents such as ASEAN, the European
Union and the United States reached US$1.97 billion respectively, US$4.71 billion, and
US$1.16 billion or their proportions reached 21.29 percent, 8.88 percent, and 5.22 percent,
respectively.
About 75.22 percent of the imports were raw and auxiliary materials, 15.70 percent were
capital goods and 9.08 percent were consumer goods. The high content of imports of raw and
auxiliary materials is a minus factor for Indonesia's trade performance because these imports
are inputs for the manufacturing industry for export purposes. These raw material imports put
pressure on the Indonesian economy as they deplete foreign exchange reserves outside of gold
reserves, giving negative sentiment to the performance of Indonesia's foreign trade side.
In general, in February 2020, Indonesia's trade balance experienced a surplus of
US$2,335.9 million. This was due to a surplus in the non-oil and gas sector reaching
US$3,267.5 million, on the other hand, the oil and gas balance experienced a deficit of
US$931.6 million. During the January-March 2020 period, Indonesia's trade balance
experienced a surplus of US$ 1,699.2 million due to the high surplus in the non-oil and gas
sector reaching US$ 3,801.8 million. In contrast, the oil and gas sector experienced a deficit
of US$2,102.6 million, so based on this third indicator, a recession has not been realized.
Indonesia, has experienced a current account surplus during the first oil bonanza in 1973,
during the second oil bonanza in 1981. In addition, in the period 1998-2011, Indonesia
experienced a fairly long current account surplus, on the contrary, the deepest current account
deficit occurred in 1983 amounting to US $ 81.05 billion or a proportion of 7.8 percent of
GDP equivalent to Rp 73 trillion.
The fourth indicator is high inflation or deflation. The inflation rate in Indonesia generally
reaches 3-4 percent lower than the average economic growth rate of 5 percent. During
January-March 2020, inflation in Indonesia reached 0.39 percent, 0.28 percent and 0.1
percent, respectively. In January 2020, the food, beverages and tobacco component
contributed 0.41 percent in inflation, in contrast, transportation contributed -0.11 percent
deflation and education contributed -0.01 percent deflation. In February 2020, food, beverages
and tobacco contributed 0.25 percent, in contrast, transportation contributed -0.04 percent
deflation. In March 2020, the personal care and services component other contributed 0.06
inflation, on the other hand, transportation accounted for
-0.05 percent and the information, communication, and financial services component
contributed -0.01 percent deflation. This shows that the signs of March 2020 are yet to be
seen.
The fifth indicator is the high unemployment rate. BPS data shows that the open
unemployment rate decreased from 5.34 percent in February 2019 to 5.28 percent in August
2019. The employment sectors that increased the provision of employment were the
accommodation, food and beverage sector by 0.5 percentage points, the manufacturing
industry by 0.24 percentage points and the trade sector by 0.2 percentage points. However,
this sector will indeed be affected by the policy of laying off both part and all of its
employees. This shows that for every 100 people in Indonesia, there are 5 people who are
unemployed.
In conclusion, first, a relative imbalance between production and consumption will occur,
but this will be temporary, as Indonesia's economy is 60 percent driven by public
consumption. For the upper middle class, of course, they will use their savings, but for the
lower class of Indonesians, the Government is currently using social cushions that are
expanded in scope such as PKH, KIS, KIP, Pre-Employment Card, cash for work. Second, the
recession will not be fulfilled because the economic growth rate is above zero percent. Third,
a recession will occur if imports are greater than exports. This phenomenon has not occurred
due to the diversification of Indonesia's international trade. Fourth, Indonesia's inflation rate,
both general and core inflation, can still be controlled by the government through cooperation
with BI and its value is always below Indonesia's economic growth rate. Of course, it has not
yet met the criteria for a recession. Fifth, the declining trend of Indonesia's unemployment
rate shows a positive signal of the operation of the Indonesian economy. The Pre-
Employment Card Program, Fiscal Stimulus, and BI's triple intervention in the monetary
realm by lowering the BI7DRR twice, easing the reserve requirement and macroprudential
intermediation ratio, liquidity injection, the use of non-cash transactions through Quick
Response Indonesian Standard (QRIS) as well as stabilization measures in the spot market,
and last but not least intervention. BI in the Domestic Non Delivery Forward (DNDF) market
to overcome the shrinkage of foreign exchange reserves into five measures of fiscal and
monetary synergy.
Finally, interpreting the arrival of a recession will not be enough with only partial data, let
alone making false premises in the community without being accompanied by valid and
updated data, and only armed with insufficient knowledge.
2.3.
THE MEANING OF POLITICAL ECONOMY BEHIND THE AMERICAN
CONFLICT SERIES- KAT-IRAN:
Over the past two weeks, international notes were dominated by the assassination of General
Qassem Soleimani. This event is actually closely related to the spread effect of the 'Arab
Spring' after Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen. The most recent is the resignation of
Abdel Azis Buteflika after almost 30 years in power in Algeria. What is the connection?
The Arab spring generally occurred in countries that were politically very anti-democratic.
What logic would accept that a suicidal hawker, Mohammed Bouazizi, could bring down the
regime of Ben Ali and his wife Leila Trabelsi in Tunisia? And then cause a ripple effect to
Egypt, toppling the regime of Hosni Mubaraq, disrupting Bachir El-Assad in Syria, toppling
Mouammar Qadhafi in Libya? The spillover effect of the "Arab Spring" could have
continued to other members of the six-member Gulf Cooperation Council, generally absolute
monarchies such as Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates.
Of course, these monarchy-based countries feel threatened.
What is happening in the Middle East is actually first, the struggle for American and
Chinese hegemony on the one hand and second, the desire to resolve the Saudi Arabia-Iran
friction on the other.
The sole hegemony of the US since the first Gulf crisis in 1990 and the second Gulf crisis
in 2003 continues. Since the Sino-Africano Summit in Sharm- El Sheikh, on the coast of the
Red Sea and Sinai Peninsula, Egypt in 2009, the economic mecca is no longer solely the
European Union and the United States (US), but increasingly China. Similarly, Arab countries
in The Middle East is no longer solely dependent on the US for its economy, but is also
building an economic axis with China. Hegemony is like a rotating trophy. Britain started it
for 150 years, then it was taken over by the US until today. Japan and Germany tried to take it
over in World War II, but failed. US hegemony in the Middle East is dominant. In Iraq (in
Asad-Anbar Province), the American military is still entrenched. Qatar (in Al Udeid) and the
United Arab Emirates have long been the home base of the American and French military if at
any time the neighbor across the sea in the Persian Gulf, Iran, disturbs them. In fact, Dubai
was built by Iranian merchants in the past.
Through the Central Asian Regional Economic Cooperation (CAREC), China and Central
Asian countries are carrying out regional cooperation to build a silk road in the past that can
connect China to Central Asia to West Asia through the Chinese Belt Road Initiative (CBRI)
idea to the Middle East region. Of course, with the development of cooperation among Asian
countries with the sole figure being China, it will threaten US geopolitical hegemony in Asia,
the Middle East, which is not impossible to strengthen cooperation with Russia in the north so
as to unite CAREC cooperation in Super Eurasia. In addition, the problem with Saudi Arabia-
Iran is trying to be resolved by fellow Saudi-Iran countries themselves, which according to the
plan is facilitated by the Saudi-Iran meeting by the Iraqi Prime Minister, Adil Abdul Mahdi in
Iraq. Of course, the US and Israel do not want a path to Saudi-Iranian "friendship" to occur
because it will undermine its hegemony in the Middle East including its arms market.
Second, the reason for petrodollars and the privilege of the dollar. Whether petroleum
Both crude oil and gas are bifurcated into OPEC-produced Arabian Light and non-OPEC-
produced Brent for crude oil, and LNG and LPG for gas. Gas prices always follow crude oil
prices. Both are traded on futures. That is, the contract is bought and sold today, the delivery
will be 1-3 months later. On this side of the economy, Saudi Arabia as the world's number 2
oil producer after Venezuela, certainly does not want to be highly dependent on a single
American market. By therefore, Saudi Arabia exports its crude oil to China as well. It's not
that the US doesn't have crude oil reserves. They have some in Alaska that is reserved for a
century to come.
This oil buying and selling cooperation can be carried out through the Saudi Arabian
Aramco corporate cooperation route with its Chinese partners either China National Oil
Offshore Company (CNOOC), or Sinopec, or PetroChina, or CPNC. If this cooperation is
strong, then Chevron, Exxon Mobile Oil Company will bite the bullet. Of course, the US
Government will use all means to fulfill their intentions as they did in Kazakhstan, bribing
people around President Nur Sultan Nazarbayev. Moreover, the proximity of Chinese
corporations above also occurs in Venezuela and Petrobraz.
Another economic reason is the hegemony of the dollar. As a privileged currency, the
dollar is valid everywhere. History proves that the US$700 billion spent by Bush Junior in the
pursuit of Osama Ben Laden, the Afghan War, the Second Iraq War by George Walker Bush,
should have bankrupted the US. The US did not go bankrupt because its government was
dominantly in debt to its own people through the sale of Treasury Bills and the dollar as the
world's privileged currency. The entry of Yuan or Renmimbi in addition to Dinar, Euro, Yen
as international currencies is a new competitor for the dollar. The US will definitely be
disturbed. Both geopolitical hegemony and economic hegemony are what makes President
Trump have to break the chain before the Arab-Iranian 'friendship' road is created so that it
can ease tensions in the Middle East. This is probably the logical reason why the US 'deletes'
Major General Suleimani so that tensions in the Middle East do not subside, and his weapons
sell well just to create a perpetuation of tension away from the impression of the Suni-Shiite
dichotomy.
The US did not retaliate for Iran's attack on its military base in Iraq. The reason for
punishing Iran through economic weapons is likely to fail as the price of benchmark oil in
West Texas Intermediate (WTI) for February 2020 delivery rose US$1.87 to US$63.05 per
barrel while on the New York Mercantile Exchange (NYMEX) the price reached US$64.09.
Meanwhile, the Brent price for March 2020 delivery increased by US$2.35 to reach
US$68.60. Trump's intention to splash water, radiating onto one's own face.
2.4.
TRUMPONOMICS IN THE US-EUROPEAN UNION TRADE WAR:
In international economics, the term economic integration is known. There are five stages to
economic integration. Free trade area, customs union, common market, economic union, total
economic integration. Currently, most countries in the world are in the early and common
market stages. Only the European Union is at the fifth stage. Philosophically, there is no
obligation for a country to go step by step. All these stages are well organized in the
'International Economic Order' through multilateral cooperation either through international
institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) or through regional cooperation organizations such as APEC, NAFTA, CACM,
Mercosur, GCC. Unfortunately, the election of Donald Trump as President of the United
States seeks to re-emphasize its hegemony as the ruler of the world economy which is being
disturbed by China, the European Union and Japan. In fact, history shows that this US
hegemony took over from British hegemony for 150 years before its role was taken by the
US. The United States under the administration of President Donald Trump, has an economic
policy that we can call Trumponomic. A policy that troubles the world economic system with
the slogan "American First and Make America Great Again". President Trump applies the
"step on foot" style of economic diplomacy, namely the United States (US) as the number one
economy in the world should have strong bargaining power so as to cause friction with other
countries that are considered detrimental and even undermine its economic hegemony.
Currently, the US-China Trade War is like chaff that can explode again at any time. Signs
that the US-China Trade War is not over yet, it is the turn of the US-EU Trade War. They
have realized that the output of the Trade War is equally losing then creating a ripple effect of
fading trade flows, slowing investment and consumption. In the end, world economic growth
slows down as a consequence of the slowdown in world demand. The economic downturn is
in sight, so that the economy can enter the recession stage, which is when for two consecutive
quarters, the economy of a country or the world experiences a negative contraction.
On the US side, EU countries are not its trading partners. The US focuses its trade more on
the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Canada and Mexico as its
neighbors and three NAFTA members. Another trading partner is China where American
agricultural products are exported. Within the US itself, exporters of agricultural products are
alarmed by Trumponomic. Moreover, the strong ties between US exporters and Chinese
importers run quite strong. Of the 15 major destinations for US exports, five are EU member
states including the UK even though Brexit has not yet officially come into effect. US exports
to the five EU countries reached US$146.7 billion, accounting for 15.3 percent of total US
exports.
The US will lose out if its export products are hit by countermeasures in the Trade War
with the European Union. If it continues to market in the five EU countries, it will be more
expensive after being subject to import duties with the same quality of EU production. Of
course, rational consumers will choose cheaper products produced in the EU over imported
products from the US, thus reducing demand for US products. After facing a huge trade
deficit with China, the US will also face an even bigger trade deficit with the EU. In 2018, the
trade deficit with the EU reached US$201.81 billion. However, the EU is more dependent on
US products than the other way around. Of course, the EU's burden will be heavier. In 2018,
the 28 EU countries' exports to the US reached €407.06 billion, equivalent to 20.80 percent of
their total exports, ranking first in EU exports. This means that the frequency of north
transatlantic trade is more dominant than trans-mediterranean, and/or EU trade to the US is
more frequent eastern region, although on the US side, the frequency of trans-pacific trade is
greater in terms of both value and volume of trade.
Since October 18, 2019, EU exports to the US have been in effect. The price of EU
products has gradually increased in the US market so that US consumers have shifted their
demand to similar products from domestic and/or low-cost NAFTA member Mexico. If EU
exports fade to the US, as the number one potential market, the impact will be felt by the EU
such as decreased production, the threat of layoffs which consequently increases
unemployment, adding to the already high unemployment burden as a consequence of labor
market rigidities. The suffering of the EU will affect the global economy. The EU-US Trade
War has disrupted the supply chain of products. If this happens, then exports and investment
fade so that export is an engine of growth and investment as a driver of economic growth will
be sluggish.
World Bank publication data states that world trade in The second quarter of 2019 contracted
by -1.4 percent year on year. This phenomenon is the worst contraction since the US
economic crisis in 2008-2009. World economic growth reached 2.4 percent in that period. On
the Indonesian side, the US-EU Trade War has the potential to increase Indonesia's trade
balance deficit because last year, during the January-August 2019 period, Indonesia's non-oil
and gas export growth to the European Union decreased by 17 percent year on year (yoy),
equivalent to US$9.58 billion. Meanwhile, imports of non-oil and gas goods from Europe also
decreased by 13.75 percent or the value reached US$8.27 billion.
On the Indonesian monetary side, various policies issued by Bank Indonesia are intended
to anticipate pressure on the domestic economy due to the impact of the Trade War on the 3
poles of economic growth. The current benchmark interest rate, including the implementation
of macroprudential policies along with cooperation with the Government and other
authorities, can transform the Indonesian economy, especially in finding sources of growth.
We also hope that the new economies in South Asia, the Middle East and East Africa can
minimize the external impact on the domestic economy. Hopefully Indonesia's economic
growth in 2020 will reach 5.1-5.5 percent as estimated by Bank Indonesia.
2.5.
MAINTAINING THE MOMENTUM OF ECONOMIC STABILITY INDONESIA:
Economic stability is one of the various objectives to be achieved in the economy of a
nation in addition to the expansion of employment opportunities, price stability, improving
the trading country and or balance of payments. Economic stability will be achieved if a
stable economic situation is created. About 2000 years ago, the Chinese historian Sima Quan
had described the meaning of this stabilization in the rotation of the flow of goods and
services in the supply and demand chain before Francois Quesnay presented the tableau
economique. In order to realize the conditions of stability in the economy, including the
stability of the current account, the first requirement is to realize the flow of goods, services
and money flows that run in a balanced and controlled manner. Thus, in terms of monetary
policy, it is necessary to regulate the amount of money in circulation as needed by the Central
Bank. Economic growth is the main indicator in stabilization. During 2019, Indonesia's
economic growth reached 5.02 percent, lower than in 2018. The driving force of economic
growth from the production side was driven by the other services sector reaching 10.55
percent and on the expenditure side driven by Nonprofit Institutions serving Households (PK-
LNPRT). Furthermore, data from the Consumer Confidence Index (IKK) by Bank Indonesia
shows a tendency to weaken the optimistic signal of consumers from 126.4 points in
December 2019 to 121.7 points in January 2020. In addition, the realization of household
consumption growth only increased by 4.97 percent followed by Gross Fixed Capital
Formation (PMTB) and PK-LNPRT by 4.06 percent and 3.53 percent respectively. This
means that the government must anticipate a decline in household consumption, which has
been the main driver of the Indonesian economy due to the large domestic demand.
Weakening economic growth projections in 2020 is in the range of 5-5.5 percent. The OECD
projects Indonesia's economic growth rate to reach 5 percent, the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) each reach 5.1 percent, and the ADB projects 5.2 percent.
The second requirement is to maintain the stability of domestic prices, especially basic
needs during the fasting month, Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha, Christmas and New Year, and
even after Eid this year there was a price spike. The amount of money circulating in the
community greatly affects the level of prevailing prices. With the regulation of the amount of
money in circulation by the Central Bank, the price level from time to time will be relatively
under control. If the price situation is stable, people will believe that buying goods now will
be the same as buying goods in the future. In January 2020, inflation in Indonesia reached
0.39 percent. When compared to January 2019, inflation during the January 2019-January
2020 period reached 2.68 percent. This indicates that the Government can maintain price
stability as this inflation rate is below national economic growth. It is worth noting, however,
that the biggest contributor to this price increase was food, beverages and tobacco at 0.41
percent, followed by housing, water, electricity and household fuel, and personal care and
other services at 0.03 percent each. The highest inflation reached 1.44 percent in Meulaboh,
Aceh Province, while the lowest deflation occurred in Baubau City, Southeast Sulawesi. This
indicator deserves attention because specifically several commodities such as red chili,
cayenne pepper, fresh fish, cooking oil and rice contributed to this inflation. Availability, food
access and food quality. What should be anticipated is that ahead of the three months of
Ramadan starting April 24, 2020, there is a tendency to increase the price of these
commodities, especially fresh fish, which in some areas in the Western Indonesia Region
(KBI) and Eastern Indonesia Region (KTI) is actually abundant. Market operations so far tend
to be carried out in traditional markets and parking lots of the district / city and provincial
Industry and Trade Offices carried out instantly should change the strategy. On this side of
price stability, BI should conduct critical awareness on 34 provinces and 539 districts/cities so
that The region knows that the Regional Inflation Monitoring Team (TPID) belongs to the
regional government. BI only initiates it in order to create price stability monitoring that
affects all regional economic joints which in turn can affect the national economy.
The third requirement is to expand employment opportunities, which currently still has
minimal achievements. The unemployment rate decreased slightly from 5.34 percent in
August 2018 to 5.24 percent in 2019. The existence of good economic stability through
maintained economic growth indicators as it is today will encourage an increase in the
number of investors to develop new investments, which will open up new jobs so that there is
an increase in employment opportunities. Economic stability is achieved if the regulation of
the amount of money in circulation can be properly controlled by the Central Bank.
The fourth requirement, improving the Balance of Trade and or Balance of Payments,
through monetary policy, the government can improve the foreign trade balance to a surplus
(exports are greater than imports) or relatively at least balanced. Indonesia's foreign exchange
reserves at the end of January 2020 reached US$131.7 billion, an increase of 1.93 percent
from US$129.2 billion in December 2019. In 2020, Bank Indonesia projects Indonesia's
economic growth rate to be in the range of 5.1-5.5 percent. The inflation rate is estimated at
an interval of 3.0-4.0 percent. Foreign exchange reserves are projected to be not much
different from the 2019 achievement of 2.5-3 percent of GDP, while the previous year's
realization reached 2.7 percent of GDP. Lending is estimated to reach 10-12 percent higher
than the realization of 6.08 percent in 2019, and Third Party Funds (DPK) are estimated to be
in the range of 8-10 percent higher than the 2019 realization of 6.54 percent. These last two
indicators are realistic as BI continues to maintain BI 7 day reverse repo rate (BI7DRR) of 5
percent earlier this year.
To maintain the momentum of economic stabilization for improving the quality of
Indonesia's economic growth and anticipating the "trap" of 5 percent growth, the Central
Bank is on the right track through the monetary policy mix, namely the policy formula
through five classic monetary policy moves, macroprudential to support the real sector,
electronification, and the use of the internet and efficiency of the payment system, digitization
of the payment system, and empowerment of the Islamic economy and finance for MSMEs.
These five policy formulas show that BI is more free to be creative without neglecting its
duties as the guardian of Indonesia's monetary sector, which focuses on spurring the real
sector because on the fiscal side, the government is also trying to implement a policy mix.
However, we should be aware of external conditions, especially the global uncertainty after
Brexit and Trade War and exchange rate volatility, as well as political instability in the
Middle East. On the domestic side, BI should anticipate liquidity expansion in strengthening
economic institutions in the community as one of the various solutions to reduce the poverty
rate below 9.22 percent.
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