short response

8 Women on the Market

The society we know, our own culture, is based exchange of women. Without the exchange of women, we are told, we would fall back into the anarchy (?) of the natura] world, the randomness (?) of the animal kingdom. The passage into the social order, into the symbolic order, into order as such, is assured by the fact that men, or groups of men, circu­ late women among themselves, according to a rule known as

taboo. Whatever tammal may take in a given

state of society, its signification has a broader impact. It assures the foundation of the economic, social, order that has been ours for centuries.

Why exchange women? Because they are "scarce [commod­ ities] . . . essential to the life of the group," the anthropologist tells us. 1 Why this characteristic of scarcity, given the biological equilibrium between male and female births? Because the "deep polygamous tendency, which exists among all men, always makes the number of available women seem insufficient. Let us

even were as many women as men, these women would not be equally desirable ... and that, by definition. . ., the most desirable women must form a minority. "2

This text was originally published as "Lc marchc des femmes," in Sessualita e politica, (Milan: Feltrinclli, 1978).

lClaude Levi-Strauss, The Elementary Structures oj Kinship (Les Structures eUmentaires de La Parmte, 1949, rev. 1967), trans. James Harle Bell, John Rich­ ard von Sturmer, and Rodney Needham (Boston, 1969), p. 36.

p.38.

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Are men all equally desirable? Do women have no tendency toward polygamy? The good anthropologist does not raise such questions. A fortiori: why are men not objects of exchange among women? It is because women's bodies-through their use, consumption, and circulation-provide for making social life and culture possible, although they remain an unknown "infrastructure" of the elaboration of that social life and culture. The exploitation of the matter that has been sexu­

female is so integral a part of our sociocultural horizon is no way to interpret it except within this horizon.

In still other words: all the systems of exchange that organize patriarchal societies and all the modalities of productive work that are recognized, valued, and rewarded in these societies are men's business. The production of women, signs, and com­ modities is always referred back to men (when a man buys a girl, he "pays" the father or the brother, not the mother ... ), and they always pass from one man to another, from one group of men to another. The work force is thus always assumed to be

"products" are objects to be used, objects of r ... "nc·'rr....n among men alone.

Which means that the possibility of our social life, of our culture, depends upon a ho(m)mo-sexual monopol that orders our society is the exclusive valorization of men's needs! desires, of exchanges among men. What the anthropolo­ gist calls the passage from nature to culture thus amounts to the institution of the reign of hom(m)o-sexuality. Not in an "im­ mediate" practice, but in its "social" mediation. From this

on, patriarchal societies might be interpreted as societies functioning in the mode of " The value of sym­ bolic and imaginary productions is superimposed upon, and even substituted for, the value relations and corporal (re)production.

In this new matrix of History, in which man begets man as

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his own likeness, wives, daughters, and sisters have value only in that they serve as the possibility of, and potential benefit in, relations among men. The use of and traffic in women subtend and uphold the reign of masculine hom(m)o-sexuality, even while they maintain that hom(m)o-sexuality in speculations, mirror games, identifications, and more or less rivalrous appro­ priations, which defer its real practice. Reigning everywhere, although prohibited in practice, hom(m)o-sexuality is played out through the bodies of women, matter, or sign, and hetero­ sexuality has been up to now just an alibi for the smooth work­ ings of man's relations with himself, of relations among men. Whose "sociocultural endogamy" excludes the participation of that other, so foreign to the social order: woman. Exogamy doubtless requires that one leave one's family, tribe, or clan, in order to make alliances. All the same, it does not tolerate mar­ riage with populations that are too far away, too far removed from the prevailing cultural rules. A sociocultural endogamy would thus forbid commerce with women. Men make com­ merce of them, but they do not enter into any exchanges with them. Is this perhaps all the more true because exogamy is an economic issue, perhaps even subtends economy as such? The exchange of women as goods accompanies and stimulates ex­ changes of other "wealth" among groups of men. The econo­ my-in both the narrow and the broad sense-that is in place in our societies thus requires that women lend themselves to alien­ ation in consumption, and to exchanges in which they do not participate, and that men be exempt from being used and circu­ lated like commodities.

*

Marx's analysis of commodities as the elementary form of capitalist wealth can thus be understood as an interpretation of the status of woman in so-called partriarchal societies. The or-

Women on the Market

ganization of such societies, and the operation of the symbolic system on which this organization is based-a symbolic system whose instrument and representative is the proper name: the name of the father, the name of God-contain in a nuclear form the developments that Marx defines as characteristic of a cap­ italist regime: the submission of "nature" to a "labor" on the part of men who thus constitute "nature" as use value and exchange value; the division of labor among private producer­ owners who exchange their women-commodities among themselves, but also among producers and exploiters or ex­ ploitees of the social order; the standardization of women ac­ cording to proper names that determine their equivalences; a tendency to accumulate wealth, that is, a tendency for the rep­ resentatives of the most "proper" names-the leaders-to cap­ italize more women than the others; a progression of the social work of the symbolic toward greater and greater abstraction; and so forth.

To be sure, the means of production have evolved, new tech­ niques have been developed, but it does seem that as soon as the father-man was assured of his reproductive power and had marked his products with his name, that is, from the very origin of private property and the patriarchal family, social ex­ ploitation occurred. In other words, all the social regimes of "History" are based upon the exploitation of one "class" of producers, namely, women. Whose reproductive use value (re­ productive of children and of the labor force) and whose con­ stitution as exchange value underwrite the symbolic order as such, without any compensation in kind going to them for that "work." For such compensation would imply a double system of exchange, that is, a shattering of the monopolization of the proper name (and of what it signifies as appropriative power) by father-men.

Thus the social body would be redistributed into producer­ subjects no longer functioning as commodities because they

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provided the standard of value for commodities, and into com­ modity-objects that ensured the circulation of exchange with­ out participating in it as subjects.

*

Let us now reconsider a few points3 in Marx's analysis of value that seem to describe the social status of women.

Wealth amounts to a subordination of the use of things to their accumulation. Then would the way women are used matter

number? The possession of a woman is certainly indispensable to man for the reproductive use value that she represents; but what he desires is to have them all. To "accu­ mulate" them, to be able to count possessions, both sequentially and cumulatlvelv. as measure or standard(s).

All but one? For if the series could be closed, well lie, as Marx says, in the relation among them rather than in the relation to a standard that remains to them­ whether gold or phallus.

The use made of women is thus ofless value than their appro­ priation one by one. And their "usefulness" is not what counts the most. Woman's price is not determined by the "properties"

3These notes constitute a statement of points that will be developed in a subsequent chapter. All the quotations in the remainder of this chapter are excerpted from Marx's Capital, 5ection1, chapter 1. (The page numbers given in the text refer to the Modern Library edition, trans. Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling, ed. Frederick Engels, rev. Ernest Untermann [New York,

Will it be objected that this interpretation is analogical by nature? I accept the question, on condition that it be addressed also, and in the first

to Marx's analysis of commodities. Did not Aristotle, a thinker" according to Marx, determine the relation of form to matter by analogy with

between masculine and feminine? Returning to the question of the difference between the sexes would amount instead, then, to going back

Women on the Market

of her body-although her body constitutes the material sup­ port of that price.

But when women are woman's body must be treated as an abstraction. The exchange operation cannot take place in terms of some intrinsic, immanent value of the com­ modity. It can only come about when two objects-two wom­ en-are in a relation of equality with a third term that is neither the one nor the other. It is thus not as "women" that they are exchanged, but as women to some common feature­ their current price in gold, or phalluses-and of would represent a plus or minus quantity. Not a plus or a of feminine qualities, obviously. Since these qualities are aban­ doned in the long run. to the needs of the consumer, woman has value on the market by virtue of one single quality: that of being a product of matt's "labor."

On this basis, each one looks exactly like every other. They all have the same phantom-like reality. Metamorphosed in identical sublimations, samples of the same indistinguishable work, all these objects now manifest just one thing, namely, that in their production a force of human labor has been ex­ pended, that labor has accumulated in them. In their role as crystals of that common social substance, they are deemed to

value.

As women are two things at once: utilitarian objects and bearers manifest themselves therefore as commodities, or commodities, only in so far as they have two forms, a or natural form, and a value form" (p. 55).

But "the reality of the value of commodities differs in respect from Dame Quickly, that we don't know 'where to have it''' (ibid.). Woman, object of exchange, d~ffers from UJoman, use value, in that one doesn't know how to take (hold of) her, for since "the value of commodities is the very opposite of the coarse materiality of their substance, not an atom of matter

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enters into its composltlon. Turn and examine a modity, by itself, as we will. Yet in so far as it of value, it seems impossible to grasp it" (ibid.). a woman always escapes: black continent, hole in the symbolic, breach in discourse . . . It is only in the operation of exchange among women that something of this-something enigmatic, to be sure-can be felt. Woman thus has value only in that she can be exchanged. In the passage from one to the other, something else finally exists beside the possible utility of the "coarseness" of her body. But this value is not found, is not recaptured, in her. It is only her measurement against a third term that re­ mains external to her, and that makes it possible to compare her

woman, that permits her to have a relation to commodity in terms of an equivalence that remains

foreign to are thus subject to a schism that divides

them into the categories of usefulness and value; into matter-body and an envelope that is precious but impenetrable, ungraspable, and not susceptible to appropriation bv women themselves; into private use and social use.

In order to have a relative value, a commodity has to be con­ fronted with another commodity that serves as equivalent. Its value is never found to lie within itself And the that it is worth more or less is not its own doing but comes from that to which it may be equivalent. Its value is transcendent to itself, super-natural, ek-static.

in other words, for the commodity, there is no mirror that copies it so that it may be at once itself and its "own" reflection. One com­ modity cannot be mirrored in another, as man is mirrored in his fellow man. For when we are dealing with commodities the self-same, mirrored, is not "its" own likeness, contains nothing

its properties, its qualities, its "skin and hair." The likeness a measure expressing the fabricated character of the

its trans-formation bv man's (social, symbolic)

Women on the Market

"labor." The mirror that envelops and paralyzes the com­ modity specularizes, speculates (on) man's "labor." Com­

women, are a mirror of value of and Jor man. In order to serve as such, they up bodies to men as the support­ ing material of of speculation. They yield to him their natural and value as a locus of imprints, marks, and mirage of his

Commodities among themselves are thus not equal, nor alike, nor different. They only become so when they are com­ pared by and for man. And the prosopopoeia of the relation commodities among themselves is a projection through which pro­ ducers-exchangers make them reenact before their eyes their operations of specula(riza)tion. Forgetting that in order to re­ flect (oneself), to speculate (oneself), it is necessary to be a "subject," and that matter can serve as a support for speculation but cannot itself speculate in any way.

Thus, starting with the simplest relation of equivalence be­ tween commodities, starting with the possible exchange of women, the entire enigma of the money form-of the phallic function-is implied. That is, the appropriation-disappropria­ tion by man, for man, of nature and its productive forces, insofar as a mirror now divides and travesties both nature and labor. Man endows the commodities he produces

a blurs the seriousness of utility, of use. Desire, as soon as is exchange, "perverts" need. But that perversion will attributed to commodities and to their al­ leged relations. Whereas they can have no relationships except from the perspective of speculating third parties.

The economy of exchange-ofdesire-is man's business. For two reasons: the exchange takes place between masculine subjects, and it requires a plus-value added to the body of the commodity, a supplement which gives it a valuable form. That supplement will be found, Marx writes, in another commodity, whose use value becomes, from that point on, a standard of value.

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But that surplus-value enjoyed by one of the commodities might vary: 'Just as many a man strutting about in a gorgeous uniform counts for more than when in mufti" (p. 60). Orjust as "A, for instance, cannot be 'your majesty' to B, unless at the same time majesty in B's eyes assume the bodily form of A, and, what is more, with every new father of the people, chan­ ges its features, hair, and many other things besides" (ibid.). Commodities-"things" produced-would thus have the re­ spect due the uniform, majesty, paternal authority. And even God. "The fact that it is value, is made manifest by its equality with the coat, just as the sheep's nature of a Christian is shown in his resemblance to the Lamb of God" (ibid.).

Commodities thus share in the cult of the father, and never stop striving to resemble, to copy, the one who is his representative. It is from that resemblance, from that imitation of what represents paternal authority, that commodities draw their value-for men. But it is upon commodities that the producers-exchangers bring to bear this power play. "We see, then, all that our analy­ sis of the value of commodities has already told us, is told us by the linen itself, so soon as it comes into communication with another commodity, the coat. Only it betrays its thoughts in that language with which alone it is familiar, the language of commodities. In order to tell us that its own value is created by labour in its abstract character of human labour, it says that the coat, in so far as it is worth as much as the linen, and therefore is value, consists of the same labour as the linen. In order to inform us that its sublime reality as value is not the same as its buckram body, it says that value has the appearance of a coat, and consequently that so far as the linen is value, it and the coat are as like as two peas. We may here remark, that the language of commodities has, besides Hebrew, many other more or less correct dialects. The German 'werthsein,' to be worth, for in­ stance, expresses in a less striking manner than the Romance verbs 'valere,' 'valer,' 'valoir,' that the equating of commodity B to commodity A, is commodity A's own mode of expressing its value. Paris vaut bien une messe" (pp. 60-61).

Women on the Market

So commodities speak. To be sure, mostly dialects and patois, lan­ guages hard for "subjects" to understand. The important thing is that they be preoccupied with their respective values, that their remarks confirm the exchangers' plans for them.

The body of a commodity thus becomes, for another such commodity, a mirror of its value. Contingent upon a bodily supplement. A supplement opposed to use value, a supplement representing the commodity's super-natural quality (an imprint that is purely social in nature), a supplement completely differ­ ent from the body itself, and from its properties, a supplement that nevertheless exists only on condition that one commodity agrees to relate itself to another considered as equivalent: "For instance, one man is king only because other men stand in the relation of subjects to him" (p. 66, n. 1).

This supplement of equivalency translates concrete work into abstract work. In other words, in order to be able to incorpo­ rate itself into a mirror of value, it is necessary that the work itself reflect only its property of human labor: that the body of a commodity be nothing more than the materialization of an ab­ stract human labor. That is, that it have no more body, matter, nature, but that it be objectivization, a crystallization as visible object, of man's activity.

In order to become equivalent, a commodity changes bodies. A super-natural, metaphysical origin is substituted for its material origin. Thus its body becomes a transparent body, pure phe­ nomenality of value. But this transparency constitutes a supple­ ment to the material opacity of the commodity.

Once again there is a schism between the two. Two sides, two poles, nature and society are divided, like the perceptible and the intelligible, matter and form, the empirical and the transcenden­ tal ... The commodity, like the sign, suffers from metaphysical dichotomies. Its value, its truth, lies in the social element. But this social element is added on to its nature, to its matter, and the social subordinates it as a lesser value, indeed as nonvalue. Par­

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tlclpation in society requires that the body submit itself to a specularization, a speculation, that transforms it into a value­ bearing object, a standardized sign, an exchangeable signifier, a "likeness" with reference to an authoritative model. A com­ modity-a woman-is divided into two irreconcilable {{bodies": her "natural" body and her socially valued, exchangeable body,

is a particularly mimetic expression of masculine values. No doubt these values also express "nature," that the expen­ diture of physical force. But this latter-essentially masculine, moreover-serves for the fabrication, the transformation, the technicization of natural productions. And it is this super-natural property that comes to constitute the value of the product. Analyzing value in this way, Marx exposes the meta-physical character of social operations.

commodity is thus a dual entity as soon as its value comes to possess a phenomenal form of own, distinct from its natural form: that of exchange value. And it never possesses this form if it is considered in isolation. A commodity has phenomenal form added on to its nature only in relation to another commodity.

among signs, value appears only when a relationship has been established. It remains the case that the establishment of relationships cannot be accomplished by the commodities themselves, but depends upon the operation of two exchangers. The value of two signs, two commodities, two wom­ en, is a representation of the needs/desires of consumer-ex­ changer subjects: in no way is it the "property" of the signs/ articles/women themselves. At the most, the commodities-or rather the relationships among them-are the material alibi for the desire for relations among men. To this end, the com­ modity is disinvested of its body and redothed in a that makes it suitable for exchange among men.

But, in this value-bearing form, the desire that exchange, and the reflection of his own value and that of his fellow man

Women on the Market

that man seeks in it, are ek-stasized. In that suspension in the commodity of the relationship among men, producer-con­ sumer-exchanger subjects are alienated. In order that they might "bear" and support that alienation, commodities for their part have always been dispossessed of their specific value. On this basis, one may affirm that the value of the commodity takes on indijJerently any given form use value. The price of the articles, in fact, no longer comes from their natural form, from their bodies, their language, but from the fact that they mirror the need/ desire for exchanges among men. To do this, the commodity obviously cannot exist alone, but there is no such thing as a commodity, either, so long as there are not at

two men to make an exchange. In order for a product-a woman?-to have value, two men, at least, have to invest (in) her.

The general equivalent of a commodity no longer fonctions as a commodity itself. A preeminent mirror, transcending the world of merchandise, it guarantees the possibility of universal ex­ change among commodities. Each commodity may become equivalent to every other from the viewpoint of that sublime standard, but the fact that the judgment of their value depends upon some transcendental element renders them provisionally incapable of being directly exchanged for each other. They are exchanged by means of the general equivalent-as Christians love each other in God, to borrow a theological metaphor dear to Marx.

That ek-static reference separates them radically from each other. An abstract and universal lJalue preserves them from use and exchange among themselves. They are, as it were, transformed into value-invested idealities. Their concrete forms, their spe­ cific qualities, and all the possibilities of "real" relations with them or among them are reduced to their common character as products of man's labor and desire.

We must emphasize also that the general equivalent, since it is

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no longer a commodity, is no longer usefol. The standard as such is exempt from use.

Though a commodity may at first sight appear to be "a very trivial thing, and easily understood, ... it is, in reality, a very queer thing, abounding in metaphysical subtleties and the­ ological niceties" (p. 81). No doubt, "so far as it is a value in use, there is nothing mysterious about it .... But, so soon as la wooden table, for example] steps forth as a commodity, it is changed into something transcendent. It not only stands with its feet on the ground, but, in relation to all other commodities, it stands on its head, and evolves out of its wooden brain gro­ tesque ideas, far more wonderful than 'table-turning' ever (pp. 81-82).

"The mystical character of commodities not ongmate, therefore, in their use value. Just as little does it proceed from the nature of the determining factors of the first place, however varied the useful kinds activities, may be, it is a tions of the human organism" (p. 82), which, for Marx, does not seem to constitute a mystery in any way ... The material contribution and support of bodies in societal operations pose no problems for him, except as production and expenditure of energy.

Where, then, does the enigmatic character of the product of labor come from, as soon as this product takes on the form of a commodity? It comes, obviously, from that form itself. Then where does the en{gmatic character ofwomen comefrom? Or even that of their supposed relations among themselves? Obviously, from the "form" of the needs/desires of man, needs/ desires that women bring to light although men do not recognize them in that form. That form, those women, are always enveloped, veiled.

In any case, "the existence of things qua commodities, and the value relation between the products oflabour which stamps

Women on the Market

them as commodities, have absolutely no connection with their physical properties and with the material relations arising there­ from. [With commodities] it is a definite social relation between men, that assumes, in their eyes, the fantastic form of a between things" (p. 83). This phenomenon has no the religious world. "In that world the productions of brain appear as independent tering into relation one So it is commodities with the products of men's hands" fetishism attached to these products

present themselves as commodities. as fttish-objects, inasmuch as, in exchanges,

are the manifestation and the circulation of a power of the establishing relationships of men with each other?

*

Hence the following remarks:

On value.

It represents the equivalent of labor force, of an expenditure of energy, of toil. In order to be measured, these latter must be abstracted from all immediately natural qualities, from any con­ crete individual. A process of generalization and of universaliza­ tion imposes itself in the operation of social exchanges. Hence the reduction of man to a "concept"-that of his labor force­ and the reduction of his product to an "object," the visible, material correlative of that concept.

The characteristics of corresnondino to social state are thus the is necessarily even pa111tul; Its abstract form; its need/ desire to a transcendental element of wealth

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standard of all value; its need a material support where relation of appropriation to and of that standard is mea­

sured; its exchange relationships-always rivalrous-among men alone, and so on.

Are not these modalities the ones that might define (so-called) masculine sexuality? And is libido not another name for the abstraction of "energy" in a productive power? For the work of nature? Another name for the desire to accumulate goods? Another name for the subordination of the specific

of bodies to a-neutral?-power that aims above all to transform them in order to possess them? Does pleasure, for masculine sexuality, consist in anything other than the appro­ priation of nature, in the desire to make it (re)produce, and in exchanges of its I these products with other members of society? An essentially economic pleasure.

Thus the following question: what masculine sexuality have presided over the evolution oja certain social order, primitive form, private property, to its devel­

. But also: to what extent are these needs Idesires effict oja social mechanism, in part autonomous, that produces

them as such?

On the status oj women in such a social order.

What makes such an order possible, what assures its tion, is thus the exchange oj women. circulation of women among men is what establishes the operations of society, at least of patriarchal society. Whose presuppositions include the fol­

appropriation of nature by man; the transformation of nature according to "human" criteria, defined by men alone; the submission of nature to labor and technology; the reduction ofits material, corporeal, perceptible qualities to man's practical concrete activity; the equality of women among themselves, but in terms of laws of equivalence that remain external to

Women on

them; the constitution of women as "objects" that emblematize the materialization of relations among men, and so on.

In such a social order, women thus represent a natural value a social value. Their "development" lies in the passage

from one to the other. But this passage nev,er takes place simply.

As mother, woman remains on the side oj (re)productive nature and, because of this, man can never fully transcend his relation to the "natural." His social his economic structures and his sexuality are always tied to the work of nature: these structures thus always remain at the level of the earliest appro­ priation, that of the constitution of nature as landed property,

earliest labor, which is agricultural. But this rela­ tionship to productive nature, an insurmountable one, has to be denied so that relations among men may prevail. This means that mothers, reproductive instruments marked with the name of the father and enclosed in his house, must be private proper­ ty, excluded from exchange. The incest taboo represents refusal to allow productive nature to enter into exchanges among men. As both natural value and use value, mothers cannot circulate in the form of commodities without threaten­ ing the existence of the social order. Mothers are essential to its (re)production (particularly inasmuch as they are [re]productive of children and of the labor force: through ma­ ternity, child-rearing, and domestic maintenance in general). Their responsibility is to maintain the social order without in­ tervening so as to change it. Their products are legal tender in that order, moreover, only if they are marked with the name of the father, only if they are recognized within his law: that only insofar as they are appropriated by him. Society is place man engenders himself, where man produces him­ self as man, where man is born into "human," "super-natural" existence.

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Sex Is Not One

virginal woman, on the other hand, is pure exchange value. She is nothing but the possibility, the place, the sign of relations among men. In and of herself, she does not exist: she is a simple envelope veiling what is really at stake in social exchange. In this sense, her natural body disappears into its representative function. Red blood remains on the mother's side, but it has no price, as such, in the social order; woman, for her part, as medium of exchange, is no longer anything but semblance. The ritualized passage from woman to mother is accomplished by the violation of an envelope: the hymen, which has taken on the value of taboo, the taboo of virginity. Once deflowered, woman is relegated to the status of use value, to her entrapment in private property; she is removed from exchange among men.

The prostitute remains to be considered. Explicitly condemned by the social order, she is implicitly tolerated. No doubt the break between usage and exchange her case, clear­ cut? In her case, the qualities of woman's body are "useful." However, these qualities have "value" only because they have already been appropriated by a man, and because they serve as the locus ofrelations-hidden ones-between men. Prostitution amounts to usage that is exchanged. Usage that is not merely

it has already been realized. The woman's body is because it has already been used. In the extreme case, the

more it has served, the more it is worth. Not because its natural assets have been put to use this way, but, on the contrary, because its nature has been "used up," and has become once again no more than a vehicle for relations among men.

Mother, vlrgm, prostitute: these are the social roles imposed on women. The characteristics of (so-called) feminine sexuality de­ rive from them: the valorization of reproduction and nursing; faithfulness; modesty, ignorance of and even lack of interest in sexual pleasure; a passive acceptance of men's "activity"; seduc­ tiveness, in order to arouse the consumers' desire while offering

Women on the Market

herself as its material support without getting pleasure her­ self. . . Neither as mother nor as virgin nor as prostitute has woman any right to her own pleasure.

Of course the theoreticians of sexuality are sometimes as­ tonished by women's frigidity. But, according to frigidity is explained more by an impotence to femi­ nine "nature" than by the submission type of society. However, sexuality is oddly evocative the status of a

references to IC ...·Ll\.Jll" of the "natural"­ physiological organic nature, and so on-that are equally ambiguous.

And, in addition:

-just as nature has to be subjected to man in order to be­ come a commodity, so, it appears, does "the development of a normal woman." A development that amounts, for the femi­ nine, to subordination to the forms and laws of masculine ac­ tivity. The rejection of the mother-imputed to woman­ would find its "cause" here;

-just as, in commodities, natural utility is overridden by the exchange function, so the properties of a woman's body have to be suppressed and subordinated to the exigencies of its trans­ formation into an object of circulation among men;

-just as a commodity has no mirror it can use to reflect itself, so woman serves as reflection, as of and for man, but lacks specific qualities of her own. form amounts to what man inscribes in and on body;

-just as commodities cannot make among them­ selves without the intervention of a subiect that measures them

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against a standard, so it is with women. Distinguished, divided, separated, classified as like and unlike, according to whether

have been judged exchangeable. In themselves, among themselves, they are amorphous and confused: natural body, maternal body, doubtless useful to the consumer, but without any possible identity or communicable value;

as commodities, despite their resistance, become more or less autonomous repositories for the value of human work, so, as mirrors of and for man, women more or less unwittingly come to represent the danger dis appropriation of masculine power: the phallic mirage;

-just as a commodity finds the expression of its value in an equivalent-in the last analysis, a general one-that necessarily remains external to it, so woman derives her price from her relation to the male sex, constituted as a transcendental value: the phallus. And indeed the enigma of "value" lies in the most elementary relation among commodities. Among women. For, uprooted from their "nature," they no longer to each other except in terms of what they represent in men's desire, and according to the "forms" that this imposes upon them. Among themselves, they are separated by his speculations.

This means that the division of "labor"-sexual labor in par­ ticular-requires that woman maintain in her own body the material substratum of the object of desire, but that herself never have access to desire. The economy of desire-of ex­ change-is man's business. And that economy subjects women to a schism that is necessary to symbolic operations: blood/ semblance; body / value-invested envelope; mat­ ter/medium of exchange; (re) productive nature/fabricated fem­

... That schism-characteristic of all speaking nature, someone will surely object-is experienced by women without any possible profit to them. And without any way for them to

Women on the Market

transcend it. They are not even "conscious" of it. The symbolic system that cuts them in two this way is in no way appropriate to them. In them, "semblance" remains external, foreign to "nature." Socially, they are "objects" for and among men and furthermore they cannot do anything but mimic a "language" that they have not produced; naturally, they remain amorphous, suffering from drives without any possible representatives or representations. For them, the transformation of the natural into the social does not take place, except to the extent that they function as components ofprivate property, or as commodities.

Characteristics of this social

This type of social system can be interpreted as the practical realization ofthe meta-physical. As the practical destiny of the meta­ physical, it would also represent its mostfully realizedJorm. Oper­ ating in such a way, moreover, that subjects themselves, being implicated in it through and through, being produced in it as concepts, would lack the means to analyze it. Except in an after­ the-fact way whose delays are yet to be fully measured.

This practical realization of the meta-physical has as its founding operation the appropriation of woman's body by the father or his substitutes. It is marked by women's submission to a system of general equivalents, the proper name representing the monopoly of power. It is from this standardization that women receive their value, as they pass from the state of nature to the status of social object. This trans-formation of women's bodies into use values and exchange values inaugu­ rates the symbolic order. But that order depends upon a nearly pure added value. Women, animals endowed with speech like men, assure the possibility of the use and circulation of the symbolic without being recipients of it. Their nonaccess to the symbolic is what has established the social order. Putting men in touch with each other, in relations among themselves, wom­

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Sex Is Not One

en only fulfill this role by relinquishing their right to speech and even to animality. No longer in the natural order, not in the social order that they nonetheless maintain, women are the symptom of the exploitation of individuals by a remunerates them only partially, or even not at aU, "work." Unless subordination to a system that utilizes you and oppresses you should be considered as sufficient compensa­ tion ... ? Unless the fact that women are branded with the proper name-of the "father"-should be viewed as the sym­ bolic payment awarded them for sustaining the social order with their bodies?

But by submitting women's bodies to a general equivalent, to a transcendent, super-natural value, men have drawn the social structure into an ever greater process of abstraction, to the point they themselves are produced in it as pure concepts: having surmounted all their "perceptible" qualities and individual differences, they are finally reduced to the aver-

productivity of their labor. The power of economy of the meta-physical comes from the fact

withoutological" energy is transformed into abstract mediation of an intelligible elaboration. No individual subject can be credited any longer with bringing about this transforma­ tion. It is only after the fact that the subject might possibly be able to analyze his determination as such by the social structure. And even then it is not certain that his love of gold would not make him give up everything else before he would renounce the cult of this fetish. "The saver thus sacrifices to this fetish all the penchants of his flesh. No one takes the gospel of renunciation more than he."

we may say so-women! commodities would remain, as simple "objects" of transaction among men. Their situation of specific exploitation in opera­ tions-sexual exchange, and economic, social, and cultural ex-

Women on the Market

changes in general-might lead them to offer a new critique of the political economy." A critique that would no longer avoid that of discourse, and more generally of the symbolic system, in which it is realized. Which would lead to interpreting in a different way the impact of symbolic social labor in the analysis of relations of

exploitation of women, what would be­ come of the order? What modifications would it undergo if women left behind their condition as commodities-subject to being produced, consumed, valorized, circulated, and so on, by men alone-and took part in elaborating and out exchanges? Not by reproducing, by copying, the "phal­ locratic" models that have the force of law today, but by so­ cializing in a different way the relation to nature, matter, the body, language, and desire.

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