INTRODUCTION Alternative schools are educational institutions
Alternative schools are educational institutions that exist in the shadows of most
traditional neighborhood schools and local school districts. Alternative schools represent second
or third chance options for students who have been expelled from a traditional school due to
behavior infractions, or adjudicated of a crime and assigned to attend by a juvenile judge. This
association between alternative schools and juvenile courts represents a peculiar relationship.
While situated in academic shadows, alternative schools are required to provide rigorous
instruction, curriculum, and opportunities to all students who attend. The education a student
receives at an alternative school, in theory, is intended to parallel the same education they would
receive if they attended a traditional school. However, with high teacher turnover rates, lack of
credentialed educators, and under-resourced facilities, the education that is afforded to students
enrolled in alternative schools is detached from its primary intent of providing students access to
a quality education (McGregor, Mills, Riele, & Hayes, 2015).
This intentionality is rarely actualized, and alternative schools exist primarily as a place
in which students are warehoused and segregated from many of their peers (Morrison, & Epps,
2002). These schools are purported to serve as public education’s rehabilitative sector for
students who are deemed troublesome, disruptive or violent by local school districts. However,
alternative schools often operate as dumping grounds for students that traditional schools do not
want to educate (Free, 2017). The educational experiences, trajectory, and destinations of
students who attend these schools have to be studied, in order to provide insight into the efficacy
of these programs. Students enrolled in alternative schools are the most underserved and overly
neglected collection of students. Policy makers, educational practitioners, and other key
stakeholders have essentially ignored this group of marginalized students. This marginalization
has compromised their ability to acquire a quality education and successfully transition out of
alternative programs. These students, however, transition into more punitive settings, such as
juvenile detention centers, or adult jails/prisons.
There exists a dearth of research that centers on the obstacles students encounter once
they enter, exit, or drop out of alternative schools (Riddle & Cleaver, 2017). Students that drop
out of alternative schools, disproportionately continue to encounter contact with law enforcement
(i.e., detainment arrest, charge, or incarceration) when compared to students that successfully
exit alternative schools, and earn a high school diploma or general equivalency degree (Rios,
2010).
Extant research indicates that disciplinary practices and policies of public schools,
disproportionately refer Black students to alternative school placement, or juvenile court
systems, due zero tolerance infractions. (Giroux, 2001; Raible & Irizarry, 2010; Thurau & Wald,
2010). There also exists an overrepresentation of students of color, specifically Black male
students, who have been arrested or charged with a crime, that enroll into alternative schools
(Perzigian, Afacan, Justin, & Wilkerson, 2017 ). There exists a gap in research that examines any
connections between zero tolerance policies, alternative school placement, juvenile justice
systems, and the creation of school-to-prison-pipelines (STPP).
There also exists a need for research that examines alternative school placement, student
experiences, and the outcomes of the students who attend these schools. Research of this
magnitude has the potential to provide a context in which transformative change can occur
within public educational and juvenile justice systems. This change is pivotal in reducing the
flow of at-risk students into pathways towards prison (Arum & LaFree, 2008; Bullis &
Yovanoff, 2006). This study answers the need for the examination of Black adolescent male’s
experiences while being placed in an alternative school. This study also examines a segment of
Black life that continues to exist in the shadows.
In Chapter One, an epigrammatic exploration of the lived racial history of Black
Americans in the United States of America is presented. The purpose of this section is to
provide a contextual foundation in which the unique, yet diverse lives, of Black Americans, are
explored. This chapter also delves into the conceptual notions of alternative education and
elaborates on the relationships between alternative school placement, juvenile justice, and
school-to-prison-pipelines for Black American youth. Next, an examination of mass
incarceration and its impact on Black Americans is discussed. Chapter One concludes with an
overall description of the study, definitions used, theoretical frameworks that grounds this
research, research questions, and purpose/rationale for this study.
Racial Realities of Black Americans
The social progression of Black Americans in the United States represents a collection of
impediments and accomplishments, rooted in a legacy of resiliency. Once considered property
during our enslavement in the United States, Black Americans now are Chief Executive Officers
of Fortune 500 companies, entrepreneurs, distinguished professors/instructional leaders of
colleges, employed as engineers, doctors, lawyers, and members of from all fields of work and
disciplines (Isidore, 2012). The social evolution of Blacks in America is quite remarkable given
the legacy of chattel slavery, Jim Crow Apartheid, and its remnants in which many Black
Americans had to overcome (Blackmon, 2009). However, with the countless accomplishments
of Black Americans, and their ability to successfully maneuver through a societal structure which
historically has favored Whites Americans, collectively, far too many Black Americans are not
achieving the individual success that a minority of Blacks experience. Within this context, the
racial clock of progression has been turned back (Alexander, 2012).
Black American wealth gains, from the 1980s have virtually disappeared, due to the
economic recession our country encountered in 2008 (Hamilton & Darity, 2017; Nutting, 2011).
Black unemployment currently stands at 7.5%, almost double the unemployment rate of White
Americans (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2017). Black students, especially Black males, are still
overrepresented in special education classes (Blanchett, 2006; Geoff & Strand, 2009; Gravois &
Rosenfield, 2006; Harry & Anderson, 1995; Shealey & Lue, 2009; Skiba, Poloni-Staudinger,
Gallini, Simmons, and Feggins-Azziz, 2006; Skiba, et al., 2005). Nationwide, only 52% of
Black American males graduate from high school with a standard diploma (Schott Foundation,
2012). And consequently, as a result of these social inequities, Black men constitute a
disproportionate amount of individuals incarcerated in prisons nationwide (Alexander, 2012).
Data show that one out of five Black American males is under the control of either state or
federal criminal justice systems (Project, 2013).
Data from 2010, found that each day in the United States over 48,000 youth are confined
in detention centers or correctional facilities per the order of a juvenile court (Mendel, 2012).
This number excludes those who are pending placements or waiting for their trials to begin, that
number is approximately 21,000 each day (Mendel, 2012).
National demographics suggest that a disproportionate number of juvenile offenders are
minorities, poor and labeled with some form of learning exceptionality and/or behavior disability
(Zabel & Nigro, 2001). Consequently, incarcerated juvenile youth tend to score lower on
standardized and intelligence tests, in comparison to non-incarcerated juveniles in the same
age/grade demographics (Zabel & Nigro, 2001). As a result of the expansions of prisons and
their populations, there is a need for research that examines the educational, social, and personal
lives of these youths (Zabel & Nigro, 2001).
It is equally important for researchers to emphasize the connections between the
educational pitfalls of poverty, high dropout rates among Black males, increased probability of
criminal activity, and ultimately mass incarceration. Periodically these research endeavors are
examined in fragmented scientific investigations and rarely does research focus on the
intersections and the dynamic impact that each of these social realities has on each other.
While Black youth account for only 17% of the youth population, they represent 28% of
juvenile arrests, 37% of the detained population, 38% of those in secure placement, and 58% of
youth committed to state adult prison (Sentencing Project, 2013). Approximately between,
5070% of incarcerated youth recidivate, commit another crime within three years of release, and
renter juvenile detention centers, prisons, or even adult jails.
Pathways to Mass Incarceration
More African American adults are under correctional control today˗˗in prison or in jail,
on probation or parole˗˗than were enslaved in 1850, a decade before the Civil War began
(Alexander, 2012).
The consequence of the mass incarceration of Black American males has created multiple
sociological, economic, and familial deficits among countless Black American communities
throughout the United States (Hagan & Foster, 2012; Petit & Western, 2004; Western &
Christopher, 2009). The net effect of the War on Drugs helped promulgate the absence of a
proportion of Black fathers, the lack of social/economic mobility of Blacks collectively, and the
recycling of Black American youth into pathways-to-prison. Determining the causal explanations
for mass incarceration and imprisonment of Black American males is complex; however, it is a
pivotal step in solving this destructive pathway. Scholarly research points to several trajectories
that place Black American youth onto pathways into prison.
In the context of Black families, research points to the mass incarceration of Black Males
as the vehicle in which Black fathers disappear, and effectively abandon Black mothers/children
to survive on their own (Alexander, 2012; Roberts, 2004; Western & Christopher, 2009). The
familial consequence of the mass imprisonment of fathers is clearly noted in the scholarly
literature and shows a linkage between parental-incarceration rates, and the propensity for
juveniles in becoming incarcerated or recidivating into systems of juvenile justice.
Katsiyannis, Zhang, Barret, and Flaska (2004) revealed that among other variables,
parental criminality predicted high recidivism rates in offending juveniles. Simply put, a juvenile
whose father or mother was incarcerated has a greater likelihood of having contact with criminal
justice systems or recidivating once they have entered into juvenile delinquency. A similar study
determined that 42% of juveniles who recidivate, came from families who have at least one
parent that was incarcerated or had contact with local justice systems (Myner, Santman,
Cappelletty, & Perlmutter, 1998). Additional scholars have pointed to poverty (Henry, Caspi,
Moffitt, and Silva, 1996; Sampson & Lauritsen, 1994); health/mental health care (Breslau,
Paneth, & Lucia, 2004; Hack, et al., 2002; Skowyra & Cocozza, 2006); and education
(Schweinhart, 2005; Skiba, et al., 2003) as mitigating factors that place certain groups of at-risk
minority youth onto school-to-prison pathways. The dire causal impact of poverty on criminality
cannot be understated. According to U.S. Census data, in 2013 approximately (21.8 %) or 16.1
million children lived in poverty, compared to 13 million in 2005. Scholars have determined that
being raised in poverty contributes to a greater likelihood of youth’s involvement in
crime/violence and that low family income has repeatedly been associated with self-reported
teen violence and convictions for violent offenses (Henry, Caspi, Moffitt, & Silva, 1996;
Thompson & Bobo, 2011).
The mass incarceration of Black juveniles has reached epidemic proportions (Simmons,
2009). Specifically, this epidemic has created a disproportionate impact on the lives of many
Black American males. Black American males constitute 17% of the youth population, however,
they comprise 37% of juvenile court cases referred to adult court, and represent 58% of all
juveniles incarcerated in adult prisons (Sentencing Project, 2013). The concentration of Black
American juvenile males into pathways that lead into prison continues to reflect a destructive
reality for Black youth. These adolescences are stripped of nearly every constitutional right
afforded them, are branded with a life-long demarcation of being a felon, are legally
discriminated against from gaining lawful employment, renting homes, obtaining school loans;
and are cycled through this perpetual system of second-classed citizenry, generation after
generation (Ashkar & Kenny, 2008; Benekos & Merlo, 2008; DeFina & Hannon, 2010; Redding,
2003; Rodriguez, 2013).
Scholars have posited that education is vital in eradicating the mass incarceration of
Black males (Alexander, 2012; Ambrose & Lester, 1988; Arum & LaFree, 2008; Bullis &
Yovanoff, 2006). The notion of academic redemption is central if Black male juvenile expulsion,
incarceration, and recidivism rates are to be reduced. This reduction is key in and helps
reintegrate these youths back into society. State statutes require local school districts to provide
educational services to adjudicated, delinquent youth who are in the custody of
Department of Juvenile Justice facilities (Justice, 2011).
Literature has identified the process in which school discipline is administered, often
creates an educational environment that negates the societal benefits of public education, and
actually promotes the expulsion of Black males from public education (Rodríguez, 2017; Walker,
2012). Expulsion contributes to the likelihood that these students drop out of high school, and
enter into the school-prison-pipeline (Rodriguez, 2017: Walker, 2012). An important stop on this
pipeline and the focus of this research, are the academic institutions known as alternative
schools.
Alternative Schools
The term alternative school can be used to describe any school that provides an academic
curriculum that is not generally offered at traditional neighborhood school for at-risk students
(Atkins & Bartuska, 2010; Hoge, Liaupsin, Umbreit, & Ferro, 2012). For this study, alternative
school is defined as any school that provides dropout prevention and academic intervention
services for students who have been expelled or removed from a traditional school. The rise in
alternative school placements for at-risk students has become a peculiar destination among
school districts nationwide. Placement of students into alternative schools is growing due to the
need for local school districts to provide academic alternatives and placements for at-risk
students, or students who were expelled from their neighborhood school (Hoge, Liaupsin,
Umbreit, & Ferro, 2012).
Students, who are enrolled in alternative programs are supposed to receive positive
support and interaction among school faculty and personnel (Lehr, Tan, & Ysseldyke, 2009).
These services may include personal and social counseling, individualized learning plans, the
utilization of a variety of teaching and learning techniques, the development of positive social
skills, and an efficacy of care that is demonstrated from the teachers to the students (Phillips,
2011).
There is scant research on the educational experiences that Black males encounter, and
how they perceive the effectiveness of the education they are presented while placed in
alternative schools (Atkins & Bartuska, 2010; Nasir, Ross, De Royston, Givens, & Bryant,
2013). There exists a dearth of research that focuses on the preventive qualities that alternative
schools create in deterring at-risk students from flowing through pathways to prisons (Howell,
2009). Again, much of the research is focused on the process, (e.g., teacher affect, small
classrooms, one-on-one student interaction) and not the outcome, (completion of alternative
programs, positive transition back into neighborhood schools, high school graduation, cessation
of involvement in criminal activity) of alternative schools (Leone, Meisel, & Drakeford, 2002;
Nasir, Ross, De Royston, Givens, & Bryant, 2013; Phillips, 2011).
Due to the lack of transparency about alternative and the lack of access to these
institutions, conducting rigorous research in these schools can be challenging due to the multiple
layers of bureaucracy a researcher may encounter. Nonetheless, there exists a need for in-depth
research about alternative schools, the education provided and the students who are assigned to
attend these schools.
Theoretical Frameworks
The theoretical frameworks for this study are situated among two distinct, yet
amalgamated theories about students who are at-risk for having contact with the criminal justice
system. Woodson’s (1933), Mis-Education Theory, and Critical Pedagogy Theory represent the
foundation on which this study formulates its scope and purpose.
Miseducation Theory. The Miseducation theory stems from the seminal work of Carter
G. Woodson, the founder of Black history week, which ultimately evolved into Black History
Month (Woodson, 1933). The Miseducation theory postulates that Black Americans have been
fundamentally Miseducated, thus causing what Dr. Woodson referred to as a need for the
complete reconstruction of the educational methods in which Negroes were taught in order to
rectify this Miseducation (Woodson, 1933).
Building upon this pedagogical framework, the methods in which Black Americans are
educated is rooted in the philosophy of properly instructing Black Americans about their past
Black American and African history; but more importantly, emphasizes the need for a pedagogy
that assists Black Americans in solving the societal problems that affect their respective
communities (hooks, 1994; Strong-Leek, 2008; Woodson, 1933). In this respect, several scholars
have posited that current educational systems, and the pedagogies used within urban inner city
schools, fail to adequately prepare Black American students, thus miseducating Black youth
(Caton, 2012; Kunjufu, 2002; Noguera, 2003; Schiele, 2005). This argument is further bolstered
by the dismal graduation rates among our Black adolescence, especially our Black males
(Orfield, Losen, Wald, & Swanson, 2004).
The national graduation rate for Black Males (who graduate with a standard diploma)
hovers around 52% (Schott Foundation, 2012). Yet in numerous large city/county school
districts, (e.g., New York, Detroit, Philadelphia) the graduation rates for Black male students is
much lower. For example, the Rochester City School District in Rochester, New York, the third
most populous city in New York state, graduates only 9% of their Black American male students
(Schott Foundation, 2012). Academic occurrences such as this are not anomalies; moreover,
they are educational realities in far too many urban inner city school districts (Houchins &
Shippen, 2012; Houchins, Shippen, & Murphy, 2012; Osher, et al., 2012; Span, 2002).
Subsequently, the failure to provide adequate education intensifies the epic mass incarceration of
Black juveniles and adults (Houchins & Shippen, 2012).
In this study, the framework of Miseducation serves as the lens in which the academic
experiences of participants will be examined. Miseducation is defined as a form of training
designed for the uplifting of the dominant society that inadvertently works to the demise of the
oppressed people in the society (Richardson, 2000). The constitutive definition of academic
experiences encompasses the notion of whether the participants perceive that they are being
properly educated and prepared for transition back into society, in order to become productive
students in their respective schools. For this research, juveniles are defined as youth (under age
17) who are sanctioned to attend a local alternative for a specific time period. Lastly, the
educational experiences of these youth will be examined using phenomenological and narrative
methods (Conklin, 2007; Czarniawska, 2004).
Critical Pedagogy. Critical pedagogy provides a theoretical foundation to examine the
deleterious effects of the miseducation of Black youth and their mass placement in alternative
schools can be analyzed, by using transformative educational pedagogies as the solution.
The philosophical tenets that constitute the basis for critical pedagogy were popularized
by scholar Paulo Freire (Fischman & McLaren, 2005; Freire, 1970). Critical pedagogy asserts
the revolutionary ideology of societal transformation while using education as the vehicle in
which this transformation occurs (Kincheloe, 2005). The direction for this research is grounded
in critical pedagogy ideologies and requires the examination of the lived educational experiences
of Black American males, who have been assigned to attend an alternative school, in a large
school district located in the southeast United States. More precisely, this framework seeks to
understand how these students can become active participants in the construction or
(reconstruction) of their educational livelihoods. In ultimately altering the placement of students
in alternative school settings, their contact with law enforcement, and placement on the schoolto-
pipeline, the persons who are most affected (the students) need to have a voice to effectively
create educational and societal change. Empowering students in academic instruction is one of
the key doctrines of critical pedagogy (Safari & Pourhashemi, 2012).
Critical pedagogy helps shape the social/political dimensions of schooling and more
specifically, informs our most vulnerable population of students, on becoming active participants
in their education. Viewing the educational experiences of these students using a critical
pedagogical lens aids in the comprehension of how students, teachers, and other stakeholders
understand and transform schools/society, and the role that education plays in this transformative
process. Fischman and McLaren (2005) argue that in order for educators who work within the
tradition of critical pedagogy, it is not enough to understand any given educational reality; there
is a pedagogical mandate to transform it with the goal of radically democratizing educational
sites and societies through a shared praxis.
Definition of Terms
For the purpose of this study, the following terms are defined:
Black American: According to the U.S. Census Bureau, African Americans have a long
history in the United States. Some African American families have been in the United States for
many generations; others are recent immigrants from places such as Africa, the Caribbean, or the
West Indies. Blacks or African Americans are people having origins in any of the Black racial
groups of Africa. The Black or African American population includes people who marked their
race(s) as “Black, African American, or Negro” or reported entries such as African American;
Sub-Saharan African (e.g., Kenyan and Nigerian); or Afro-Caribbean such as Haitian and
Jamaican (United States Census Bureau, 2013).
Alternative School: As defined by the Department of Education an alternative school is
any school that provides dropout prevention and academic intervention services, and has students
who would attend another school (homeschool) if not enrolled in the alternative school.
Juvenile: Juvenile is defined as a “Child” or “juvenile” or “youth” means any unmarried
person under the age of 18 who has not been emancipated by order of the court and who has
been found or alleged to be dependent, in need of services, or from a family in need of services;
or any married or unmarried person who is charged with a violation of law occurring prior to the
time that person reached the age of 18 years (United States Census Bureau, 2013).
Male: Participants self-identify as male serve as the participants of this research.
According to the Office of Personnel Management, Gender identity is the individual's internal
sense of being male or female. Gender identity is generally determined in the early years of an
individual's life and, if different from the individual's physical gender, may result in increasing
psychological and emotional discomfort and pain. The way an individual expresses his or her
gender identity is frequently called gender expression, and may or may not conform to social
stereotypes associated with a particular gender.
Adjudicated Youth: According to the Department of Juvenile Justice, an adjudicated
youth is a juvenile who the court finds guilty of committing a delinquent act. The court can
commit the youth or place the youth under community supervision (Justice, 2013).
Purpose
The purpose of this research is to examine the educational experiences of Black
American male juveniles, who were assigned to attend an alternative school, in attempts to
unearth the lived realities of these youths.
Rationale
This research focuses on the lived educational experiences of Black American juvenile
males who are assigned to attend an alternative school in a large school district located in the
south. It is the intent of this research to draw attention to their voices, which often go unheard.
One of the goals of this study is to encourage future research on developing effective teaching,
career and transitional programs for students who attend alternative schools. It is also the
direction of this research to investigate the lived experiences of Black males, to strengthen the
educational programs/outcomes for these students. In addition to investigating the experiences
of these students, this investigation seeks to bridge gaps between research and practice; add to
the overall body of knowledge regarding incarcerated youth; and create forums in which
oftensilenced voices are finally heard.
It is important to understand the students’ perspective in terms of the efficacy of the
teacher’s instructional practices, behavior management, and overall student-to-teacher
relationship. Lastly, with many states reducing educational/vocational programs for incarcerated
adults during the current economic downturn; it is imperative that states provide rigorous
educational programs, interventions; training and transitional services for students who are
placed in alternative schools, in order mitigate their chances of becoming incarcerated as a youth
or adult.
Research Questions
This study seeks to understand the educational and life experiences of Black American
juvenile males who attend an alternative school. These experiences are revealed via the
perspective of the participants, and this study is guided by the following four research questions.
1. In what ways do Black males perceive their background experiences (e.g., familial,
neighborhood, socioeconomic circumstances, and other) as having an impact on their
placement in an alternative school?
2. In what ways do Black males perceive the role of the teachers/administrators and their
behavior, as having an impact on their placement in an alternative school?
3. What are the perceptions of Black males about their educational experiences in an
alternative school setting?
4. To what extent do Black males perceive the role of their teachers/administrators, as
having an impact on successfully exiting an alternative school?
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
The literature for this research centers on several diverse yet connected paradigms. This
literature review begins with an examination of zero tolerance policies and their connection with
placement in alternative schools, contact with juvenile justice systems, and youth/adult
incarceration. In this chapter, the scholarly literature that examines the facets of alternative
schools and its relationship with juvenile justice systems is carefully discussed. This discussion
commences with a historical backdrop of zero-tolerance discipline policies, and the effects these
policies have had on disproportionate school discipline practices, especially impacting Black
students. The disproportionate disciplinary consequences are subsequently examined in efforts to
reveal how these punishments help promulgate student expulsion rates, which facilitates
alternative school placement. Next, a literary overview of alternative schools/education is
presented, to elucidate the fluid relationship of alternative school, and highlight the scholarly
findings regarding these institutions. Afterward, a historical review of special education is
covered, which provides a perspective on the educational requirements that state and local school
districts are required to provide students with disabilities under the law. This is justified due to
the prevalence, and overrepresentation of students with disabilities, who are placed in alternative
schools and are incarcerated in juvenile correctional facilities (Jenkins, 2006; (Rivkin, 2010)).
Subsequently, a review of the educational rights afforded to youth who become incarcerated, and
an examination of juvenile facilities adherence to the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB)
requirements are discussed.
Zero-tolerance discipline policies
Historically, misbehavior has been a rationalized pretext for the justification for
excluding students, including students with disabilities or students of color, from receiving a
public education (Tulman & Weck, 2010). This rationale was one of the arguments formulated by
the local school district in Washington D.C., throughout the seminal legal case, Mills v. Board of
Education (Tulman & Weck, 2010). In an attempt to circumvent local school districts from
discriminating against students, safeguards outlined in the Education for All Handicapped
Students Act, Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, and No Child Left Behind Act, were
passed and signed into law, in efforts to mitigate the exclusion of students with behavioral and
learning disabilities from local public schools (Yell, 2012). Even with the passage of several key
pieces of educational legislation (e.g., P.L. 94-142, IDEA, NCLB) to protect the rights of
disenfranchised students, under the guise of student/school safety, arose ambiguous zerotolerance
policies, which have literally, usurped the protections provided in the aforementioned legislative
acts (Yell, 2012).
In contemporary public schools within the United States, the process in which discipline
is defined, managed, and implemented tightly resembles methods used in crime control
(Hirschfield, 2008). Under the guise of safety and zero-tolerance policies, the notion of
structuring schools after prisons has encouraged numerous schools to operate within a context
that pushes out far too many students, simply because of misbehavior, or a false perception of
misbehavior (Bowditch, 1993; Ekstrom, Goertz, Pollack, & Rock, 1986; Grundy, 2012;
Krezmien, Leone, Zablocki, & Wells, 2010; Skiba & Peterson, 2000).
The term zero-tolerance was first coined during the Reagan Administrations’ War on
Drugs in the 1980s (Agozino, 2000; Jensen, Gerber, & Mosher, 2004; Lynch, 2012). With the
passage of the Drug Free Schools and Communities Act in 1986; the political war to end illegal
narcotic usage in urban communities, where minorities predominately resided, eventually found
its way into the hallways of schools located in urban inner cities (Fuentes, 2012; McNeal &
Dunbar, 2010). This Act mandated zero-tolerance for any drugs or alcohol possessed by students
on public school grounds, and required an automatic one-year expulsion from school, as
punishment (Fuentes, 2012).
As a follow up to the Reagan Administrations’ War on Drugs, under the Clinton
Administration, the U.S. Congress passed the Violent Crime and Control Act in 1994, which
stipulated harsher mandatory sentencing for students who were convicted felons, added over $50
Billion in additional funding for law enforcement, and the construction of more prisons (Beckett
& Sasson, 2004; Lynch, 2012). Consequently, the actual implementation of zero tolerance
policies in schools gained momentum around the same period as many “get tough on crime”
legislation was being passed in several states, and in the U.S. Congress (Fuentes, 2012). The
resurgence of the “get tough” on crime movement in the 1990’s was viewed as an attempt to
wage war on the criminal activity that plagued many of the United States inner cities, more
specifically, illegal drug usage and trafficking (Alexander, 2012; Lynch, 2012; Tonry, 2011).
This movement also infiltrated the discourse and construction of school discipline
policies within many school districts that served the youth of these same inner cities (Dunbar &
Villarruel, 2004; Giroux, 2001). The passage of the Guns Free Schools Act developed much of
the current zero-tolerance policies which were borne out of this legislation (Hall & Karanxha,
2012; Smith, 2009). This act was intended to create safe school environments and gun free
schools, however, this policy served as a precursor for numerous over-reaching zero-tolerance
laws on student behavior (Gonsoulin, Zablocki, & Leone, 2012).
Smith (2009) contends that zero-tolerance policies, which were borne out of the Gun Free
Schools Act, have expanded their jurisdiction into discipline areas that this act was not intended
to address, (i.e., school discipline policies, fighting, drugs, and other serious misbehavior). Smith
(2009) also posits that the school-to-prison pipeline began with the emergence of zero-tolerance
discipline policies that erupted in the mid-1990’s. Suspensions, expulsions, or even arrest may
occur due to the defined severity of the transgression. Casella (2004) describes arresting youth
for violating zero-tolerance policies, as a form of prison tracking, and uses this term to describe
the academic or life trajectory for economically insecure students of color who are failing
academically.
Skiba (2013) buttresses this notion by arguing that disciplinary policies within schools
are increasingly modeled after those of the criminal justice system, and zero tolerance measures,
which originated in the correctional system as tough-on-crime policies, are now common in the
education system. In terms of deterrence, empirical data do not support the efficacy of
zerotolerance policies, and/or subsequent suspension/expulsion consequences for disruptive
students (Bowditch, 1993; Casella, 2003; Costenbader & Markson, 1998; Dunbar & Villarruel,
2004; Hirschfield & Celinska, 2011; Losen, 2011; Mc Carthy & Hoge, 1987; Morrison & Epps,
2002; Skiba, Eckes, & Brown, 2009/2010; Townsend, 2000).
Casella (2004) utilized ethnographic methods to examine the efficacy of zero-tolerance
policies (ZTP); with the use of preventive detention programs for students deemed potentially
dangerous at two high schools and one medium security prison in the northeast. Research
conducted in the prison involved class observations, participation in two violence prevention
programs, and formal/informal interviews with 21 inmates. Research conducted within the two
schools involved interviews with school personnel, (e.g., Security officers, administrators, and
counselors). Data were collected from observations of in-school conflict resolution programs,
discipline committee meetings, and violence-prevention programs. The results of this study
revealed that the majority of students disciplined using zero-tolerance, preventive discipline
methods or perceived dangerous by personnel, were impoverished, Black and Latino males
within both schools and prison settings. The author found that preventive methods were
ineffective in deterring disruptive behavior in either school or prison environments and that
disciplinary patterns consisted of detention, outplacement, referral to courts, and arrest for breach
of peace, even for students who had not acted violently. Finally, the descriptions of students as
dangerous varied in both settings, while some of the descriptions were medical and
psychological diagnoses; many were judgments made by faculty and staff or were solely based
on the students’ character (Casella, 2004).
In terms of the efficacy of zero-tolerance policies, Hoffman (2012) examined the effect of
these policies on racial disparities in school discipline within urban school districts. This study
was conducted in a mid-sized urban school district which enrolled approximately 24,000
students. The schools were racially diverse, with Whites comprising 50% of the student
population, followed by 24% Black, 15% Hispanic, and 10% Asian (Hoffman, 2012). The
school district had a disproportionate suspension rate (six to one) between Black and White
students when the districts applied their newly expanded zero-tolerance policies (Hoffman,
2012). Data were derived from two data sets (1) the number of students recommended for
expulsion from 2005-2009, disaggregated by race; (2) proportion of days students lost due to
suspension (count data). The researcher utilized a negative binomial regression model, to
analyze data from multiple secondary schools used in this study.
The findings revealed an increase in the percentage (2.2% to 4.5%) of Black American
students, who were recommended for expulsion, compared to their White (0.3% to 0.5%) and
Hispanic (0.8% to 1%) counterparts, per the expanded zero tolerance policies that were enacted
in the 2008-2009 school years (Hoffman, 2012). In actual numbers, Black American
recommendations for expulsion increased from 119 students during the (2005-2007) school
years, to 262 students during the (2008-2009) school years which implemented the new
zerotolerance policies (Hoffman, 2012).
Welch and Payne (2012) used racial threat as a grounded theoretical framework to assess
zero-tolerance policies and examine disparities in the application of exclusionary punishment,
based on the racial compositions of students. The researchers used data derived from the
National Study of Delinquency Prevention in Schools, and a probability sample of 1,287 public,
private, and Catholic schools (Gottfredson, et al., 2000; Welch & Payne, 2012). Two
questionnaires were dispersed, one in 1997 which garnered 848 responses (66.3%) from the
schools; and another questionnaire in 1998 in which 635 (74.9%) of the 848 schools responded
(Welch & Payne, 2012). Based on questions from the second questionnaire, the researchers
asked school administrators if they utilized exclusionary discipline responses to address student
misconduct. Using data derived from the responses given, the researchers operationalized three
modes of exclusionary discipline methods in terms of student punishment: In-school suspension
(brief exclusion of students from attendance in regular classes); suspension (exclusion of
students for 30 days or less); and expulsion (exclusion of students for over 30 days). Next, the
researchers used a binary logistic regression model, to estimate the three exclusionary discipline
outcomes. The results indicated that contingent on a students’ race, (e.g., Black or Hispanic),
and free-reduced lunch status, a student has a greater probability of being assigned in-
schoolsuspension, receiving out-of-school suspension, or even expelled from school (Welch &
Payne, 2012)
Krezmien, Leone, Zablocki, and Wells (2010) examined school referral (SR) data from
juvenile criminal courts in five states (Arizona, Hawaii, Missouri, South Carolina, and West
Virginia) from 1995 to 2004. This study analyzed case-level referral data from the National
Juvenile Court Data Archives (NJCDA) which maintains juvenile court data from 38 states and
the District of Columbia. The results of this study illuminate that among the five states, there
were fewer referrals to local juvenile courts in 2004 than in 1995. Nevertheless, the study also
highlighted an increase in the number of referrals that originated from local school districts, in
three (Arizona, Hawaii, and Missouri) of the five states. The authors postulate that the
implementation of zero-tolerance discipline policies for school misbehavior may be a
contributing factor to the increase of schools utilizing referrals to the juvenile court as a method
to control school misbehavior (Krezmien et al., 2010).
McNeal and Dunbar (2010) incorporated qualitative methods while conducting face-
toface interviews in conjunction with focus groups, in attempts to examine students’ perceptions
of zero-tolerance policies, and if these policies helped cultivate a feeling of safety while in
school. The researchers conducted this study, with 90 students, whose ages ranged from 16-19,
and who attended 15 different high schools in the Midwest. The racial composition of the
students was 99% Black and 1% Latino, interestingly, 85% of the participants were female and
15% were male, and all students were placed in a college enrichment program to enhance their
readiness for college (McNeal & Dunbar, 2010). Twenty-five of the students were interviewed
individually between 30 to 40 minutes. All 90 participated in the focus groups, which were
divided into groups of 4-5 students, and each focus group lasted approximately 50 minutes.
Subsequently, each interview was transcribed, and coded for emerging themes (McNeal &
Dunbar, 2010). Three distinct themes emerged during the interviews with the participants. These
themes included a feeling of inadequate security among the students. The participants also
revealed that they felt the school personnel provided a lack of quality security services at school,
and lastly a lack of consistency in policy enforcement. The researchers also concluded that,
while zero tolerance policies were designed to promote a safe learning environment, students
overwhelmingly indicated that they perceived zero tolerance policies as ineffective and did not
feel safe in their schools (McNeal & Dunbar, 2010).
The impact of zero-tolerance policies on students, specifically Black American male
students, is documented in the literature (American Psychological Association; 2008; Gonsoulin,
Zablocki, & Leone, 2012). Moreover, within the last decade, the scholarship has demonstrated an
increase in scholarly literature that attempts to connect zero-tolerance policies/discipline,
alternative school placement, and its role in the creation of the (STPP) phenomenon (Archer,
2010; Feierman, Levick, & Mody, 2009/2010; Fuentes, 2012; Hagan & Foster, 2012; Skiba, et
al., 2003; Walker, 2012). Fenning and Rose (2007) meticulously connect these amalgamated
paradigms, in a review of scholarly literature on zero-tolerance policies. One of the findings in
the authors’ analyses, identifies the disproportionality in student referrals-suspensions/expulsions
of Black students, as one of the components of alternative school placement, contact with law
enforcement, and the school-to-prison-pipeline (Fenning & Rose, 2007).
Black Students & School Discipline
Empirical studies have clearly identified the disproportionate referral rates of Black
students throughout numerous school districts (Boneshefski & Runge, 2011; Caton, 2012;
Douglass-Horford, 2010; Fitzgerald, 2009; Green, Stephens, Cook-Morales, & RobinsonZanartu,
2005; Gregory, Cornell, & Fan, 2011; Jenkins, 2006; Kupchik, 2009; Lawrence, 1980;
Osher, Bear, Spargue, & Doyle, 2010; Salend & Duhaney Garrick, 2005; Shirley & Cornell,
2012; Theriot & Dupper, 2010). Gregory, Skiba, and Noguera (2010) posit that Black students
are subjected to a disproportionate amount of discipline in school settings. Subsequently, the
authors state that Black male students are 16 times more likely to be disciplined in comparison to
White female students (Gregory, Skiba, & Noguera, 2010). Data derived from over 25 years of
national, state, district, and building-level data, indicates that students of color have been found
to be suspended at rates two to three times that of other students, and similarly overrepresented
in office referrals, corporal punishment, and school expulsion (Skiba, Michael, Nardo, &
Peterson, 2002).
Skiba et al. (2011) examined a national study on the impact of disproportionality in
school discipline and analyzed data generated from the School-wide Information System. This
system gathered school-wide data from over 4,000 schools during the (2005-2006 school year) to
determine district policies and practices used for discipline. Controlling for poverty, and using
multiple logistic and multinomial logit regression analyses, the researchers discovered an
overrepresentation of Black students in grades K-9 who were referred to the administrative
offices for discipline reasons. Conversely, Hispanic/White students were underrepresented in
terms of office referrals, relative to their enrollment.
Wallace, Goodkind, Wallace, and Bachman (2008) used racial pattern data between 1991-
2005, to determine differential trends in the disciplining of students based on their racial, ethnic,
and gender compositions. The findings of the study revealed that Black males represented a
startling 330% of the number of suspensions and expulsions, that is approximately 3.3 times the
rate of their White male peers (Wallace, Goodkind, Wallace, & Bachman, 2008).
School Discipline and the Achievement Gap
Disproportionate referral and discipline rate creates an enormous bearing on the widening
of achievement, (i.e., achievement gap) and escalates the likelihood of Black-American male
students dropping out of high school, or becoming involved with illegal activities (Gregory,
Skiba, & Noguera, 2010). In terms of the achievement gap, Arcia (2006) examined the impact
that disproportionate referrals have on student achievement, by tracking two racially and
economically diverse cohorts of students from a large school district in the south. One cohort
consisted of students who were suspended at least once during the 2001-2002, 2002-2003, or
2003-2004 academic years. The comparison cohort consisted of students who had not been
suspended during the respective academic years. Next, students from each cohort were matched
based on gender, race, grade level, family poverty, and limited English proficiency
demographics. Within both cohorts, achievement data were collected on suspended students
using reading achievement scores, derived from a standardized test, each of the 3 years
examined; and then contrasted with the achievement data of students who were not suspended
during the same academic years. The results of the study revealed that in year one, suspended
students were three grade levels behind in their reading skills in comparison to students who
were not suspended. By year three, suspended students were almost 5 years behind in their
reading skills compared to their non-suspended cohort members (Arcia, 2006).
Lewis, Butler, Bonner, and Joubert (2010) observed similar dynamics. They examined
the impact of disproportionate discipline practices on the academic achievement of Black males.
The researchers utilized a subset of discipline data derived from a local school district database.
This data provides an account of the disciplinary roles, infractions, and sanctions that involved
Black male students enrolled in the local school district. The findings were consistent with
previous empirical studies and revealed an overrepresentation of Black males who received more
punitive consequences, i.e., (out-of school-suspension) compared to their White peers, who had
committed similar acts of disobedience (Lewis, Butler, Bonner, & Joubert, 2010).
The damaging academic impact of disproportionate student referral or discipline is well
documented in the literature (Parker, 2010; Payne & Brown, 2011; Skiba, Michael, Nardo, &
Peterson, 2002). An additional consequence of these inequitable discipline practices is the
creation of disproportionate rates of students, especially students of color, exiting high school
without earning a high school diploma (i.e., dropping out). The academic, social, and legal
ramifications of not graduating from high school are abundant. In terms of the STPP, research
has indicated that the failure to graduate from high school helps constitutes the next phase of the
school-to-prison trajectory (Christle, Jolivette, & Nelson, 2005; Hatt, 2011; Hayes, 2006;
Houchins & Shippen, 2012).
Research has shown connections between students who drop out from high school, and
the increased probability of these students becoming incarcerated during their lifespan (i.e.,
Arum & LaFree, 2008; Barrett, Katsiyannis, & Zhang, 2010; Blomberg, Bales, Mann, Piquero, &
Berk, 2011). Approximately 59% of Black American males who drop out from high school
experience some form of imprisonment by the age 34, compared to only 11% of non-Hispanic
White males who also dropout (Hirschfield, 2009). Research also indicated that young males
who drop out from high school are 20 times more likely to become incarcerated, compared to
students who matriculate into college (Hirschfield, 2008). Research also indicates a linkage
between juvenile incarceration and the likelihood of being incarcerated as an adult (Barrett,
Katsiyannis, & Zhang, 2010).
Hjalmarsson (2008) measured the impact of a juvenile’s arrest and incarceration on their
ability to complete high school, by analyzing the relationships between juvenile justice system
interactions and high school graduation rates. In this study, the author analyzed data from the
National Longitudinal Survey of Youth and discovered the following findings: First, arrested
juveniles are 32 percent less likely to graduate from high school, by age 19 than those who are
not arrested. Juveniles who are charged with a crime are 8 percent less likely to graduate from
high school than those arrested but not charged with a crime. Juveniles who are convicted of a
crime are 13 percent less likely to graduate than charged individuals. Lastly, juveniles who are
incarcerated are 23 percent less likely to graduate from high school in comparison to convicted
individuals (Hjalmarsson, 2008).
A correlation exists between alternative school placement, contact with juvenile justice
systems, and the likelihood of a youth becoming, arrested, charged, convicted, and/or
incarcerated (Blomberg, Bales, Mann, Piquero, & Berk, 2011; Kirk & Sampson, 2013).
Research indicates a reciprocal relationship between a student’s contact with criminal justice
systems and the impact of their education (Ewert, Sykes, & Pettit, 2014). In terms of the
schoolto-prison-pipeline (STPP), there exists a need for scholarship that analyzes the role of
alternative school placement and its role in preparing students for prison, or providing them with
opportunities to alter their carceral trajectory (Christle, Jolivette, & Nelson, 2005; Lehr, Tan, &
Ysseldyke, 2009).
Alternative School Placement
The emergence of Alternative Education Programs initially grew out of a desire to meet
the needs of poor and minority students underserved in traditional public school systems (Lehr,
Tan, & Ysseldyke, 2009). However, within recent years, the expansion of alternative schools has
represented an unconventional academic destination for students, who either display academic
struggles, behavioral issues/disorders, or have been suspended/expelled from traditional schools
(Hoge, Liaupsin, Umbreit, & Ferro, 2014). The academic intent of current alternative schools is
to provide vulnerable youth with a second opportunity or, education of last-resorts before
district-wide expulsion occurs (Nasir, Ross, De Royston, Givens, & Bryant, 2013). This
educational opportunity is designed to establish a school environment that fosters academic
success for these students (Watson, 2011).
The term alternative school has varying definitions in describing the scope and purpose
of individual schools. For example, a magnet school program or charter school constitutes an
alternative school (Raywid, 1994). Additionally, Raywid (1994) differentiates alternative
schools based upon their overall program goals for the students, and classifies them into three
distinct typologies: Type I schools offer full-time, multiyear, education options for students of all
kinds, including those needing more individualization, those seeking an innovative or
challenging curriculum, or dropouts wishing to earn their diplomas (Stearns & Glennie, 2006). A
full instructional program offers students the credits needed for graduation. Students choose to
attend. Other characteristics include divergence from standard school organization and practices
(deregulation, flexibility, autonomy, and teacher and student empowerment); an especially
caring, professional staff; small size and small classes; and a personalized, whole-student
approach that builds a sense of affiliation and features individual instruction, self-paced work,
and career counseling. Models range from schools-within-schools to magnet schools, charter
schools, schools without walls, experiential schools, career-focused and job-based schools,
dropout-recovery programs, after-hours schools, and schools in atypical settings like shopping
malls and museums (Raywid, 1994).
Type II schools whose distinguishing characteristic are discipline, aim to segregate,
contain, and reform disruptive students (Becker, 2010). Students typically do not choose to
attend (assigned by school district/sentenced to by Juvenile Court) but are sent to the school for
specified time periods or until behavior requirements are met. Since placement is short-term, the
curriculum is limited to a few basic, required courses or is entirely supplied by the homeschool
as a list of assignments. Familiar models include last-chance schools and in-school suspension
schools (Raywid, 1994).
Type III programs provide short-term but therapeutic settings for students with social and
emotional problems that create academic and behavioral barriers to learning. Although Type III
programs target specific populations, offering counseling, access to social services, and academic
remediation, students can choose not to participate (Raywid, 1994).
These classifications of alternative schools are not exhaustive; the effectual nature of
alternative schools places the needs of the students as the focal point of its mission. More
precisely, this study only focuses on Type II alternative schools, and students who have had
contact with law enforcement.
Pathways into Type II alternative schools are just as diverse, as the student demographics
of the school. Students are sentenced or assigned to alternative schools for an array of school
violations, e.g., (truancy, substance use, disruptive classroom behavior, academic failure,
fighting, arrest, pregnancy or adjudicated via juvenile court system(s), due to felonious/
misdemeanor charges (Becker, 2010). The justification for the existence of alternatives schools
is due to the need for intensive academic services within a unique instructional setting. Type II
Alternative schools consist of institutions that are categorized as the final educational destination
for students to receive needed instructional and behavioral interventions before expulsion from a
school district occurs (Carswell, Hanlon, O'Grady, Watts, & Pothong, 2009).
Research has indicated some advantageous of alternative education programs, such as
offering small classes, low student to teacher ratios, and supplemental support services (Foley &
Pang, 2006; Mitchell, Booker, & Strain, 2011). Tobin and Sprague (2000) identified low student
to teacher ratio; highly structured classrooms with behavioral classroom management; positive
methods to increase appropriate behavior; school-based adult mentors; functional behavioral
assessments (FBA); and social skills instruction as nine effective practices that alternative school
should provide to students (Smith, 1998).
Many of these services are recommended for use within an alternative school because of
the disproportionate number of students with behavioral disabilities enrolled in these programs
(Becker, 2010; Tobin & Sprague, 2000). Research has noted that if at-risk students do not
receive effective services while enrolled in alternative schools, they are more likely to continue
on a path toward destructive school and life outcomes, (e.g., dropping out of school, becoming
involved with criminal activity, or being incarcerated) (Flower, McDaniel, & Jolivette, 2011).
Students who attend alternative schools demonstrate an increase in self-esteem, positive
peer relationships, commitment to school, and school performance (Ruzzi & Kraemer, 2006).
These successes are predicated on a student choosing to enroll in an alternative school, versus
being forced (due to suspension/expulsion or juvenile court order) to attend. In terms of students
who are sent to Type II alternative schools (students who are forced to enroll), the research on
the efficacy of these institutions, and the academic outcome students largely remains ambiguous
(Lehr, Tan, & Ysseldyke, 2009; Raywid, 1994).
Watson (2011) conducted a critical ethnographic investigation into the academic culture
and educational services provided in alternative schools. The researcher conducted the
investigation in a small alternative school in the Midwest, which was noted for graduating
vulnerable students. The researcher collected data from class observations, field notes, focus
group interviews, and individual interviews with faculty employed at the research site (Watson,
2011). The results of this study revealed that the student-learner centered approach to academic
instruction, created a school culture that fostered collaboration, and student achievement
(Watson, 2011).
Although Watson’s (2011) study illuminates an example of academic success within an
alternative school, there exists literature that points to the academic failures of alternative
education schools and programs (Feierman, Levick, & Mody, 2009/2010). Research indicates an
existence of disproportionate placement of Black males into these institutions (Carswell, Hanlon,
O'Grady, Watts, & Pothong, 2009). Research has also demonstrated that many of these schools
possess inefficient resources and support systems that are provided to the students (Lehr, Tan, &
Ysseldyke, 2009). Wald and Losen (2003) revealed that students who attend alternative schools
encounter, a lack of continuity in their educational programs; are provided with inadequate
transitional services needed to reintegrate students in their neighborhood schools; and develop
pronounced negative educational/social outcomes, (e.g., dropping out of school or involvement
with criminal activities/incarceration).
In the context of research on the school-to-prison-phenomenon, there also is a void in
scholarship that connects or identifies a students’ placement into alternative schools, as a pivotal
stop on the pathway to prison (Brown, 2007; Dunbar Jr, 2001). Brown (2007) researched other
academic/social disadvantages of alternative schools, by examining the loss of instructional time
and the educational experiences of 37 students who were enrolled into alternative programs.
This study involved students from a large, urban, northeast school district. Approximately 74%
of all students in the district were designated as low income. Black students made up (45.5%) of
the student population, followed by Latinos (31.2%), Whites (14.0%), and Asians (8.9%).
Collectively, Black and Latino students constituted 89% of students who were suspended or
expelled. Student demographics at the alternative school were similar. Approximately 98% of
the students enrolled at the alternative school were Black & Latino. Males of all races
represented 75% of the school population. The author incorporated mixed-methods in this
research using closed & open-ended anonymous questionnaires, with 37 students (three in 9th
grade, eighteen in 10th grade, eight in 11th grade, and eight in 12th grade). A total of 28
participants self-identified as Black, two as Latino, and one as White (five did not identify
themselves racially or ethnically), and twenty-eight were identified as males while nine
identified as females.
The results revealed that 75% of the students reported being suspended 10 or more times
during their school career. Several of the students had experienced prolonged school absences
from school, primarily due to suspension, expulsion or transition from one school to another.
The researcher found that for students who were expelled, during their transitional time between
enrolling into another traditional or alternative school, many of them were arrested and/or
Incarcerated for some type of criminal infraction.
Juvenile Justice
Since its inception, the concept of juvenile justice and residential detention centers were
designed as systemic entities that provided safety to young offenders and removed them from the
walls of adult prisons (Hjalmarsson, 2008; Keeley, 2004; Shepherd, 1999). While incarcerated,
juvenile offenders are under the legal guardianship (parens-patriae---the state as the parent)
throughout the duration of their incarceration (Cornell University Law School, 2013). One of
the constituting elements of the parens-patriae doctrine purports that individual states serve in a
capacity that represents the child’s best interest (Bishop, Leiber, & Johnson, 2010; Cornell
University Law School, 2013). The question of whether state juvenile detention centers truly
represent the child’s best interest has been called into question. The responsibility of enforcing
juvenile justice is relegated to the states. Each state and local school districts construct their own
systems for juvenile justice, and juvenile justice educational programs.
In 1974, the United States Congress attempted to address this issue by passing the
Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act (JJDPA), in efforts to provide additional
funding and resources to state and local municipalities (Howell, 2009). If a state operated
juvenile detention facility opts to receive funds from the JJDPA, there are requirements to which
the facility must adhere (Howell, 2009). A clear and unambiguous process in which those
requirements are met has been left vague, and its construction is at the discretion of individual
agencies or jurisdictions (Flores, 2012; Kim, 2010). The actual academic outcomes and
adherence to these requirements are not transparent to the public, nor readily available for
scientific critique. This lack of transparency is also prevalent in the scant national data on the
educational attainment, and future outcomes of incarcerated youth (Morrison & Epps, 2002).
Twomey (2008) postulates there are no comprehensive national statistics on the education
of incarcerated youth. This is primarily due to the decentralized nature of juvenile justice
systems. Every state oversees their respective Department of Juvenile Justice, and these
departments collaborate with local school districts, to provide educational curricula to
incarcerated juveniles (Jurich, Casper, & Hull, 2001; Platt & Beech, 1994; Vélez Young, Phillips,
& Nasir, 2010). One of the main critiques about this method towards teaching incarcerated
youth is that many of the youths are not students from the local school districts and/counties or
parishes where they are imprisoned (Sheldon-Sherman, 2013). Incarcerated youth come from all
counties, parishes, cities, and municipalities across any given state, yet they are housed in
correctional facilities that may literally be hundreds of miles away from their hometown and
local school district (Leone, Meisel, & Drakeford, 2002). This practice fragments the transition
between an incarcerated youths’ former local school district, and their new correctional facility
residence (Gagnon & Barber, 2010; Leone, 1994; Leone & Cutting, 2004).
Educational Experiences of Incarcerated Youth
There exists a lack of depth in scholarly inquiry that examines the educational lives of
incarcerated youth (McNeal & Dunbar, 2010). Extant literature regarding incarcerated youth
primarily focuses on the risk factors, that lead to incarceration (Barrett, Katsiyannis, & Zhang,
2010; Christle, Jolivette, & Nelson, 2005; Langrehr, 2011; Minor, Wells, & Angel, 2008). These
risk factors include a youth’s race, poverty level, family structure, physical/emotional/sexual
abuse, drug addiction and poor education. Although these factors are written extensively
throughout scholarly literature, there exists a gap in research that concentrates on the educational
experiences these youths encounter during their incarceration (Brown, 2007; Caton, 2012;
Hayes, 2006; Rios, 2010). Providing incarcerated youth with a quality education has been cited
as one of the most efficient methods, in curbing youth recidivism rates, and reducing the
possibility of being incarcerated as an adult (Brier, 1994; DuCloux, 2008; Feierman, Levick, &
Mody, 2010). Although most states require youthful offenders to attend school while being
incarcerated, a void exists in scholarly research that investigates these facilities, the quality of
teachers employed, appropriate access to resources, and types of curriculum used with juveniles
in these settings (Price, Martin, & Robertson, 2010; Smith, 1998; Zenz & Langelett, 2004).
Incarcerated youth are denied access to quality educational services, and do not receive
legally mandated services required by federal special education laws (Blomberg, Bales, Mann,
Piquero, & Berk, 2011; Morrison & Epps, 2002; Twomey, 2008). Historically, many juvenile
correctional facilities fail to provide incarcerated youth with appropriate
accommodations/modifications, and services outlined in the Americans with Disabilities Act
(ADA), Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act and other applicable laws (Ashcroft, Price, &
Sweeney, 1998; Casey & Kelitz, 1990; Fitzgerald, 2009; Hosp, Griller-Clark, & Rutherford Jr,
2001; Leone, 1994; Leone, Meisel, & Drakeford, 2002; Robinson & Rapport, 1999; Tulman &
Weck, 2010).
In addition to these academic undertakings, many incarcerated youth experience
educational services that do not ascribe to state standards for public schools. Many of their
teachers do not possess appropriate certifications; and students are educated within short,
infrequent classes that are not based on state curricula (Twomey, 2008). Several correctional
facilities fail to provide incarcerated youth with efficient identification and assessment measures,
appropriate access to Individualized Educational Plans (IEP), nor are students taught using
individualized instruction from qualified teachers (Freasier, 1986; Jurich, Casper, & Hull, 2001;
Leone & Cutting, 2004; Tulman & Weck, 2010). This inability to provide incarcerated youth an
appropriate education exacerbates the continuance of systemic failure experienced by these
youths. The lack of educational services afforded to incarcerated youth with disabilities is telling,
especially due to their disproportionate placement into juvenile correctional facilities (Hosp,
Griller-Clark, & Rutherford Jr, 2001; Leone, Meisel, & Drakeford, 2002; Tulman & Weck,
2010; Zenz & Langelett, 2004).
Incarcerated Youth’s Right to an Education
The Rehabilitation Act, IDEA, NCLB, and state statutes serve as legal grounds for
guaranteeing incarcerated youth with and without disabilities, their educational rights (Robinson
& Rapport, 1999; Twomey, 2008). Many of the educational rights afforded to incarcerated
students were borne out of historical legal precedents establish by the U.S. Supreme Court, (i.e.,
Brown v. Board, (1954); PARC v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, (1971); Mills v. Board of
Education of District of Columbia (1972) (Winzer, 1993; Yell , 2012).
Under the auspice of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), incarcerated
youth with disabilities, are guaranteed the same educational rights as students with disabilities,
who are not incarcerated. The right to an education is maintained even after a juvenile commits
a crime and is incarcerated (Kim, 2010). The types of education vary on a student-by-student
basis. If a student has a special need, according to the United States
Congress, correctional agencies are legally mandated to carry out services outlined in IDEA
(Ochoa & Eckes, 2005). Services include but are not limited to, an individually tailored
education in the least restrictive environment, related services that may assist a student’s
educational needs and transitional services from corrections to school, work or living
independently (Hosp, Griller-Clark, & Rutherford Jr, 2001; Leone, 1994).
These protections are vital especially in states such as Florida where approximately 50%
of all incarcerated juveniles have been diagnosed with a learning disability (Justice, 2011).
National demographics of incarcerated youth, suggest that a disproportionate number of juvenile
offenders, are minorities, impoverished and labeled with a learning exceptionality and/or
behavior disability (Zabel & Nigro, 2001).
Currently, incarcerated juveniles with disabilities constitute a substantial portion of the
overall incarcerated population (Foley, 2001). The number of students with disabilities residing
in correctional facilities has decreased at over twice the rate of the overall special education
population from 2007-2011. The decrease in incarcerated youths can be seen most in juveniles
with specific learning disabilities and emotional disturbance; these two disabilities also account
for the largest percentage of juveniles with disabilities residing in correctional facilities. These
data trend provides information on the presence of juveniles with disabilities and their placement
within correctional facilities. A definite percentage of students with disabilities who are
incarcerated are very difficult to calculate as few agencies collect comprehensive data with this
information (Zhang, Hsu, Katsiyannis, Barrett, & Ju, 2011). This lack of informational data is
contributed to the loss of student records during a juveniles’ transition between the educational
systems to the justice system (Kirk & Sampson, 2013). Students who are protected by the law
(IDEA) may not receive the services they are entitled to simply due to misplaced paperwork
(Keeley, 2004; Sheldon-Sherman, 2013).
Studies continue to highlight the disproportionality of students with disabilities who
attend alternative schools or are incarcerated. Shelton (2006) discovered that 38% of the youth
she worked within the correctional institution had met diagnostic criteria for having a learning
disability. The offender population was 70% Black America, and 96% of these juveniles had an
IQ of 70-82 which is considered the low average range. Shelton (2006) also questioned the
effectiveness of the educational services that were provided by the correctional institution for this
group of students with special needs.
Research documents that the juvenile justice system is over-populated with young
BlackAmerican males (Skiba, Poloni-Staudinger, Gallini, Simmons, & Feggins-Azziz, 2006).
The equivalent overrepresentation of Black males is also reflected in our nation’s public school
special education system (Bishop, Leiber, & Johnson, 2010; Blanchett, 2006; Boneshefski &
Runge, 2011; Fenning & Rose, 2007; Ferri & Connor, 2005; Waitoller, Artiles, & Cheney, 2010;
Harry & Anderson, 1995; Justice, 2011; Kempf-Leonard, 2007; Ochoa & Eckes, 2005; Salend &
Duhaney Garrick, 2005; Shelton, 2006; Shippen, Curtis, & Miller, 2009; Townsend, 2000).
Research has indicated that incarcerated juveniles with disabilities, fail to receive the
appropriate accommodations/modifications, and educational services outlined in the Americans
with Disabilities Act (ADA), Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act and other applicable laws
(Casey & Kelitz, 1990; Vélez Young, Phillips, & Nasir, 2010; Zenz & Langelett, 2004). Research
has also revealed that incarcerated youth experience educational services that do not ascribe to
state standards for public schools; many of their teachers do not possess appropriate
certifications, and students are educated within short, infrequent classes that are not based on
state curriculums (Ashcroft, Price, & Sweeney, 1998; Jurich, Casper, & Hull, 2001; Twomey,
2008). In the Casey A. et al. v. Jon R. Gundry et al. (2010) class action lawsuit, students sued
Los Angeles County agencies for failing to provide specific services for students with
disabilities. Legally, the plaintiffs’ argued that they were not receiving a free and appropriate
public education mandated under IDEA. The students prevailed and reform is taking place at the
Challenger Detention Center in Los Angeles.
With the reauthorization of IDEA in 1997, the focus of educating students with
disabilities transitioned away from simply providing contact to equitable resources and
procedural compliance, to creating access to general education curriculums (Gagnon, 2008;
McDonnell, McLaughlin, & Morrison, 1997; McLaughlin, 1999). In section 300.149, part D of
IDEA expands the responsibility of states to monitor and ensure the rights afforded to
incarcerated youth that are outlined in this law (Education, 2012). As part of the amendment of
Title 1 of the Elementary and Secondary Act, the No Child Left Behind Act (2001) was designed
and intended to provide accountability for the academic performance of all children (Yell,
Shriner, & Katssiyannis, 2006). In Title 1 (Improving the academic achievement of the
disadvantaged), Part D, section 1401, of the No Child Left Behind Act, stipulates that all states
that accept NCLB funding are mandated by law to provide incarcerated youth with: First with
access to a high quality and accountable education for students enrolled in juvenile justice
schools. Second, services that provide successful transition from institutionalization to further
schooling or employment. Lastly, support systems for youth who are returning from correctional
facilities or institutions for neglected or delinquent children, in order to ensure the continuance of
their education (Education, 2012).
Under NCLB provisions, incarcerated youth and juvenile justice schools are expected to
demonstrate Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP) a measurement that determines the annual
academic achievement of students (No Child Left Behind [NCLB], 2002). Educators of
incarcerated youth are also required to meet the definitions of a Highly Qualified Teacher. These
qualifications include possessing a bachelor’s degree, passing a teaching licensure examination
from respective state, and demonstrating knowledge in the subject area they are teaching (NCLB,
2002). Finally, the intent of NCLB is to protect the education of incarcerated youth by requiring
states that receive federal funds to monitor and improve educational services provided in
correctional facilities (Twomey, 2008). According to National Evaluation and Technical
Assistance Center for the Education of Children and Youth Who Are Neglected, Delinquent, or
At Risk (NDTAC) in the 2007-2008 school year, 96 percent of all states offered youth
educational services (Read & O' Cummings, 2010). For the 2007-2008 school year, the U.S.
Department of Education provided 165 million dollars in Title I funds to these institutions
nationally (Read & O' Cummings, 2010). To put that number in perspective, in 2009, according
to the U.S. Department of Education, the school district of Miami-Dade County, Florida, alone
received 100,000,000.00 plus dollars in Title I funding. The literature highlights that with
education; juveniles can indeed be rehabilitated and reintegrated back as valuable members of
society (Houchins, Shippen, & Murphy, 2012).
Extant literature also speaks to the failures of educational programs and services provided
to incarcerated youth under NCLB guidelines. Twomey (2008) highlights that in terms of
Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP), 19 states did not include juvenile justice schools in their
assessment of AYP. Several states are not providing technical assistance to low-performing
juvenile justice education programs, are not meeting AYP monitoring requirements, and are
hiring teachers who do not meet the definitions of a Highly Qualified Teacher (Twomey, 2008).
Teacher Credentials
Current literature points to a disparity in certified teachers, and lack of teachers with
graduate degrees who teach in correctional settings (Archer, 2010). This dearth of teacher
credentials mirrors the lack of qualifications possessed educators who teach in alternative
schools (Lehr, Tan, & Ysseldyke, 2009). Many of the teachers in alternative schools or
correctional facilities are not experienced special educators, nor are they proficiently trained to
teach students, who are incarcerated (Archer, 2010; Ashcroft, Price, & Sweeney, 1998; Houchins,
Shippen, & Murphy, 2012). Since there is an overrepresentation of children of color, children
from low socioeconomic status and children with special needs, research suggests that funding
should be directly targeted to this particular population of tripled marginalized students (Ochoa
& Eckes, 2005). Research has also noted that educational services at these schools that
specifically are underfunded, and resource deficient (Twomey, 2008).
As traditional public schools continue to struggle with developing strategies and
interventions to accommodate all types of learners; educators who teach in alternative schools
are constantly striving to create materials and lessons that stimulate a diverse population of
learners (Jurich, Casper, & Hull, 2001). Response to Intervention (RTI) is public school’s latest
attempt to meet all students’ varying needs using multi-tiered interventions (King, Lemons, &
Hill, 2012). In a traditional public school setting, there are many people working to facilitate the
learning of a single student. Yet in alternative schools, the education department can be short
staffed and undertrained (Ochoa & Eckes, 2005). Lastly, without the proper funding there
continues to exist less qualified staff in alternative schools, therefore those students who are most
vulnerable are not being supported as IDEA mandates.
Philosophical & Theoretical Groundings of Phenomenology
The need for phenomenological inquiry derived from science based exclusively on
materialism; that failed to investigate the connections between the experiences a person
encounters in a material world (Smith-Woodruff, 2011). This research is grounded in
phenomenology, which requires the researcher to suspend their bias and to freely observe a
phenomenon (LeVasseur, 2003). Conklin (2007) furthers this notion and suggests that
phenomenology asks us to liberate ourselves from any presuppositions we may carry into any
field of research.
Moreover, while quantitative scholarship within this area has witnessed a renewed
emergence. Flores (2012) has called for an increase in qualitative inquiries on alternative
schools. Rios (2010) posits that qualitative work in these areas should examine the perspectives,
experiences and voices of families, youth, and other stakeholders, who are impacted by
alternative school placement, and are at-risk for involvement with the school-to-prison-pipeline.
This research incorporates phenomenological and narrative methods and answers the need for
rigorous qualitative research, that examines the experiences of youth enrolled in alternative
schools (Miles & Huberman, 1994).
Summary and Conclusions
This chapter examined the impact of zero tolerance policies, school discipline practices,
and alternative school placements that disproportionately impacts Black students, specifically
Black male students. This chapter concluded with an introduction to phenomenological narrative
inquiry and provided a context into the qualitative nature of this study.
CHAPTER THREE
METHOD
This chapter describes the purpose, scope, and methods used in this study. Subsequently,
this chapter discusses the participants of this research, data collection and analysis methods, and
Institutional Review Board (IRB) protections.
Purpose of Study
This study examined the educational and life experiences of Black American juvenile
males who attended an alternative school. Phenomenological methods and analysis were used in
this study. The phenomenon examined was the perceptions of Black American males who
attended an alternative school. This school is designed for students who are expelled from their
neighborhood schools, adjudicated or had adjudication withheld in juvenile court due to a
violation of the law.
Narrative research was used to understand participants’ experiences within this
phenomenon (Milner, 2007). The narrative component of this research was constructed to
provide a chronological account of the participants’ educational history, which in turn created
discourse on the investigated phenomenon (attending an alternative school). Hearing the
participants’ voices, their experiences, and their stories were crucial when conducting this study,
and provided insight into the lives of children who attend an alternative school (Connor, 2009).
It is within this philosophical principle of allowing the voices of vulnerable students to become
the conduits of change in which this phenomenological inquiry was rooted. Lastly, this study is
rooted in the premise that the Black male participants in this study have a story to tell that will
add to the scholarly knowledge base of how youth at-risk travel on pathways that lead them to
the exit doors of a school and direct them to the school-to-prison pipeline (Walker, 2012).
Interviews were used to elicit the participants’ educational life histories that helped
propelled them into being assigned to attend an alternative school. Participants expounded upon
their current experiences they encountered while attending an alternative school. They were also
asked to critically examine their current academic situation (enrollment in an alternative school).
Lastly, the students were asked to explain the impact of attending an alternative school and their
future life goals (i.e., graduate high school, obtain legal employment, attend college, etc.). The
process of integrating narrative discussions about the participants’ educational history in this
study served as a guide in comprehending the phenomenon the participants experienced. These
interviews addressed the central research question: What are the educational experiences of
Black American juvenile males who attend an alternative school? This question is reinforced
and guided by four main probing questions:
1. In what ways do Black males perceive their background experiences (e.g., familial,
neighborhood, socioeconomic circumstances, and other) as having an impact on their
placement in an alternative school?
2. In what ways do Black males perceive the role of the teachers/administrators and their
behavior, as having an impact on their placement in an alternative school?
3. What are the perceptions of Black males about their educational experiences in an
alternative school setting?
4. To what extent do Black males perceive the role of their teachers/administrators, as
having an impact on successfully exiting an alternative school?
I began this research study right before the social demonstrations and protests following
the death of Eric Garner in New York City and during the deaths of Michael Brown, Tamir Rice,
and several other Black men, women, and children throughout the United States. These events
did not create any new perspectives for me about the experiences of being Black in America. I
am quite knowledgeable about the historical and present-day subjugation and violence for far too
many Black folk encounter here in America. These events did, however; create a new sense of
purpose for this study. Again, the primary direction of this study was an investigation into the
academic lives of Black males who attend an alternative school. A peripheral purpose of this
study emerged during the commencement of the study. This peripheral purpose forced me to
view the educational lives of marginalized Black children, through the lens of the current social
movements, which focuses on the protection of Black persons from state-sanctioned police
violence. This research parallels the focus of protecting persons from state-sanctioned police
violence, but grounds itself in the ideology that Black children must be protected from state
sanctioned educational violence, in relation to, an educational system that at best under-educates,
and at worse, miseducates Black children.
This study focused on the overrepresentation of Black students as an example and
manifestation of covert, systemic racism that persists to plague our public schools, and other
areas of the public sector. The focus on structural inequality and racism is important because it
serves as a nexus between the current social demonstrations and unrest that are in progress
nationwide, educational research, and the scholarly community, in efforts to shed some light on
the realities of being (1) young, (2) Black, (3) American, and (4) male. It is within this respect
that I focus on the quadruple consciousness of these complex realities while conducting analyses.
Therefore, it is also important for me, to shed some light, on my role and experience as a Black
adult male who is conducting research on Black adolescents.
My role as a researcher and active participant throughout this study can be described as a
complex amalgamation of emotions, expectations, and unsettling realities. To begin, I am a
Black male, who was raised and educated in the same school district that governs Eastside
Alternative School. I have taught in this school district for the last 10 years, and have
professionally witnessed scores of young Black youth, specifically males, and a growing number
of Black girls, shuttled through the public school system into alternative schools, similar to the
participants of this study. This double conscious reality of being both a Black male and a paid
agent of a large school district that has failed to educate Black children, en-masse, was a difficult
reality to accept. This difficulty was further magnified because as an employee of the school
district that governs Eastside Alternative School, I am thoroughly conscious about the systemic
inequities/failures that plague this school district, and primarily, its Black students. These
failures are evidenced via recent federal inquiries into the disproportionate disciplinary practices
implemented by the school district in which Eastside Alternative School is located. The school
district has received numerous complaints and request for investigations, from parents, former
educators, and even the National Association for the Advancement of Color People (NAACP)
about the disciplinary practices used by the school district when disciplining Black students.
These investigations yielded the same results that countless empirical studies have revealed, that
the overwhelming percentage of students, disciplined, suspended, and expelled are Black
children, and specifically, Black males. As a compensated individual for a system that
historically and contemporarily marginalizes Black children, I encountered a mental, social,
intellectual, spiritual, and academic struggle while conducting this research and subsequent
analyses. This struggle was magnified by the adult-criminal like treatment displayed towards the
participants, highlighted via their personal stories. With this in mind, it was imperative for me to
remember that research that involves marginalized and vulnerable children, must take into
consideration certain protections and safeguards for the participants.
The adolescents who participated in this study are Black. They are also juvenile males,
and they can easily become the next face of a social movement, or hashtag on Twitter if their
lives are not protected. They are much more than just mere research participants; and with this
understanding, it was my responsibility, as a man, to treat them with the utmost care, respect, and
protection as possible.
Setting
A small alternative school (pseudonym Eastside Alternative) located in a large school
district in the south, served as the location where this research was conducted. Since this study
involved the examination of juveniles at risk for incarceration, the location where this research
took place was vital in revealing the true authentic depictions of being a child assigned to enroll
into an alternative school.
Shedding Light On Eastside Alternative School. Eastside Alternative School is
situated between a high traffic, commerce roadway, and a major seaport that is the busiest port in
the state, which also has a well-documented history as being known as a major port for illegal
drug trafficking. The first time I visited Eastside Alternative School was interesting, to say the
least. Upon arrival, I could not find the actual location of the school, even though I had the
address and directions. I somehow ended up at the entrance of the seaport and in a line where
cars were being inspected before they could enter the port. I figured I was in the wrong place, so
I turned my car around and headed back towards the entrance of the seaport. I was subsequently
stopped by an unmarked Sport Utility Vehicle (SUV) and a burly officer wearing shades, and
what looked like an automatic machine gun strapped to the back of his shoulder stepped out of
his truck and, asked me, “What was I doing here?” (at the port) and if I needed any help. I
explained to the officer that I am looking for Eastside Alternative School and that I was lost. He
quickly pointed to a structure that looked more like an office building for a construction
company, than it did an actual school. I told the officer thank you and drove away. The building
where Eastside Alternative School is located is extremely easy to overlook upon first arrival.
There is a small sign that displays the name of the school; however, the plaque is faded and
difficult to read. In addition, as previously mentioned, the school resembles anything but a
traditional school. Upon my arrival, I felt like I was walking into an office used for employing
people to work in the seaport, rather than a place of education and rehabilitation for youth.
Nevertheless, I was greeted with smiling faces and was eager to conduct my research.
I began this study with unbridled excitement. I was ready to get into Eastside
Alternative School, meet my future participants, and begin to get to know the lives of these
students. After meeting with the director of Eastside, she introduced me to the rest of the
teachers and staff after school dismissed and before they were about to have a faculty meeting.
Interestingly, the entire administrative personnel and the majority of the teachers, and staff
employed at Eastside Alternative School were Black.
I introduced myself to the faculty of Eastside Alternative School and apprised them of
my presence on the school campus, and that with their permission; I would like to “sit-in” and
observe the behavior of the students in their classrooms. Based upon facial expressions, the
teachers’ responses to my presence were mixed. Some seemed apprehensive, while others were
curious as to my intentions. I asked the teachers if they felt comfortable in allowing me to sit in
their classrooms, to either let me know directly, or speak with Eastside’s director, and they would
inform me. Ultimately, two teachers, allowed me to sit in and observe their classrooms.
Following the meeting with the faculty and staff of Eastside Alternative, I met with the
director and one of their assistants. I thanked them for allowing me to conduct the research at
the school with them, and we spoke about the need for research on students at alternative
schools. The director was helpful throughout this entire research project. The director was in the
middle of writing their dissertation as well and was sympathetic to my needs while conducting
this research. At the end of the meeting, I asked the lead administrator if I could be introduced to
the students, so they would know who I was, and why I was on their campus. They agreed and
scheduled some time for me to meet the students face to face.
My introduction to the students was interesting, to say the least, similar to my
introduction to the faculty; the lead administrator introduced me to the students, let them know
that I was from the local university and that I would be meeting with some of them. The looks
on their faces were priceless. The students could not care less who I was, why I was there, or
what my intentions were. I was not fazed by their reactions; I have worked with students similar
to the ones who attend Eastside Alternative.
Eastside is a moderate risk school that served 78 students and was jointly operated by the
local juvenile law enforcement agencies and the local school district. The racial demographics of
the students enrolled at Eastside Alternative included 6.9% White, 79.3% Black, 3.4% Hispanic,
3.4% American Indian, and 6.9% of the students were classified as multi-racial. When this study
was conducted, 69% of the students enrolled at Eastside were male, and 31% were female.
At Eastside Alternative, 100% of the students had prior contact with juvenile justice
systems (i.e., arrested, charged, or convicted of a crime), and that included the students who
participated in the study. The average age of the students’ first criminal offense was 13.5, and
the average number of arrests prior to enrollment at Eastside was 10.2; the average number of
prior convictions for crimes was six. At Eastside, 33% of the students were charged with felonies
against a person (e.g., assault, robbery, homicide); 9% were charged with felonious sex crimes;
40% were charged with felony property crimes (e.g., burglary, larceny, arson, petty, grand or auto
theft); 1% were charged with drug felonies; 8% were charged with other felonies, and 9% were
charged with misdemeanors of any nature.
Participants
As a method, phenomenological research involves the in-depth study of participants to
develop patterns and connections among meanings (Morse, 1994; Oiler, 1986). For this
research, Black American male juveniles, who were enrolled in an Alternative school (assigned
by a school district or sentenced to by juvenile court), and had the appropriate consent forms
signed in order to participate in this study, were purposively selected to serve as the participants
in this study. This research focused on the experiences of Black American males due to their
overrepresentation in alternative schools, juvenile correctional facilities, and adult prisons (Bullis
& Yovanoff, 2006; Gardner, 2010; Hirschfield, 2009; Langrehr, 2011; Morrison & Epps, 2002;
Petit & Western, 2004). The participants were selected through purposive sampling, and were
recruited due to their familiarity with this particular phenomenon (e.g., being a Black American
male juvenile, who attends an alternative school). This type of selection technique is important
because it investigates experiential phenomena by the participants (Collingridge & Gantt, 2008;
Patton, 2002).
Inclusion & Exclusion Criteria
The inclusion criteria for this study involved conducting research on students who met
the Institutional Review Board definition of a child (see IRB Guidebook Chapter VI Special
Classes of Subjects); were between the ages of 13-17; self-identified as Black; self-identified as
male; and were currently enrolled at Eastside Alternative School; and provided signed
assent/consent forms. The exclusion criteria for this study include the following disqualifiers:
1. Participants who did not self-identify as Black American or male
2. Participants who were younger than 13 or older than 17
3. Participants who displayed any disruption during the research process
4. Participants that did not have proper assent/consent forms for inclusion signed
Classroom Observations & Recruitment Process
As part of my methodology for this study, I conducted informal observations of students
in different classrooms to ascertain a better understanding of the students and potentially identify
participants for the study. I scheduled observations for twice a week, on Mondays and
Wednesdays respectively. I observed a 7th grade life sciences class taught by a middle-aged
white male, who also served as youth pastor at his church; and an 8th grade language arts class,
which was instructed by a Black male in his late twenties. The intent of the classroom
observations was to watch the students and see how they interacted with each other, the
teacher(s) and the respective staff at Eastside. I observed these classes twice a week, for 3
weeks, prior to the commencement of my rapport building sessions. I sat quietly in the room
and observed how the students interacted with their peers, the teachers and other staff members
who walked in and out of the classrooms. I observed students adhering to the classroom rules,
that were posted inside both teachers’ classes. However, at times, the classroom observations
were disturbing. I witnessed students attempting to fight one another. I witnessed actual fights.
I observed profanity laced conversations and disrespect towards faculty and staff.
During occasional downtimes, I would speak to the students in a casual conversation
about what they were learning that day in the science or language arts class. Some of the
students were able to articulate what the lessons were about, while others would simply say, “I
dunno.” I was able to establish casual relationships with some of the students during the
observations. I would speak to them about their interests, how long they had attended Eastside,
and engaged them in relaxed conversations. One of the main topics that arose from these
conversations, was a desire to successfully exit Eastside Alternative School. The exit criteria
stipulated that the students had to maintain at least a “C” average in all of their classes, have zero
disciplinary referrals or incidents, and have no more than three unexcused absences.
I spoke with several students and we discussed how they intended to meet the criteria to
exit the program. Through these discussions, I was able to ask students about their interest in
meeting with me individually. The first student who wanted to volunteer to participate in this
study was a 14-year-old black male (pseudonym Ray). Ray was also extremely helpful in
identifying and recruiting other students. He gave me suggestions of students who may have an
interest in participating in the study. I ended up selecting four students and used only two for
data analyses. One student dropped out of the study, and another student left Eastside and
returned to his neighborhood school.
Again, throughout the classroom observations, the majority of students had no idea of
who I was, why I was in their classroom, and why I was observing their class. Ray is a
naturalborn leader and helped me to recruit two other participants for this study. Since Ray was
the first student I was able to recruit for this study, I decided to conduct the initial pilot interview
with him. His eagerness and directness during the pilot interview provide me with rich, detailed
descriptions about attending Eastside; so much that I decided to incorporate his interview into the
full-scale study.
Data Collection
In qualitative inquiries, several researchers have incorporated pilot interviews in attempts
to refine and develop research instruments or assess degrees of observer bias (Gillham, 2000).
The utility of pilot interviews also supports the refinement of one’s research questions, assists in
collecting background information and adaption of research approaches (Hammersley, 1993;
Sampson, 2004).
Pilot Study. I recruited one participant for the pilot study. Next, I followed the same
guidelines to conduct research with human subjects per Institutional Review Board policies and
procedures. The participant for the pilot study met all of the inclusion criteria (e.g., age, gender,
race, alternative school status) of the actual research participants. The pilot interview took place
at Eastside Alternative School, in a conference away from any classes or student rooms, during
Ray’s elective period, and lasted approximately 45 minutes. Next, the pilot interview was
transcribed and analyzed, to provide a deeper comprehension of the interview process, and
understand the phenomenon that was investigated (attending an alternative school). Ray
answered the questions to the best of his ability and provided rich descriptions of his
experiences. Because of this, the data from the pilot interview was used in the study.
Rapport Building Sessions. After the pilot interview, I conducted group rapportbuilding
sessions with four participants (including Ray), so that I could establish a meaningful
connection with the students, and learn more about the lives of the participants. Building rapport
with the participants is essential in developing open and honest dialogue with the participants
(Seidman, 2012). Each session was conducted at Eastside with the four participants, and lasted
approximately 60 minutes, and took place on Mondays. The sessions took place in the same
conference room as the pilot interview. We sat at a round table and had unstructured
conversations about themselves. Participants were asked about their background information
(e.g., hobbies, interests, employment status, etc.) in an effort to create a contextual
understanding of their non-educational lives. This was done so that the participants could share
their individual stories and compare and contrast. Meaningful rapport building is necessary
when conducting this phenomenological inquiry because it allows participants and the
researcher to establish a connection that helps facilitate the understanding of the phenomenon
being examined (Caelli, 2001).
In addition to the rapport sessions, I conducted informal observations of the classrooms
that the participants regularly attended. These observations were intended to provide me with
additional insight into the educational experiences of the participants. Classroom observation
served as an introductory to the educational environments of the participants and gave talking
points to discuss and compare during the rapport building sessions.
Following the rapport sessions and classroom observations, the participants partook in
individual interviews with me that focused on their individual educational experiences
encountered while enrolled at Eastside Alternative School. Rapport building interview data from
two of the participants were used in this study.
Interviews. Interviews took place at Eastside Alternative School, usually every
Wednesday. Prior to the interviews, I informed each participant that there were no correct or
incorrect responses to the questions I asked. The participants were reminded of their rights to
terminate participation in the interviews at any moment. Each interview was tape recorded and
the participants were apprised that their voices were being recorded. The interviews lasted
between 30-45 minutes.
Data Analysis
Phenomenology. At the inception of this study, I searched for a qualitative method that I
felt would best serve the research questions and reveal the academic and personal stories of the
participants involved. I chose phenomenology as the methodology because it is the most
appropriate in examining the experiences of the participants. Additionally, using
phenomenology and narrative stories gives light to silenced voices. This method also gave me
insight into who I am as a researcher, scholar, educator, and even as a Black man.
Roots of Phenomenological Inquiry. As a research method, phenomenology attempts to
eliminate elements that represent a prejudgment or presupposition, and it requires looking at
society openly, undisturbed by the habits of the natural world (Creswell, 2012; Hamilton et al.,
2006; Keen, 1975). The purpose of phenomenology is to understand phenomena from the
perspective of those who experience the phenomena (Collingridge & Gantt, 2008). In terms of
educational research, phenomenology is a philosophical movement that approaches the study of
human beings and their culture differently from the logical positivist model used in the natural
sciences and in special education (Mc Phail, 1995).
A central tenet of a phenomenologist is the unearthing of meaning in regards to the
participant’s lived experiences. Phenomenologists are interested in examining various structures
and meanings of consciousness that lend meaning to life (Mc Phail, 1995). In phenomenology it
is important to understand these structures, and how they intertwine and influence a participant’s
lived experiences. This is a key element in coming to an understanding of human life (Mc Phail,
1995).
Another tenet of phenomenological inquiry focuses on investigating the lived experiences
of various entities. Lived experiences are holistic phenomena that contain multiple dimensions
(Hamilton et al., 2006). It is important for a phenomenological researcher to seek and construct
authentic human experiences that do not rely solely on laboratory situations that investigate the
structures of life (Patton, 2002). It is dually imperative that researchers situate their
investigations of consciousness within the everyday world (Mc Phail, 1995).
Phenomenology served as an appropriate methodology as it captured the authentic
narratives of juveniles assigned to attend an alternative school. This study incorporated
phenomenological methods and divulged in deep conversations with the participants that yielded
authentic dialogue regarding their educational experiences. Therefore, the participants played an
integral role in this phenomenological inquiry because collaboration creates an equal relationship
between the primary researcher and the participants (Colaizzi, 1978).
Narrative Inquiry
Narration was one of the most commonly used communication modes during this study.
Narratives are intended to elicit and disseminate knowledge, encourage collaboration, and
generate new ideas or ignite change (Denning, 2001; Snowden, 2002). In terms of research,
narrative inquiry incorporates multiple iterations of analytic practices and is grounded in several
social and humanities disciplines (Daiute & Lightfoot, 2004). Czarniawska (2004) defines
narrative research as a specific type of qualitative design in which narrative is understood as
spoken or written text giving an account of an event/action or series of events/actions
chronologically (Schwandt, 2007). The primary process of conducting narrative research focuses
on interviewing individuals, gathering data through the collection of their stories (or field text),
reporting individual experiences, and chronologically ordering the meaning of those experiences
(Creswell, 2006).
Narrative & Phenomenology Research. The participants provided narratives regarding
their educational life histories that codified the phenomenon of attending an alternative school.
Küpers, Mantere, and Statler (2012) posit that integrating narratives in phenomenological
research depends on three corollary assertions: “First, phenomenology views all human
experience as intrinsically narrative; second, phenomenology emphasizes the way in which
narrative experiences are always embodied; and finally, phenomenology frames embodied
narrative experience in a context that involves an interplay of people, cultures, environments,
and objects.” (p. 84). The participants also contributed rich narratives about their life
experiences prior to enrolling into an alternative school, recent stories about their experiences
attending an alternative school, and elaborated on future goals they want to actualize after they
exit alternative school.
Transcriptions. Data were captured from interpersonal interviews regarding the
educational and personal lives of the participants. The use of interpersonal interviews in
phenomenological inquiry is a practical tool that allows researchers to richly describe the
experiences of the participants (Kvale, 1996). Furthermore, interpersonal interviews construct a
context where the participants provide personal meaning to their lived world experiences (Kvale,
1996).
Data derived via interviews with the participants were transcribed by the researcher.
Interviews were recorded using voice-recording software on my personal laptop computer.
Following this, I played back the audio recordings and asked the participants to clarify, add, or
subtract any of their responses. This was done to enhance the trustworthiness of the data and
explain any misunderstandings between myself and participants. In qualitative research,
trustworthiness is the process of authenticating interview data (Creswell, 2012). This process is
crucial in establishing confidence and credibility of all collected data. Next, I loaded the
interview audio files into Express Scribe Pro, transcription software that transcribes audio
recordings. I then transcribed the audio files and excluded any inaudible phrases, consecutively
repeated words or other conversational space fillers.
All interviews were tape-recorded, transcribed, and analyzed for meaning. Data extracted
from multiple interviews encountered a rigorous analytical process, to produce the most robust
analysis. The following process was used in analyzing the data: phenomenological reduction and
synthesis of meanings & essences, to analyze data gathered via interviews (Moustakas, 1994).
Phenomenological reduction was used to describe the textual language extracted from
interviews with the participants (Moustakas, 1994). Textual language describes the relationship
between the participant and the phenomenon they experienced (attending an alternative school).
This tool required me to repetitively focus on the participants’ responses and assign descriptions
to these words. Synthesis of meanings and essences is considered the final step in the
phenomenological data analyses (Moustakas, 1994, p. 100). This step was crucial in
understanding the textual meanings of the participant’s responses. The synthesis of
meanings/essences tool was used by the researcher to reunite these pieces into a cohesive,
comprehensible, presentation of data results. Based on the data results, I was able to derive
meanings from this activity and solicit consensus via the participants. I utilized member
checking to verify and develop consensus regarding interview data with the participants
(Carlson, 2010).
Member checking is the ability for participants in a research study to check and verify the
accuracy of their statements. This process helped maintain the trustworthiness of the data and
served as a method to see if the data concur with the participants’ experiences (Carlson, 2010).
Thematic Coding. I utilized thematic coding to analyze the interview and transcribed data, to
reveal emerging themes from the participants’ interviews. In developing thematic coding for the
data, I incorporated open coding techniques when analyzing transcribed interview data. Corbin
and Strauss (2008) define open coding as the breaking apart of data and delineating concepts to
stand for blocks of raw data while qualifying those concepts in terms of their properties and
dimensions. Data derived from the participants’ interviews, were compared with each other, to
derive a deeper understanding; cohesively sew the experiences of the participants together, and
reveal emerging themes from the participants’ stories. This was done so that the participants’
experiences were thoroughly detailed and presented in the study.
Ethical Considerations
In research such as this, it is acknowledged that there is a potential for change for both
the participants and the researcher, which may not be recognized prior to the commencement of
this study. Since this research was conducted at an alternative school that is designed for
students with behavioral disorders, and youth who have been adjudicated in a juvenile court, I
was careful to adhere to the IRB (Institutional Review Board) precautions about conducting
research with minors.
First, prior to the commencement of this study, I underwent the appropriate IRB training
and passed all required examination for IRB certification (Collaborative Institutional Training
Initiative, 2014). Next, parental consent and participant assent were obtained from the
participants in this study. These forms followed the guidelines of informed consent and assent
outlined by IRB. Second, the identities of all participants were shielded via pseudonyms.
Involvement in this study was completely voluntary and all participants had the option of
refusing to participate in the study. If chosen, at any time the participants also had the right to
cease participation in the study. Also, if at any time during the project a participant was
uncomfortable with a question, he had the right to refuse to answer and was told this at the
beginning of each interview session. The participant also had the right to remove himself from
the study altogether with no repercussions from me or from the facility. To ensure each
participant remained aware of their volunteer status, I stated at each meeting that this interview
process was voluntary and that at any time, if they so desired, they could choose to leave the
project. None of the participants was provided with any compensation for this study. The
identity of the host school (Eastside Alternative School) was not revealed; a pseudonym for the
name of the participating school was used to shield its name and provide anonymity. All
recorded, transcribed, and documented data were secured on a password protected computer.
Lastly, this research adhered to the regulatory requirements for research with children, as
outlined in Department of Health & Human Services (DHHS) 45 CFR 46 Subpart D; and to the
following definition of vulnerable populations per IRB policy (45 CFR 46.404): Research that
does not involve greater than minimal risk may be approved if the IRB finds that adequate
provisions are made for soliciting the assent of the child and the permission of his/her parent(s)
or guardian [45 CFR 46.404].
Summary and Conclusions
Through phenomenological inquiry, it was my intent to illuminate the experiences of the
participants in an alternative school. With this study, it was my intention to describe participants’
experiences, not as exploitation, but as a rigorous tool for those who work to serve the
participants and their families. However, the power structures at play and the cultural inequities
that are inherent to the service providers and the services themselves cannot be overlooked in the
process.
After the data analyses, I revisited the findings of previous scholarship and
compared/contrasted with this study’s findings, to add to the overall body of knowledge in
regards to the educational experiences of Black American male students. The rationale for this
was to see if this study filled in any of the scholarly gaps about alternative education. In the next
chapter, a thorough discussion of the analysis of the participants’ experiences is presented;
followed by suggestions on how research can advance the knowledge of this phenomenon.
CHAPTER FOUR
FINDINGS
The purpose of this study was to examine the educational experiences of Black males
who attended an alternative school. This study revealed the participants’ past, present, and future
experiences and goals, and gives voice to students who are vulnerable of being placed in an
alternative school setting. The study explored alternative schools, and specifically the schooling
experiences that contributed to the placement of Black males in an alternative school setting. A
series of interviews were conducted with two Black males at Eastside Alternative
School. Through these interviews, qualitative themes emerged via the participants’ responses to
the research questions posed. The research questions addressed in this study were as follows:
1. In what ways do Black males perceive their background experiences (e.g., familial,
neighborhood, socioeconomic circumstances, and other) as having an impact on their
placement in an alternative school?
2. In what ways do Black males perceive the role of the teachers/administrators and their
behavior, as having an impact on their placement in an alternative school?
3. What are the perceptions of Black males about their educational experiences in an
alternative school setting?
4. To what extent do Black males perceive the role of their teachers/administrators, as
having an impact on successfully exiting an alternative school?
Participant Profiles
The phenomenon of attending an alternative school was articulated by two Black
American males, Ray and Steve. Ray and Steve are the pseudonyms for the participants. The
participants provided narratives regarding their experiences and shared raw, uncensored
commentary about their lives. Ray is a short, dark-skinned 14-year-old and is in the 7th grade.
He possesses a strong personality combined with a curious intellect. Ray is a vocal leader that
isn’t afraid to speak his truth, no matter the consequence. He has attended multiple alternative
schools since the 4th grade. Eastside is the third alternative school he has attended, and that does
not include a 1-year confinement in a juvenile residential facility.
Steve is a brown skinned, lanky,16-year-old and also is in the 7th grade. When I first met
Steve, I noticed how he would slump over in his chair whenever he spoke. He also didn’t make
eye contact with anyone he engaged in conversation. Steve was sent to Eastside after he was
expelled from Westside Alternative School due to a fight that involved his brother and another
student. Because of this fight, Steve was subsequently arrested for assault and battery and
violation of probation. The narratives of the participants are accounts that shed light on the lives
of two unique individuals and the phenomena of being a Black male who attends an alternative
school. These stories are not isolated incidents moreover; they depict a continuation of similar
narratives that can be heard from students in urban cities throughout this nation.
Ray was the first student who agreed to participate in this study. Although he was one of
the youngest students enrolled that participated in this study, Ray was easily the most vocal.
When I first met Ray, he was being disruptive and loud during one of the classrooms I observed.
The other students in that particular class gravitated towards Ray’s liveliness and joined in the
disruptions. Ray had an infectious way of influencing the other students, and because of this, I
asked Ray if he would be interested in participating in speaking with me about his experiences at
Eastside High School. He responded to me saying, “anything that gets me outta class, I’m cool
with it.” I met Steve while observing one of the classrooms that he and Ray were taking at
Eastside Alternative School. Steve is the oldest participant in this study. As one of the older
students in the school, and one who had been attending Eastside the longest, Steve displayed a
maturity that was absent from most of the students I encountered at Eastside. Similar to Ray,
prior to enrolling at Eastside, Steve attended different alternative schools located within the same
school district.
Rapport Building Sessions
The rapport-building sessions served as an activity for me to develop a relationship with
the participants. During the sessions, we conversed about a myriad of topics, subject matters, and
current events. These sessions were informal, semi-structured, and designed to create a relaxed
atmosphere between myself and the participants. For the initial rapport session, I asked the
participants to tell me what neighborhood they lived in order for me to better understand their
current social environment. This was due to my deep familiarity with the city and communities,
and as a way for me to connect with the participants.
I spoke to the participants about their music interests and the current musical artist they
enjoy. Ray told me, “I listen to Gucci (Mane), Rich Homie Quan, and Kodak (Black), Boosie,
and all them, yea I listen to anything, anything that make me feel good. Steve mentioned during
the sessions that he is interested in “doing music,” and more specifically he wants to become a
rapper in the hip-hop music industry. Steve said that he enjoys listening to “everybody that I’m
feeling, I like that Lil’ Herb, I like Meek Mill, and oh yea I like Rich Homie Quan.” I asked Steve
how would he react if he met Rich Homie Quan in person? Steve replied, “you mean if I saw
him walking down the street? I’d try to meet him and try to spit some rhymes to him, maybe he
would try to sign me.” Steve is aspirational and mentioned that he doesn’t “like getting into
trouble anymore” compared to when he was younger. Steve emphasized to me that getting into
the music industry is something he is interested in pursuing, however, he stated, “I’ll take any
job, as long as it’s legal!”
As the sessions progressed the participants began to open up and share more of their
experiences. During one session, Ray mentioned that he had been “locked up” or incarcerated
the previous week. I asked Ray to elaborate on the events that led to him being incarcerated. He
stated, “Two days ago… I had like a warrant they didn’t let me go home they just make me do
like a couple of days.” Ray is referring to a juvenile detention center when he states, “a couple
of days.” I asked him what he was arrested for, and he revealed that he had “violated probation
and missed court”, and that the judge continued his probation period until he completes his
community service hours. During the session, it was revealed that Eastside allows students who
are on juvenile probation to perform up to 5 community service hours at the school. Ray told me
that, “I can do them here and they give you 5 hours a week if I come the whole week, but I ain’t
done no hours in two weeks.” Following this, we spoke about the importance of completing his
community service hours, so that he can get off probation. During a different session, Steve
spoke about an incident that he encountered with the police one weekend. He stated: We were
washing cars at Shell (gas station) me and my brother, we were washing cars with my big
homeboy, we made $21 so we split it $7-$7-$7… soon as we get into Shell, this man (his big
homeboy) gonna snatch a blunt and run. Soon as we run out the store, police pull up to get some
gas…they seen us running out the store so they back up and pull us over…so they was like,
“come on guys I just seen y’all run out the store y’all
coulda grabbed anything, I don’t know what it was.” So I told my boy, you tripping…so he
just picked it (the blunt) up of the ground and the police said, “You don’t need these?
Why you need these pack of blunts?” We almost went to jail over a pack of blunts.”
(Steve)
Ray interjected and said “that’s dumb, that’s the same thing Michael Brown got shot for, some
blunts. Steve said, “who?”’ Ray responded, “the dude who died in Missouri…but he had a whole
case of blunts he didn’t have one pack…he had whole case!” Steve replied, “that’s why I got my
brother and walked away, I said come on bruh, jit tripping… I grabbed my brother, greased and
went home.” After hearing this, we spoke about their thoughts regarding police shootings of
unarmed Black boys and men. Ray provided an introspective comment and stated, “its messed
up, but they got the badges.” Steve revealed that he had a police officer point a gun at him once.
I asked him to share this experience, he said:
Me and my friend saw some bikes (bicycles) in a garage and we took them back to my
momma house. We was in the house, and then we seen some other guys ride by. They
had some clean bikes. Me and my friend be like oh, your bike ain't cleaner than my bike.
You know how that goes. We get out showing it off, riding it. Messing around. So we
ride through to Main Street and the police right there. They waiting on us. Me and my
friend we shot off. I turn on Jackson Street and now I’m riding away from the police. I'm
on Jackson and there's a little entrance right there by that gate. I mess around and turned
in there. I have my Jordan slides (sandals) on and they fell off my feet, I grabbed it
(sandals), hurry up and put them back on. I grabbed the bike again, about to get on it, but
police behind me. It was an old man. I'll never forget. I figure I'm gonna run…but he
pulled out the gun he said, don't move. I turned and looked at him…he was like put your
hands up. He said I'm not gonna chase you. I was finna run from him but he had a gun…
he said he wasn't gonna run. So I knew what he was gonna do if he wasn't gonna chase
me. And I was surrounded cause they was behind me. There was like one right there, one
right there. Helicopter with one coming. I knew I wasn't gonna get away. (Steve)
I asked Steve what he thought would have happened, if he ran-away from the police officer: If I
woulda run I think he woulda shot me. I was scared. I thought he was gonna shoot me.
He then put me in handcuffs, said he gonna detain me. I never forget the word. He
said…I wasn't under arrest. He was gonna detain me until they caught my friend. My
friend kept running cause they had caught me first, but he got caught too, and they charge
us with burglary of an unoccupied dwelling for stealing the bikes.
I asked Steve if he felt the police officer’s actions were excessive, he said, “Yes, he shoulda
chased me. But I guess he wasn't… he was kind of old too… When I seen that gun. I said well, he
ain't gonna chase me. If I try to run, he might try to shoot me.” (Steve)
Thematic Analysis
The results of this study are presented in this chapter and include common themes that
emerged from data extracted from interviews between the researcher and the participants. Data
derived from the rapport sessions that answered the research questions were also used in the
analysis. This section analyzes each theme and answers each question. The following
phenomenological themes emerged from conversations with the participants: (a) family & fictive
kinship (b) juvenile delinquent behavior & school discipline, (c) Eastside experiences, and (d)
uncertain hope. This section includes analysis of each of the four themes that emerged during the
research study that answers each research question. The results of analyses of the participants’
experiences as students at Eastside are presented through dialogue and casual conversations.
These responses reflect the participants’ feelings and beliefs about attending Eastside Alternative
School.
Research Question 1
In what ways do Black males perceive their background experiences (e.g., familial,
neighborhood, socioeconomic, and other) as having an impact on their placement in an
alternative school?
Theme: Family & fictive kinships. Family matters. Through participants’ narratives,
the importance of family and friendship is strongly articulated. Ray currently lives with his
grandmother. He has spent much of his early years living between his grandmother’s home or
living with his biological mother. When Ray speaks about his mother and grandmother, a slight
smile beams across his face. Ray even spoke about his bond with his biological brother, who is
currently incarcerated. He spoke about how he admired and looked up to his older brother. Ray
elaborated on his relationships with his biological mother and grandmother. Throughout his life,
he has moved numerous times between his mother’s and grandmother’s residences and because
of this, he has attended seven different elementary schools. Ray and I exchanged an interesting
dialogue when he detailed his early educational journey prior to attending Eastside Alternative
school. He detailed his experience of constantly switching schools, even during the middle of
the school year, and provided an interesting account of his experiences. When I asked about his
school experiences prior to attending Eastside Alternative School, he stated:
First school I ever went was Douglass Elementary on Cross Fletcher. Then I went to, uh,
Hillman. Then I went, um, Paul Elementary. Then I went to, um, Hampton, BelleAlbert.
Then I went to Douglass. Went to Robeson Elementary. Went to Douglass again, went to
Robeson. I kept-I swear I've been to every whole school. Then I went to Douglass I was
in the 4th grade. I kept switching back and forth like in custody with my grandma and
that's why I kept going back to Robeson. (Ray)
Listening to Ray’s narrative about moving between his mother and grandmother’s homes, the
notion of instability begins to solidify. Ray experienced not only an unstable home life but also
an unstable school life. Most students attend schools that are zoned for the particular
neighborhood in which they reside, therefore this caused Ray to continually have to move back
and forth between neighborhood schools. He experienced academic and social instability
throughout his primary schooling years. Ray also attended seven elementary schools and
navigated between Douglass and Robeson Elementary schools up until he was expelled from
Mayweather (Elementary School) in the 4th grade. Ray’s educational stability was disrupted due
to the constant moving, that is why the formation of fictive kinships was paramount in his life.
Familial relationships are extremely important to Ray, even fictive family. Fictive
kinships in Black and Black American communities inform the phenomena of cultural bonds that
transcend biological descent and marriage. Developing communal bonds is important as
adolescents, what is interesting is what happens when these bonds, friendship, and acquaintances
are challenged within the walls of a school. At the beginning of our interview, I asked Ray to
describe the neighborhood(s) that he has lived in. He replied simply, “everything.” I asked him
to elaborate; he described the clique of friends he associates with, the “Boys on the block with
the White T, Black T, bandannas on.” Ray explained to me that the bandannas represented
“brotherhood” and signified, “respect to your flag to your hood where you grew up at…my hood
and my family.” The bond of brotherhood is important for Ray and constitutes his “everything.”
I asked Steve to describe the neighborhood where he grew up. Steve replied simply,
“everybody know everybody”. I asked Steve if knowing everybody in the neighborhood is a
good thing, he stated, “Yeah, it a good thing. Everybody grew up with each other… but it can -
you know it can get rough.” We continued the discussion and talked about his relationship with
his family members. Apprehensive best describes Steve’s willingness to speak about his
upbringing with his family members, which I found interesting given his willingness to share his
experiences with law enforcement, during the rapport-building sessions. Steve did reveal that he
is close to his brother and sister but that is the innermost he revealed about his family history.
Steve did reveal to me his mother’s response to him getting into trouble at school. He revealed,
“I use to be on punishment a lot…I couldn’t go outside...that use to kill me worse than the
whoopin…I rather get the whoopin than staying inside…I could get a whoopin and it’d be over
with…That kills me staying inside. Oh, man. I can’t do that.” Steve was upfront about the
discipline he received at home from his mother. He mentioned to me that whenever he was
suspended from school, his mother would punish him at home, and not allow him to leave their
house. Steve stated, “I couldn’t really do nothing. My momma ain’t play that…I couldn’t do
nothing but eat and sleep, wake back up. No TV, no games.” Steve mentioned that he has been
getting into trouble ever since his elementary years. He told me that he was in the 3rd grade when
he was first suspended from school. Steve stated:
I got my first 10 days at elementary school…I was about in the 3rd grade going to the 4th
grade…Uh, I got in a fight. Got in a big fight. I remember I was gonna fight this boy.
We had-we was- in the cafeteria…he had threw some peas on me. So I had grabbed
chocolate milk. I tried hitting him in the face, but I messed around and hit this girl in the
eye, swoled her eye and I got suspended, you know I got suspended…I apologized to her
cause I wasn’t trying to hit her. (Steve)
Steve explained to me other incidents that resulted in him being suspended from elementary
school. “Uh, one time I had bring- me and my brother- we had bring a BB gun to school.” I
asked him if he was expelled for bringing the BB gun to school, and he replied, “I got suspended
for another 10 days.” Both participants expressed the importance of family and kinships when
they described the communities they were reared in Ray referred to these cultural bonds as “the
boys on the block” while Steve expressed the importance of growing up and knowing everyone
from his neighborhood.
Research Question 2
In what ways do Black males perceive the role of their behavior as having an impact on
their placement in an alternative school?
Theme: Juvenile delinquency & School misbehavior. The data revealed a consistent
theme of misbehavior demonstrated by the participants. The participants’ narratives elucidated
patterns of delinquent behaviors in school and the communities in which they lived. These
behaviors contributed to the participants being suspended/expelled from school, or arrested by
local law enforcement. Ray revealed that he was in the 4th grade when he was first expelled from
school. He continues telling his journey and states:
Then I went back to Douglass. Um, at Douglass I brought some weed to school and they
sent me to Cooley Alternative School. When they sent me to Cooley, like there I was
being bad…showing off. And then like - like four, five months later I had - had to go to
this school again for a whole year. So I went there for a whole year. And they sent me to
Westside Alternative School. I was there for a whole year. (Ray)
Following his expulsion from 4th grade, Ray attended three different alternative schools, and was
subsequently expelled from each one. Ray revealed that he has been arrested so many times that
he lost count. He also has served time in a juvenile youth camp prior to enrolling at Eastside due
to multiple arrests. Ray shared with me that he was first arrested at the age of nine. He could
not tell me what crime he was charged with, but he easily shared the story regarding his first
contact with law enforcement:
So one day I was with my homeboy we was jits, I was 9, 8, we were smoking paper like I
ain’t gonna cap we were jits we didn’t know what weed was… We use to steal my mama
roaches and smoke it… my homeboy said there is a bando over there let’s go. We go in
the bando… Like we just sitting in there. We sprayed the fire extinguisher. We were like
tripping. Like we were jits we were running around. So, next thing you know we heard
like a voice, hey come here, come here don't run. So my homeboy like he fast… So jit
like, he fast and all, so he jumped out the window. I jumped out the window. He hit a
wall. I hit the wall. We kept running', kept running', kept running'. We stopped by a gate,
he jumped the gate, kept running'. I said I gotta take a breath. Caught my breath, I look
back big behind police slammed me boom, boom, boom, had my face in the ground. I
ain’t gonna cap, that was my first time getting arrested so I cried. Ooh, I want my mommy.
(Ray)
I asked Ray how many times has he been arrested, and he stated, “So I don't know how many
times I got arrested, but I know how many charges I got in all. I got 30 – 33.” According to
Ray, all but 4 of his 33 charges were dropped by the juvenile courts. Ray’s first contact with the
police envisaged a long history of arrest and encounters with law enforcement. He candidly
explained how his behavior changed, for the worse, following his first encounter with law
enforcement. He stated:
And after that - as soon as I got that charge ever since then I thought that junk was cool.
I kept getting arrested. After that first charge they keep coming, keep coming, keep
getting' arrested, keep getting arrested. The judge gonna be like – I’m talking bout the
judge even said this to me. You are gonna never learn. (Ray)
Ray was first arrested by the police at the age of 9 and has been arrested several times since;
moreover, he recently was released from a juvenile residential program for youth who have been
adjudicated by juvenile courts. Upon his release from the juvenile program, Ray was required to
enroll in another alternative school that is in the same city as Eastside, but he was expelled from
that school for fighting, and subsequently enrolled into Eastside. Per the school district policy,
Ray is required to complete 1 year at Eastside, or any other alternative school, before he can
enroll into a traditional school. In order to become eligible to exit the program, Ray and the
other participants are responsible for adhering to Eastside’s exit criteria for students. Ray can
only have three unexcused absences, he has to earn at least a “C” grade in all of his classes, and
Ray cannot receive any disciplinary referrals during the final nine weeks of the school year. If
Ray or any of the other participants violate any of the criteria for exiting Eastside, they are
denied a successful exit from the program, and must attend Eastside for at least another 9 weeks.
Steve also encountered contact with law enforcement at an early age and throughout his
young life. At the time, Steve was already on juvenile probation due to a drug paraphernalia and
robbery charges. Steve has had numerous encounters with law enforcement. He replayed the
events that led to these charges, which ultimately brought him to Eastside:
My brother had - asked a boy can he use his phone… He took it from him. Then the boy
tried to pay him $5.00 for his phone back. Took his $5.00. And when I got up with him -
'cause I was with him that day, they (police) thought I had something to do with the
robbery. So, they end up picking us up later on that night. I forgot what we had did. My
mom - she wouldn't let us in the house. Oh, 'cause the police they kept coming to the
house, so she wouldn't let us in the house. (Steve)
Steve continued and stated:
So we end up falling' asleep on the porch. We woke up again, they had a whole bunch of
guns in our face. Like don't move. I had put on my brother's jacket that night 'cause it
was kind of chilly. Man, I put on my brother's jacket. I searched it, but I didn't search it
good enough. Well, it had a pocket inside of a pocket. Like - you know the inside pocket
it had a hole in it. Man, so they snatched the jacket off me as soon as I get up. We fresh
out of sleep. Out of our sleep. So I get up. I'm like this 'cause they got all the lights in
your face. I'm like dang. They like well we got you for a robbery they search my jacket.
Well, my brother's jacket, but I had it on so it was mine. Well, they found some crack.
They were like oh, man. But he tested it. It wasn't real it was fake. I still got charged
with it… possession of paraphernalia. (Steve)
Steve was found guilty of this charge and placed on probation along with his brother. He told me
that he has attended two different alternative schools prior to coming to Eastside. I asked him
how his behavior was at the other schools, and he stated that he was “kind of laid back” when he
first came to those schools. I then asked him what caused his behavior to change, and he clearly
stated, “that hood stuff, that junk…you know how that go.” Steve explained to me that his
misbehaviors in school were a result of ongoing “beefs” or tensions between kids in his
neighborhood. I then asked about his academic successes that he encountered and enjoyed at
these schools and Steve stated, “I always had good grades, it just - you know, I just be - I try to
be the class clown… that got me in lots of trouble.” Steve transitioned the discussion and began
to speak about his relationships with his teachers at the schools he attended prior to coming to
Eastside; he stated, “I had good relationship with the teachers. “Everybody liked me. Like I ain't
never had problems with none of the teachers or nothing. It was always students…you know
about that.” These neighborhood issues often followed Steve to school and affected his
everyday social interaction with other students at the schools he attended. Both participants
mentioned ongoing “beefs,” or interpersonal conflicts, they encountered with other students at
schools prior to attending Eastside. The lack of positive social interaction between Steve and the
students was prevalent at all of the schools he attended.
The findings also revealed patterns of misbehavior and delinquent behavior from the
participants displayed by the two participants. Prior to enrolling at Eastside, Steve was enrolled
at another alternative school within the same school district. While there, Steve and his brother
got into a fight with another student, which resulted in him being arrested on battery charges. He
spoke about this altercation:
Uh, I had got kicked out of school for fighting. We had a brawl… It was dealing with
some neighborhood stuff. I go there the next day, we fight, I catch a battery charge. We
had beat a dude up real bad… remember I told you I was on probation- for that burglary?
I had got - as soon as I got off probation - I wasn’t even off a day. I mean a whole 24
hours, 'caught another charge. But they dropped the battery charge. 'Cause the boy didn't
want to come to court so they had dropped it. (Steve)
Ray and Steve, experienced contact with juvenile law enforcement at an early age, and on
numerous occasions. They got into trouble, they stole, they fought, but these behaviors do not
paint a complete picture of the participants. These behaviors reveal the everyday struggles
adolescents encounter, just to fit in, be accepted, and even survive. Both participants provided
vivid narratives of their encounters with local police. Ray and Steve conveyed vivid descriptions
about their delinquent behavior; however, they also imparted a sense of remorse for their
wrongdoings. Ray explicitly recalled how miserable he felt when his mother cried
uncontrollably during one of his trials. He stated, “So my mom talkin' to me. I told you to stay
out of trouble. I told you stay out of there. I was like momma I'm sorry. I'm sorry…for hangin'
with the wrong crowd.” Ray has a complicated relationship with his mother, he was living with
her at the time of his trial, and blames her for being sent to a juvenile residential facility. At one
of his court dates, Ray recalled the words his mother gave to the judge regarding his behavior:
She would tell the judge that she can't do nothin' with me... I can't do nothin' with him. I just
can't. I just can't…that’s why when I went in the program I blamed it on my momma… the
judge said in her face, oh, he needs shelter, like a foster care group home thing. But she didn’t
want me to go to the shelter… So I was like oh, crap. So like she crying on my arm trying to
make me cry, but I'm not crying…and then they sent me to the program. When they sent me to
the program…like I was thinkin' my momma should have picked the shelter. (Ray)
The juvenile residential facility, or program, that Ray mentions, is a privately owned, non-profit
organization that contracts with the state to provide services to youth charged with felonies or
delinquent acts. I asked Ray to describe the juvenile facility, he said, “It’s like lock-up” and that
he was in a “cabin cell in a forest” with a “square window” in the room. He continued
describing the facility and stated:
I used to look out my window and see horse - like bulls, horses, spiders. like my
homeboy, he got bit by a spider. like it's crazy out there… but it's fun a little bit your
momma gets to send you boxers, socks, but you just got to wear their shirt and pants. So
you know my momma sent me some Jordan slides. My grandma sent me Nike. They
both put in money, send pictures and stuff… I liked being in it but like at the same time I
don't. (Ray)
Ray continued describing his experiences at the juvenile residential facility, and told me what he
liked about the program. He mentioned that at the facility the staff:
They come check on you ever 10 minutes, and then they get to let you go outside every
day at least one hour of rec time… So I would go outside every time. Play, shoot some
hoops and they got like a store every night level three, level two, level one. Level three
you get three stuff. Level two, you get two. Level one you get one. (Ray)
Research Question 3
What are the perceptions of Black males about their educational experiences in an
alternative school setting?
Theme: Eastside Experiences. The participants expressed differing experiences about
Eastside Alternative School. Findings indicate that both participants experienced a genuine
rapport with the school’s administrators and staff; however, Ray expressed that he only liked
three teachers at Eastside. When I asked him about his relationships with his teachers, Ray told
me,“Its only 3 teachers-the substitute, Ms. Sams- that - I like… Ms. Sams. She's good
sometimes… And the other lady teacher, she's straight too.” I asked Ray to describe to me, in
his opinion, what characteristic traits constitute a good teacher, he stated, “they have fun
activities, respects you for who you is, and don't tell your business. A lot of teachers like to tell
your business in front of the whole class and junk.” We transitioned the conversation from
teachers, and discussed his relationship with the administration at the school. I specifically
asked him if he believes that the administrators are preparing him to successfully exit the
program. Ray responded, “yeah, they is. They try to. Like Ms. Jasmine she trying hard for me (to
get out of Eastside).” I asked Ray if Eastside provided him with any mentoring since he enrolled.
He told me about Mr. Brandon, who is one of the staff members at Eastside who mentors the
male students. Ray’s description of his relationship with Mr. Brandon was one of the most
powerful statements I have ever heard. Ray stated:
Mr. Brandon. 'Cause I see - like he even said, no homo, but that man love me. Like he
said I love you man, like I never seen no nigga say they love me. (Ray)
Ray revealed to me, that for the most part, he gets along with the students there, but he
has to be careful of which students he associates with at Eastside. I asked him to elaborate on
this and he mentioned that the two hoods, where most of Eastside’s students come from were
“beefing”. I asked him how that affected his relationship with the students, and he stated, “I
don't got nothin' to do with that… That’s y’all beef you all got your own don't put me in that.”
Ray’s reluctance to participate in any arguments or beefs among his classmate’s demonstrated
growth and behavior maturation, but this growth has not translated into the classroom. During
one of the rapport sessions, Steve elaborated on some of the beefs that are currently going on at
Eastside, and how these conflicts affect him outside school he stated, “I was just chilling in
Grant and the Pines, we was bout to go to the parade but we ain’t go we got split up… We was
about to go over there but niggas from the West and… what’s em name was in a shootout, but I’m
glad we ain’t go cuz we ain’t had no strap.” Ray currently has an issue with a student at Eastside
who stole from him, and due to this conflict he stated, “That’s why I don’t have friends cuz you
can’t trust nobody…cuz they be looking at me like yea he probably got money… that’s what my
homeboy did to me, he took all my presents. He took my PlayStation 4.” Ray expounded upon
this incident and recalled the events:
I use to live in the Pines, I just moved back to the Pines. So I see him and say ohh bruh
I haven’t seen you in a long time, I got some weed, he was like oh let me stay the night at
your house. I said oh yea I got some reefer at the house: go to my house he hook up the game,
we playing the game, roll up in my room, put the fan on we burning, he stayed the night,
I’m feeding him, my grandma feeding him, full, eating good, got some snacks for the
night, playing the game all night…next thing you know he like we finna go to Williams
Terrace and go hit. I was like I’m down its whatever. He said we gonna set the timer for 4
o’clock in the morning so we can leave, so I’m going to sleep, I miss the time past 4, I wake
up like 8 o’clock look at the side of my floor on my airbed, gone, he left door open and
all, I ain’t know my presents were gone cuz I had so much other presents, like my nieces had
presents too under the tree, so I ain’t know but my grandma always counting em. So the
next day I let him stay the night again, I woke up in the morning he was gone…I came
home from school and my grandma like your homeboy took the presents. I was like nah my
homeboy ain’t gonna do that. Nah. My grandma took me to his house. I told my grandma
where he stay. I knocked on the door I say hey bo you stole my presents? He say nah. I
said I know you stole my presents He said I swear to god! I swear to god! My grandma
wants to talk to your mama. He was like she ain’t here. I said well my grandma want to
talk to you. He said alright I gotta put on some clothes… not knowing that he know
though his window open. So I’m looking in the hole he go right in the room and cut off the
lights hiding up under the bed…I’m looking and I’m keep knocking on the door, I’m finna kick
his door in… my grandma was like just come back in the house we can come back when
his mama is here. Then we left...He stole two presents, he stole a baby doll and a
PlayStation 4. The reason why he stole the baby doll because he thought it was something
big cuz it tall.” (Ray)
The participants’ narratives regarding tensions between students is startling given that
these neighborhood conflicts outside the school, have the potential to carry over into the
hallways of Eastside. During the interviews the participants did not reveal if Eastside provided
any services or counseling for students who have beef or conflicts.
In terms of education, Ray revealed that he struggles academically at Eastside Alternative
School. He stated, “I'm getting' my work done…but I can’t learn here... I think it's 'cause the
school…but I like this school though ‘cause they got tutoring”. I asked Ray why he felt that he
couldn’t learn at Eastside, he then compared his experiences at Eastside, with his experiences at
Westside Alternative School, a school he previously attended. Ray stated, “Like this school, they
gonna try to help you learn, but at Westside like I feel like they gonna put it in my brain for real.
This school I be like...I don't…I still don't get it.” Ray felt that at Westside Alternative, the
teachers possessed a greater ability to teach subject materials to the students properly and they
also took the time to teach the students, and assist them with their assignments. However, Ray
explained to me that the teachers at Eastside are helpful and allow him to turn in late schoolwork
or provide the students with a lot of makeup work. Ray stated, “This school you can make up a
lot of work. That’s why I like it.” Ray also expressed affinity towards one of the administrators
who often “spared” Ray from receiving negative consequence due to his behavior. Ray also
mentioned his difficulty to learn at Eastside but praised their efforts to provide him with
opportunities for tutoring and supplemental class assignments.
During the rapport sessions, Ray expressed to me his desires to leave Eastside
Alternative school and stated:
When I go back to regular school I am not trying to get expelled no more I ain’t never
coming back to alternative school, ain’t no girls here, they don’t even teach you right, plus
people be trying to fade you for no reason, for stupid stuff. This school… only thing good
about this school is that the got tutoring, and like…we be turn up. (Ray) I asked
Ray to explain what he meant by turn up he said, “this” and started moving his hands in a
swinging motion as if he was fighting. I asked him when was the last time he witnessed a fight
occur at Eastside, he replied, “last week everybody fighting and we had two food fights.” Ray
continued and revealed, “they finna turn up tomorrow though.” I asked Ray why are the students
going to turn up, he said, “its gonna get real tomorrow…food fights, everything, girls fighting,
boys fighting, everybody coming back to school tomorrow from suspension…for fighting.” I
asked Ray about his possibility of exiting Eastside, and he stated, “That is what they say if I get
some A’s and get some credits.” Ray expects to be promoted to his correct grade once he leaves
Eastside. Recall, that he is 14 in the 7th grade, and Ray wants to be “upper-graded” (promoted)
to the 9th grade. He discussed with me the promotion process:
Like they already gonna send me to 8th and if I pass that test imma be in the 9th. I got C’s
B’s and one A, and I’m gonna get promoted…I just got my report card…my momma got
it. I asked Ray about his mother’s response to his grades and he stated, “She said its
“good” but I had straight A’s at Westside (Alternative)…since I got here they messed up
my grades…like the way they teach so stupid…and they be losing my work every time,
they don’t keep track of your work or nothing.”
Steve revealed that he had a “good” relationship with the teachers, staff, and
administrators at Eastside. At first, Steve described the relationship as “alright” but as we
conversed he mentioned several teachers and that he enjoyed being in their classes mostly
because they are willing to help him complete his assignments. He also mentioned that he
prefers teachers who demonstrate a caring disposition. The ethos of care is constantly reaffirmed
by Steve when he speaks about his relationships with his teachers. He elaborated on this
preference; and said that he likes teachers who care, “‘cause if they didn’t care they probably
wouldn't even be here teaching us. 'Cause they know we in alternative school.” Steve mentions
specifically Mr. Tommy as a teacher he feels cares about his education, and exiting Eastside
Alternative School. I asked Steve why he liked Mr. Tommy and he stated, “He’s smart. He
always helps me. Anything I’ve asked, he helped. He’s smart too. Real smart.” I asked Steve
about his grades at Eastside, he said, “I got good grades, I do my work. I got an A, a C, a couple
B, uh, I know I got nothing lower than a D in my grade. In conduct, I got a couple A’s, B and I
got a D.
As our discussion continued, Steve mentioned to me that he had recently been suspended
from Eastside for fighting. I asked him to explain the details that led to him being suspended: I
got suspended… I punched a girl and blackened her eye. I asked Steve why he punched the
young girl, he said, “Man she was talking about my dad…she slapped me first, that's how I hit
her in her eye. She slapped me hard. I thought she punched me. I thought she punched me. I
asked Steve if he apologized to the girl for hitting her he said, “yea I apologized, like I felt bad
cause I had blackened a girl eye. I felt bad. When she hit me, I just lost it. I don’t even
remember hitting her. Then when it's over I realized I'm like damn, I just hit a girl.
Research Question 4
To what extent do Black males perceive the role of their teachers/administrators, as
having an impact on successfully exiting an alternative school?
Theme: Uncertain Hope. Uncertain hope is the last theme that emerged from the data.
Each participant in this study revealed a sense of hope when describing their respective futures.
The participants pointed to the support given to them by the administrators at Eastside, and this
support has given them hope to exit the program. Both students expressed a desire to be
promoted into their appropriate class grade, and enroll in a traditional high school. The
participants emphasized the caring disposition that the administration at Eastside displayed
towards the students. The participants expressed that the staff at Eastside try their hardest to help
the students, and have a keen interest in seeing them exit Eastside Alternative School
successfully.
During the rapport sessions, I asked Ray what school he planned to attend after he leaves
Eastside. He looked at me and said, “Dunbar, but I don’t want to go there.” I asked him to
explain to me why Dunbar isn’t his preferred school to attend, and he stated:
I ain’t going to no Dunbar that’s school is sweet…If I go there, I ain’t gonna be with my
niggas, and I want to be with my niggas, at least I know I’m safe. I ain’t going to no school I
gotta watch my back…that’s the only thing I like about alternative school cuz I know somebody
at alternative school know me. If I go to Dunbar imma be by myself ain’t nobody from my
hood…so like I can’t trust that…they ain’t gonna fight with me if I get jumped, and I don’t
wanna fight anymore…I’m tired of getting in trouble.” (Ray) I asked Ray if he believes his
behavior issues will continue once he leaves Eastside and goes back to a traditional school. He
provided some real commentary about getting into trouble: In like regular school I be so tempted
like to just rob somebody cuz there so much rich people, all them students their parents got
money. You see how you go your phone on the
table? I ain’t gonna take it, but you see how you got your phone on the table? I’d like
take it, walk out the door, catch the bus or something, sell it on the street, take it to the
hood a grown nigga going to buy it. If it’s a big phone one of your big homies gonna buy
it. But some nigga be trying you and wanna give you some weed for it, nah I want
straight money. (Ray)
I asked Ray how he plans to overcome the temptation to steal from someone when he returns
back to school, he stated, “if it’s so easy, I can’t overcome that, I gotta do it to em. I know that
sounds bad, but if I got money I probably won’t take it but if my pockets are on hurt…than yea.”
We spoke about other obstacles and Ray said that he wants to try to stop smoking, “but it’s hard
to change stuff…you can’t change nothing what you already started.” Steve interjected and said,
“yes you can, just like you started smoking you can start something else. Like me, I ain’t trying to
catch no charges, I’m staying out of police face, that’s how I’m gonna change, not for this year
but every year.”
During the rapport sessions, I asked Steve what school he plans on attending once he
leaves Eastside, and he stated, “I’m probably going to Dunbar if they put me in 9th grade. If I
don’t get out of middle school I’m going to have to get my GED (General Equivalency Degree)
because I’m 16.” Steve was present during rapport session when Ray stated that he didn’t want
to attend Dunbar because he didn’t know anyone and feared for his safety. Steve, however,
stated, “That’s why I like it. I don’t know anybody over there. If I’m going to Dunbar I’m gonna
be by myself so I can stay outta trouble.” Steve is focused on staying out of trouble and not
violating his probation while at Eastside. I asked him how he planned to stay out of trouble and
he stated:
Imma stay around from wrong crowds, stay to myself, go to school, come home…stay in
the house. I want to get off probation, try to stay free, cuz, the last time they let me off
probation, the next day, I caught another charge, caught a battery, that’s why I got kicked
out of Westside (alternative school), that’s why I got sent here (Eastside). I just want to
stay free cuz they like controlling you. I can’t even stay the night at my friend’s house if I
want to because I got a curfew so they controlling you. (Steve)
Steve uses this lack of freedom as motivation to turn his life around and complete the
terms of his juvenile probation. Steve also mentioned that, “one of my first goals is that I want
to be in landscaping cuz my granddaddy he teach me since I was young 10, 11 to remodel
homes.” When he heard Steve’s comments, Ray stated, “I ain’t gonna lie, I always thought Steve
just wanted to be a street nigga. I just looked at Steve like he wanted to finish school for his
mama, graduate high school, and then be in them streets. I ain’t know he wanted to do
something good like that.”
It has been about 5 months since Ray first enrolled into Eastside Alternative School.
During our individual interviews, I asked him if he felt if he deserved to attend Eastside because
of his behavior, and he was forthright and acknowledged that his misbehavior is the reason why
he has to attend Eastside. He stated, “Yea, I deserve to be here because of my behavior.” I asked
him if there were anything, he would do differently so that he can stop getting into trouble at
school and with the law. At first, he was confused by this question. He clarified and asked,
“anything I done differently?” His face revealed a difficulty to find the “right” answer. He
muttered the words, “yea.” I then asked him, specifically, what he would change in efforts to
better himself. His next words were very telling, Ray stated, “Like I don't why… I don't know…
I’m from the hood…how am I gonna change?”
Ray’s inability to see how he could change his behavior for the better highlights the
hopelessness that even a 14-year-old child may possess. Although he believes that he cannot
change his behavior and lifestyle, Ray shared to me that his primary goal is to “get out
alternative school.” I asked him why that was his primary goal, and he responded, “well, that’s
my specific goal 'cause I been in alternative school for a long time.” This optimistic goal is
interesting and creates a sense of ambiguous hope among his aspirations. Ray cannot foresee a
future where he doesn’t get into trouble or arrested, yet he still holds onto hopeful believe that he
will exit Eastside and place his life on a more positive trajectory.
Ray also indicated a desire to attend college one day, to study “money” and eventually
start his own business. Ray stated to me, “I don't want to have no little business like these dudes
out here in the street have one little shop… I want a business like McDonald's you see there’s a
lot of McDonald's.” Ray emphasized to me the importance of being able to financially support
his mother, grandmother, siblings, and other relatives when he enters adulthood. The
conversation concluded with Ray telling me where he sees himself in the next five years, his
response was very poignant:
Probably a baby on the way with a good girl. I think about getting married with like a
good job, a good apartment. My momma good and healthy. My whole family good and
healthy. I want my family to remember me. (Ray)
Being expelled from another alternative school was the event that helped redirect the
pathway Steve was traveling down. He stated, “some of the stuff I used to do, um, I don't do it
like that anymore.” The conversation transitioned into a discussion about his relationship with
the teachers at Eastside Alternative school. I asked Steve if Eastside has made a difference in his
life, and he stated, “Yeah, they did 'cause at a part of time in my life I just used to be like forget
school…I wouldn’t go. When I first got kicked out of here I wasn't going to school for about a
year.” Steve revealed to me that he did not enjoy school at all, but the teachers and staff at
Eastside have given him hope in turning his life around. Steve highlighted this sentiment and
stated, “I used to pray and I’d just asked God to give me another chance to go back to school.
And I ain't never did that. I ain't never used to like school…but now I do my work.”
Steve spoke about the importance of care when we spoke about his relationship with the
administrators at Eastside. In particular, Steve spoke about Mr. A.J. and stated that he has a
“good” relationship with him and the other administrators at Eastside. Steve is closer to Mr. A.J.
because he advocates for Steve when he gets in trouble in class, or has issues with other students.
Mr. A.J. also serves as a mentor to Steve, which is very important because it demonstrates to him
that the staff and administrators care about the students who attend Eastside.
Steve described his relationship with his mentors and stated:
Mr. Keyshawn, Mr. A.J., basically almost all the staff I say they are mentors cause they
always like to keep me out of trouble here, they talk to me, they basically show me that
they care about me.” The first time they kicked me out of school, Eastside could have
said no to me but they gave a chance to come back to school. They also let me experience
something I never experience before. The Olympics. I never been to the Olympics
before. I ain't never knew that they had all this. When he first told me the Olympics I was
like, the real Olympics? We're gonna be in the real Olympics? He said no it's an
Olympics for Eastside kids, I was like that's what's up. (Steve)
The Olympics Steve is referring to, is a multi-sporting event competition between Eastside and
other alternative schools in the region. Students have to meet behavior and academic goals, in
order to be eligible to compete in the Olympics.
As the conversation progressed, Steve mentioned that he didn’t like the director of
Eastside Alternative School, when I asked him why, he explained, “Cause like I don’t really
know Mrs. Monique like that…we just- we speak to each other a lot- like I’ll say good morning
or good afternoon to her…but I don’t really talk to her.”
Since Steve is on probation, attendance at school is mandatory. If he is suspended or
misses an excessive amount of days from school, he violates the terms of his probation. He
mentioned to me that his current educational goal is to earn a promotion and placed into his
correct grade he stated, “My goal right now, try to catch up…be in all my grades I’m supposed to
be in.” Steve is 16 and in the 7th grade. Following his release from Eastside Alternative School,
Steve plans on attending a traditional neighborhood high school and procuring part-time
employment. He stated that as long as it is “legal” job, he does not care where he works. Steve
said that graduating from high school is important to him because:
I had an older brother and sister that graduated from school but other than them nobody
else graduated. My mamma didn’t finish high school, but she got a job. My daddy and
my momma didn’t graduate from high school so if I graduate from high school it can be
in the family. (Steve)
The conversation ended with Steve detailing where he sees his life in the next 5 years. Listen to
how he powerfully describes his future.
Next five years… I see myself someone who had a past. I had troubled past…troubled
past but a bright future. I see myself probably helping someone who was in my shoes
when I was young. I try to tell them that like doing bad, it ain't right. Eventually, they
gonna get it one day.” (Steve)
Summary
The findings in this study revealed the phenomenon of Black males who attend an
alternative school. Through their narratives, the participants experienced educational and
familial instability early in their lives. Participants also encountered exclusionary discipline
practices during their primary years of education. Findings revealed that the participants had
early contact with law enforcement during their pre-adolescent years. This contact led to the
participants being arrested, charged, and convicted of crimes via local juvenile courts. It was
difficult listening to the participants speak about guns being drawn on them by law enforcement,
given the current mass of shootings of unarmed Black men, women, and children. It is troubling
to hear how young these teenagers really are, yet they have had more contact with law
enforcement during their brief lives than most adults have in their entire lifetime. The
participants displayed compunction for their actions and involvement with law enforcement,
however, they did not know how to avoid getting into trouble.
Ray and Steve were both expelled from their neighborhood schools for violating the
school district’s zero-tolerance policies on drugs and fighting, respectively. The findings from
this study also revealed that both participants had a history of transfers, suspensions, and
expulsions during their educational journey, prior to, and during their enrollment at Eastside.
These findings parallel existing research that identifies school discipline practices as a
contributing factor in creating pathways to prison for Black adolescent males (Skiba et al., 2011).
Due to the exclusionary nature of school discipline, this subject matter is a controversial topic in
educational discourse. The methods used to discipline students remains to be an area of
consternation among policymakers, administrators, parents, and students. Here the intersection
of educator preparation versus student responsibility interact. Educators are commissioned to
“teach” students how to behave and comply with school directives, policies, and rules. In turn,
students are expected to learn how to develop socially responsible behaviors that demonstrate
their ability to “follow” rules or receive disciplinary consequences for any infractions. The
difficulty arises when, sociological factors, school rules, lack of teacher preparation, and
systemic racism pose a threat to the proper education of Black adolescent males. The
participants were required to enroll in an alternative school due to their behavior in school, and
delinquent activities outside of school. While attending Eastside the participants experienced
teachers, administrators, and staff who cared about their educational success and life goals. The
participants’ narratives revealed hope and encouragement for their futures. The participants were
optimistic in terms of their life trajectory, despite the obstacles they have experienced at school,
and with police.
The participants have endured many hardships throughout their lives, yet possess naïve
innocence about everything they have encountered. Again, the participants have been arrested,
jailed, and incarcerated early in their lives. They are behind academically, at least 3-4 grades.
They come from impoverished communities. They are Black. They are male. Yet they cling to
limited hope. This hope may be illusionary, however, I find their resiliency beyond admirable
given the sociological barriers placed in front of them. The data from their interviews extol a
notion of hope that is a pre-requisite for their survival. Both mentioned aspirations to attend high
school. Their hope to one day attend a traditional high school is thought-provoking, given that
most peers their ages loathe high school. However, the participants have never experienced a
traditional high school setting. They have attended alternative schools for so long, that the
notion of not having to wear uniforms, possessing the freedom to move freely throughout the
school, or even attending sporting events, is an idea that is completely foreign to them. I asked
Steve what high school he wanted to attend after he exits Eastside; he stated that it does not even
matter, as long as they accept him. This is the hope that influenced Ray and Steve to believe that
eventually, they can attend a regular school or maybe even college. This is the hope that powers
the participants in this study.
CHAPTER FIVE
DISCUSSION
Summary of Study
In this chapter, an overview of the study is presented. Next, the limitations of this study
are discussed. The chapter concludes with recommendations for practitioners, and implications
for future research.
This study was a phenomenological examination of the educational experiences of Black
males from the ages of 13-16 who attended an alternative school. The study focused on the lived
experiences of the participants in efforts to reveal first-hand accounts of students who are
vulnerable to alternative school placement, contact with law enforcement, and the school-
toprison-pipeline (STPP). This research is warranted due to the disproportionate placement and
overrepresentation of Black males in alternative schools (Walker, 2014). Furthermore, it is also
important to examine the role of alternative school placement, its impact on students that attend
these schools, and involvement with STPP. There exists a space and need for transformative
research such as this to continue to shed light on vulnerable populations in school systems
throughout the United States.
Review of Research Statement
The interest in this area of inquiry stems from my experience as a teacher in an
alternative school. While employed at this alternative school, there existed a disparate
assignment of Black students, specifically male students who were assigned to attend. This
phenomenon forced me to ponder on the role in which alternative schools perpetuate social,
legal, and academic inequities for Black students. Many of these students ended up being placed
under some form of juvenile court supervision during and after their enrollment at the alternative
school I was employed.
The population in this study are Black male students, who attended Eastside Alternative
School, and have had prior contact with the juvenile justice system. Research indicates that by
the age of 18, roughly 30% percent of Black males have been arrested (Brame, Bushway,
Paternoster, & Turner, 2014). Research also indicates that when a juvenile has contact with
juvenile justice systems, experience higher incidences of not graduating school, being arrested as
a juvenile/adult, experiencing incarceration as an adult, and are more likely to recidivate once
released from prison (Kirk & Sampson, 2013; Rodríguez, 2017).
This study contributes to the overall scholarly knowledge in regards to the field of
education that impacts Black youth, provides insight to students who are often forgotten, and
provides a nexus between research and practice, in efforts to reduce the behavior, academic, and
social disparities that Black students have to overcome.
Review of Methods
This research is a phenomenological study grounded in Critical Pedagogy and
Miseducation Theoretical frameworks. These frameworks analyzed the educational experiences
of the students that were placed in an alternative school setting. These frameworks assist in
identifying how public school systems miseducate children, specifically Black children, and how
stakeholders can rectify the trajectory of students who are at-risk for alternative school
placement and contact with juvenile justice systems.
Collectively, these frameworks posit that schools play a pivotal role in framing notions
regarding race and racial equity within education. These equities serve as a sifting mechanism
that provides particular students access to differing curriculums, opportunities, and experiences;
while simultaneously denying other students, particular Black male students, with the same
curriculums, opportunities, and experiences, thus creating inequities in education. These
experiences, in turn, influence the life outcomes of the students.
The qualitative tools used for this study were rooted in phenomenological inquiry
(Creswell, 2006). The academic experiences of Black males who have been assigned to attend an
alternative school was the phenomena investigated. This study extracted and examined data
from interpersonal interviews from two Black Male students who attended Eastside Alternative
School. These interviews addressed the central research question: What are the educational
experiences of Black American juvenile males who attend an alternative school? This question
was reinforced and guided by four main probing questions:
1. In what ways do Black males perceive their background experiences (e.g., familial,
neighborhood, socioeconomic circumstances, and other) as having an impact on their
placement in an alternative school?
2. In what ways do Black males perceive the role of the teachers/administrators and their
behavior, as having an impact on their placement in an alternative school?
3. What are the perceptions of Black males about their educational experiences in an
alternative school setting?
4. To what extent do Black males perceive the role of their teachers/administrators, as
having an impact on successfully exiting an alternative school?
The participants in this research were Black American males, ages 13-16, who have had
contact with juvenile justice systems, and were mandated to attend an alternative school. This
study examined their lived experiences while attending an alternative school. Eastside
Alternative School served as the site for this study. The participants were selected through
purposive sampling, and were recruited due to their familiarity with this particular phenomenon
(e.g., being a Black American male juvenile, who attends an alternative school).
Review of Findings
Several themes emerged from the participants’ narratives regarding their experiences
attending Eastside Alternative School. Four major phenomenological themes emerged in
response to the four research questions: (1) family & fictive kinship, (2) school misbehavior &
juvenile delinquency (3) Eastside experiences, and (4) Uncertain Hope. Here, a reflection of
these themes is presented.
Question 1: In what ways do Black males perceive their background experiences (e.g.,
familial, neighborhood, socioeconomic circumstances, and other) as having an impact on their
placement in an alternative school?
The narratives for this question indicated an importance of familial and fictive
relationships in the lives of the participants. Stack (1975) was one of the initial scholars to
examine the concept of fictive kinships among Black communities. In her research fictive
kinship is defined as the establishing of social and economic relationship for survival, with
nonrelative people (Stack, 1975). In this study, both participants expressed an importance for
fictive kinships in their lives. Through their narratives, the participants relayed stories about
delinquent misbehavior with members of their fictive and actual families. These behaviors
played a role in their placement in an alternative school, recall Steve’s story about wearing his
brother’s jacket that had drugs in them, and constantly fighting alongside his brother; and recall
Ray’s numerous encounters with law enforcement inside and out of school boundaries. Within
this theme, the notion of extended family and school instability is clearly articulated via the
participants’ narratives. Ray provided a succinct account of the home/school instability he
encountered early in his life. Ray constantly moved during his elementary years, living either
with his biological mother or his maternal grandmother. Since their homes were in different
neighborhoods, Ray had to attend different neighborhood schools. This is important because
existing research has indicated a negative impact between residential mobility and children's
educational attainment, delinquency, substance abuse, and physical and mental health, especially
for Black children (Perkins, 2017). The participants also described their social and academic
experiences prior to attending an alternative school. They were able to vividly recall specific life
changing incidents (e.g., expulsion, arrest) that they encountered. When probed, the participants
displayed a feeling of compunction and responsibility for their actions and misbehavior. Steve
provides evidence when he expressed his feelings about having to attend an alternative school
due to his actions, “I had got kicked out of school for fighting. We had a brawl… It was dealing
with some neighborhood stuff. I go there the next day, we fight, I catch a battery charge.”
Question 2: In what ways do Black males perceive the role of the teachers/administrators
and their behavior, as having an impact on their placement in an alternative school? In
terms of their relationships with their teachers, both participants detailed positive interactions
with their previous teachers and administrators, neither participant felt that their teachers or
administrators played a role in their placement in an alternative school setting. Steve provided
narratives about the teacher’s liking him, even when he “acted-up” and wanted to be the “class-
clown.” The theme that emerged via this question is a notion of school misbehavior and juvenile
delinquency. Here, the participants mainly focused on their role (i.e., getting into trouble) as the
primary force behind their placement in Eastside Alternative School. Their narratives focused on
their experiences with school suspension, expulsion, and contact with law enforcement. Recall,
Ray’s account of his first arrest, his age, how he felt, and his reoccurring arrest record. Also,
recall Steve’s narrative about stealing a student’s cell phone at school, and getting arrested for
this at his mother’s house. Both participants revealed that ongoing social problems (i.e., “beefs”)
led to altercations with other students also enrolled at Eastside. Many of these altercations
resulted in fights between the participants and these students. Ray revealed that he attempts to
avoid “beefs” at all cost, but at times he has to stand his ground and fight.
Steve’s narratives about “hood stuff” described how neighborhood disputes carried over onto
school campuses.
Question 3: What are the perceptions of Black males about their educational experiences
in an alternative school setting?
The participants recalled varying experiences at Eastside Alternative School. Varying
alternative school experiences serves as the theme for this query. Ray revealed that he enjoyed
attending Eastside Alternative School, however, he stated that academically he was struggling,
and felt that he couldn’t “learn” at Eastside Alternative School. Ray could not identify the
causation of this feeling. This feeling may have been due to the ongoing “beefs” between the
students from different neighborhoods. According to school records, Ray did not possess any
learning or cognitive disabilities. Ray did express that Eastside’s teachers were helpful and
provided a lot of tutoring and make-up work for students. Ray elaborated on his relationships
with the teachers and revealed that he only enjoys three of the teachers he has at Eastside. He
did, however, mentioned that he has a better relationship with certain administrators at Eastside,
because they help him stay out of trouble and not end up suspended from school.
Steve’s experiences at Eastside Alternative School varied in comparison to Ray’s
experiences. Steve stated that he is doing well in his classes, and currently, he doesn’t have any
issues with any of the students at Eastside. He mentioned to me that his main focus is exiting the
program so he could attend his neighborhood school. Steve expressed similar sentiments and
relayed that he enjoyed how the administrators and teachers created a caring environment for the
students at Eastside Alternative School. Recall his statements about how the teachers at Eastside
must care about the students because if they didn’t, they {teachers} wouldn’t be working at an
alternative school.
Question 4: To what extent do Black males perceive the role of their
teachers/administrators, as having an impact on successfully exiting an alternative school?
According to the narratives presented by the participants, the teachers and administrators both
cultivated a sense of hope for the students at Eastside, in terms of their exiting the program.
Recall Steve’s and Ray’s words about the mentorship provided by Eastside’s teachers and
administrators. Research has identified an increase in student achievement and motivation when
positive relationships are established by administrators and teachers towards their students (Mac
Iver, Sheldon, Naeger, & Clark, 2017). The theme for this query centers on the notion of hope for
the future. This theme emerged from the participants’ description of their future lives after they
exit from Eastside Alternative School. Both participants expressed a desire to exit Eastside, and
enroll in their neighborhood high schools. The participants also expressed that graduating from
high school and attending college are some of their major goals they want to obtain after they
exit the program. Ray, however, expressed uncertainty regarding turning his life around once he
exited Eastside. Recall his comments, “like I don't why… I don't know… I’m from the
hood…how am I gonna change?” The hope Ray displayed towards his future is clouded by the
reality of his life. Ray understands the daunting effort it takes for him to meet his goals;
however, he does not know how to make these aspirations a reality. Similarly, Steve expressed a
desire to escape from his past behavior. In addition to enrolling in high school, obtaining gainful
part-time employment served as one of Steve’s short-term goals. Steve also mentioned how, one
day, he would like to give back to his community, and help kids who have experienced some of
the same hardships that he has encountered. Steve’s hope for the future was best summed up
with this statement, “I see myself someone who had a past. I had troubled past…troubled past
but a bright future.”
Study Limitations
The transient nature of students at Eastside Alternative served as a limitation to this
study. The availability of the participants was contingent upon their attendance and behavior.
While conducting the interviews, I encountered days where none of the participants were present
at school, or they were suspended for various reasons. Also, since the participants were assigned
to attend Eastside Alternative, they could be transferred or removed from the school at any time,
and for any reason. In controlling for these limitations, four students were recruited for this
study; however, only two of the participants’ responses were used for data collection and
analyses. During the study, one student exited Eastside and returned to his neighborhood school,
and another participant was dismissed due to disruptive behavior.
Having two participants represents a limitation to this study. Narratives from two
participants were analyzed to understand the phenomenon of attending an alternative school, and
an exploration of their educational experiences. Perhaps this study would have been
strengthened if additional participants shared their narratives for analysis.
In phenomenology, the researcher is asked to incorporate Epoche, or the suspension of
one’s bias while conducting interviews (Moustakas, 1994). My personal bias represents a
limitation of this study. As noted earlier, I am a Black male that is uniquely familiar with the
school district that governed the alternative school where this study commenced. I taught for
several years in this school district, and I have an intimate cognition of how the school district
operates, more precisely, how the discipline policies and procedures are administered, which
students benefit from these policies, and conversely, which students are marginalized by the
same policies. As a teacher of students who have attended alternative schools and as a
teachereducator I have developed my own personal thoughts, critiques, positions, values, and
bias about public education and more specifically, the education of Black students. These
qualities entered with me while I conducted this inquiry. I attempted to bracket as much of my
personal bias from affecting or altering the responses given by the participants, to help reduce
researcher bias.
Challenges
During the research process of this study, several challenges arose and warrant
discussion. One of the challenges of this study was the recruitment of students to participate in
this study. I began this study with four participants, one participant exited Eastside during the
rapport building sessions, and I was unable to have him participate in one-on-one interviews.
The other student was dismissed from the group due to his ongoing disruptions in the rapport
building sessions. In overcoming this challenge several modifications can be implemented to
address participant attrition in the future. First, the continual recruitment of students into the
rapport building sessions is needed. This would have created a safeguard against participant
attrition and would have added to the overall robustness of the rapport building sessions and
individual interviews. Second, recruitment of not only students, but also their parents/guardians,
caretakers, judges, juvenile parole officers, teachers, and administrators, would have provided an
additional lens to the overall cognition of alternative school experiences. Next, a management
plan for disruptive participants needs to be created. In reflecting on this study, the participant,
who was dismissed, should not have been excluded from the study due to disruptive
misbehavior. The participants are in an alternative school, and have encountered exclusion in
school all throughout their lives. I added to the exclusion of this participant. Future
considerations need to be developed that take into account, participants who are perceived as
disruptive.
Another challenge that arose during this research process, were thoughts of exploitation
regarding my relationship as a researcher earning his doctorate, and the participants of this study.
At the end of this process, I am receiving a degree, which is capital, that will be parlayed into a
position that commands a salary. My participants received nothing. This is an unfair and
imbalanced relationship. This research process exploited children for my personal gain. Even if
these students were compensated, either monetarily or through other means, how is this
monitored and measured to ensure that the participants are not exploited? At what level do
participants become equal participants in a research process and not exploited people? This
sentiment of exploitation haunted me during the many phases of this research study, and there
exists a need for spaces that researchers can explore these sentiments, so they can be addressed.
Proximity to the research topic was another challenge for me. When entering any research
agenda, it is difficult for the researcher to disconnect oneself from the research process. I chose
this area of inquiry due to my familiarity with working in alternative school settings and working
with students very similar to Ray and Steve. Throughout my tenure as an educator, I have
worked to create transformative change within public education, especially for Black children,
and this work served as one of the motivating factors for this study. As I reflect back on this
process, I see how my own proximity to the research topic, proved difficult for me to manage
more than I initially realized. I’ve spent the vast majority of my career in alternative schools and
this proximity to the research topic, and my personal critiques of the alternative education system
emerged from the commencement of this study.
Recommendations for Practitioners
College & University Interventions. Public and private colleges and universities
typically serve as training spaces for novice pre-service teachers who are enrolled in teacher
preparation programs. These academic entities have specific authority in terms of the scope and
direction of the teacher preparation programs they implement for their students. Therefore,
colleges and universities need to develop empirically grounded programs that address the
sociological factors that promulgate students into alternative school placement. Teacher
preparation programs must shift from being solely or primarily curriculum centered, and develop
programs that take into consideration the sociological factors that impact the type and quality of
education Black students receive. These factors need to be analyzed in conjunction with other
disciplinary policies that stimulate the placement of Black males in alternative school settings.
Colleges and universities need to develop pre-service teacher training that centers on preventing
students from experiencing contact with alternative schools.
Teacher preparation programs also need to develop action plans to recruit and attract
Black teachers into the field of education. Nationally, only 6.4% of all teachers are Black,
however, approximately 15% of all students enrolled in public school are Black (Mitchell, 2016;
The Albert Shanker Institue, 2015). Recent studies indicated that having at least one Black
teacher in elementary school significantly increases the probability to graduate high school and
contemplate enrolling in college, for low-income Black students (Gershenson, Hart, Lindsay, &
Papageorge, 2017; Gershenson, Holt, & Papageorge, 2016). For Black males, having one Black
teacher decreased their likelihood to drop-out, increased their overall test performance, and
helped reduce gaps in educational attainment (Gershenson, Hart, Lindsay, & Papageorge, 2017;
Gershenson, Holt, & Papageorge, 2016). The importance of providing Black students with
effective Black teachers is paramount in addressing the disproportionate placement of Black
youths in alternative school settings. (Kunjufu, 2005; Ladson-Billings, 1999).
Wraparound Services. Youth who are enrolled in alternative schools and have
experienced contact with juvenile justice systems are disproportionally Black, male, and poor.
Approximately, (65–70%) of these youths have been diagnosed with at least one mental health
disorder; (20–25%) have serious emotional problems; over 50% have been diagnosed with a
learning/behavior disability; and students with learning disabilities are 4 times more likely to be
involved with juvenile justice systems compared to students without disabilities (McCarter,
2016; Quinn, Rutherford, Leone, Osher, & Poirier, 2005; Zajac, Sheidow, & Davis, 2015).
Extant research identifies the prevalence of mental health problems among young Black males.
Studies indicate that many of these youths are not receiving adequate treatments, interventions or
support services (Callaghan, Pace, Young, & Vostanis, 2003; Liebenberg & Ungar, 2015). This
lack of resources towards the mental health of these youths has created a service gap between
mental health professionals and the youths they serve.
In addressing the prevalence of this service gap, practitioners who work with vulnerable
youths need to develop and support effective wraparound services. These services take a holistic
approach to service, treatment, and interventions for students who have experienced contact with
juvenile justice systems and who are at-risk for placement in alternative school settings.
Wraparound services are tailored individually to meet explicit needs of the youths
involved. Wraparound services can utilize multiple stakeholders and practitioners, ranging from
teachers, principals, judges, juvenile probation officers, social workers, and mental health service
providers (Shippen, Patterson, Green, & Smitherman, 2012). Parental and community
involvement activities are also encouraged (Pullmann, Kerbs, Veach-White, Gaylor, & Sieler,
2006; Painter, Allen, & Perry, 2011; Penn & Osher, 2007). Research has demonstrated that
wraparound services reduce at-risk delinquent behavior, drug/substance abuse, and juvenile
criminal recidivism rates (Eber, Breen, Rose, Unizycki, & London, 2008; Fries, Carney,
Blackman-Urteaga, & Savas, 2012; McCarter, 2016).
Federal and State Interventions. Federal educational agencies serve a crucial role in
preventing Black male students from being placed in alternative school settings. Federal and
State Departments of Education, need to allocate additional resources, funding, and grants for
practitioners to develop emancipatory curriculums, and train teachers on how to incorporate
emancipatory pedagogical instruction in their respective classrooms.
The Federal Department of Education also needs to strengthen the enforcement arm of
the Office of Civil Rights (OCR) and develop a task force that exclusively monitors the
trajectory of Black students who are disproportionally expelled from their neighborhood schools,
and sent to attend alternative schools.
The Federal Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention should work in
collaboration with federal and state Departments of Education, to develop additional
interventions for Black students if they are at-risk for contact with law enforcement. Lastly, the
Federal Department of Labor needs to develop a Black Youth Jobs Program (BYJP) that targets
Black youths and identifies avenues for employment. Black youth between the ages of (16-24)
are unemployed at higher rates when compared to any other racial demographic in the United
States (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2017). Currently, 16.2% of Black youth are unemployed
(Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2017). Research has consistently demonstrated a connection
between youth unemployment, contact with law enforcement, and the likelihood of incarceration
(Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2011; Zaw, Hamilton, & Darrity, 2016).
Recommendations for Future Research
Reframing Black Education. “The mere imparting of information is not education”
(Woodson, 1933). The abovementioned quote derives from Dr. Carter G. Woodson’s seminal
book, The Mis-Education of the Negro in 1933. The ideas presented in this text highlighted the
need for an educational strategy that reconstructs systems that (mis)educate Black Americans in
the U.S. Future research needs to be grounded in Woodson’s Mis-education Theory when
analyzing Black education. Moreover, scholarly narratives regarding appropriate methods of
educating Black children must also be reframed and re-conceptualized. Scholars need to reframe
a new direction for Black educational inquiry, and conduct research on how Black education
should be constructed, what Black education curriculum should encompass, and define the goals
and objectives of Black education. In other words, scholars need to examine and address the
central question, what is the purpose of educating Black children? Should the purpose of Black
education exist solely to obtain employment? Should it exist for academic enlightenment or
political advancement? Should Black education be about liberation? Should Black children be
taught how to navigate, survive, and ultimately upheave structures and systems that are rooted in
white supremacist domination? Researchers need to construct theories that incorporate Black
experiences as the frameworks in which Black education is studied and critiqued. Although
controversial, this suggestion isn’t new, (Frazier, 1973) argued that Black education and
intellectualism has been reduced to a process that strips away Black experiences when
developing academic theories used to examine Black lives. Curry, (2017) builds upon this
critique of Black education and postulates that, “The study of Black folk under the integrationist
milieu shows the danger that Black intellectuals, this Black bourgeoisie, pose to our
conceptualizations of, our thinking about, Blackness.”
Reframing Theories about Black Male Education. As the United States continues to
incarcerate more of its Black citizens, primarily Black boys and men, it is imperative that
research on Black education, specifically Black male education, alternative school placement,
and their respective roles in creating school-to-prison-pipelines (STPP) is conducted. Alexander
(2012) states, “Our criminal justice system has for decades been infected with a mind-set that
views Black boys and men in particular as a problem to be dealt with, managed and controlled.
This mindset has fueled a brutal war on drugs, a get tough movement and a prison building boom
unprecedented in world history.”
Public education systems are infected with the same pathological mind-set that infects
criminal justice systems in the United States. Black males are viewed and treated by public
school systems as students who must be dealt with, managed, controlled, or they risk the threat
of becoming disposable. The disposability of Black males is rooted in historical stereotypes
regarding Black male existentiality (Allen & White-Smith, 2014, Bell, 1980; Hilliard, 1995;
Lemons-Smith, 2008; Palmer & Maramba, 2011). These stereotypes have-in-turn been used as
frameworks to create theories that examine the education of Black males (Allen & White-Smith,
2014; Carruthers, 1999; Gregory & Weinstein, 2008; King, 2017). These theories are entrenched
in the same Anti-Blackness that permeates the criminal justice/public school systems throughout
the United States. Curry (2017, p. 129-130) argues, “Instead of being viewers invested in the
complexities of Black male life, theorist embrace the racist caricatures of Black men as
concepts…Even in theory, Black males become the origins of social problems rather than
victims of them.” Through these caricatures, Black males are often perceived negatively by their
teachers. Black males are viewed as hyper-masculine, violent super-predators. Black males are
academically assessed under stereotype threat (Curry, 2017; Jenkins, 2006). Therefore, in
dispelling pathological theories that examine Black male education, typically through a deficit
lens, future research needs to develop theories that examine systems which are responsible for
creating educational deficits among Black males.
Implicit School Personnel Bias towards Black Male Discipline. Research on Implicit
Attitudes and Bias (IAB) towards racial/gender ontologies has emerged as one of the more
provocative research endeavors over the last two decades (King, Mitchell, & Black, 2015). In
1997, three scientists developed an instrument for quantifying implicit bias termed the Implicit
Association Test (IAT) (Greenwald, Banaji, & Nosek, 2017). This test purports to measure the
implicit bias one possesses by subjecting participants to rapid categorization tasks and then
computes scores based on the participants’ performance (Greenwald, Banaji, & Nosek, 2017).
Implicit Bias is grounded in the theoretical framework of implicit cognition and posits that
individuals are not regularly cognizant of internalized bias(es) which direct their respective
behaviors towards other parties (Sandis, 2012). Implicit Association Tests have been adapted to
measure bias in varied sectors of society, such as bias in health care, policing and criminal
justice, employment, and education (Jones, 2017; McNeal, 2016; Starr, 2016; Zestcott, Blair, &
Stone, 2016).
Future research should continue to develop and refine scientific Implicit Association
Tests, that specifically measures teachers’ and administrators’ bias towards Black students in
terms of discipline and punishment outcomes. Existing research has identified bias
demonstrated by teachers, administrators, and staff, as one of the primary sources for
disproportionate disciplinary procedures that negatively impact Black children, and contributes
to their placement in alternative schools, increase their contact with law enforcement, and
school-to-prisonpipelines (McNeal, 2016; Ware, 2017).
African Centered Treatments for Black Students
A lot of what is perceived as learning disabilities is still a reflection of the African oral
tradition operating in African people today… Our Black children do not come to school
behind white children, they come to school as they are, they are not behind any children,
they are our children, and they represent our experiences. Consequently, then the schools
that they go to, must be redesigned to meet their needs and to meet the needs of African
people. (Wilson, 1994)
The academic demands of Black students need to be addressed using frameworks that
take into consideration the cultural, socio-political, and historical needs of Black children
(Akbar, 2003; Robertson, 2005; Toldson & Lewis, 2012; Wilson, 1978). Black students who
experience placement in alternative school settings, and have experienced involvement with the
law enforcement, have typically experienced contact with violence in their lives (DeGruy, 2005;
Maulik, Mendelson, & Tandon, 2011; Wilson, 2011). DeGruy, Kjellstrand, Briggs, & Brennan,
(2012) used a 20-item African American (Black) Respect Scale (AARS) to examine the
relationship between stress-related variables (i.e., act(s) of displaying respect) and occurrence(s)
of violence among Black youth. This study revealed, if present, displaying racial respect greatly
reduced occurrences of violence among Black youth who witnessed violence in their respective
neighborhoods. Future research should utilize the (AARS) and adapt it to examine if racial
respect reduces violence among Black students who are enrolled in alternative education
programs, are vulnerable for contact with law enforcement, and placement into the school-
toprison-pipeline.
Conclusion
Black adolescent males and their experiences served as the focal point for this research
study. The goal of this study was to amplify the voices of Black males and present their
experiences, in their own words. It is important to incorporate narratives of students in
educational research because it provides a candid reality how Black youth perceive the education
they receive.
This study examined the educational experiences of Black males placed in an alternative
school setting in the United States. This area of inquiry used phenomenological methods to
examine the phenomenon of being a Black male adolescent who had contact with juvenile justice
systems and attended an alternative school.
This study revealed several themes that detailed the past present, and future narratives of
two Black male students. The themes included narratives about family & fictive kinship, school
misbehavior/juvenile delinquency, Eastside experiences, and Uncertain Hope. Findings from this
study should be used to create future research in the area of Black male education, alternative
school placement and its relationship with the school-to-prison-pipeline.
