Propaganda
One additional tool to add to the mix of carrots and sticks is propaganda.
Governments may also expend resources to shore up their legitimacy in the minds of
citizens, for example through sophisticated propaganda bureaucracies or control of
information flows to the people. Here the term propaganda is used to refer to biased
information communicated to convince audiences of a particular political view.
Deploying propaganda is neither a carrot nor stick – or perhaps it is a bit of both – but
rather a powerful means to control people’s perceptions and thoughts. Propaganda,
as an ideational strategy, is in a category of its own, and especially powerful when it
can draw on existing cultural foundations in a society.
Conditions under which the regime took power
So far, we have considered only intentional strategies used by authoritarian
states to stay in power. We have not considered external factors that create the context
under which authoritarian states maintain their staying power. While there are several
explanations for this, one of the more common is that authoritarian states that came
to power under massive social revolutions are more likely to remain in power. While
revolutions will be explored in later chapters, a social revolution is one that is supported
by mass mobilization and seeks to radically change the social structure of society. The
American revolution is often considered a political revolution, not a social one because
it mostly sought to change the government, not the social life of the colonists. By
contrast, the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in Russia, the Communist Revolution of
1949 in China, and the Iranian Revolution of 1979 completely upended social norms
and rules. The Bolsheviks sought to eliminate the bourgeoisie (or capitalist) class of
society. (We will explore the case of Russia in more detail later in this chapter). Mao
Zedong in China encouraged the destroy the landowning class. The Supreme Leader
Ayatollah imposed strict rules of dress and conduct supposedly based on a strict
reading of the Quran.
Accordingly, when a society completely rebuilds itself, those that support the
project are more likely to get into positions of power. If these projects faced intense
opposition (which they often do), then those that fought learned how to endure. If a
social revolution succeeds even through violence, alternative centers of power are
destroyed, leaving society with nothing but the new order to rely on. Leaders often rely
on images of the respective revolutions to justify their continued rule (Way, 2023).
Classic examples of authoritarian regimes that employ all of these strategies are North
Korea, China, and Russia. However, it is worth investigating other examples that tend
to fly under the radar and are some of the most tightly controlled regimes in the world.
To explore how authoritarian states use these strategies, we turn to a case study of
Turkmenistan.
Snapshot Case Study: Turkmenistan
Full Country Name: Turkmenistan
Head(s) of State: President Serdar Berdimuhamedow
Head of Government: President Serdar Berdimuhamedow
Government: Authoritarian Presidential Republic
Official Languages: Turkmen & Russian
Economic System: Mixed economy
Location: Central Asia
Capital: Ashgabat
Total land size: 488,100 sq km, 188,456 sq mi
Population: 5,690,818
GDP: $92.331 billion
GDP per capita: $15,000
Currency: Turkmenistani Manat
Turkmenistan ranks 2/100 on Freedom House’s Global Freedom Index. This
score is a composite of political rights and civil liberties, in which the state scores 0/40
on the latter and 2/60 on the former. According to the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, it is the most authoritarian of all former Soviet states (Stronski,
2017). Therefore, it is a useful look into how it maintains such close control over its
people and territory.
Turkmenistan was part of the Persian Empire, then the Seljuk Empire, then the
Mongol Empire under Genghis Khan. Finally, it fell under Imperial Russia by 1894. In
1924, it became one of the republics of the Soviet Union (see Figure 47 on page 155
for a map of the Soviet republics). Therefore, while it wasn’t colonized by a European
power, the people of this region have experienced a long history of imperial rule. When
the Soviet Union dissolved suddenly, Turkmenistan became independent in 1991.
Saparmurat Niyazov, the leader of the Communist Party at the time, was quickly
elected president with no opposition. He took control of the party and the state and
began creating a cult of personality. He banned opposition parties and amended the
constitution to allow Niyazov the rule for life. Finally, he took on the moniker of
“Turkembashi,” which means “Leader of all Turkmen.” When he died unexpectedly
with no clear successor, a deputy prime minister, who might be the illegitimate son of
Niyazov, became president in an election with 89% of the vote. The new president,
Berdimuhamedow, initially rolled back some of the more draconian policies of his
predecessor, but the regime remained decidedly authoritarian. All information is
censored, foreigners find it very difficult to get a visa to travel there, and citizens have
difficulty leaving. In 2022, the president’s son won an election with 99% of the vote
(Hiro, 2011).
What explains Turkmenistan’s authoritarian persistence? In short, all leaders
since the dissolution of the Soviet Union have effectively utilized all the strategies
discussed above and more. First, the state is rich in natural gas and oil reserves.
Turkmenistan, along with other oil-rich states, use the wealth from this natural resource
to fund an extended security apparatus and strengthen patronage networks. This
includes a presidential private militia which answers directly to the president. The
Ministry of National Security took over the responsibilities of the KGB during the Soviet
period. If people are getting the services that they need, along with the knowledge that
they are being watched, this weakens the demand for more say in their government.
This effect is called the “rentier effect.”
The cult of personality continues with the Berdimuhamedow regime(s). This
tendency exists in postcolonial states that had a weak sense of national identity prior
to colonization. It is said that particularly extravagant praise for the regime results in
extra privileges for citizens. Therefore, the cult is sustained not just from above but
also from the bottom. The president appears frequently on television performing all
matters of dare-devil stunts as well as musical performances and more. The
government introduced a media law in 2013 which had the looks of a free press, but
in practice the media is tightly controlled. Citizens cannot insult the president, and the
internet is extensively censored (Bohr, 2016).
Turkmenistan didn’t experience a social revolution directly, but it was indirectly
part of the legacy of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia that justified Soviet rule over
its republics. Communist and Soviet rule did recreate society in many facets from a
tribal culture. While under the Soviet Union, it was the poorest of the republics. It has
few trading partners outside of China and Russia, and therefore, little international
pressure to adopt more human rights. Therefore, much like North Korea, Turkmenistan
is a very closed society, and it is likely we do not have the full picture of the extent of
its authoritarianism. As far as we know, there has been little demand for reform, or any
opposition movement, and thus Turkmenistan can teach us a lot about how
authoritarian states remain in power over many decades.
Types of Authoritarian Regimes
Given the diversity of regimes that are commonly labeled “authoritarian,” one
first cut at analytical clarity is devising a typology to categorize different non-
democracies by their essential characteristics. Typologies offer a powerful means for
thinking analytically about a group, by dividing it into subgroups based on certain
criteria. However, be mindful of the problems and pitfalls of building typologies, as
discussed in Chapter 3: The Promise and Pitfalls of the Comparative Method. Any
state can display elements of each of the following categories, so these labels should
not be thought of as distinct. This section will explore a few of the major types of non-
democracies that exist in the world, past and present.
Theocracy
Theocracies are as old as organized religion. Many theocracies are non-
democracies in which the authority of political leaders is grounded in a sacred text.
These texts provide divine legitimacy to political leaders, who are not accountable to
the public. Within theocracies, political institutions are organized in accordance with
prescriptions in a sacred text, notably executive office, the legal code, legal system,
and schools. Some current non-democratic theocracies are those organized around
Islam, such as Saudi Arabia and Iran. The Vatican, another non-democratic theocracy,
is organized around Roman Catholicism.
Personalist Rule
Authoritarian states characterized by personalist rule are led by a single leader.
That leader may derive their legitimacy from a variety of sources, but these are likely
to develop a cult of personality to justify their rule. This personality cult often includes
individual charisma of that leader or their ability to serve as a convincing interpreter of
a political ideology for all of society. An example of the former is Idi Amin of Uganda (r.
1971-1979), and an example of the latter is Fidel Castro of Cuba (r. 1959-2008). Some
personalist leaders come to power through family dynasties, such as the al-Assad
family in Syria. In all of these cases, personalist leaders are not subject to formal
mechanisms of accountability.
Personalist rule is often combined with other types of authoritarianism, for
example a charismatic leader may rely upon the organizational heft of a ruling party
or the military to remain in power. Idi Amin was a commander in the Ugandan army;
Fidel Castro commanded the formidable organizational apparatus of the Communist
Party of Cuba and Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces. Personalist rule tends to be
unstable due to problems of succession. A personalist ruler might be hesitant to
designate a successor because that successor then has incentives to depose them
from power. But if a successor is not designated, then instability is likely to set in upon
the ruler’s death.
Absolute Monarchy
A monarchy is similar to personalist rule in that there is a single leader, but the
bases of legitimacy tend to be grounded in tradition or family lineage. The Vatican City,
introduced previously as a theocracy, is also self-described as an “absolute monarchy”
because it is led by a pope. The only sovereign state that is currently an absolute
monarchy is Saudi Arabia. An absolute monarchy should be distinguished from a
constitutional monarchy, in which the state retains the monarchy for symbolic or
cultural reasons, but real political power lies with a legislature and executive. The
extent of the power retained by the monarchy can vary considerably. For example, the
Kingdom of Bahrain is a constitutional monarchy. The royal family has been in power
in 1783.
Single party rule and oligarchies
We discussed single-party systems briefly in Chapter 6: Democracy. In contrast
to personalist rule, single-party rule and oligarchies are shaped by collective
leadership. Oligarchies are an older form of nondemocratic collective rule. In these
systems, elites control political office and national resources and are not accountable
to the public for their actions. The Roman Republic was a kind of oligarchy in that only
the very wealthy could hold high political office. Political scientist Jeffrey Winters has
theorized that there are two key dimensions to oligarchies. First, the wealth of
oligarchs is difficult to seize and disperse. Second, their power extends systemically,
across the entire regime (Winters, 2011). In the contemporary world, some have
pointed to Russia as subject to a great deal of political influence by oligarchs, though
it is not formally an oligarchy. The overriding characteristic of single-party rule is
leadership by members of a political party. Prominent examples include the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union (1917-1991) and the PRI (Partido Revolucionario
Institucional) of Mexico (1929-2000). The latter is especially interesting because PRI
rule took place in an environment of multi-party competition, but the competition was
so skewed in favor of the PRI that Mexico was subject to single-party rule for decades.
A ruling party may have a clear guiding ideology, such as communist parties of the
twentieth century, or instead be like the political parties that we see in the United
States: organizations for selecting political talent and unifying political elites.
Single-party regimes can be quite stable. For this reason, single-party regimes
have been on the rise worldwide since the 1970s (Figure 100: Single party regimes as
a percent of authoritarian regimes). Over the period 1972 to 2005, non-democracies
led by a ruling party increased from 60 percent of all non-democracies to 85 percent.