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COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF IMMIGRATION POLICIES IN THE EU AND NORTH
AMERICA
1. HISTORICAL CONTEXT AND POLICY EVOLUTION
Conditions of immigration policies in the EU and North America have changed more than once
throughout the years, influenced by history. During the 19th – early twentieth century, there was
a generally liberal immigration policy towards admitting immigrants to both of the regions to
take up land set for settlement and to meet demand for work force. Restrictions came into force
in the early twentieth century, but especially in the USA that had enacted national-origins quotas
in the 1920s that drastically reduced immigration quotas from Asia and Southern and Eastern
Europe. These policies were in force until the 1960s when civil rights and the changes on the
racial discriminating laws offered more equal policies and a focus on family reunion policies.
After World War II in Europe, shortage of workers meant that guest workers were sought in
former colonies and from Mediterranean countries making the future base for migration, non-
European. As colonial connections declined and programs of recruiting foreign workers ceased
during the seventies, restriction measures were adopted all over Western Europe. Nevertheless,
civil wars in the Middle East, Africa and Balkans at the end of the twentieth century have
stimulated the flow of asylum seekers and refugees; thus, cooperation measures were launched,
for example, the Dublin Regulation determining the responsibility for determining refugee status.
Schengen freedom in travel also made immigration enforcement more manageable and
challenging at the same time. The terrorism incidents of the twenty-first century upped terror
exacerbation and immigration paranoia, although some nations experienced shortages requiring
more immigration. The Syrian refugee and migration crisis of 2015 presented EU collaboration
and burden sharing with some significant questions. Today, immigration continues to be a
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sensitive topic, with countries of Southern Europe flooded with immigrants entering across the
Mediterranean and politics divided internationally along humanitarian pro-migrant migrant and
nationalist xenophobe/Euro-skeptic cultural/economic streams. Policies on immigration remain
steeped in history and changing economic and geo-political future, immigration policies will
remain a subject of dynamic and variable changes.
a. Post-WWII migration patterns in Europe and North America
Migration movements in Europe and between Europe and North America began after World War
Two that ended in 1945. In the post-war settlement Europe witnessed drastic changes in the
demarcation of territory of nation states, millions were displaced and found themselves residing
in states they had ethnically not originated from. This amounted to 12-14 million Germans
driven out from Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, and other parts of Eastern Europe and borders changes
that rendered numerous Italian residents in Yugoslavia. These flows exerted pressure on such
countries as Germany and Italy in the social 1940s. At the same time, the destruction and
devastation of the war left Europe in a very poor state economically, with labor scarcities in the
relatively well-off countries such as France, Belgium, and the United Kingdom. The need for
such labor coincided with the relative worsening of jobs available in Southern Europe to
encourage the first large batch of workers to seek destinations in the North, sometimes even
under the TWWW programs. During the decade of the 1950s and the 1960s different countries
such as Britain, France, Belgium and West Germany imported immigration workers on a large
scale coming from Italy, Portugal, Spain, Yugoslavia and many other countries. Actually, about 1
million of Italians went to West Germany only by the 1960 out of the 1.5 million that actually
emigrated in the fifties. Postwar growing economy of North America was another factor, as with
their growing economy, there emerged as a recurrent need to fill vacant employer positions
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frequently. B-Origin Europeans, particularly individuals, who were displaced from the various
parts of Europe, were recruited, whereby almost 2 million Europeans immigrated to Canada
between 1946 and 1962. The first early channels sought were already existent due to the cultural
relations and connection between North America and the European migrant sending regions. The
essential landmark revealed that America admitted 1.7 million southern Europeans between the
year 1945 and 1965. These patterns marked from where families and ethnic migrant settlement
communities germinated and expanded, rapidly over the post war decades in the north American
and north European cities.
b. The creation of the EU and its impact on migration policies
Continuation: The formation of the defined immigration policy began with the creation of the
European Union (EU) in 1993 through Maastricht Treaty. Wanting to better control the external
borders and share on asylum, legal migration, integration or anti illegality immigration policies
the EU created a multi-level governance system for the admission and residence of third-country
nationals. As it happened this was a revolution compared to previous decades where migration
policies were nearly exclusively under national governments. Supports like the Schengen
Freedom of Movement region and such systems as the Common European Asylum System
introduced gradual converging. But contradictions are still a combination of power of
supranational regulation within the EU and the sovereignty of members states. Occasions such as
the refugee crisis experienced in 2015 unleashed underlying structural problems leading to an
existential political crisis and the emergence of anti-immigration populist parties in Europe.
However, there are still solid basis upon which Europe’s modern migration laws are drawn,
namely the acquis communautaire of the European Union. These are the 2011’s Single Permit
Directive that aimed at aligning residency and work permits, the 2013’s Reception Conditions
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Directive to ensure that asylum seekers be accorded basic rights, the 2016 EU Turkey Deal
focusing on controlling irregular migration while the 2021 New Pact on Migration and Asylum
that seeks to further reform the Dublin System. The EU has made its policy co-ordination
mechanisms more effective between its member states for generating additional public policies
for application throughout the Union; At the same time, the tensions between the north-western
states demanding more openness and the east-central states demanding stronger borders with
obligatory quotas for relocations. Sustained emergencies bear social and civic problems
organized in political and cultural terms as to how ideals of humanitarianism, economy, security,
and a genuine Europe may or may not be resolved. However, the existence of a common
framework within the EU has made policy convergence in migration policy within that hitherto
unthinkable before the Maastricht treaty era while at the same time acknowledging that there
remain disparities within implementation.
c. North American immigration history (US, Canada, Mexico)
Immigrants have been the main population and the workforce in United States of America,
United States of Canada, and United Mexican States for the last few centuries. European
expansion and the Atlantic slave trade introduced new people into North American population
which radically changed its makeup. After gaining their independence America and Canada for
instance encouraged immigration to obliterate frontier regions, for employment as well as for
enhancing population density. It could be argued that between 1820 and 1930 more than 32
million Europeans permanently relocated to the United States while Canada also drew on British,
French or other European populations to fill the western frontier as well as agriculture and
industrial development. Immigration influences changed as massive waves of immigrants from
the southern and eastern parts of Europe arrived along with Chinese and other Asians in a more
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limited numbers around the close of the nineteenth century. This mass influx of diverse groups
put a pressure on the economic welfare, stimulated the ethnic and religious conflicts and led to
the enactments of first restrictive federal immigration laws in USA and Canada concerning the
limitation of Asian immigration and imposition of literacy test. This early period was a time of
relatively liberal immigration policies towards building up the population and creating economic
frontiers to provide for the rapid development of the country’s economy, but Mexico’s revolution
and instability lead to a decrease of these policies. Immigration trough during both the World
War and The Great Depression, but it recovered gradually in the postwar, with America’s
‘bracero program’ and Canada’s seasonal agricultural worker programs that brought significant
number of Mexican laborers. In doing so, these programs facilitated the development over time
of Central-Latin American migrants and generative influence. The immigration reforms and the
act done in the year 1965 and the absence of the national-origin quotas marked the new period of
the mass immigration that brought about a change to North American society. An increase in
family reunification, skilled labor and business and humanitarian immigrants’ admission
categories also depersonalized immigrant sources. The earliest immigrants mainly from Europe
and later from other parts of the world such as Latin America and Asia led to the diversity and
ethnic differentiation in the multicultural North American society in the 1990s. After the Second
World War in particular, social demand for labor, family ties, humane obligations and relatively
great permeability made North America the leading country in the world in terms of
immigration, and the social and economic effects of which are felt to this day.
d. Shift from labor recruitment to restrictive policies
After the Second World War, the European countries and North American countries went on
recruiting foreign labor to meet the scarcity of domestic workforce. France, Germany and the UK
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as widely searched for workers in the former colonies or among the citizens of Mediterranean
states – Italy and Spain. North America also likewise took in immigrants, the US hired Mexican
agricultural workforce through the ‘Bracero program which commenced in 1942 and Canada is
also seen to have recruited immigrants in Europe to take up settlement in the prairies. But the
economic crisis in the seventies along with increasing rate of unemployment forced most of the
developed country to control the immigration. Canada had introduced the skills select system in
1967 and then the resumed fixed-point system in 1978 to select EE with necessary skills. The US
placed for the first time quantitive restriction on immigration from the western Hemisphere in
1976. Europe’s Germany put an end to importing Gastarbeiter or having guest workers in 1973
while some other countries placed visa on the immigrants. Finally, it was argued that if
immigration was to be restricted there were good reasons this should be so based on the
economic impacts of immigrants on the natives with regard to both employment competition and
welfare dependence or based on socio- cultural concerns on the compromising of national culture
and identity by immigration. Most industrialized countries of the G did not look for foreign
workers by the era of 1980s and had placed certain bar on low skilled human resource
immigration. There were few exemptions implemented to allow for the humanitarian rate of
refugees and for the high-skilled immigrants good to the economy of the country. However,
narrowing the concepts of newly-fashioned racism in to naturally occurring objects such as skill
filters and numerical caps, the net immigration policies have tightened in the examined countries.
And in recent decades shortage of workers in some industries has compelled some countries to
relax policies once more like special visa for IT experts. However, elitist policies remain given
the ongoing conflict between the requirements of capital for the supply of human capital and
cultural-political concerns about the effects of immigration on host societies.
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e. Impact of 9/11 on immigration policies
The dreadful events of September 1I primarily affected the immigration laws of the United
States. After the horrific attack on the twin towers in New York World Trade Centre and the
Pentagon in Washington, the policymakers actively started changing the strategic process of the
national security system and revitalizing it devoted purely to counter terrorism. Indeed, this
change of paradigm involved significant transformations of the rules of immigration and border
polities. Members of the legislative branch approved of a number of anti-terrorism laws targeting
foreign terrorists entering US; among them is the Enhanced Border Security and Visa Entry
Reform Act of 2002 that prompted the universities to gather more information about the foreign
students. The 9/11 Commission Report was clear in this regard as it pointed to lack of
immigration enforcement as factors that facilitated the acts. This finding spurred major
restructuring of the bureaucracy governing immigration through the Homeland Security Act of
2002 which abolished the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) and created three new
agencies under the Department of Homeland Security: ICE – Immigration and Customs
Enforcement, USCIS –Citizenship and Immigration Services, CBP – Customs and Border
Protection. These reorganized offices indicate that there was change from a concentration on the
immigration bureaucracy to the consideration of more national security in implementing the
immigration policy. New screening resulted from superior technology and additional patrol
agents at the US-Mexico border sought to politically and physically control the population which
might pose a threat to safety. The REAL ID Act of 2005 ensured that migrants applying for visas
or asylum have to present identification documents that meet higher standards. Moreover, de
Soto’s reform to the immigration policy also widened the causes for deportation. Although 19 of
the hijackers that were involved in 9/11 had entered America legally, the attacks encouraged a
resentment to immigration in general. Federal polices of the Bush era became much more
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restrictionist in tone and focused on enforcement and deterrence measures against undocumented
Latino migrants despite their inconsequential link with counterterrorism. The drastic changes in
the US immigration regime after 9/11 therefore illustrate how profound shifts in geo-political
circumstances can alter public polity even in quite unrelated areas of activity quite dramatically
and quite quickly.
f. Recent refugee crises and policy responses
The Syrian refugee crisis that started in 2011 to date, is estimated as the largest refugee crisis,
after the second world war. More than five million people were forced to leave their homes due
to civil war that has been going on in Syria and sought refuge mainly in Lebanon, Turkey and
Jordan as well as embarked on dangerous trips through to Europe. Many European countries
have received a mass influx of Asylum seekers which seems to have stretched the Asylum
system of almost all nations that have received immigrants. Thus, policies have limited asylum
and intensified external frontier control; measures used to discourage the irregular movement of
people on the EU territory have become more effective. For example, the EU- Turkey deal of
March 2016 was designed to stem migration movements by sending back any asylum seekers
who arrived in Greece. As a result of the ‘Covid’ crisis, EU member states have intensified
restrictions on asylum and finally closed the external borders, limited family reunification, and
accelerated the deportations of failed asylum seekers and other migrants with irregular status.
Likewise, the Trump administration in the United States put in place measures that included a
travel ban that paralyzed refugee resettlement, restricting metering asylum seekers at the ports of
entry, another measure was family separation, and the Remain in Mexico policy. Canada also has
reduced the number of refugees who can be granted asylum, and resettlement due to expansion in
refugee claims. The different policy responses also portray the contradiction between nation
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state’s desire to protect their borders, national security and cultural integrity and their legal and
human rights responsibility to protect refugees under international law. While displacement
remains a reality at the international level, states foremost respect for human rights faces
challenges due to national political imperatives in relation to immigration regulation. Every day
provides examples of how the current structure of the system for handling and distributing
displaced persons lacks the ability to distribute the burden equitably. Credible global forced
migration governance reform to share the global burden and responsibility is still an arduous task
and dependent on efforts addressing the drivers of both vulnerability and conflict, development,
and climate change mitigation.
2. LEGAL AND INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORKS
There is compelling evidence that the laws and institutions about immigration policies and
strategies affect the formation, execution and the outcome of immigration policies in various
countries and over various regions. Over the past decades, EU and North American-immigration
laws and policies have been generally rigorist due to the social demand on the key causes such as
economic impacts, cultural assimilation, and security risks. However, the legal and institutional
factors defining policy measures have considerably differed.
Immigration rules and regulation in the EU have to work in conjunction with agreements on
freedom of movement within the EU of citizens from member states. EU institutions such as the
European commission and Europe and court of justice also act as a pull factor towards the
restriction of the formation and implementation of particular member state’s policies. On the
other hand, cooperation across national interior ministries through bodies such as Frontex strives
to meet both securitization aims and economic imperatives as well as human rights concerns.
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Burden sharing remains the subject of tension between countries in the east of Europe and those
in the west. There are only few general EU immigration policies because cooperation is growing.
As in the case of Europe and Australia, the nation’s themselves directly apply most of the
changes in the immigration policies and consult within the international organizations such as the
Regional Conference on Migration. Comparing the present statistics, the United States alone
continues to host a very large number of immigrants in North America. It is much convoluted
and outmoded legal immigration framework for virtually depending on the temporary worker
visa, family reunification, humanitarian and enforcement operations along the south borders
within the purview of plural economic, security and political concerns. Canadian pointing system
scheme focuses on the professionals in order to provide the country’s cheap source of expertise,
which has lately been further targeted on technology and French speaking individuals. Thus,
today Mexico continues to be mainly a transit and a source country of the migration flows in the
region only.
In both regions people’s political demands and prejudice against certain immigrant categories
make large-scale changes to immigrant selection politically unfeasible in recent years despite
acknowledgment of economic advantages. Present day events such as the Syrian refugees’ issue
are stretching the EU solidarity and North American integration. Cross-country comparisons of
legislation and regulation rules, and observations of institutional factors may shed light on these
policy tradeoffs.
a. EU treaties and directives on immigration
The policy of worker mobility was created with the founding Treaty of Rome in 1957 to form the
European Economic Community. The later treaties such as the Single European Act of 1986 and
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the Treaty of Maastricht of 1992 strengthened the freedom of movement rights of the EU
citizens. These treaties paved the early legal foundation on EU cooperation on immigration
issues despite immigration policy being in the member state jurisdiction. Notable enhancement
was the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1997 that provided some legal standards as the prohibition of
discrimination and providing “equitable treatment” to third-country nationals. It also transferred
some aspects of the immigration and asylum policy in accordance with the procedure under the
shared EU legislative power into new articles of Title IV. This led to the possibility of adopting
directives establishing routine across Member States including, rules on family reunification and
long-term resident status. More so, the establishment of the integration policy under the Lisbon
Treaty of 2009 was an effort to formalize the Immigration policy seeking to regulate the flow of
people in a proper manner. Irregular migration, trafficking, external borders and cooperation
between member states are now among the domains where the EU possesses competence. After
Lisbon the EU introduced directives in single permit procedures, intra-company transfers and
seasonal employment that fits with the EU desire for rationalized legal migration. In asylum, it
enacted on common processes, conditions of receptions and qualification. Thus, based on the
example of EU treaties the EU advanced from primarily internal EU mobility toward the
contemporary complex legislative, financial and institutional mechanism of migration and
asylum rights.
b. Schengen Agreement and freedom of movement
The Schengen Agreement of 1985 concluded among five of ten members of the European
Communities aimed at the gradual elimination of systematic internal checks at the borders of
participating states. It was included in EU legislation in 1999 by the Amsterdam Treaty as part of
the EEA and now has a total of 26 European nations. The Schengen Area which contains a
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unified visa policy and to all the internal borders of the European Union in order for people with
legal residence within the said area to travel freely within it. This notion of mobility is a
founding principle of the EU Treaty and its legal order which allows EU citizens to gather, work
and study or perform other activities across member countries. This can enhance enhanced
interaction an expansion in the extent of economic unity in the unified market of the EU.
On the other hand, there is no freedom for North Americans to move around the countries in
North America. While NAFTA was intended to raise the barriers to trade and investment between
Canada, the US and Mexico, it failed to address freedom of labor movement or a single tariff
point immigration policy. All the countries in North America follow their own policies on visas
and have strong pull and push controls of human traffic between countries though there are
minor liberties allowed for business interactions across borders within the confined period of
time. It has also raised demand for enhanced collaboration between countries within North
America as far as visas are concerned and sharing on risk assessments concerning immigrants
and transnational criminals. Nevertheless, anti-foreign and security concerns linking to
immigration, borders, visas overstay and job displacement have slowed integration or mobility
within the North American region.
The case of Schengen Area provides a perfect example of the best way through which the EU
dispositions and regimes support the concept of cross-border circulation for the sake of economic
innovation and social inclusion. North America has no similar region-wide mobility regimes,
which are characteristic of stronger attitudes towards constraining immigration. This comparison
demonstrates how the processes of immigration policy formulation are entwined with larger
ideas about the nature of regional development and cohesion.
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c. US Immigration and Nationality Act
Since 1965 the immigration and nationality act has been the backbone of immigration laws in the
United States of America. The legislation was enacted during civil rights and the legislation
banned the discrimination in the immigration policy that was clarifying the policy based on the
national origin or ethnicity of the quartet legislative frameworks. This law is also known as the
1965 Immigration Act that amended the INA and shifted the system from nationality-based
quotas to persons with family connection with the US either as citizens or permanent residents,
those immigrating to the US for employment and refugees. As of now, standards outlined by the
framework created by the amended INA remain the fundamental principles of the US
immigration policy. For instance, the system allocates the core value by preserving family unity
through permitting US citizens and lawful permanent residents to sponsor some relatives. Unlike
systems used by countries such as Canada, it provides less emphasis on economic factors or
skills of persons compared with the family linking element. The US does, however, have
programs like H-1B visa for temporary employment of high skilled foreign workers, though its
immigration policies discriminant between skilled and low skilled workers more than a country
like Australia that is ‘skills select’ based. Also, organized and systematic rights for seekers of
refuge were introduced into the INA through the Refugee Act of 1980. Though, the European
countries have also worked together in harmonizing the asylum systems, as for now the US
asylum system is quite different from the others due to decentralized approach towards
implementation and adjudication. In this amalgam, EU member states spelt by instruments such
as the European Qualification Directive indicate more disjunction with the conventional US legal
and institutional approaches enacted through the INA than with other North American nations
with intertwined migration trajectories.
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d. Canadian Immigration and Refugee Protection Act
This law is Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) that has been in existence since the
year 2001 in Canada. IRPA controls immigration, refugees, temporary residents including
workers and students, citizenship, as well as application of immigration measures. One of the
main goals of IRPA was to promote Canada economic, social and cultural development by the
skilled and targeted immigration policies that reflect the needs of the Canadian labor market and
the absorptive capacity of the country. When implementing the IRPA, Canada looked at the
models used in Australia and New Zealand, as well as using a points-based system, and made the
skilled worker selection based on the ranking points allocated in view of human capital factors
such as education, work experience, knowledge in any of the country’s official languages, age,
arranged employment and experience in Canada. Preceded by earlier legislation and much closer
to the older American model that stressed family reunification as opposed to IRPA, it marked a
new direction in Canadian immigration policy favoring skilled immigrants as a component in the
country’s economic development. IRPA also delineated rights and entitlements for three classes
of newcomers: skilled workers; economic immigrants; family class immigrants and protected
persons, under convention refugees and persons in need of protection. All classes were given
entitlement for permanent residence status. The law raised asylum standards by fulfilling the UN
conventions and establishing an asylum system including the Immigration and Refugee Board
and other institutions. Other policies introduced under IRPA comprised of reducing restrictions
when international students and foreign skilled workers sought permanent residency. On the
other hand, the United States does not have a similar fully functioning national points-based
scheme or a clear route to statuses of permanent residence for most EO migrants personally. All
the North American countries therefore have different immigration laws and policy formulations
depending on the economic settings, geographical factors, domestic structures and relations with
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immigrant sending countries. However, critics have demanded change to the two models i.e. the
Canadian IRPA framework and the American model.
e. Mexico's immigration laws and policies
Mexico’s legal and policy framework concerning immigration varied considerably in the past
few decades. Unfortunately, previously Mexico had been fairly hospitable to immigration due to
both labor deficit and an open border with Canada’s neighbor. However, vigorous legal changes
during the 1990s and active legal changes during the 2000s escalated enforcement and control.
The rationale for such politically regressive measures has been Mexico’s transition from a
country of immigration to transit and reception for immigrants from Central America and other
regions in the Americas. Some of chief laws adopted all through this period include; the General
Population Law of 1974, the first immigration law dealing with enforcement in 1996 and the
most recent being the 2011 Migration Law. It seems that the rights of migrants are established
according to the given law of 2011; the rules of obtaining visas and resident status are described;
the peculiarities of enforced actions, including detention and deportation, are discussed. The
current approach operates at a national security level by criminalizing crossing the border at
other than the official entry points, and increasing capacities for enforcing the act. The National
Institute of Migration was also created in 2009 with its own immigration competence and not the
Interior Ministry. Regarding policy options, Mexico has relied predominantly on the policing
mechanisms of deterrence through borders and interior operations. For instance, since 2015
Mexico has deported more than half a million Central Americans. In these efforts aimed at
reducing transit migration, the US has threatened and likewise helped Mexico. Hence, the legal-
institutional reforms shaping the Mexican State have experienced a transition to enforcement and
deterrence prevalent in the United States of America and more evidently in Europe in the present
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century. It is equally important, however, to recognize that there are still strong tensions between
Mexico’s defense of its sovereignty and migrant rights on the one hand and its security concerns,
particularly with the USA, and its own migration history on the other. All the same, Experts
reason that the Mexican policies of migration are actually paradoxical, in the sense that Mexico
may allow some forms of migration while at the same time deeply discouraging or even banning
others, including extra-continental and transit ones. Such policies may likely be deemed to harm
relations with the countries of origin and may even be in violation of refugee or human rights
treaties Mexico has ratified.
f. International conventions and their implementation
Immigration policies in both sides of the Atlantic are governed by a web of international
conventions, regional agreements and national legislation. Immigration conventions include the
1951 Refugee Convention that outlines who constitutes as a refugee and the response of states
together with their responsibilities in the protection of refugees. This convention has been
adopted into regional and domestic laws by the EU and other North American nations though
some modifications may be present. For example, the EU’s common European asylum system
harmonizes the procedures of determining refugee status among the EU member states, whereas
the USA and Canada have different approaches to the asylum application.
In relation to immigration, there are differences in the application of the wider human rights
instruments as between Europe and North America. The ECHR as applied by the ECHR has been
attributed with the force to compel European member states to respect and ensure certain rights
to migrants including family unity and protection from arbitrary detention in the absence of
speedy court review. International conventions have had a somewhat weaker effect on
immigration policy in the United States that has rejected key human rights treaties.
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International and regional agreements reinforce and extend conventions to rule on particular
migration channels and are concerned with topics such as visa facilitation, the treatment of
individuals who are in the country unlawfully, and labor migration policies. Spain and Ecuador
signed a bilateral labor made experience to simplify the work permits for each country’s citizens
while the United States has trade treaties with friendly countries that grants some professionals’
comparatively easy entry into the country on temporary visas. In the case of EU, accords enable
citizen to move freely across member states of the European Union. Till date, there is no similar
regional migration system that exists in North America.
The degree of incorporation of provisions of these myriads of similar international, regional and
bilateral instruments into federal law and administration significantly differs among EU member
states and North American states. Although regional actors such as the EU bodies can force
national governments implement common EU standard in immigration regulation, EU members
countries enjoy a measure of discretion over some specific aspects of migration such as the right
to naturalization. However, there is no comparable supra national institution that can coordinate
the immigration measures of Canada, the United States and Mexico.
3. BORDER CONTROL AND ENTRY POLICIES
Comparing the EU and North America immigration strategies, considers border control and entry
policies. The two regions seek to achieve the promotion of legitimate travel and migration while
at the same time practicing increased law enforcement and security. However, there are
differences that are quite significant. To achieve institutional cooperation, the EU has endeavored
to integrate external border controls amongst the member countries through a standard visa
policy, the Schengen Area which covers elimination of control at internal frontiers, and the
European Border and Coast Guard Agency (FRONTEX) that offers practical assistance at
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external borders. This integration shows that the EU wants its member states to be economically
and politically integrated. As for North America, Canada and the United States of America still
represent their own special interests in border control even they have the longest border in the
world.
The United States has a relatively hard line – the Department of Homeland Security maintains
intensive control to prevent illegals from entering from Latin America through the borders. US-
VISIT introduces programs such as the screening procedures that are even lawful visitors
undergo, they are uglified to take biometric tests. Other nation-states such as Canada have far
more relaxed polices which aim at encouraging as many immigrants to come and boost the
economy rather than have control of migration seen as sheer security necessity. For instance, the
Global Skills Strategy means that high-skill individuals are processed on a two-week visa. They
also vary within EU itself – during 2010s Syrians fleeing civil war, Germany and Sweden for
example, despite some tensions still widely accepted refugees, while Baltic states for example, as
well as others in Eastern Europe, actively resisted EU plans to relocate asylum seekers first
arriving in Greece and Italy.
Contending factors have led to policy reconsideration from across the Atlantic divide. Taking
into account that Schengen Area is essentially devoid of borders, temporary internal borders were
reinforced after the 2015-16 migrant crisis and increase in cross-border criminality. A number of
EU member states including France, Austria and Denmark also consequently capped flows for
various reasons. Migrant caravans arriving at the US-Mexico border from Central America in
North America have challenged and trialed the ability and existing holes in humanitarian
corridors. The “Beyond the Border Action Plan” has been designed for bringing changes in
enforcing the border checking policies of Canada. With respect to cross border mobility and
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immigration, there are changes expected to take place with corresponding changes in strategies
to control the borders. Comparing the nature of policy changes on both continents allows
countries on both continents to uncover further policy improvement possibilities as well as
persisting policy problems.
a. EU external border management (Frontex)
Currently the European Border and Coast Guard Agency or just Frontex is one of the most
significant actors of the European Union’s external borders and immigration approaches. Frontex
was founded in 2004 in order to facilitate cooperation between EU member states as well as
Schengen associated countries in the sphere of border protection. Frontex increased its operating
budget to more than €900 million in 2022 to have over 2,000 border guard officers and use high-
tech tools to prevent and identify persons crossing the external borders at land or maritime
borders irregularly.
The main tasks of Frontex includes helping the EU member states at external borders in the
identification of migrants and asylum seekers. For instance, Frontex officers can help the Greek
authorities in identification of the migrants, registration and taking their fingerprints of the
migrants who arrived to the Aegean islands from Turkey. Hence, security clearance is quicker
and reveals economic migrants from genuine asylum seekers. Frontex also co-operates in fast-
paced border operations and joint return operations of rejected asylum seekers and illegals.
Currently, almost 2,500 Frontex officers perform over 1,000 joint deportation flights of more
than 19,000 people rejected entry or asylum in 2021.
However, North America does not have a similar entity as external borders force. The borders of
Canada and the United States over land are primary governed by two national organizations
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which are the U.S Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and the Canada Border Services
Agency (CBSA). Maritime boundaries largely depend on the U.S. Coast Guard, and the
Canadian Coast Guard. There is a bi-national cooperation but the joint operation and sharing of
the burden is not yet as highly evolved as like the system in Frontex in Europe. For instance, in
the Syrian crisis of 2014, EU used Frontex apparatus to quickly send border guards and
registration officers to Greek islands and external borders with Turkey. This sort of fluidity of the
border resources would have more limitations between Canadian and U.S. agencies.
Corresponding to the rising trend in asylum claims in the EU, Frontex has evolved not only as a
force of prevention of unauthorized migration but also as a coordinator of the asylum seekers’
identification and procedure, as well as management in their assimilation or deportation. In 2022,
Frontex finalized an aerial over 30 million tender for the services to provide coverage over
Aegean Sea and Mediterranean route. Enhanced surveillance through UAVs, fixed-wing aircrafts
and space ensures early identification of boats and congregation points of migrants in North
Africa & Turkey; maritime resources are committed to Greece & Italy in parallel with the border
checks & registrations after an interception. However, critics argue that technology enables
surveillance and state that Frontex’s expanded role may lead to abuse as well as human rights
abuses with too little civil or judicial watchdogs.
b. US-Mexico border policies and enforcement
The border established by the United States and Mexico is approximately 1,999 miles long and
has recently become the face of the entire US immigration legislation and enforcement
endeavors. In the last few decades, the US has employed several policies and measures to
enhance the control of the southern border, limit arrivals of unauthorized immigrants from
Mexico and Central America and deport those already in the country. Operation Gatekeeper in
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the 1990s, the Bush’s and Obama’s proposal and setting-up of the Border Patrol and fencing of
the border areas and Trump’s attempts to build more barriers and declare border emergency. The
effectiveness of such enforcement initiatives has been an issue of much subject for discussion
with the borders open in most region and migration still ongoing albeit at a smaller capacity.
Eminent authors identify numerous escalations as to where enforcement is high on specific
borders, it just props up ‘ballooning’ effects where methodologies, routes, and people involved
change giving way to new enforcement crackdowns. Federal and State immigration policies of
the US and Immigration control measures along the border and in the interior of the two
countries work in a way that they contradict the demand for labor and established migration
paths that connect people in the borderland region.
These US border enforcement endeavors can be compared to the EU de-bordering of internal
frontiers through Schengen Area removing internal borders for people but with external controls,
and asylum directives that have to be homogeneous across the member states. As the EU deals
with the flows via sea routes and the external part of its border wherein people attempt to enter
the Schengen Area the freedom of movement within most of the EU states is quite different from
the heightened border security between the US and Mexico. Canada can be considered a third
example with the relatively short border with the USA, that experiences moderate unauthorized
immigration but relatively high legal temporary migration in the previous period. All have
implicit partisan politics entailing national security, economic, and humanitarian policy in
borders and immigration policies.
c. Canadian border services and entry procedures
Immigration and entry policies in Canada are well guarded to regulate flow and level of
immigration in the country. The Canada Border Services Agency or (CBSA) for short is the
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agency that oversees the Canadian border and enforces laws in ports of entry. Any people
wishing to enter Canada from other countries are required to present themselves to a CBSA
inspection location including an airport, a port of entry, or a sheltered location located at a land
border-crossing. The CBSA officer will identify the traveler, confirm compliance with
admissibility, and decide the period and reason for being allowed in Canada. For instance, the
visitor must convince the officers that he or she has other ties in home country other than
immigration permanently.
The measure of hospitality, as well as the entry procedures, may sharply differ depending on the
traveler’s citizenship. Canada besides has specific visa policies in relation to countries that are in
an alliance with it. For instance, persons from Mexico, Western Europe, Australia and Japan can
enter the country Visa free while others Asian, Africans, most Europeans, Middle Eastern and
South Americans need to have visa as visitors. Visa-exempt foreign nationals arriving in Canada
by air must obtain Electronic Travel Authorization (eTA) before leaving their home country.
Some of the hurdles include security checks, finding if an applicant has been refused a visa in the
past, or if the applicant is inadmissible in any way. However, all persons arriving in Canada from
another country must demonstrate to CBSA inspection officers why they should be allowed entry
based on the following standard admissibility factors – character, health, financial resources and
repute to leave Canada.
The EU Schengen area that has no internal control has full border control with the US still
maintained by Canada. However, the two countries have working relations regarding perimeter
security measures, the WHTI, visa and asylum regimes, under the provisions of the Safe Third
Country Agreement. Subsequent literature studies should explore if Canada should attempt to
introduce less rigorous measures on inbound borders like Schengen area in Europe without
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compromising the national security issues and public health objectives. As a result of above
changes, liberal democracies try to find a balance between authorized mobility and immigration
on one hand and prevention of irregular migration and incidents on the other hand.
d. Visa policies and requirements
Use of visas in regulating travel and immigration is an essential aspect of entry policies across
borders constituting the general borders of any geographical region. It stands for 40 percent in
the EU for instance, but is only 3 percent in North America. By mechanisms such as Schengen
Agreement whereby member states had eased internal borders in relation to movement, the EU
has attempted to Europeanize, harmonize and/or mutually legalize visa requirements. Hotels are
subject to supranational regulation of external visa policy in the entire territory of the Schengen
experimented. By contrast, North America is region with no single approach in terms of visas
and entry policies – Canada and USA have totally different visa systems, although sometimes
they can coordinate their actions to synchronize some policies.
The EU allows the nationals of the European Economic Area (EEA) member states to enter the
territory without a visa. Some non-EEA countries also enjoy visa free regime based on mutual
visa waiver agreements. Currently a majority of the people from North America require a visa in
order to be allowed entry into the EU. On the other hand, the North American visa policies are
essential – The United States Visa Waiver Program is only encompassing 40 countries, many of
which are with a higher income. Canadian visa exemptions too are restricted in a similar manner.
They also differ in rejection rates – less than 3% of the US’s visa applicants were rejected in
2021, while in Canada that year this indicator was higher than 25%. Compared to others, the EU
countries have low rejection rates, but they vary with individual member countries.
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EU free movement principles also allow visa work, and residence later for EEA migrants that
North American policies do not correct. NAFTA facilitated free movement of workers within the
regions although this was done to specific and highly skilled persons in positions such as
executive and professional roles. Majority of the EU work authorization processes are blind to
occupation. North America also gives out several million short-term seasonal agriculture and
service worker visas not conceivable in EU policies.
Policies on refugee/asylum visas are also strikingly different – while the EU tries to subsequently
distribute asylum seekers according to the country’s quotas and economic performance.
Ironically, no such burden sharing arrangement exists in North America for the refugees. Visa
and entry policies are the two crucial aspects that regulate immigration flows; therefore, these
EU-North American differences significantly influence migration, particularly from less-
developed countries. Variation in visa policies, therefore, is critical in understanding
composition, nature, and magnitude of migrants’ flow.
e. Pre-entry screening and security measures
EU and North America countries have employed a number of procedures and measures as border
control and Checkpoint immigration procedures. Every person that is planning to come in is
thoroughly screened before being allowed into the facility. The United States and Canada
particularly elaborate the data analysis based on the passenger’s name records, advanced
passenger information and other precautions to perform the prescreening of passengers and
security assessment before the grant of a visa or before allowing travel. Altogether these
countries together with EU members have established highly advanced system of intelligence
exchange which include but not limited to fingerprint databases, terrorist watch lists integrated
border management systems and with INTERPOL and EUROPOL. Distinctive features
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presented by biometric visas include fingerprints, digital photos or iris scans to facilitate identity
tracking. ESTA is an electronic system of the United States of America which calls on visa
waiver applicants to present biographic data electronically online. Canada uses the eTA system to
pre-approve travel by visa-requiring foreign nationals in a similar way. The EU’s Schengen
Information System available real-time data for troublesome individuals.
Both the EU and North America have also implemented enhanced passenger screening measures
in international airports and ports or any other borderline. They state that air passengers are
frequently asked by immigration or customs officers about the purpose of their visit or the length
of their visit. Border officers check and review documents to ensure the applicant is qualified, to
ensure the applicant has a return ticket and to determine if the applicant is likely to be an
overstayer. Thus, the EU and North America are gradually relying more on technologies and use
risk-based assessments in order to single out high-risk passengers amid the massive stream of
low-risk clients, thereby enabling the quick passage of the pre-approved passengers through such
programs as Global Entry in the USA, NEXUS in Canada and the Registered Traveler Program
in the EU.
Generally, screening and analysis programs of pre-entry in Europe and North America pursue the
goal to enhance national security, catching terrorists with links, criminals or people who have or
may violate immigration laws, including working or illegal staying. Those that are referred to as
inadmissible are rejected at the port of departure and not at the port of entry. With increasing
global-economic, external involvements or threats and instability migration occurs and through
highly detailed and investigative clearance procedures and prioritizing countries of higher
screenings through well established and integrated data systems, countries ensure for efficient
entries while at the same time ensuring their boarders security.
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f. Use of technology in border control (biometrics, AI)
Following the introduction of highly developed biometric features and AI systems in border
control and entry policies, the concepts of developed western countries have changed
dramatically in the last ten years. Biometrics on the other hand are identity technologies that
include fingerprint, iris or facial identification that quantify and qualify physical attribute of an
individual. These systems are in common practice in many of the EU countries among them the
UK where travelers’ biometric data are scanned against terrorists lists and repeated immigration
violators for security risks. A similar scenario is employed in Australia. The United States has
installed facial recognition systems at controlled airports so that passengers can be matched
against visa and immigration databases for processing purposes. However, criticism has it that
such technologies can take away civil liberties such as privacy and consent. Decision-makers can
only strike an appropriate balance between security and immigrant rights and freedoms. In
immigration decisions and screening, artificial intelligence also held the potentiality of delivering
significant support. For instance, with machine learning, one is able to identify false information
or forgery that may be attached to a visa application form. Initially the EU contributed to
iBorderCtrl project which is based on interviews of the arriving passengers with the help of
artificial intelligence tools that trace signs of suspicious behavior during communication. Though
AI and automation are among the provisions that encourage more minorities, it is jeopardize by
things like racial or gender bias that may harm the minority. More oversight is required. Overall
European migration pressures can be seen than North America due to EU proximity to turbulent
nations in such as Middle East and Africa has not only raised the need for better border checks
but also migrant rights protection. For such technologies to support safer migration and rights,
policymakers need to update them frequently; it focuses on its correctness and fairness, as well
as lay down rules in acceptable use. Immigration is most likely going to persist as worrisome
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problematic; however, there is a potential to adopt respected human-friendly AI and biometrics
as part of stable balanced policy approaches only if enough emphasis is placed on the ethical
application of new technologies.
4. LABOR MIGRATION POLICIES
Labor migration policies include structures that indicate the way in which the governments
control the quantities, qualities and destinations of migrant workers in every country as set by
these laws and regulations. Analysis of labor migration policies shows that there is policy
convergence and policy divergence between the EU and North America on labor migration
policies. One of the major similarities is the focus that many countries have developed regarding
the utilization of high skilled migrants in the economy especially for innovation in STEMM
fields. For instance, the EU’s Blue Card also helped in the admission of highly skilled
immigrants from non-EU countries, while the United States’ H-1B visa program also targets
talent.
It is necessary to separate different approaches to the use of temporary and low-skilled labor
migration. Germany and Spain in particular, have used the guest worker system in which
individuals arrive to take temporary low wage positions in industries such as farming,
construction and cleaning, but are provided limited social rights. The US and Canada for
instance, employ a larger number of unauthorized low-skill migrants, who do not have labor
rights and have no legal status. An exception here is happening in the United States where some
temporary seasonal workers are given H-2 visa programs. Combined, the EU prefers to
encourage circular migration among lower skilled workers, although undocumented has been a
by-product of the restriction imposed in North America.
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Another difference is that the post offers possibilities of inter-regional mobility, while the intra-
regional mobility is offered by the corresponding post. The EU has particularly vested interested
in circulating talent across member states and protecting the right of free movement within the
single market. Data indicates that there is internal mobility due to the factors such as
standardization of professional licensing and education. North America does not have an
equivalent integrated market – while countries such as NAFTA are free trade agreements for
commercial migration within the United States of America, Canada and Mexico, permanent
economic migration remains a national law. Labor mobility is another subject in future post-virus
economic cooperation in North America with connections to immigration policy.
Two models premised on the use of ‘sector-specific’ migration channels are utilized in the
attraction of high-skilled labor, yet, flexibility of intra-regional movement is greater in North
America than it is in the EU – and the dependency on temporary, low-wage ‘guest workers’ is
significantly larger. It can be hypothesized that, with the shifting of labor markets over the course
of years and sometimes, months, global shocks such as recessions and pandemics are causing
both regions perform overhauls of their immigration policies.
a. EU Blue Card and national schemes
The EU blue card refers to the EU-level work permit that permits third-country nationals with
highly skilled employment to work in any member state of EU except Denmark, Ireland and the
United Kingdom. Launched in 2009, Blue Card is introduced in an effort to simplify and make
desirable for highly skilled persons to move and work in EU to address confirmed shortage of
workers in sectors such as health care, information technology and engineering profession. One
of the Blue Card’s characteristics permits relatively easy transition between participating EU
countries for employment once the holder has had a Blue Card in an EU country for 18 months.
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One of the important requirements to be fulfilled by a candidate wishing to get an EU Blue Card
is holding of a work contract or a binding job offer in any EU country the contractual work
meeting the standards of a highly qualified job or work post, duration of contract being not less
than one year and initial remuneration not less than one and half the average gross annual
remuneration paid to the workers in the country of work. The candidates must also provide a
valid work visa or permit for that country as well as medical insurance, qualifications and pass,
and proof of financial support.
Any member state in the EU still has the privilege of separately having their blue card scheme
for attracting high-skilled LM in specific sectors experiencing shortage. Compared to the EU
Blue Card, certain countries that are members of this union have offered lower salaries or will
permit less skilled occupations to access the work permit. For example, Germany uses thousands
of “Jobseeker Visas” in information technology fields Of course, Spain has more general
approach with its 2013 Entrepreneurs Law. For example, migrants can get one-year residency
permit if only they can show business plans, capital financing and training that could be useful
for Spain’s economy.
b. US employment-based visas (H-1B, L-1, etc.)
The United States has various categories of temporary or limited employment visas that grant
foreign workers the permission to live and work in the U.S for a while. Some of the best known
are the H-1B for specialty occupations and L-1 for intra company transfers. The H-1 B makes it
possible for employers in the United States to hire foreign individuals to work in specialty
occupations that require a university degree or its equivalent in the fields of science, engineering
and information technology. H-1B workers are permitted to work under immigration color for a
period of up to six years provided that the immigration status is renewed. L-1A visa enables
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multinational company organizations to transfer managers as well as those with specialized skills
from another country to its affiliate company in the United States. L-1 visas are temporary and
allow individuals to remain in the country for five or seven years depending on the ownership of
the company transferring the individuals. A major reason of using employment-based visas Is to
meet the demand of labor shortage, particularly in STEM careers, however, there are concerns
about low wages and replacement of natives. It is done on an annual basis and arithmetical
quotas and with labor certifications in order to safeguard domestic wages and working
conditions. The EU independent national policies for third-country migrant workers and for
addressing domestic labor market deficiencies differ but policies are more in tune with over all
EU principles of free movement of persons. Different work permits and residence permits for
members states depend on nationality, detail of rules and quotas for particular sectors in
accordance with domestic economic plan. They also contain further requirements involving the
minimum wage and the preference for nationals of EU member states. The length and frequency
that permits can be issued also vary greatly among European countries with some promoting
circular mobility and temporary migrations while others encourage more permanent settlement.
In recent years, developed economies attempting to build a reputation as a preferred destination
for talent, properly weighing the need for labor and protection worker rights remains a work in
progress when it comes to addressing fair and ethical solutions to migration.
c. Canadian Express Entry system
Immigration and entry policies in Canada are well guarded to regulate flow and level of
immigration in the country. The Canada Border Services Agency or (CBSA) for short is the
agency that oversees the Canadian border and enforces laws in ports of entry. Any people
wishing to enter Canada from other countries are required to present themselves to a CBSA
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inspection location including an airport, a port of entry, or a sheltered location located at a land
border-crossing. The CBSA officer will identify the traveler, confirm compliance with
admissibility, and decide the period and reason for being allowed in Canada. For instance, the
visitor must convince the officers that he or she has other ties in home country other than
immigration permanently.
The measure of hospitality, as well as the entry procedures, may sharply differ depending on the
traveler’s citizenship. Canada besides has specific visa policies in relation to countries that are in
an alliance with it. For instance, persons from Mexico, Western Europe, Australia and Japan can
enter the country Visa free while others from regions like Asia, African, most Europeans, Middle
East and South Americans need to have visa as visitors. Visa-exempt foreign nationals arriving in
Canada by air must obtain Electronic Travel Authorization (eTA) before leaving their home
country. Some of the hurdles include security checks, finding if an applicant has been refused a
visa in the past, or if the applicant is inadmissible in any way. However, all persons arriving in
Canada from another country must demonstrate to CBSA inspection officers why they should be
allowed entry based on the following standard admissibility factors – character, health, financial
resources, and repute to leave Canada.
The EU Schengen area that has no internal control has full border control with the US still
maintained by Canada. However, the two countries have working relations regarding perimeter
security measures, the WHTI, visa and asylum regimes, under the provisions of the Safe Third
Country Agreement. Subsequent literature studies should explore if Canada should attempt to
introduce less rigorous measures on inbound borders like Schengen area in Europe without
compromising the national security issues and public health objectives. As a result of above
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changes, liberal democracies try to find a balance between authorized mobility and immigration
and prevention of irregular migration and incidents.
d. Seasonal and temporary worker programs
Most nations in the developed world have adopted seasonal and/or temporary foreign worker
programs to meet demand for staff in certain sectors and professions that demand a large supply
of low-skill workers for a limited amount of time. These programs enable aliens to hold legal
jobs for limited periods of time and in most instances work in farming, hospitality, construction
and any short-term jobs. Importantly, the structure and conditions of the guest worker schemes
differ today from those in the EU and North American countries. Currently in the United States
H-2A and H-2B visa programs have issued visas to above 200000 of the seasonal farm workers
and non-agricultural laborers every year. Employees may be permitted to stay for less than
twelve months on these kinds of permits that restrict them to a particular employer. At the same
time, for instance, Canada’s Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program grants virtually 60,000 visas
per year for the perennial deficits in fruit and vegetable farms, and greenhouses. Participants
usually arrive from Mexico and the Caribbean region under bi-lateral treaties for up to 8 months.
European countries have also sought hiring of seasonal workers from Eastern Partnership
countries, the Balkans and North of Africa particularly in horticulture and tourism. Larger
numbers are seen in Italy, Spain and Germany while destination countries in northern Europe
such as Sweden and Finland have only recently implemented similar programs. The difference is
that in the US and Canada there is an open-ended, employer-centered system with visa available
so long as employers can demonstrate a lack of supply. While most European countries maintain
GO-GOs for certain quantifies and positions. Many cap participant numbers. As with the
programs themselves, European programs also provide more opportunities and mechanisms for
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the immigrant to gain legal status that offers a right of permanent residence in the longer term.
North American schemes offer less worker right and no conversion from temporary to permanent
position after returning despite however many years. All of these guest worker policies have
been contentious. Employer organizations have applauded the option of flexibility in hiring,
while employees responding to this narrative have noted that by being temporary foreigners they
are easily exploited and receive poor treatment compared to citizens. As to the extent to which it
is possible to balance labor rights protection with meeting genuine business needs has remained
the subject of discussion in both the American and the European contexts.
e. Brain drain/gain and circular migration
Present policies on labor migration in both the EU and North America have to meet challenges
associated with both brain drain and brain gain. While developed countries with decreasing birth
rates and ageing population is have their qualified and skilled employees ‘brain-gain’ because
immigrants help fill the human capital gaps in line with international demands, subordinate
human capital knowledge communities suffer from ‘brain-drain,’ their qualified citizens
migrating to the developed world in search of higher wages and opportunities. This can deny the
developing countries the human talent in development of new ideas, start-ups and healthy
workers in their economies such as scientists, engineers, doctors, pharmacists etc. To lessen the
impact of brain drain on the developing nations some countries try to encourage people to take
up temporary foreign worker schemes to develop their skills as well as encourage the expatriate
citizens to return home with better education qualification and capital. For instance, Canada’s
Provincial Nominee Programs enable people to obtain temporary admission to the country if the
province needs such workers and then look for a way to deport such immigrants, or Mexico has
sought to link emigrants in the US with businesses at home. The EU also understands the
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importance of ethically sourcing cheap talent internationally without aggravating brain drain in
the developing world. However, continuing demographic divergence, especially the older Europe
in comparison to young developing countries, still causes high skill migration push. While new
innovations continue to be developed in immigration policies, better and perhaps, even more
innovative ways may be necessary in order to address the perennial loss of human capital in the
EU and North America while at the same time ensuring employers fill their vacancies
responsibly. It could also cover immigration facilities aimed at temporary migration, seasonal
work visas, international talent search programs, educational and training partnerships, Diaspora
based on temporary capital remittances, and policy cooperation between the home and host
countries. In conclusion, the regulation of HSMs in a context of Globalized Labor Market needs
understanding and sensitive approach from the governments and employer as well as employees’
states.
f. Labor market tests and protections for domestic workers
Measures like labor market tests which could involve proving that no qualified domestic workers
are available or displaced, then has been used to regulate labor migration in high income
countries. However, failure to pay adequate attention to the type of work has isolated vulnerable
migrant groups. Those who tend our homes, cook our food and clean are mainly women of color
and are mostly immigrant and they do not get the rights other sectors get to have. Thus, the tasks
performed at home are isolated and this makes it difficult for workers to report abuse such as
being forced to work for many hours without pay. In Europe and North America there exist
struggles for domestic work to be recognized but the struggle is/was not for the women’s labor to
be appreciated as such but to be incorporated within the legal frameworks.
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Although domestic workers constitute a major segment of a strategic sector, their labor remains
marginalized from foundational legal instruments of many nations’ labor laws pertaining to
minimum wage or occupational health and safety or bargaining autonomy. Two exceptions stand
out: Since 2011 with the help of amendments New York state became the first in the USA to
provide domestic workers with right to be paid overtime, receive one day rest per week and
protection against sexual harassment. The same year, 2019, Spain granted labor rights in relation
to; unemployment spanned to domestic workers. However, there is the following criticism:
Despite being laudable initial efforts, there are always the following challenges: Generally,
actualization of these gains for immigrant women who experience tricky immigration systems
and practices lack enforcement mechanisms or the formulation of industry-wide standards.
Similarly, incremental changes in policy also do not effectively address the continuing social
undervaluation of care work that perpetuates significantly lower pay and status of domestic
assignments as compared to distinctly similarly skilled or qualified professions. To
fundamentally raise the status of domestic work, challenging dominant cultural paradigms of
women, family roles and deservingness beyond the scope of employment relations is needed.
The structure of care chains is compared for Western Europe and North America – flows of
migrant women replacing native-born female labor moving elsewhere for better opportunities –
where the migrant admission systems are dissimilar. While destination countries are still
engaging in immigration reforms some of the stated goals such as the reformation of entry
systems with a view to satisfying skilled labor demand or addressing efficient shortages require
focusing industries that are experiencing labor supply difficulties at home. In a way, fresh paths
to enable migrant domestic workers could allocate care needs more in sync with immigrant labor
preferences while simultaneously overseeing their abuse. Some have been enacted for domestic
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workers and to recognize such employment as skilled respectively exists and experimental
decentralization of the formulation of best practices may spur more national models. To achieve
policy objectives for policing immigration systems as reactive and gender equality, those staffing
these tremendously beneficial but often overlooked roles must be qualified as fully shielded
employees.
5. FAMILY REUNIFICATION POLICIES
Family reunion policies meanings are basically the policies that enable an immigrant to bring
members of their families to the country of residence. Immigration policies are some of the
standard offerings of many developed countries’ immigration systems. Nonetheless, there have
been notorious disparities as to the details implied regarding the enforcement of family
reunification policies across the globe.
In EU most of the member states have admitted the right of family reunion to third country
nationals who are permanent residents. EU directives provide for minimum standards and state
that countries must accept applications from nuclear family members, which include spouses,
minor children as well as dependent parents. However, implementation differs – some countries
have obstacles, including minimum income, language proficiency, and long waits till family
members come. Some countries of Southern Europe such as Italy and Spain have always been
liberal in their approach towards granting immigration permits, and the process of family
reunification was seen as a moral responsibility of the state. The source countries such as
Germany and Denmark for instance have a lot more restrictive measures put in place to regulate
consumption.
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At the same time, there were relatively powerful rules for family reunification immigration, and
less immigration for overemployment in the United States and Canada. Incoming relatives
include spouses, minor children and parents of an adult citizen, can always immigrate despite not
being contained within numerical limits. Adult children and siblings’ migrant applicants have
quotas and long lists but contribute to the majority of fresh permanent residents. Nevertheless,
the reunification capacity has dissipated in the recent past. In the US, caps have not scaled to
population growth and backlogs have risen to over one decade in some categories of visas.
Timmermans and Main assets suggest that tighter door mechanisms for admission have also
limited admittance. Canada has not accumulated significant backlogs but also implemented
measures after realizing such threats as marriage frauds.
Although the resettlement of refugees is still an essential value of immigration systems in the
West, the regulations governing provisions of family reunification in the EU, US and Canada are
dissimilar concerning eligibility, waiting list and sponsorship and integration prerequisites. These
policy variations are actually compounded by core differences in the perception of immigration
as an economic, humanitarian, or security matter. As for the harmonization it is critical to
understand all these dynamics in order to conduct proper comparison.
a. EU Family Reunification Directive
The EU Family Reunification Directive of 2003 seeks to equality the rights of third-country
nationals Lawful being in the member state to be joined by family members outside EU. The
directive proceeds to allow two categories of migrants – those enjoying legal residence – to
apply to reunify with their nuclear family members, which encompass spouses and minor
children. About applications submission, the time taken to process the application, the rights of
the family members who have been granted admission, and the reasons for refusal to admit
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family members. The directive also empowers member states to make provisions with regard to
more beneficial national provisions which has resulted to differential much implementation
across the EU.
Important elements of the directive relate to issues concerning family reunification and the
general discussions on control of migration policies. Specifying which family members are
eligible has been problematic; most commonly, only those in officially recognized marriages are
included. Measures that have also elicited concerns have included long processing times,
stringent evidentiary requirements, and integration measures like language and culture tests,
which have also been accused of unnecessarily limiting family reunion as a gateway to migration
laws. Some field proposals to broaden the category of compromise with member states of an
extended family have been meet with resistances from more restrictionist. How certain EU states
have tried to restrict family migration as immigration and asylum applications have increased
with some states which have restricted family migration through the minimal implementation of
measures in the directive are the bare minimum standards and as such the directive has led to an
increase in immigration and asylum application rates.
Comparing the EU Family Reunification Directive to others around the world, mainly in North
America, there are similarities but there are also differences. The culture of individual selection
criteria varies between the U.S and Canada and their programs have a combination of global
criteria and domestic requirements, the variation is not very different from that which exists
between different states within the EU directive. However, there is no organizational regional
framework and standard and rights for family migration in North America as a contrast. This
makes systematic comparison of policy aims and impacts across the Atlantic all the more
problematic. It also preserves maximum autonomy for individual states regarding rule and quota
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changes in relation to priorities of immigration policy and economic conditions. So, whether the
EU model of providing only a baseline of common rights and parameters for naturalization does
present a more migrant-centered view the remains debatable between advocates on each side.
b. US family-based immigration system
The United States of America has one of the largest systems of family-based migration in the
world, and the focus is made on reuniting nuclear families. Unlike many developed countries,
US immigration law a gives high level of preference and preference to individuals who have
immediate relatives in the United States. This includes spouses, unmarried children below the
age of 21 years, and parents of American citizens not below the age of 21 years. There are
provisions for siblings and adult married children of citizens or permanent residents of Canada
but with a far greater restrictions with regard to number and waiting times. The great extension
of this family-based system may be attributed to old-fashioned assumptions concerning the social
benefits of family cohesion and specific policy objectives of immigrant absorption. However,
their opponents assert that the current system results in continued “chain migration”. Some are
vehement about the economic implications of low skilled workers’ importation while others have
reasons of social solidarity due to ethnic separation. In contrast, European and the other
developed countries give much importance to the migration for skilled workers than the family
reunification. The system of Canada is somewhat similar to that of the US in the manner in
which nuclear families are privileged although to a somewhat lesser extent extended families are
recognized. In general, the discussion remains open whether the United States should change its
approach to the American family-based migration system and select those immigrants according
to their skills, education, and integration potential or continue to respect the traditions of family
reunification as the duties of every human being and a way for immigrants to become successful
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Americans. Running throughout the debate are profound structural assumptions on philosophies
of Immigration in the world that is becoming a global village.
c. Canadian family sponsorship program
The Canadian program for sponsoring families enables a Canadian citizen or a permanent
resident bring in certain family members to Canada. Included sponsored members are spouses,
common law partners, dependent children, parents and grandparents. Sponsors have to be
earning a minimum income and have a willingness to support(s) their sponsored relative(s) for 3
to 20 years based on the relative type. This program it makes provision for family reunification
because there are those that has already established themselves in Canada and they have an
opportunity to bring in their immediate family members. Contrary to many other countries of the
European Union, the rules regarding family reunification in Canadian immigration legislation are
broader not only in terms of admission criteria but also in terms of time-requirements. For
instance, in Canada, both the siblings, grandchildren and grandparents can be sponsored, but in
one of the EU countries, say France, only the spouses and minor children can be sponsored. Also,
the sponsorship applications for spouses and children for Canadian families are completed within
one year unlike in the EU where it takes 16-19months. The income required from sponsors is
also notably lower in Canada than, for example, in the UK and Germany, which are EU
countries. What the US lacks compared to Canada is that, in actual sense, the US has more
family married immigrant entry than Canada. Like in the United States, a green card holder can
sponsor a spouse, children, parents, and siblings; however, under the Canada immigration
system, sibling sponsorship is not allowed. The US also provides a fiancé(e) visa for the foreign
citizen who intends to marry a US citizen within 90 days upon entering the country. Thus, when
comparing the programs for family reunification of North American countries, Canada slightly
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lags behind only to the USA in terms of efficiency and openness. Some of the differences are that
application processing is faster, and relatives like grandparents are considered compared to many
EU states. In the end, Canada’s destination is to strike a balance of interest between family unity
and economic class by the various family sponsorship programs and policies in the Country.
d. Definition of family and eligible relationships
The concept of a family and which members of it are permitted to reunite differs depending on
the district and stems from the existing attitudes toward family. This is important, for example,
because the EU usually pays more attention to the extended family than North America does.
The EU Family Reunification Directive identifies family members as spouses, registered
partners, own children and dependent direct relatives of the age of majority. This is a conception
of the family that also extends beyond the immediate two parent with minor children family but
also include vertically extended families with dependent adult children and dependent elder
parents. It also has a provision for branching extended family such as the sibling group. For this
reason, like the broader definition of families when it comes to reuniting transnational families of
culturally diverse arrangements such as polygamous families, which are widespread in most
African and Middle Eastern countries, than the North American assisted policies.
Policies such as the United States Immigration and Nationality Act and the Canadian Family
Sponsorship policies have more rigid criterion that are based on nuclear family values. The
immigrant sponsors are generally only allowed to sponsor spouse, common law partner,
dependent children below the age of 21, parents and grandparents above 60 years of age. For this
reason, the nuclear family is defined solely by that which the said relationships do not
encompass. The fact that reunification is limited to nuclear families reflect policy views in North
America of family as primarily an economic unit, parents and dependent children. This more
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restricted policy definition of ‘family’ therefore excludes reunification for extended family
relationships which may be just as close emotionally: this is because the discourse is imbued
with the worldview that extended families are a matter of ‘family’ business and not issues of
‘policy’. In addition, they render the concept of family reunification ineligible within the context
of North America because of polygamous relationships.
e. Integration requirements for family members
Both the EU and North America have policies on family reunification and their conditions
invariably include integration of the family before they are granted full rights and permissions.
Such integration demands can be language assessments, test on the cultural background,
management of the personal finances, and others. For instance, sponsored spouses require to live
in Canada and with their spouse whom sponsored them for a period of two years. As part of the
process, one has to be financially dependent on the other spouse during the time his or her visa
was being processed. This is to help one to set an easier ground for integration as a relative
directs him/her to a place of residence, job, language institutes or ways of functioning in the
society. Likewise, in Denmark where the family members must pass the language and culture
exam among others topics like employment, rights and obligations, Danish society and values in
order to get the permit to be a permanent resident.
At present, there are none that apply to reunified family members in the United States as national
integration requirements. Citizenship rights are to be met according to the law regardless of
whether a person came to the country with a family visa, employment visa or a refugee. The
absence of integration prerequisites especially for family-based immigrants in the US might lead
to higher level of isolation or more barriers to integration as compared to places with specific
policies in this regard. Further analysis is still required in order to establish the varied impact
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resulting from such changes to policy. It is possible to observe a trend towards the formation of a
third type of system that incorporates elements of both the EU and the North American models.
As immigrant populations evolve through generations, the reconciliation of economic, social and
humane considerations that define family reunion regulation also evolve and finding the right
balance remains the difficult question that continues to underpin the debates on immigration.
f. Challenges and debates in family reunification policies
Family reunion policies are intended for an immigrant to bring over their close relatives to live in
that country. However, the formulation of good policies entails having compelled objectives
among other conflicting issues. A central question is regarding which degrees of consanguinity
should be included – should insurance mostly be confined to parents and children or also capture
extended family members? Some European states at the beginning set provisions strictly
concerning only spouses and children, but these provisions were enlarged over time for
humanitarian reasons, because of the growing age of people, immigrants’ need for care workers
and for immigrant persons who wanted to adapt to the cultures of the receiving societies. Another
predicament, especially in Europe following the 2015 influx of refugees and terrorist attacks by
immigrants, concerns whether and how such reunion should be restricted in the view of social
menace. Under one proposal, certain politicians advocate limiting the number of approvals,
imposing income requirements on sponsors that will shut out working migrants or refusing to
provide legal assistance to contenders labelled as a security risk but with no criminal record.
Civil liberty groups however argue that such measures erode family rights and social integration.
The Trump regime’s measures taken after 2017 up to 2021 which included ban on entry of
travelers from certain Muslim predominated nations horrendously made things worse by putting
on hold approved reunion applications for an unspecified time. Nowhere else are there similar
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‘travel ban’ policies, illustrating the extent to which countries differ in terms of ethical
considerations regarding the risk adjusted approach to limiting reuniting families. Deciding
which relationship kinds should be allowed, when and up to what extent. Whether and how to set
quantitative limits and how to exhaustively analyze qualifications should be screened according
to socio-professional or feared security profiles perfectly demonstrates multifaceted
contingencies causing both technical and politicization of policy in the domain.
6. ASYLUM AND REFUGEE POLICIES
There is an inconsistency in legal as well as political approaches toward asylum and refugees
both in the EU and North America while facing the conflict of interest in maintaining border
security and according asylum to refugees. The EU today is seeing significant opposition to
immigration and communities, and unequal distribution of refugees among the member states as
they exist on political bias, but many of these states seek to represent humanitarian values in the
sphere of the Common European Asylum System. Asylum applications take, on average, 6-12
months to be processed, although some backlog implies that the applicants can wait for over two
years. Detention practices also vary with some state detaining almost all applicants while others
detain routinely. In just the same way there is a conflict between security and generosity within
North America. US asylum system is plagued by backlogs and applicants have to wait for over 4
years to get a hearing. The entire Trump administration signed more than 400 measures to curtail
asylum: ‘Remain in Mexico,’ metering at ports of entry, increased immigrant detention, and
cooperation with Central American countries to contain refugees. Canada has comparably wider
provisions, for example, they can allow claims regardless of the mode of entry, detain
infrequently. But Canada also suffers from backlogs, restrictive criteria for refugees’ selection
and political pressures regarding the Safe Third Country deal with the US. The Dublin system in
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which responsibilities for claims are granted to countries of first entry has aggravated troubles
within the border incorporating Italy and Greece and exposed difference in distribution schemes
in the EU. The debates over compulsory integration quotas intensified after the refugee crisis in
2015. Among these challenges, some are current, like the further adjustment of processes related
to the states and avoiding asylum shopping from country to country. As for other countries, in
North America, for instance, asylum seekers significantly stay in the US compared to the
population and GDP relative to Canada. However, it is using diplomacy to increase efforts in
Mexico and Central America to crack down on the irregular migration processes. Comparative
examination of these intricate policy landscapes highlights Supranational versus
intergovernmental governance arrangements in the EU and North America create divergent
extents of regional standardization, cooperation and load-sharing. Politics cannot be left
completely out of this account since policy differences are grounded on different legal systems
and geostrategic considerations. The PAC’s fundamental point that ‘immigration politics is one
of give and take with higher human stakes than most people realize’ is well taken. Development
cannot be if people hosting displaced forced cannot understand multiple causal factors behind
forced displacement as well as the connection between origins, transit and destinations countries
in mixed migration systems.
a. Common European Asylum System (CEAS)
CEAS stands for the Common European Asylum System; a system of law and power that has
been established by the European Union since 1999 to gain a certain degree of unity throughout
the member countries in the matter of asylum procedures. The principle aim of the CEAS is to
provide high and reasonable standards of protection of refugees and the fair and reasonable
access to procedures for granting asylum references across all the EU member states in
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accordance to the 1951 Convention, the human rights laws included. Basic features of the system
are minimum standards for reception conditions for applicants for international protection,
qualification, and reception conditions and rights of beneficiaries of protection. For instance,
typical procedural requirements concern the deadlines to apply for, personal interviews, appeals,
detention standards, etc. The system also created an Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (EURODAC) for fingerprints of asylum applicants so as to determine the Member
State responsible for examining the application. Also, in order to discourage asylum shopping the
Dublin Regulation should assess the application in the first Member State the applicant arrives at
least in theory, but there are humanitarian and sovereignty clauses. The CEAS is funded through
financial support received from the European Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund.
The CEAS stands for a high degree of policy convergence among the EU countries. However,
Areas of Implementations still exist due to variation of traffic volume and influx of people,
resources, capacities to integrate and assimilate the concept and political will that varies across
states. Issues mentioned above continue to be experienced in the CEAS and efforts to effect
further reforms now intend to enhance harmonization and burden-sharing. Still, efforts to
harmonize the system between the other three countries in the North America has been much
more restrained. However, as to asylum standards and processes, they significantly differ, owing
to such factors as economic conditions, domestic politics, prior refugee immigration trends, and
geographical locations. Currently, there is no counterpart to the CEAS. While some information
exchange and cooperation in training have started to take place. In this sense, the EU’s strategies
towards the creation of a regional asylum governance body differ from the ones in the North of
America.
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b. US asylum process and refugee resettlement
The structure of the American asylum process and refugees’ resettlement program is rather
developed. Persons seeking refuge from persecution in their countries may apply for asylum
within one year of their arrival in the US or at the port of entry. What is important to understand
is that the merger asylum claims are made from the member states of the European Union and
not from the United States since the former is closer to regions hit by crises. Structured in a
manner, asylum is a process that entails filing an application, followed by credibility review
through background checks and later interviews and finally being granted asylum either by a
USCIS asylum officer or an immigration judge. If granted asylum, one applies for permanent
residence after one year and citizenship after five years of asylum. The US also has a refugee
resettlement program which operates worldwide with the UNHCR for purposes of selecting and
moving refugees to the United States. Refugees are subjected to extensive screening outside
United States, before they are offered permission to enter the country. When they arrive here,
nonprofit resettlement agencies help them with housing, jobs, schools, language and other
needed services within the first three months. Refugees are however allowed to apply for a
permanent residence after one year and in five years they can apply for citizenship. Interestingly,
the EU does not have a unified refugee resettlement process and while resettlement occurs it is
through national organizations. Indeed, North American asylum and refugee policies reflect an
attempt to strike the humanitarian, security and feasibility considerations in the process of
protecting vulnerable people. For instance, after the 2015 events in Syria that led to refugee
crisis, the US improved the measures of receiving refugees while Canada quickly launched a
process of receiving more than forty thousand Syrian refugees. However, EU policy has been
characterized by internal contradictions; the lack of a coherent approach to the issue of
immigrants has been followed, for example, by integration problems in recent years to the extent
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that policy aim at decreasing importation of immigrant talent and lack of equal distribution of
resettlement among the member states has fueled this. However, the US also has its relative
recently determined refugee cap restrictions by Presidential administrations depending on the
global situation or internal politics. In the future, the EU and US may turn to similar policy
recommendations as forced migration persists on an unprecedented scale on a worldwide scale.
c. Canadian refugee determination system
Exploring and analyzing the evolution of the Canadian refugee determination system reveals a
system which has adopted a multi-layered governmental and non- governmental structure over
the years. When in Canada refugee claimants fill forms that they present to immigration
authorities as a formal application for refugee protection. They are first screened by the
Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB), an independent administrative tribunal, more particularly
to the Refugee Protection Division (RPD). Thus, the legislative intent of the RPD is to offer the
applicant a reasonable hearing which complies with the standards of ‘the fundamental justice.
Board members decide on this principally by using definitions from the Immigration and
Refugee Protection Act and other policy statements.
If his or her claim is refused, an asylum seeker may apply to the Federal Court for judicial
review or appeal to RAD from the IRB. At the Federal Court level, a judge looks at the RPD’s
decision and rules whether or not there were mistakes made in the application of Canadian law
that would warrant a reversal and the sending back of a case to the RPD. The RAD helps
claimants to seek a different outcome to their disadvantage decision because the tribunal helps to
review the facts of a case. During this refugee determination process, failed refugee claimants are
able to get pre-removal risk assessments and may apply for temporary resident permits or
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humanitarian and compassionate considerations to delay removal if their life will be in danger or
if they will face horrible conditions in their countries when they are returned.
Different from the conventional asylum system in the European Union that most members have
established, the system established in Canada empowers an independent administrative tribunal
to make more decisions than political actors would. It also grants the asylum seekers a legal right
of seeking new decisions through various avenues, in case they get negative decision from the
disposition. This complex process of deciding the refugee status may be believed to adhere to the
principles of procedural justice, which corresponds to the literal and moral sense of the UN
Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol ratified by both Canada and the EU Member
Countries.
d. Safe third country agreements
Safe third country agreements form an important part of asylum and refugee policies of several
countries of the world. These undertakings state that the asylum seeker should give his or her
claim in the first safe country that an asylum seeker gets to, and not in other countries. The
United States has such conditional accords with Canada and several of the Central American
states. The Dublin Regulation is used by the European Union and also has provisions that
refugees have to seek asylum in the European country they initially arrived into.
The rationale behind these policies is to reduce unwanted ad hoc migration through preventing
refugees from ‘shopping around’ for countries they can stay in, to process refugees’ claims in the
first safe country, and to deter lazy asylum states from shifting their responsibilities onto other
countries. However, critics oppose that the safe third country arrangements are violating asylum
seekers’ rights and susceptible populations remain in countries with largely overwhelmed asylum
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regimes. And standards for which nations are considered safe are also not the same for different
countries.
For instance, the use of the Dublin protocol means that in the last decade the number of migrants
that get stranded in Greece has significantly risen. Asylum seekers have those who reside within
it in the process and hosting them while they wait for their application to be processed. Similar
concerns have been made in the refugee camps in the border regions of the U.S and Mexico as
the U.S reduces on the number of refugees it admits under safe country agreements. In
conclusion, for all the intent of fairly sharing risks, opponents point out that safe third country
policies tend to locate asylum seekers in border areas that are the least prepared to host them.
This results in migrant humanitarian issues and claims that developed countries are shirking
duties on their part.
It has hence become a politically sensitive task to reform the processes of determining safe third
countries. The European Commission has brought changes to the Dublin System that includes
reasonable sharing of responsibilities of the states which are the members of the European
Union. Yet, improvement continues to be incremental and the process of adoption convoluted.
Across the Atlantic, Biden’s administration has done away with most of Trump’s asylum
policies, but rights groups are unhappy. Enhancing the quality and the coherence of Risk, yet
promoting the principle of non-penalization of migration status along with human dignity,
represents an ongoing difficult task. Need for creative policy solutions is especially essential.
e. Reception conditions and support for asylum seekers
EU and North America exhibit a lot of divergence regarding the reception conditions and support
offered to the asylum seekers. The Reception Conditions Directive provides legal requirements
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governing the basic needs as housing, food and clothing, financial assistance and health
insurance. However, there are significant differences from one member state to the other in the
way these standards are met. For instance, what Sweden and Germany offer are furnished
apartments or furnished houses and while Greece and Italy have been found failing to even
provide shelter of any form. Unfortunately, most of the EU countries provide universal
healthcare to the asylum seekers but in some countries like Hungary, these rights are limited.
Education also – receiving education minor is different – some countries let asylum seekers
attend public schools directly while in others, there can be delays before enrollment is permitted.
In North America, the US pays for residing, meals, a restricted amount of healthcare, education,
and a very small sum of money via national charities affiliated with the government. But it
deems that asylum seekers can only apply for work authorization after 6 months have passed.
Canada has traditionally offered more comprehensive federal financial, housing, language
training and employment support in the past but help has diminished in recent years. Moreover,
detention policies offer rather distinct reception conditions – most of the EU member states grant
a limit with regard to detention%, while it stays absolutely unlimited in the United States and is
practiced rather frequently. At the last, contemporary frontline reception policies have emerged
in dissimilar historical and political contexts on either side of the Atlantic. However, while there
is a shared set of norms, reception conditions remain fragmented because national governments
are struggling with limited financial resources and growing EU public opposition to immigration.
At the same time in North America, the support for asylum seekers has been daughter by broader
contexts of immigration enforcement. Current policies address changing pressures - be it the
European refugee crisis putting extra pressure on EU border states or the deterrence model
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adopted recently across the United States drastically reducing asylum opportunities and initial
guarantees for arriving individuals.
f. Temporary protection statuses
Temporary protection has become an important part of asylum seekers and refugees’ rights in
many countries. These special legal references afford these individuals and families limited legal
standing in addition to employment eligibility and social amenities for asylum seekers in their
home countries due to persecution. Temporary protection is not a new concept for countries of
the contemporary world; both the European Union and countries of North America have applied
temporary protection to those affected by wars or natural disasters abroad.
The Temporary Protection Directive in the European Union was adopted in 2001 in order to lay
down minimum standards for temporary protection in case of large-scale influx of refugees.
Here, too, the signatory states are equal and the principle of contractual autonomy prevails; The
agreement also creates homogeneity where necessary, standardizes rules and conditions between
EU states. Temporary protection status in accordance with this directive allows for residence
permits, employment rights, housing, social assistance state benefits, access to health care, and
education for children. In its first instance, it is only for one year, but can be renewed for up to
three years. The EU Temporary Protection Directive came into force after cumulating wars
beginning in the 1990s in former Yugoslavia which prompted over 350,000 displaced Bosnians
to look for protection across Europe, thereby requiring an improved harmonized response. Since
2001, EU members have employed such processes to extend asylum to people escaping the
turbulence in Libya, Syria and Ukraine among other countries.
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Individual European states have their policies in regards to offering various types of temporary
form of humanitarian protection beyond what EU requires. Such compliment status as refugee
and subsidiary protection in the framework of the Common European Asylum System. Each year
since 2014, more than a million migrants and asylum seekers arrived in Europe pushing the
asylum systems and reception capacities and making temporary protection measures relevant.
In North America, the concept of refugee protection has the United States providing Temporary
Protected Status (TPS), Deferred Enforced Departure (DED), and administrative parole for those
who cannot return to their country safely. These have been applied to individuals from countries
such as El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua, Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan, Syria,
Yemen when it was unsafe for individuals to be repatriated. Canada has not employed normal
TPMs to extent but collaborates with UNHCR to grant some refugees temporary protection for
human rights for work visas in Canada whenever crises occur in other countries. Since then, both
regions carry on efforts to increase the level of legal protection of affected populations while
addressing challenging policy issues such as border control or reducing the number of people
admitted for resettlement purposes.
7. INTEGRATION POLICIES AND STRATEGIES
The policies and strategy of integration also differ significantly and between the EU and North
America. In the EU integration policies seek to offer educational and training programs that
includes language, history, institution and values of the country and active employment policies
to enable immigrants from third world countries access the labor market easily. The EU countries
thus have some that adopt policies that can be described as assimilationist–that is; literate
knowledge tests or ‘integration contracts.’ Barriers to integration include limited socio-economic
resources, spatial separation, exclusion in workplaces and social relations and divergent attitudes
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to such values as equal rights for women and more emphasis on the Self rather than the group.
Methods of integration include passing of laws against discrimination, employment of
affirmative action, educational expenditure, efforts in renewal of urban centers, encouraging
people to take up naturalization and launching of campaigns for diversity acceptance.
There is no integration policy in the United States or Canada since both nations represent
themselves as countries of immigrants. Intention takes place via the education system, the
association of nonprofit organizations, faith organizations, and through the work. Some major
threats are the exclusion of undocumented immigrants from most public facilities, poverty rates
higher among some immigrants, post-9/11 racial profiling and detention, especially among
Muslims, backlash against bilingual education and a bipolarization of identity and integration
debate. Strategies for integrating immigrant newcomers in the workplace focus on workplace
diversity training, public/private partnerships where the government and agencies which provide
immigrants services, teaching of English that is related directly to particular occupations, and
immigration reform that includes a realistic path to citizenship.
While the EU has a tradition of more top-down governmental action in the integration of
immigrants, in North America there is more bottom-up community and market and informal
integration action to acclimate new arrivals. Nevertheless, political ethnonationalism and the
newcomers’ limited access to integration opportunities combined with socially negative
discrimination of immigrants in both regions. Policy harmonization therefore requires extensive
policy strategies that cover aspects such as immigrant’s legal status, education and employment,
spatial segregation, political inclusion and public perception about diversities at national,
regional, local and municipal level and other non-governmental organizations.
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a. EU integration action plans and funding
The European Union has come up with a number of action programs and financial models for the
absorption of immigrants and refugees in European societies. The present action plan is the 2016
Action Plan on Integration of Third-Country Nationals, which encompasses an action plan and
support measures that the EU states may use to develop and bolster their national integration
strategies. This plan deals with pre-departure and pre-arrival actions, awareness raising activities,
employment and the labor market, various services and opportunities, social inclusion, and
measures for special attention to specific populations. Of greater concern, the Action Plan
outlines integration policies involving asylum seekers and refugees as well as other legal
immigrants. Similarly, Asylum Migration and Integration Fund (AMIF) has earmarked over 3
billion euros to its member states of EU for the period 2014-2020 merely for integration flows
and thereby provide life chances for the immigrants as like the citizens of EU. Such a rate of
financial support and long-term planning contributes to the recognition of immigration
integration as one of the important long-term priorities of the EU. Programs financed include
education, health, training, shelter and increasing the positive communications between residents
through migrant orientation classes and multicultural exercises.
At the same time, the United States and Canada had not use common national integration
framework plan, or provide specific federal support, though both countries have similar
integration policy problems in education achievement gaps, unemployment of qualified
immigrants, discrimination, and variance in health. This demonstrates key differences in the
policy approaches of North America versus the EU. While the individualistic culture of United
States and Canada are incapable to make top-down integration action plans in the twenty first
century, the multicultural culture of the EU aims at making the EU large inclusive to immigrants
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through standardized plans supported by multiple year’s funding of standard euro amount at
adequate scale. More cross-national research can then assess these policies based on other factors
such as: the socio-economic profile of arriving immigrants, the level of citizenship uptake,
perceived integration satisfaction, and the mobility ladder of immigrants’ descendant’s income.
Knowing these integration policy differences and possible best practices will be essential when
countries all over the globe the globe are in the process of formulating policies on immigration
and integration for the diversifying society.
b. US integration initiatives (federal, state, local)
The United States has developed integration policies at the national state and local government to
help immigrants assimilate into the country. At the federal level is the Office of Citizenship in the
United States Citizenship and Immigration Services, through education and offering of funds to
organizations that help immigrants integrate into American society. It has directed public
education on the rights and duties of the right to vote. On state level, California has been a
pioneer in progressive integration policies via actions that open up insurance, higher education,
and workplace regardless of immigration status. The state included undocumented immigrants
into the categories eligible for obtaining a driver’s license as well as professional and for children
opening Medicaid. Locally, in New York City under Mayor Bloomberg both assimilationist
strategies and multicultural ones were adopted and include English and civics classes, refugee
task force, ID cards policies, and equal access policies. Chicago, Houston, Seattle and other
important cities of the country have made similar provisions. Various studies suggested that local
integration policy in the context of the United States has the potential to facilitate immigrant
economic, social and political incorporation. It should also be noted that the subnational
involvement is rather different from the overall EU tendency toward using national level
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initiatives. Initial empirical evidence indicates that proactively engaging the extrapolation of
integration policies at the regional, municipal and community levels may prove to be more
effective than attempts by Brussels to mandate the policies from an overarching central authority.
Some have claimed that the devolution of policy may lead to the delivery of the service as a right
reducing equal access to it. In aggregate, the cross-national comparison suggests that the
effective utilization of policy integration across intergovernmental systems continues to be
problematic in both the American and the British context. Nevertheless, the part of states and
cities that is most notable points toward integration as something everyone carries as a part of
their nationality and not just a burden on the backs of immigrants to figure out on their own.
c. Canadian multiculturalism policy
Canada’s multiculturalism policy at the federal level, although proclaimed only in 1971,
recognizes cultural diversity as one of the defining features of Canadian society and aims at the
full and equal inclusion of people and communities from all over the world. Consequently,
another genuine difference from the assimilation models is that ‘true multiculturalism can admit
immigrants as Westerners on their own terms – not forcing them to deny their ethnic roots’. The
policy also declares rights of every person in Canada to protect, develop, and transmit their
cultural identity to ensure multicultural existence in the country. Examples of mundane
multicultural policies and programs include support for cultural endeavors and anti-racisms,
cultural or religious needs, representation of multicultural population in public media, extra
services for immigrants, multicultural education and heritage language in schools, protection
from discriminations in the constitution. The impact assessment of multiculturalism policy in
Canada, and its comparative assessment with European context shows relatively higher levels of
social and economic incorporation and social inclusion. For instance, the experience of the first
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and second generation of immigrants in the United States is characterized by a general positive
shift in the economic status with each generation and Canadians students of immigrants enjoy a
post-secondary education completion rate more than that of their European counterparts. The
polls also prove the immunity of the minorities to Canada and the perceived discrimination is
also low compared to the EU. However, wage differentials associated with ethnicity and
immigrant status show that native born Canadians remain worse off compared to some ethnic
groups. The critiques of multiculturalism are continued with problems related to economic
incorporation, ethnic residential clustering, rights clashes, as well as white supremacy arising
from ethnopolitical diversity. While in the USA, race-conscious Policies in approaching
diversity, the Canadian wide non-discriminatory system on approach has not adequately
addressed this aspect where other races face systemized discrimination. Such continuing
exclusion of the vulnerable categories indicates that Canada still has more to do in realizing the
multiculturalism policy in reality. Out proposed changes concern transforming the specific strong
cultural diversity into the coherent system fighting against the roots of segregation, making
acceptation of the various minorities non-ambiguous and letting adjust legal base according to
the new social splits.
d. Language and civic integration programs
While, language acquisition and cultural orientation or “civic integration” programs are among
the important pillars of the broad context of the immigrant integration and policy models of most
countries. Therefore, the evaluation of such programs is concerned with ascertaining the
linguistic, social, cultural and historical capital required for incorporation into the economic,
social and the political life of the new country by new immigrants or refugees. Despite the fact
that language and civic programs aim at the migrant integration, the concepts of goals and
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objectives, expectations, available assistance, and the rationale varies according to jurisdiction
and region. For instance, the state and communes in most Western Europe nations such as
France, Germany, the Netherlands and Austria expects one to complete language and civic
integration classes as integration is reciprocative as it depends on the disposition of the
immigrant as well as receiving society. On the other hand, basic English or French-language
courses are welcomed though usually optional in more conventional immigrant receiving
countries such as United States and Canada where multiculturalism principles are followed with
principles of diversity, equal opportunities and right to choose a type of integration.
Besides the orientation goals, both content and assessments also differ across programs.
European curricula as seen above are more or less generic in that they highlight rights and
responsibilities, cultural beliefs, history, government and politics. For instance, Swedens worded
civil assimilation system includes interpreters for classes in the Swedish laws, Swedish social
etiquette and the Swedish political systems. Canada’s more limited choices are information that
immigrants need to survive in everyday life and issues relating to education, transportation,
health care, banking and employment. Programs also vary concerning the kind of achievement
measures adopted. In most European cases, the portion of the integration policy that limits entry,
residence, and settlement privileges for immigrants and their recognized dependents is country-
specific or language tests performed at prescribed competency levels. The programs of both
countries have the feature of voluntary participation and self- assessment with no established
normative.
The trade-offs between mandatory and voluntary courses and between improving a cultural
orientation and functional linguistic abilities also show trade-offs in integration policy.
Effectively, therefore, compulsory participation brings about acquisition effects in the short term
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although new concerns are crops up depending on long-term effects at such arrangements, and
whether such strategies embrace agency or paternalism. Likewise, the emphasis on host country
cultural knowledge over communicative utility is effective for acculturation objectives but not
for needs-based settlement assistance. Isolating both the regional policy priorities that relate to
immigrant populations as well as the integration need is vital for configuring par programming
particularly for language and civics.
e. Labor market integration strategies
A part of integration policies and concerning immigration in the EU and North America is the
labor market integration which concerns the incorporation of immigrants and refugees in the
workforce. Some of the key areas within LMIA that have been implemented include language
training and education, employment services, skills enhancement programs, skills recognition,
sponsorship/mentorship and anti-discrimination measures.
Such types of ALMPs are particularly relevant for assisting the process of integration of
immigrants in the labor force. For instance in Germany extensive German language and
professional training courses are offered to new immigrants and refugees for them to acquire
required skills in the labor market. Other countries such as Canada and Sweden used what is
termed as” bridging programs” to lessen the skills demands and facilitate immigrants
professionals in their process to accord their foreign qualifications, work experience and
competence. Other emerging form of affinity, particularly among new immigrants in countries
like the UK and USA are mentorship programs that only connect new immigrants with locals in
those markets.
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In legislative perspective, the antidiscrimination laws have been very crucial for providing
support to EEO. In the year 2000 EU issued its Racial Equality Directive to prohibit
discrimination on the grounds of racial or ethnic origin in the workplace and other areas. The
former types of laws, combined with more active measures in labor market integration, can
enhance immigrants’ possibilities to achieve stable employment, and become economically
productive. Ultimately, it is critical to note that ALMPs correlated with the general integration
policies cannot be dismissed as their significance in individual’s economic independence and in
labor markets’ advancement has consecutive positive impact on social integration and, thus,
deconstruction of marginalization and exclusion of immigrant population.
A basic difference held with previous results is the fact that national and regional differences
persist in labor market integration policies and outcomes among EU states and North America,
those countries and regions that adopt multiple element strategies do achieve relatively better
results in most aspects of immigrant economic integration with the hosts society. Hence the
necessity of language, skills, qualifications recognition, employment services for targeted
groups, anti-discrimination legislation and policies and augmented focus on integration,
intercultural competence which should characterize the integration of immigrants into the labor
market and much more. Lastly for ethical, social and economic rational there are strong policy
arguments why receivers of immigrants should to persist with improving and appropriately
recalibrating labor market integration policies.
f. Anti-discrimination measures and social cohesion efforts
Anti-discrimination measures and social inclusion efforts form part of the essential strategies
have been adopted within the integration policies in the EU and North America. Immigrants or
discrimination on ethno-cultural grounds has received enhancements in legal measures across
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liberal democracies over the years. For instance, EU directives and national legislation that ban
discrimination include direct discrimination and discrimination through the use of precluded
grounds in the workplace and in access to employment, social services, healthcare, housing and
other areas of community life. Most municipalities have also passed city ordinances and policies
relating to community relations work, cultural sensitization for employees in the public sector,
and the establishment of councils or task forces with obligatory immigrant membership. All such
anti- discrimination efforts correspond with other race relations measures, tolerance and diversity
and the civic integration of the immigrants in various sectors. More variation can be observed in
North American regions; though, Canadian multiculturalism policies have been constitutional
since 1971 and all ten provinces with human rights codes, there is no consistent federal policy
and little anti-discrimination protection based on immigration or citizenship status in the United
States. However, states and city governments have been pursuing sanctuary policies and other
social inclusion mechanisms on their own.
Research findings on equality, diversity and non-discrimination policies indicate a conflicting
nature of policies and their effects on immigrants’ integration in terms of socio-economic,
cultural and civil-political integration. Evidence of legal protections impacting main areas of
concern such as employment and opportunity for upward mobility can be observed based on
lower reporting of discrimination among – professional immigrants in sectors that are bound by
strict regulatory laws such as healthcare. But ethnic/racial divisions are still found in components
such as employment rate, income levels, homeownership and poverty probabilities Or, in other
words, relativizing the legalistic paradigm. In addition, although intercultural politics
complemented by large immigrant participation in consensual decision-making fosters a sense of
belonging and high trust, opponents claim that cultural maintenance condemns individuals to
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social exclusion. Therefore, the concepts of diversity can still be contentious relating to whether
policy focuses on it strengthen or weaken social capital.
8. CITIZENSHIP AND NATURALIZATION
EU and North American countries have different ideas about citizenship and naturalization
policies. Each member state of the EU regulates its own citizenship and naturalization hence
there is a strange pattern of policies. Majorities of the EU countries recognize jus sanguinis
principle, according to which children automatically obtain citizenship of their parents
irrespective of where they were born. Mexican and United States, Canadian and other countries
of North America adhere to jus soli, meaning granting of citizenship based on birthplace. The EU
wants a harmonized approach to rules on residence, family reunification and citizenship for
immigrant populations, but policies are still patchy. As an economic union, the EU is
characterized by provisions of freedom of movement for people in order to work and live in any
country.
North American policies differ in terms of immigration and naturalization. Canada has a
requirement of 3 out of the last 5 years while the USA requires 5 years of residence at all but
naturalization which also is given at naturalization. Canada allows the applicants to take the
permanent resident status first before moving for citizenship. General civics and English tests
given to immigrants in America are regarded to be more difficult than the Canada’s citizenship
test. The U.S also refuses citizenship to anyone who spends most of his or her time in another
country while Canada just demands evidence of continued connection.
When it comes to immigrants of non-EU origin, there is a wide offer in terms of rights and
opportunities that a particular country may provide when compared to its member-state citizens
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or any internal EU migrant. For many years, the countries in North American region have been
more welcoming to the talent and refugee population of the world, as indicated by higher innate
immigration rates. Anyway, there is the number of states in the EU that are increasing the
percentage of immigrants rather quickly, such as Germany, Sweden and Ireland. In similar ways,
populist polities have turned both regions less distinctly hospitable in the last years even if the
EU principles of freedom of commerce still allow mobile accesses for European-first
immigrants. All in all, the legal condition of citizenship and naturalization stays even more
volatile and undefined for the population of the EU compared to that of North America.
a. Citizenship laws in EU member states
While there are certain general features underlying the citizenship laws of the various EU
member states such concepts are not identical. Every country of EU has the rule of jus sanguinis,
meaning that citizenship is determined through ancestry, so children are beneficiaries of
citizenship of a country their parents are from regardless of where they were born. However,
many EU states have mixed it with some tinge of jus soli, a principle which confers citizenship
on the basis of territory of birth. For instance, Germany primarily observe jus sanguinis but kids
born in Germany to alien parents may naturalize if they fulfill specific residency test. Decision
about citizenship of second or third generation immigrants is made by France and Britain.
Yet, there are similarities and differences in the demands for naturalization – the ways through
which non-EU immigrants can gain citizenship. For instance, Belgium demands only three years’
resident for naturalization while in Austria it is ten years. There are some scholars who have
posited that countries that pursue relatively more stringent naturalization policies are ones that
hold anti-immigrant political attitudes, however the relationship is anything but straightforward
because there are frequently those countries that, while being quite liberal in their attitudes
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toward immigration, have integrated many immigrants relatively recently. Duration of the
residency term before naturalization can also affect the level of integration or the reverse,
exclusion of the immigrants from the host society.
Citizenship policies bear severe relations with immigration admissions policies that every
member state of the country has the discretion to set. The conflict is evident between the liberal
cosmopolitan views, such as those of Sweden, and the France’s French variant laïcité which in
the matter of immigration is intolerant of any assertation of cultural or religious particularism in
public life. Modern society has been coming up with daily discussions that try to balance
between unity and conformity on one side, and difference and inequality on the other. The recent
rise of nationalist political parties all over the European Union will definitely changing some
citizenship policies, in places like Austria and Hungary, which will restrict eligibility for future
immigrants. But other states may go in a more cosmopolitan kind of culture. These opposed
policies show the many-layered integration policies applied even in the group of the European
Union states which are not very culturally diverse.
b. US citizenship requirements and processes
Amid obtaining the US citizenship, there are legal measures that have to be met and this has
always taken time. Applicants must be a permanent resident of the United States for at least 5
years or, if married to a US citizen, at least three years. They also have to be of good moral
character, must pass tests in English and civics, and take an oath on the Constitution of the
United States. The first step is completed on the USCIS Form N-400, the Application for
Naturalization, that should be accompanied by the filing fee. This leads to a scrutiny of their tax,
employment, and possibly criminal records background check. Applicants take a set of
fingerprints to determine eligibility for an FBI background check, through which identity is
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confirmed, and records searched for grounds for disqualification. Then there is the civics and
English test which consists of a number of questions on the American history, government,
symbols and holidays alongside practical tests of ones writing and speaking skills in English.
The 100 possible civics questions the applicants might face in the test take most of them months
to prepare. Following the tests, one is required to sit for an interview from a USCIS officer who
has to satisfy herself/him about the applicant’s residency, good moral character, and attachment
to the principles of the Constitution of the United States of America. Upon confirmation, the
applicants participate in the Oath Ceremony where they vehemently exclude the previous
pledges while embracing commitment to the U.S Constitution. Citizenship then is accorded here
and at this point in the process, individuals are awarded citizenship. Substantial work is achieved
within a time frame of ten months on an average. This is a lot slower than some EU countries
who have a quicker process. For instance, the laws in France and Germany require children to
live in the country for at least 2-3 years before they can be naturalized. The United Kingdom
apparently has a multi-hierarchical mode of categorizing the citizens, and the fastest route to
citizenship takes 3 years. Hoping their tariffs starting from 0 to 00 according to the country.
Canada’s process resembles US process again and can take up to 1 year. Fees and tests are also
almost the same. Thus, while the American naturalization experience sustains a centralized
process of becoming a complete American prior to voting, with some effort required to learn
American history and values, other developed nations of the West make naturalization a faster
process with less steps. The US sees citizenship as something that must be earned through
several years spent living, paying taxes, contributing in that country. The other countries also
have the same concern with regards to immigrants’ integration but with a more affirmative
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approach embraced. Such policy differences point out more profound cultural beliefs regarding
the immigrants’ place in society.
c. Canadian citizenship criteria and procedures
The procedure of obtaining the citizenship of Canada is highly defined based on the residence,
language, Canadian history and values and other factors. Applicants for naturalization had to
have been physically present in Canada for at least 3 out of the previous 5 years and anyone who
has been living in Canada before obtaining PR status counts towards the physical presence
requirement. As for the remaining areas, spousal visas may be sought for a Canadian citizen’s
spouse if they have lived together for 3 years. Citizenship applicants aged between 18 and 54
must likewise show proof of reasonable proficiency in English or French, and pass a test
regarding general knowledge of Canadian society, rights and responsibilities, history,
government, laws, symbols and events. Other factors that will disqualify a candidate include
unresolved criminal charges and medical inadmissibility. Should general requirements be met,
the applicants are required to fill an application with supporting documents, pay fees, be finger
printed and pass various identification tests and finally swear the appropriate oath of allegiance.
Taken verbally during a more extensive ritual, this oath is to follow the Canadian monarch and
observe the rights and duties of a Canadian citizen. Once the applicants are approved, they are
issued with a citizenship certificate and will be eligible for a Canadian passport. These includes;
They obtain right to vote, eligibly to stand for an elective post, and protection under cross border
by Canadian consular agents. In comparison with some EU countries Canadian naturalization
emphasizes language proficiency, the knowledge of the institutions and values, as well as
declaration of the applicant’s loyalty to the political body. This is different with jus sanguinis EU
countries where by certain people are given citizenship by reason of family relationship. In this
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regard, it is noteworthy that Canada has for example a shorter required period of residence than
some of the EU countries. It has also strict condition to consider something as criminal or health
sector complications than some regions of Europe. In general, Canadian naturalization reflects
legislative and policy objectives of fostering policy and immediate integration of immigrants in
the socio-economic frameworks rather than that of ethnicity as is evident in some cases in
Europe and at the EU level.
d. Dual citizenship policies
The policy framework regarding the issue of dual citizenship in different countries within the
European Union and the North American region differ tremendously. The EU countries can be
divided into encouraging and restricting the Possession of Dual Citizenship. Members of the
European Union especially France and Spain allowed immigrants to be granted citizenship but
they ought to retain their former citizenship. This has helped in assimilation of immigrants and at
the same time they are able maintain their link with the home country. On the other hand; few
countries like Germany and Austria have always frown on this type of arrangement by insisting
that anyone who has been granted citizenship, must relinquish all other citizenships. However, a
few countries in the EU have in recent past liberalized their policies to employ the highly skilled
migrants. These diverse measures are sometimes best understood as being based on ideological
assumptions about nationalism or multiculturalism.
In North American continent only two countries namely United States and Canada offer the
principle of jus soli and hence the high tendency of Dual nationality is encouraged. The process
of naturalization in the United States permits dual citizenship, with witnesses to the applicant
merely swearing that he or she has no intention of keeping up foreign attachments. But the
declaration is rather symbolic, allowing naturalized citizens keep the physical passports they had
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before becoming citizens of this country. Contrary to the past when dual citizenship was
considered as amounting to having divided loyalties, it is embraced by Americans. Canada
assumes an even more conciliatory approach, considering such people dual citizens, and
allowing them to exercises their voting rights and access other ancillary services wherever they
are in the world. Unlike most of Europe’s policies, holding dual nationality is not considered as a
hurdle to integration.
The EU and North American approaches contrast and identify philosophical differences in
action. Some policies raise questions of sovereignty, growing supra-governmentalism and
shifting definitions of EU identity, between liberal and restrictive forces. Policies of North
American countries, on the other note, show adherence to birthright models that undeniably lead
to widespread toleration of the second degree of dual nationality. However, acceptance of dual
citizenship also is consistent with the concept of horizontally faming as founded by immigrants.
Globalization and migration escalation remain key drivers that will continue influencing
perceptions and practices on the second citizenship influencing the citizenship and naturalization
policies in America and Europe.
e. Citizenship tests and language requirements
A common area that has undergone a lot of change in the last twenty years has been in the
requirement of having to undergo citizenship tests as well as language tests before qualifying for
naturalization in North America and Europe. Canada and the United States both have federal
level citizenship test that comprise questions about history, government, rights, and
responsibilities. Similarly, countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom,
Germany and France, use tests that check an immigrant’s understanding of languages, cultures,
and values in the process of nationalization. Supporters continue to assert these steps promote
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improved assimilation and demonstrate the willingness of an immigrant to adapt and embrace the
new nation. However, critics have argued that difficult exams and language rules acting as
hindrances that deny aspirant citizens who face poor background chances for citizenship.
Different countries have highly varying approaches to outlining what needs to be tested and how
the test should be conducted. North American tests are focused on questions about the US and
Canadian Constitution, and civic issues only, while European exams include questions about
national history, tradition, and manners. The UK Life in the UK test is ridiculous for asking
questions like the age of Big Ben and not asking the year in which women got the right to vote.
Another area has to do with administrative procedures that vary from one country to another.
Though the Canada test may be taken orally if required, in the USA there are only possibilities of
waiver off the requirements for the applicants of certain age and length of stay only. Therefore,
the denial rates in America are far higher as compared to Canada’s near 100 percent success rate.
Requirements in terms of language also vary; While Canada requires first and foremost simple
communication in English or French, US, Netherlands and Austria require much closer to native-
like English/Flemish/German respectively. While embracing multiculturalism, languages
standards might compromise on particular minority groups in these nations.
Controversies persist over measures of procedural fairness for tests in citizenship and language
policies that advance integration interests and stifle naturalization. Proponents of strict
naturalization requirements countered that the latter enables them to select only immigrants most
eager to embrace the rights and duties of democratic citizenship. But critics argue, citing
scholars, that educated people from developed countries dominate most of the citizenship tests
thereby perpetuating social inequalities. We need to recognize the social, economic, and
language dimensions of the migrant minority’s situation when designing the policies of
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naturalization that were intended to enable rather than hinder equal belonging. In conclusion, the
use of these citizenship assessment tools in integrating immigrants and endorsing the
fundamental principles of the nation can be viewed solely as a success in North America and
Europe; however, the contentious question, as to whether they can successfully achieve that
purpose is debated across the border.
f. Debates on birthright citizenship
Birthright citizenship, jus soli, has greatly debated in the recent years, mostly in Washington.
Compared to other developed countries, the United States allows children who were born in
America to become automatic citizens irrespective of the status of their parents in the country.
Proponents claim that it serves to cherish the continued integrationist, pro-immigrant ethos
which founded America. Yet others say it fuels illegality in immigration and ‘anchor babies.’
Efforts have been made to curb it, including the Birthright Citizenship Act 2011 that seeks to
eliminate the jus soli or right of soil by defining it to confine to the child of at least one US
citizen or permanent resident parent. Meanwhile, most European countries practice jus sanguinis
– the principals by which citizenship is derived from parents rather than the place of birth. For
instance, Germany has recently increased requirements for a similar reason due to its citizens
having children for the purpose of gaining EU citizenship for the child.
On the other hand, traditional countries of immigration like Canada and Australia still somewhat
recognize birthright citizenship as the US policy does. The Canadian Citizenship Act provides
citizenship for any baby born in Canada, but they are subjected to certain other requirements if
both parents are immigrants. For a slightly less stringent process in Australia, the child must be a
citizen or must be an Australian resident and at least one of the parents must be an Australian
citizen. These differences reflect the ways in which different nations try to resolve conflicts
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between human rights as well as practical considerations of how to enforce those rights and
public opinion about one of the most private – although official – matters: who is to be
recognized as a citizen by birth? Given the enhanced polarization of the questions of immigration
and citizenship as the major political issues in the Western states, the sophisticated, philosophical
argument over the right to membership and citizenship as questions of constitutional law remain
tightly linked to the questions of the national identity and birthright and will remain highly
topical for the foreseeable future in both Americas.
9. IRREGULAR MIGRATION AND ENFORCEMENT
Refers to movement of people from one country to another in an unlawful manner and without
legal permit to do so. This can comprise refusal to admit asylum seekers, those in the country on
visit permits, or visas, or those who sneak into the country through other means, which are the
authorized border points. Hence, the more realistic and challenging issues for both the EU and
the migration flow regulation countries, such as the United States and Canada, include the
problems of irregular migration flow and immigration enforcement, but their policy measures
distinguished themselves significantly.
Within the EU, the area without internal borders is called the Schengen area which is based
mainly on control of crossing external borders of the Schengen area. This system has been
severely tested by the 2015-2016 refugee crisis when more than a million asylum seekers and
other migrants arrived to Europe and were listed either through green or through very risky sea
voyages through the Mediterranean Sea. This exposed some of the shortcomings, especially in
coordination of the members as well as in sharing of responsibilities among the member states of
the EU. It also contributed to extend votes for even punitive types of immigration policies from
right-wing xenophobic parties. However, the EU seeks to ensure that enforcement is done side
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by side with preservation of laws on asylum as well as the rights of refugees. For instance,
Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, is upping cooperation to improve
screening, detect smuggling networks and reduce vulnerability to exploitation, as well as
increasing the rate of returns while engaging in search and rescue missions.
In North America it has been more largely on strong Immigration enforcement by country border
and interior patrol agents. Hence, in the U.S. for instance, the solution to the issue of unlawful
immigration has assumed the proportion of partisan politics in relation to security and cultural
sovereignty. The militarization of the borders especially the US- Mexico border with Department
of Homeland Security has influenced the movement of the’ aliens’ in more dangers routes. Also
disputably, the U.S. also indefinitely detains or quickly deports may asylum seekers under
restrictive measures. Similarly to the US, Canadian approach to enforcement is also grounded in
security-related logic, yet with a more focus on effective and efficient processing of asylum
claims and resettlement support. In both cases, one finds rational economic, societal, and geo-
political phenomena that shape migrant intent as well as governments’ responses to irregular
movements across the Atlantic. Nevertheless, the selected policy tools and rights frameworks
used demonstrate some discrepancies between NA and EU attitudes toward border management,
refugees’ obligations and noncitizens.
a. EU Return Directive and deportation policies
The EU Return Directive that was adopted in 2008 seeks to provide a frame work of common
principles and measures in the member states on returning of third country nationals who have
been irregularly staying in the member states. The regulation provides the timeframes for
deportation actions, entry restrictions and their preconditions, detention standards, as well as the
procedural protections. One of them is to establish that the maximum of detention does not
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exceed thirty-six months with the possibility of reduction for criminals and offenders of up to
eighteen months. As will be noted in the following analyses, in the implementation phase,
processes have differed across Member States based on issues of administrative capacity,
national policies and political processes. For instance, performance of forced return systems that
includes Greece and Hungary was known to have a lot of problems.
However, North American countries have differed in the regime’s stance on deportation of
irregular migrants. Detentions and deportations have been core strategies in the United States and
increases in trilateral cooperation with Mexico and Central America to enhance the repatriation
procedures. Interior immigration enforcement, as well as the border security has been enhanced
in order to discourage the nexus to perpetrate the offense of unlawful entry. Despite the fact that
Canada also performs deportations of immigrants – the overall political concept is oriented
towards other forms and types of penalties and temporary stay penalties. Other possible
influences for such differences between the EU directive and North American deportation
policies may include labor market demands, migration history and attitudinal factors.
Continuation of the comparative analysis could likely focus on such types of irregular migrants
as refused asylum seekers and immigrants whose visas expired. It might also examine the effects
of cross-border deportation policies, with regards to migrants’ well-being, integration success
stories, the citizens’ attitude towards the deportation process, and relations with countries of
origin, among others. An assessment of the extents to which diverse involuntary return policy
measures help address irregular migration and further impacting the policy targets linked to the
approach could help in shaping immigration policies in both the Americas and Europe.
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b. US immigration enforcement and deportation practices
Unlike European countries, America enforces immigration laws and deportation with a lot of
force. US policies have in recent years more and more convened irregular migration by
broadening the basis for deportation while concomitantly limiting the chances for legalization.
Some central strategies are cooperative partnerships allowing local law enforcement to function
as immigration officers, the rise of quick removal proceedings that do not have to go through
Immigration Courts, involving jails and prisons in identification of deportable aliens, and
localizing immigration. For example, a policy known as Secure Communities that started in 2008
facilitate cooperation of local jails and federal immigration agents to identify detainees that are
deportable. Consequently, an increasingly large proportion of formal deportations from the
United States are not preceded by a judicial ruling, but rather by summary deportations.
Increased detention has also increased enforcement leading to about 400000 immigrants being
detained annually most of whom are harmless, they do not even pose a flight risk. However,
deportation policies over the years have aimed at those who pose criminal or security risks/
threats, to broad categories of immigrants who lack legal papers including: Those who recently
crossed borders; legal expiate violators such as traffic offenders; or long-term residents with
established social ties in the United States. Opponents say, these patterns stem from a zeal for
enforcement that ignores proportionality, due process and rights. At the same time overlooking
opportunities for voluntary compliance and a chance within the law to gain legal stay. They
contrast the EU styles of focusing on the case-by-case decision-making procedures introduced by
immigration judges, with such non-penal approaches as detention alternatives or integrative
rather than punitive policies. Critics of such policies however argue that increased apprehension
prevents other aliens from attempting to enter the US-illegally and enhances safety. But there is
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little definitive proof that links targeted border control and mass deportation strategies with lower
increase rates of immigrants.
c. Canadian approach to irregular migration
With regard to irregular migration, the response from Canada has been quite distinct from that of
the United States or Western European countries. While the US has concentrated on border
security and deportations, and the EU countries have been increasing external borders security
and restricting asylum seekers access, Canada has been less restrictive. That can be explained
partly by geographic factors – large-scale irregular migration to America’s neighbors to the south
and oceans to the east and west hardly can happen. But Canadian policy is also more liberal as it
promotes integration rather than punishment. For instance, they have not made it an offense to
enter the country, irregularly, and also provide universal healthcare to immigrants who are mostly
undocumented. Exiles have also been rather limited, employed primarily for criminals.
Canada has also aimed at preventing irregular flows with programs including the 2004 Canada-
US Safe Third Country Agreement that requires that asylum seekers to make their claims in the
first country they arrive in. It has nevertheless taken place in stigmatized and strictly
circumscribed pathways, getting in through one of the rare exemptions, such as more than 50,000
people walking from New York to Quebec via Roxham Road since 2017 to ask for asylum. The
numbers entailed manning inadequacies that called for backlogs, overcrowded housing, and
controversies. However, the Canadian authorities have remained processing what it should be
considering as claims rather than closing the loophole. It has also granted work permits, health
care, education to asylum seekers whose status remains pending as a sign of the country’s
preparedness to absorb them.
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Finally, the liberal welfare state, progressive self-image and relative tolerance toward irregular
migration within proposed admissions policies construct the Canadian irregular migration
regime. These focus on the rights of a human in as much as immigrant detention and deportation
are rarely employed. Some of the recent waves of asylum seekers have challenged this openness
but in general Canada remains less rigid than most EU countries or restrictive America and its
changing migration policies. This addresses another form of ethical mean, that springs from
multiculturalism and not restriction. How sustainable such policies, for example, are long term?
It is still a uniquely Canadian approach to policy making that is more conciliatory than
aggressive.
d. Detention policies and practices
Detention as a concept of immigration enforcement/ control is characterized by contentious
issues which includes human rights and migrants’ rights, their vulnerability, costs of detaining
immigrants and lastly, efficiency of detaining immigrants in order to prevent their ingress into
the destination country. As has been observed, there are significant disparities between member
states of the EU and the NORAM countries in terms of the law regulating detention legal custody
of foreign national citizen during deportation processes or while waiting for a resolution of their
immigration status as well as a practical manner that those rights are granted. For example, the
maximum period a foreign national can be detained before being removed or an asylum decision
has been made is 18 months in the UK, while the EU Returns Directive provides a cap of 6
months with individual member states ability to set even lower caps. Conversely, in the United
States immigration detention has been used excessively without any timeframe, but for judicial
discretion. Canada has a presumed limit of 48 hours for prior unlawful non-citizens, though an
average detainment of 3-4 weeks while cases pass through a mostly lawful system. The general
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mortality rates are higher in the US immigrant detention centers than in Canadian centers
because of low policy and oversight standards that make criticisms of ICE-conduct as violating
human rights conventions like the convention against torture and the US’s commitment to fair
treatment of immigrants as mere lip service. Every country employs some form of ATD
programs that involve community supervision or electronic monitoring, though enrolment and
investment on more formalized ATD programs in the US and those EU nations that offer a
restrictionist environment. Enhanced EU harmonization of standards for common detention,
monitoring as well as expansion of ATDs is believed to have positive effects on the physical and
mental well-being of detainees as against rather harsher model in the US. In a broad
consideration of detention practices within the EU, comparison to the emphasis on necessity,
proportionality and basic human rights in European comparisons to the US public immigration
detention discourse equals punitive rationales tied specifically to unauthorized migration
Immigrants in detention in other countries receive inconsistent judicial oversight that fails to
meet guidelines laid out in international protocols.
e. Regularization programs and amnesties
Migration that is not in the regular channels creates problems for immigration control, and in the
past, governments have sought to address these difficulties through offering programs that
reschedule or pardon unlawful immigrants. These offer an opportunity for break into the legal
status for those immigrants who otherwise arrived in a given country irregularly but meet
requirements for the programs. For example, the legalization measures taken in the Southern
European countries such as Italy, Spain and Greece in 1980-2000s were targeting to legalize
migrants for employment purpose for meeting demand of labor market. The most recent policies
in the United States are mainly aimed at legalizing migration from an early age, for example, the
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DACA Program, which was introduced in 2012. The advantages for states are better
safeguarding of vulnerable migrants, fulfilling economic and demographic positive migration
needs through legal channels and social inclusion. But opposers say, the grants of amnesty
encourage the illegality and may even encourage more of the cross-border movement. They also
express budgetary issues on delivering services and or bounties. The level of the irregular
migration in the EU and North America together with the constraints of the enforcement
resources makes it impossible to expel all the irregular migrants I the region. However, the
process of regulating legal immigration is significantly political and includes differences in
various requirements for eligibility for asylum, including residence, employment, and others.
According to such programs approval rates are usually low and migrants are therefore locked out
of legal status. There are also notable policy divergences between the EU and North America:
More EU countries have been more willing to provide mass regularizations thus acknowledging
their dependence on the irregular migrants in their labor markets. While the US and Canada have
opted for rather small, isolated, exceptional measures that focus on either family reconciliation or
humanitarian values. However, the appearance of regularization and amnesty policies today
points to the fact that they will continue to remain the viable options. This is so in as much as
enforcement takes place and as irregular migration and unauthorized populations expand in
Europe and North America looking for work and a better life in cities while challenging
governmental administrative and legal systems, humanitarian, labor market, and social
integration concerns or priorities rise in contrast to border control objectives. In one way or the
other, the political debates on regularization show that there are many moral and policy
challenges for the states that are receiving immigrants from developing sustainable and fair
policies for the management of the irregular migration.
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f. Employer sanctions and worksite enforcement
Most liberal democratic states practice employer sanctions that are the actions taken against
employers for hiring the irregular migrant and the worksite enforcement measures that have been
adopted with the purpose of identifying the unauthorized employee employer relationship. These
policies have developed from awareness that limitation of employment opportunities can in real
sense discourage such movements in the EU and North America. Nevertheless, there are
differences in the implementation and the extent of such measures. For example, in the 1990s the
United States federal government passed legislation against the ‘knowing employment of aliens’,
and while secondary sanctions such as warnings and fines are possible, it is also possible for
refugees who repeatedly offend to be criminally prosecuted. It also broadens worksite inspection
and audit by for instance under Form I-9 employment verification drive. On the other hand, most
of the European member-states had not had authorized and consistent EU-wide employer
sanctions up to 2009 and this was widely heterogeneous across countries. Some countries went
as far as making employment of migrants a criminal offence, conducting numerous workplace
raids, while others chose less harsh measures and merely administrative ones. Major EU
countries have harmonized with most employer sanctions measures over the past decade through
implementation of corresponding Directives that set fines for the employment of illegals. All the
same, there remain differences in the degrees of stringency of inspection regimes and
enforcement intensity. Also, E-Verify and Social Security No-Match letter programs of US are
more overall electronic employment verification than typically from Europe. Other critics such
as Anna Tri and Afyllidou have specified that it is still more of a debate whether such employer-
focused restrictive measures can work. Although they have increased the risks and costs for the
companies to employ them, there is not much empirical support as to massive decrease in
employment opportunities for irregular migrants and changes in their behavior concerning
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migration decisions. The core employment incentives remain intact, employers are willing to
take the more minor penalties as the price to pay for doing business. The same critics also claim
that severe penalties and raids deepen the exploitation of employees. Thus, the effects of
vociferous restrictive employer-orientated measures aimed at stopping new irregular migration
flows still bear unspecified and highly politicized.
10. CURRENT CHALLENGES AND FUTURE TRENDS
The policy on immigration continues to be a knotty and sensitive problem in Europe and North
America with both regions experiencing economical and humanitarian issues concerning
immigration, also, there are questions about national identity and assimilation.
In Europe, the ever-lingering refugee crises that are as a result of conflicts around the Middle
East and Africa have stretched the capacities and political systems of EU countries. Doubts in the
burden-sharing, integration policies, and asylum regimes remain as biggest sources of
disagreement among the members. Despite individual countries like Germany and Sweden
having opened their doors to refugees the EU has been accused of an insufficient collective
effort. Other problems are how to deal with economic migration from younger EU states and
how to create common control over ‘exit’ borders. Populist parties have managed to increase
their leverage by navigating anti-immigrant sentiments.
On the future course, the EU has to maintain between humanistic paradigms, fiscal efficiency,
and an ever-growing dissatisfied populace. It may increase the refugee resettlement in the
countries while increasing the security of external borders. Additionally, more cooperation with
the migrant origin and transit countries is anticipated to occur. For its part, widely acceptable
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governance of migration within the EU is needed not only for the future of the individual EU
member states but also for the future of the EU project as a whole.
In North America the now long-standing issues in the United States are the argument about the
legalization of immigrants and the norms on the borders. Conflicts and poverty push the common
Central American out to seek better asylum in the US even as the immigration service shuts its
doors tighter and more difficult to penetrate. Restricting immigration has been a policy priority
of Trump from the erection of a wall at the Mexico border to banning people from certain
countries, to arresting immigrants. Thus, the US also remains in struggle with understanding of
what the immigration reform’s history was and might be. Canada has been more welcoming
especially to skilled refugees and immigrants but like any other country has faced internal clamor
concerning integration of immigrants.
Going forward, immigrant intake and the issues surrounding immigration will not fade into the
background. It means that in the nearest future, the Americans will face very essential decision
on whether the United States should remain a country of immigration or not, and this issue may
split the nation along the party lines. On the other side Canada goes on working through
priorities between humanitarianism and commercial and security demands. Taken in total, North
American nations have to seek better, more ethical ways of managing immigration and
integrating migrants into national communities.
a. Impact of climate change on migration patterns
According to forecasts, climate change will remain one of the key migration impulses in the
post-century period. Arising out of global warming, corrections in climate, increased natural
catastrophe incidences, and unpredicted changes mean that some parts of the world may become
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or are becoming uninhabitable. Forced displacement could increase to 200 million people due to
climate change by 2050 suggest the specialists. This has major consequences for migration and
border control. Europe and North America have already started feeling increased numbers of
migrants trying to escape from areas worst affected by climate change. For instance, long-term
drought in the Central America has led to mass levels of people developing that seek asylum in
the U.S. Similarly, crop and water shortages in the Middle East and Africa make migrants risk
dangerous sea crossing into Southern Europe. As climate continues to manifest effects, social
systems of immigration will be on the receiving end. The crisis situation may arise where it is
necessary to contemplate introducing new types of legal immigration schemes for climate
refugees. This might involve amendment of law in order to categorize environmental issues as
reason for humanitarian status. It may also expect more global integration and coordination
and/or globalization of obligations. The EU is arguably better placed than North America to
come up with a coordinated regional response since it has a common immigration policy regime.
However, both regions are devoid of sound policies on how to address climate migration. If
flows of displaced peoples become uncontrollable, failure to pre-empt this emerging challenge
has potential to sub-optimal security and stability in those societies. It could also escalate
uncertainty in the states that failed to manage internal climate challenges. To avoid a situation
where climate change leads to displacement crisis, then, there is need for potential policies such
as; planned relocation policies or climate change resilient Visa. In summary, with climate change
widely predicted to be the greatest instigator of migration this century, there is really no better
time for a more tactical process. Struggles of Migrants: Challenges addressed to immigration
politicians require tailoring immigration systems to ensure that displaced persons on grounds of
environmental factors have referral to legal migration.
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b. Demographic challenges and immigration
The decrease of birth rates plus the increase of the life span is one of the greatest issues of
demographic life cycle which is occurring in many developed countries across Europe and
America. This is leading to a problem of labor scarcity, also in some areas of economy and
pressure on social security systems due to fewer people paying for more pensions and pensions
recipients. As a result of population ageing, talent gaps and mismatches that are now looming,
several countries are eyeing immigration as the solution. But, correctly setting goals for
immigration policy and its intensity causes complex issues. High levels of cultural diversity due
to high migration rates are positively related to innovation and economic development yet
negative vulnerability associated with integration measures.
Many EU countries like Germany and France allow skilled workers in healthcare, engineering
and technology sectors and allow family reunion. Nonetheless, the crisis in the summer of 2015
exposed differences between EU members in terms of commitment and potential to manage the
condition of accepting refugees arriving in the EU through informal ways. Quota systems have
been over the years been unpopular despite acceding statistics that indicates that by 2050, over
twenty percent of Europe’s population will be 65 years or over. In North America, Canada used a
merit-based immigration system to fill labor shortage within regions but currently, has faced
some problems with the capacity to process the applications, which has taken twice the time it
used to take from 2014. The US has the largest number of asylum seekers and recognizes
political concerns over its southern border with Mexico and a backlog of asylum applications of
nearly 2 million. Decisions such as enforcing politically correct policies at work in the meantime
the service sectors require to employ increasing retiring baby boomers are some of the
difficulties.
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The three case-study countries have high ageing population creating pressure on them to seek
higher levels of immigration, for humanitarian as well as economic reasons. However, deciding
on right policy measures with regards to migrant traits, family reunification, border controls and
refugee ceilings is still challenging in light of cultural and bureaucratic dispersion that is yet to
come to terms with changing century population dynamics.
c. Rise of far-right movements and anti-immigrant sentiment
Over the last few years, there has been rising fascist and nationalist movements in Europe and
North America – with people advocating against immigration and refugees. By so doing they
have been able to capitalize on economic concerns and cultural phobias that the influx of
immigrants and refugees particularly from the Middle East, Africa and south Asia fleeing
persecution or in search for better economic opportunities. The war in Syria, Iraq and
Afghanistan have given rise to larger refugee populations, which added to these tensions.
Nativist resentment is effectively harnessed for political purposes by far-right organizations to
whine about loss of job opportunities, spending on immigrants and refugees and threats to the
national culture. This is true since high profile terror incidents conducted by the extremism also
influence anti-immigrant reactions. Centrist parties, in particular, find more restrictionist reforms
consistent with their electoral platforms as a reaction. First and foremost, this renewed global
trend of nationalist protectionism will present a major question to the future of a successful
integration of immigrants within the societies of the Western democracies. It becomes possible to
certify that the US as well as other leading European states may tend towards continuance and
multilateral enhancement of selective, more stringent immigration policies prioritizing the
admission of skilled personnel in comparison with humanitarian and family reunion programs.
This poses a danger of enhancing polarization and economic disparities as well as eroding on
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standards of diversity equity and reasonable benchmark of equal protection, nondiscrimination
and basic human rights for all. This can also frustrate future policy coordination on issues of
common concern as the US and the EU continue to put in place more restrictive reforms. Future
studies will be required to uncover ways of reducing extreme right-wing threats and the ways of
designing immigrant policies in such a manner that liberal economics and practical policy
imperatives can be reaffirmed in tandem with values of human liberty, variety, and human rights.
d. Technology and AI in immigration management
This is driven by the fact that with increasing immigration rates across the world, different
governments are seeking for ways to mechanize immigration management procedures. The use
of artificial intelligence and automated decision-making systems is prevalent in speeding up visa
application processing, increasing border protection, and improving services to newcomers. To
the general public, the EU introduced what is known as the Schengen Information System that
also encompasses of a vast databased with the member states to flag visa overstay or fraudulent
claims. On the other hand, the US and Canada investigate employing algorithmic technologies to
prescreen the applicants for a visa based on the features in the biometric and electronic records.
Friends of such change argue that it improves efficiency, decrease costs and enhances the
nation’s security. However, critics opine that relying too much on those technologies without
their supervision compromises civil liberties while maintaining organizational bias and
nontransparent, self-serving decisions.
Going forward, it is important that countries get the right mix of efficiency and fairness in a
world where technology continues to play an enormous role in immigration reforms. Other
current priorities are the measures to improve the framework of safeguarding information and
communications technology, increasing the ability to hold persons accountable, and
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strengthening the public confidence. As more distinct segments of our society involve a degree
of AI automation with include machine learning, policymakers need to decide for limitations
about the system’s opacity, bias, and redress mechanisms. They also need to evaluate algorithms
for any decision-making mechanisms that could prejudice one group of people or another and put
at risk groups that are already marginalized. As important as first-order changes are, second-
order changes in data governance models and privacy laws are just as crucial. Defining
specifically how exactly AI fits into immigration officers’ skill set: that remains a constant.
When, however, technology is managed responsibly with democratic check and balances, it
harbors the ability to fashion the kind of immigration system that is responsive and humane for
the twenty first century. However, it is equally important to remember that there are potential
dangers of misuse, ulterior motives or going overboard /unintended negative outcomes which
cannot be ruled out. Striking a balance between high-technology border control and immigrants’
rights remains one of the Hallmark struggles that define the future of immigration policy makers.
e. Regional cooperation vs. national sovereignty tensions
The periodic demands for regional co-ordination in the context of immigration policy, on the one
hand, and the appeals to national sovereignty in formulating migration policies, on the other
hand, are irreconcilable. Where EU policy-making initiatives are concerned with harmonizing
aspects of the member states’ immigration policies, or with the creation of common mechanisms,
the questions of how to strike the right balance between integration and sovereignty are regularly
raised. Critics say that lodging of such a regional approach transgresses national jurisdictions in
an especially sensitive field. Nevertheless, its supporters believe that issues connected with
migration and integration in the global context cannot be solved separately. Compton, J., &
Kaun-Ferris, M. Indeed, similar controversies have arisen in North America; however, they are
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more central to border protection as an aspect of immigration policy than to immigration
admission and rights. Events arising after the arrival of a large number of illegals and asylum
seekers in 2015 exposed the EU based political crisis over such tensions. The member states
therefore though had fundamental different perception on how the problem could be solved,
there was consensus in some small regional measures. However, designing stronger/impressive,
compulsory regional frameworks has been challenging because of considerable resistance to
losing considerable national sovereignty. Demographic and economic factors will thus remain as
source of pressure in future, which will inevitably force member states to cascade in agreeing on
how to address this issue in the long run. However, translating this recognition into willingness
to adopt legally binding regional treaties will always be hard as long as there is no consensus on
the right burden-sharing. That said, it appears that Europe’s populist parties are well on course to
maintain politically exploiting public concern over perceived eroded sovereignty to anti-
integration governing parties. Similar to the attempts to strike out an effective balance between
border security and North American trade freedom, the following disputes are typical proper
controversies. Here regional cooperation is more inclined on exchanging information and
technical capabilities to counter illicit border flows more than coordinating admission criteria.
f. Post-COVID-19 immigration policy shifts
Immigration policies have been considerably influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic in the
countries of both the Americas and Europe. As borders have been shut and movements restricted,
there has been a rethink of the programs and propositions. When the post Covid19 world comes,
adjustments of immigration policy will still be as a result of the economic and a demography
factors, as well as some kind of political realignment. Older people and skill gaps, made worse
by lower immigration due to COVID-19, will fuel even less restricted, skills-based policies
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targeting immigrants as workers. To fight the effects of aging population, and to boost economic
recovery from Covid-19 impacts, Canada launched its new 2021-2023 Immigration Levels Plan
with over 1,215,000 new permanent residents’ plan. Similarly, countries like Germany have also
extended invitations in form of visa for workers in the skilled category. It has stirred nationalist
politics overshadowing traditionally porous post-Brexit policies such as the United Kingdom’s
points-based system for immigration. But there are also counter-terrorism progressive counter-
movements in which humanitarian sentiments are important, such as in the USA targeting at
accepting the Afghan refugees. Future policies in Europe on the other hand will be a careful
attempt at both addressing economic migratory necessities and pressures in the direction of
restrictive and securitized policies. North America is generally more supportive of immigration
than other regions and new challenges in the social and economic spheres, directly connected to
the growth of the pandemic, may increase pressure on this consensus. More visa processing pile-
ups can also affect the immigration system’s ability to adapt to constantly shifting post-COVID
circumstances. All in all, the effects of COVID-19 on mobility have led to overarching policy
measures that will inevitably help determine the course of future immigration. Immigration
policy is dynamic given it has to achieve multifaceted objectives that are in many ways
contradictory: economic, political and humanitarian, and has to construct institutions that are
prepared to respond to unpredictable future emergencies in a manner that is consistent with those
values.
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