· Take a closer look at the cartoon. What do you think? Is it time we place stricter restrictions on the role of campaign contributions in Texas elections?

Learning Objectives

· 7.1  Explain what interest groups are, why they form, and what their essential characteristics are.

· 7.2  Describe the types of interest groups and analyze the qualities of a powerful interest group.

· 7.3  Evaluate the kinds of activities that interest groups use to influence Texas government.

· 7.4  Analyze how interest groups are regulated and evaluate the effectiveness of these laws.

The typical focus of politics is on nomination and election of citizens to public office. There is, however, much more to politics than that. Politics is perhaps best understood as the process of influencing public policy decisions to protect and preserve a group, to achieve the group's goals, and to distribute benefits to the group's members. Organized citizens demand policies that promote their financial security, education, health, welfare, and protection.

Because government makes and enforces public policy decisions, it is not surprising that people try to influence officials who make and apply society's rules or policies, nor is it surprising that one important approach is through group action. History shows that people who organize for political action tend to be more effective in achieving their goals than persons acting alone. This principle is particularly true if a group is well financed. Money plays a big role in state government and state elections, and groups that help politicians finance their campaigns often achieve their goals (as illustrated by the cartoon at the beginning of this chapter).

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-1 Interest Groups in the Political Process

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-1 Interest Groups in the Political Process

LO 7.1

Explain what interest groups are, why they form, and what their essential characteristics are.

When people attempt to influence political decisions or the selection of the men and women who make such decisions, they usually turn either to political parties (examined in Chapter 4), the media (examined in Chapter 6), or interest groups (the subject of this chapter).

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-1a What Is an Interest Group?

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-1a What Is an Interest Group?

An interest groupAn organization that seeks to influence government officials and their policies on behalf of members sharing common views and objectives (e.g., labor union or trade association). may be identified as a pressure group, a special interest group, or a lobby. It is an organization whose members share common views and objectives. To promote their interests, such groups participate in activities designed to influence government officials and policy decisions for the benefit of group members or their cause. For example, during every regular legislative session, the Independent Colleges and Universities of Texas (ICUT), an organization of more than 40 private colleges and universities, lobbies the legislature against cuts to the Texas Equalization Grants (TEG), a student aid program that provides financial assistance to students who attend these institutions. Another interest group is the Texas Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty (TCADP), which continues to lobby actively for a moratorium on the death penalty. Parent groups, teacher organizations, and school board associations all actively lobby for more state money for the state's public schools.

Although political parties and interest groups both attempt to influence policy decisions by government officials, they differ in their methods. The principal purpose of party activity is to increase the number of its members who are elected or appointed to public offices, in order to gain control of government and achieve party goals. In contrast, an interest group seeks to influence government officials (regardless of their party affiliation) to the advantage of the group. In general, an interest group wants government to create and implement policies that benefit the group, without necessarily placing its own members in public office.

Part of the purpose of economic groups (for example, the Texas Association of Business) and professional groups (such as the Texas Trial Lawyers Association) is to make their policy preferences known to government officials. Interest groups act as intermediaries for people who share common interests but reside throughout the state; in this way, interest groups add to the formal system of geographic representation used for electing many officeholders. In essence, such organizations serve the interests of their members by providing functional representation within the political system. They offer a form of protection by voicing the interests of such groups as businesspeople, laborers, farmers, religious groups, racial/ethnic groups, teachers, physicians, and college students across the state. These groups are composed of people who have similar interests but who may not constitute a majority in any city, county, legislative district, or state.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-1b The Reasons for Interest Groups

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-1b The Reasons for Interest Groups

Growth and diversity of interest groups in the United States continue unabated. An increasingly complex society has much to do with the rate of growth of interest groups in the country and within states. Political scientists Allan Cigler and Burnett Loomis contend that these growing numbers, plus high levels of activity, distinguish contemporary interest group politics from previous eras. Interest groups proliferate in Texas and throughout the country for several reasons.

Legal and Cultural Reasons

In NAACP v. Alabama, 357 U.S. 449 (1958), the U.S. Supreme Court recognized the right of associationThe U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that this right is part of the right of assembly guaranteed by the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution and that it protects the right of people to organize into groups for political purposes. as part of the right of assembly guaranteed by the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. This decision greatly facilitated the development of interest groups, ensuring the right of citizens to organize for political, economic, religious, and social purposes.

The nation's political culture has traditionally encouraged citizens to organize themselves into a bewildering array of associations—religious, fraternal, professional, and recreational, among others. Americans have responded by creating literally thousands of such groups. In the 1960s and 1970s, for example, social movements sparked interest group activities on issues involving civil rights, women's rights, student rights, and opposition to the Vietnam War. In Texas, controversies over social issues (e.g., the ban on same-sex marriage), education policy issues (e.g., school finance), and immigration reform have sparked new groups and revitalized existing interest groups. For instance, in 2012, Texans for Real Efficiency and Equity in Education, a new education group, formed to intervene in the latest round of public school financing lawsuits. Their solution to problems in our current school system is charter schools. In 2013, the Reform Immigration for Texas Alliance (RITA) formed as a statewide network dedicated to building support for comprehensive immigration reform with fair, humane, and sensible policies.

Decentralized Government

In a decentralized governmentDecentralization is achieved by dividing power between national and state governments and separating legislative, executive, and judicial branches at both levels., power is not concentrated at the highest level. Decentralization is achieved in two principal ways. First, the federal system divides power between the national government and the 50 state governments (as explained in Chapter 2, “Federalism and the Texas Constitution”). In turn, each state shares its power with a variety of local governments, including counties, cities, and special districts. Second, within each level of government, power is separated into three branches, or departments: legislative, executive, and judicial. This separation of powers is especially apparent at the national and state levels.

A decentralized structure increases the opportunities for interest groups to form and influence government. This structure provides different access points for groups to fight their battles at different levels of government and within different branches at each level. For instance, the Texas Bicycle Coalition (now Bike Texas) was unsuccessful in obtaining legislation at the state level to protect bicyclists on Texas roads. Nevertheless, the organization pressed successfully for protective city ordinances, such as in Austin, El Paso, Fort Worth, and San Antonio. Similarly, although Governor Rick Perry vetoed a legislative bill banning texting while driving in 2011, more than 20 Texas cities, including Arlington, Austin, El Paso, Galveston, and San Antonio, passed city ordinances banning texting while driving, especially in school zones. More recently, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Texas targeted the Texas Education Commissioner to lobby for a ban on the use of Tasers and pepper spray by security officers against students in schools. Thus, dispersal of power within branches and levels of government enhances an interest group's chance of success.

The Strength of the Party System and Political Ideologies

Two other factors have precipitated the influence of interest groups: the strength (or weakness) of the party system and political ideologies. First, the absence of unified and responsible political parties magnifies opportunities for interest group action. A lack of strong, organized political parties can particularly affect policymakers (both state and local). In such cases, public officials are less likely to vote along party lines and therefore are more susceptible to pressure from well-organized interest groups, particularly if candidates rely on interest group campaign contributions. In recent years, the Republican Party has dominated the Texas legislature and other statewide elective and appointive positions. Factions have developed within the Republican Party, however. By 2014, the Texas Tea Party had become a powerful faction within the Texas Republican Party, exercising considerable influence in the party's primaries and its state convention (see Chapter 4, “Political Parties”). These factions weaken party unity. Second, ideologies, or developed systems of political, social, and economic beliefs, have not been strong factors in Texas politics. Instead, public officials rely more on their constituents or on the issues and less on ideology. Public officials are likely to have a stronger commitment to ideological beliefs than most voters, but they remain susceptible to the pressures of interest groups.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-1c Characteristics of Interest Groups

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-1c Characteristics of Interest Groups

Citizens may join an interest group for a variety of reasons, whether financial, professional, or social. Students who graduate from college often find themselves joining a professional or occupational group (see Table 7.1).

Table 7.1

Texas Professional and Occupational Associations

Health Related

· Texas Dental Association

· Texas Health Care Association

· Texas Hospital Association

· Texas Medical Association

· Texas Ophthalmological Association

· Texas Nurses Association

· Texas Physical Therapy Association

· Texas Counseling Association

Law Related

· Texas Criminal Defense Lawyers Association

· Texas Civil Justice League

· Texas Trial Lawyers Association

· Mexican American Bar Association of Texas

· Texas Women Lawyers

· Texas Young Lawyers Association

· Texas Association of Consumer Lawyers

Education Related

· Texas American Federation of Teachers

· Texas Association of College Teachers

· Texas Classroom Teachers Association

· Texas PTA (Parent Teacher Association)

· Texas Community College Teachers Association

· Texas State Teachers Association

· Texas Library Association

· Texas Association of College and University Student Personnel

· Texas Faculty Association

· Texas School Counselor Association

· Texas Association of School Administrators

Miscellaneous

· Association of Environmental and Engineering Geologists (AEG) Texas

· Texas Society of Architects

· Texas Society of Certified Public Accountants

· Intelligent Transportation Society (ITS) Texas

Critical Thinking

· Review Table 7.1 on professional interest groups. Given your professional goals, which interest group might you join? What, do you suppose, would be the advantages of joining a professional interest group?

In some cases, people join an interest group simply because they want to be part of a network of like-minded individuals working for a cause. The interest group often provides members with information and benefits and usually tries to involve them in the political process. Such a description suggests that any organization becomes an interest group when it influences or attempts to influence governmental decisions.

There are almost as many organizational patternsThe structure of a special interest group. Some interest groups have a decentralized pattern of organization (e.g., the AFL-CIO, with many local unions). Others are centralized (e.g., the National Rifle Association, which is a national body with a group operating in Texas). as there are interest groups. This variety arises from the fact that in addition to lobbying, most interest groups perform nonpolitical functions that are of paramount importance to their members. Texas Impact, for example, is a statewide religious grassroots network representing several faith communities. It emphasizes charitable and spiritual activities but also undertakes interfaith legislative advocacy.

Some interest groups are highly centralized organizations that take the form of a single controlling body. An example of such a centralized group currently operating in Texas is the National Rifle Association. Other groups are decentralized, consisting of loose alliances of local and regional subgroups. Their activities may be directed at either the local, state, or national level. Many trade associations (such as the Texas Mid-Continent Oil and Gas Association) and labor unions (such as those affiliated with the American Federation of Labor–Congress of Industrial Organizations [AFL-CIO]) are examples of decentralized organizations active in Texas politics. Other national organizations, including the National Women's Political Caucus and Common Cause, usually have both state and local chapters in Texas.

Interest groups are composed chiefly of persons from professional and managerial occupations. Members of interest groups tend to have greater resources than most individuals possess. For instance, members are more likely to be homeowners, with high levels of income and formal education, who enjoy a high standard of living. Participation in interest groups, especially active participation, varies. Many citizens are not affiliated with any group, whereas others are members of several. Recent technology provides individuals easier access to interest group membership. For example, the Texas Community College Teachers Association (TCCTA) provides potential members an opportunity to join and register for conferences online. The site includes a number of resources, web links, and access to financial benefits. In addition, TCCTA maintains Facebook and Twitter accounts, a blog, and information on the use of social media in classrooms. Some individuals, however, will not join an interest group—especially when they believe that they still benefit without actually having to join and pay the costs of membership.

Learning Check 7.1

1 Name at least two factors that motivate interest group formation.

2 True or False: Most interest groups have an active membership.

An organized group of any size usually comprises an active minority and a passive majority. As a result, decisions are regularly made by relatively few members. These decision makers may range from a few elected officers to a larger body of delegates representing the entire membership. Organizations generally leave decision making and other leadership activities to a few people. Widespread apathy among rank-and-file members and the difficulty of dislodging entrenched leaders probably account for limited participation in most group decisions. Factors that influence group leadershipIndividuals who guide the decisions of interest groups. Leaders of groups tend to have financial resources that permit them to contribute money and devote time to group affairs. include the group's financial resources (members who contribute most heavily usually have greater weight in making decisions), time-consuming leadership duties (only a few people can afford to devote much of their time without compensation), and the personality traits of leaders (some individuals have greater leadership ability and motivation than others).

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-2 Types of Interest Groups

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-2 Types of Interest Groups

LO 7.2

Describe the types of interest groups and analyze the qualities of a powerful interest group.

The increasing diversity of American interest groups at national, state, and local levels of government permits the groups to be classified in several ways. Not only can interest groups be studied by organizational patterns (such as centralized versus decentralized, as discussed earlier), they can also be categorized according to the level or branch of government to which they direct their attention. Some groups exert influence at all levels of government and on legislative, executive (including administrative), and judicial officials. Others may try to spread their views among the general public and may best be classified according to the subject matter they represent. Some groups do not fit readily into any category, whereas others fit into more than one. In this section, we examine various types of interest groups: economic groups, professional and public employee groups, social groups, and public interest groups.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-2a Economic Groups

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-2a Economic Groups

Many interest groups exist primarily to promote their members' economic self-interest. These organizations are commonly known as economic interest groupsInterest groups that exist primarily to promote their members' economic self-interest. Trade associations and labor unions are classified as economic interest groups because they are organized to promote policies that will maximize profits and wages.. Traditionally, many people contribute significant amounts of money and time to obtain the financial benefits of group membership. Thus, some organizations exist to further the economic interests of a broad group, such as trade associations, whereas others seek to protect the interests of a single type of business, such as restaurant associations. The Texas Association of Business (generally known as TAB) is an example of a broader type of interest group, known as an umbrella organization. There are also individual corporations, such as communications giant AT&T, that use the political process to promote a company's particular economic interests.

Business Groups

Businesspeople understand that they have common interests that may be promoted by collective action. They were among the first to organize and press national, state, and local governments to adopt favorable public policies. Business organizationsAn economic interest group, such as a trade association (e.g., Texas Gaming Association), that lobbies for policies favoring business. typically advocate lower taxes, a lessening or elimination of price and quality controls by government, and minimal concessions to labor unions. At the state level, business organizations most often take the form of trade associations (groups that act on behalf of an industry). The Texas Gaming Association (a group that favors the creation of destination casino resorts in the state) is an interest group that has lobbied the state legislature in recent legislative sessions in support of gambling interests. Two of the many other Texas trade associations are the Texas Association of Builders (a group that focuses on creating a positive environment for the housing industry) and the Texas Good Roads and Transportation Association (a group made up of highway construction contractors, chamber of commerce members, professionals, and transportation experts, among others, dedicated to ensuring efficient transportation and increased funding for highways).

In past legislative sessions, Texas businesses and their representatives succeeded in having many of their policy preferences enacted into law. Some reports indicate that TAB, along with Texans for Lawsuit Reform, contributed more than $2.6 million to support Republican candidates in key legislative races in 2002. Subsequently, the newly GOP-controlled 78th Legislature (2003) passed several “business friendly” bills. One of the more significant bills limited lawsuits against manufacturers, pharmaceutical companies, and retailers. Furthermore, the tobacco industry successfully defeated a statewide ban on smoking in public places, hiring as many as 40 lobbyists in 2009. Big business (such as oil and gas, banking and finance, and insurance) has also been successful in defending tax breaks and subsidies. Small businesses were effective in passing a permanent minimum $1 million deduction to the small business franchise tax exemption in the 2013 legislative session.

Labor Groups

Unions representing Texas workers, though relatively active, are not as numerous or powerful as business-related groups. The state's labor organizationsA union that supports public policies designed to increase wages, obtain adequate health insurance coverage, provide unemployment insurance, promote safe working conditions, and otherwise protect the interests of workers. seek, among other goals, government intervention to increase wages, obtain adequate health insurance coverage, provide unemployment insurance, and promote safe working conditions. Although Texans are traditionally sensitive to the potential political power of organized labor, certain industrial labor organizations are generally regarded as significant in Texas government. These are the Texas affiliates of the AFL-CIO (comprising 1,300 local unions and more than 200,000 members), the Communication Workers of America, and local affiliates of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. For a highly industrialized state with a large population, union membership in Texas is small compared with that of other states. In 2013, union membership dropped to about 518,000 members in Texas, which is about 4.8 percent of the wage and salary workers, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. With the pending cuts in education, health care, and state jobs in the 2011 legislature, several unions relied on rallies as a means of expressing opposition. The Texas State Employees Union was a leading organizer of the “Save Our State Rally,” in which an estimated 6,000 to 7,000 people participated at the steps of the state Capitol. Although the rally brought considerable media attention, the unions were unsuccessful in preventing budgetary cuts made during the legislative session. They held another rally during the 2013 legislative session, but the turnout was not as large.

Participants in a Texas AFL-CIO “Health Care Can't Wait” rally, held at the Capitol building in Austin in 2013.

Courtesy of Texas AFL-CIO

Critical Thinking

· Reflect on this photo. What impact do you think rallies have on lawmakers when passing legislation?

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-2b Professional/Public Employee Groups

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-2b Professional/Public Employee Groups

Closely related to economic interest groups are groups dedicated to furthering the interests of a profession, such as physicians or attorneys. Public employees have also organized to advance their interests. Teachers have been especially active in their efforts to influence government decisions.

Professional Groups

Standards of admission to a profession or an occupation, as well as the licensing of practitioners, concern professional groupsAn organization of physicians, lawyers, accountants, or other professional people that lobbies for policies beneficial to members.. Examples of Texas professional and occupational associations are the State Bar of Texas (attorneys), the Texas Health Care Association, and the Texas Society of Certified Public Accountants. (See Table 7.1 for a list of some of the more important Texas professional and occupational associations.) Professionals are more effective if they organize in groups that advocate for their interests. Physicians won a significant victory in the 76th Legislature in 1999 when Texas became the first state to allow doctors to bargain collectively with health maintenance organizations over fees and policies. The Texas Medical Association (TMA) successfully lobbied for passage of a constitutional amendment, Proposition 12, that authorized the state legislature to impose a $250,000 cap for noneconomic damages in medical malpractice cases. TMA also won approval in the state legislature for a new medical school in the Rio Grande Valley and an increase in the state's cap on student loans for young physicians in order to increase the number of primary care doctors. TMA has sought to improve the Medicaid system by ensuring physician payments, as well as expand Medicaid funding under the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act so that compensated care is available to more Texas patients.

Public Employee Groups

Public officer and employee groupsAn organization of city managers, county judges, or other public employees or officials that lobbies for public policies that protect group interests. of state and local governments organize to obtain better working conditions, higher wages, more fringe benefits, and better retirement packages. The Texas State Employees Association, which represents government employees, for instance, lobbies for legislation that prevents job cuts and increases pay and health care benefits. Teacher groups were successful in the state legislature when it came to pay raises for every public school teacher, librarian, and registered school nurse in Texas during the 76th legislative session (1999). They also successfully pushed a plan to fully or partially fund state-supported health insurance for public school teachers and other school employees, both active and retired. Teacher organizations have lobbied against cuts in education funding, as well as school finance legislation that they believe provides inadequate new funding and would intrude on local control of school matters. During the 2011 legislative session, teacher associations participated in rallies outside the state Capitol to demand that the legislature use the “rainy day” fund rather than reduce funding for public education. (For more on school finance, see Chapter 13, “Finance and Fiscal Policy.”) Teacher organizations have also been vocal with regard to changes in curriculum requirements by the State Board of Education and testing mandates set by the legislature and the Texas Education Agency. (For more on education policy affecting public schools, see Chapter 10, “Public Policy and Administration.”)

Among state government employees, the largest group is the Texas Public Employees Association with more than 15,000 members. City government groups include the Texas City Management Association and the Texas City Attorneys Association. Through their organizational activities, these public officer and employee groups resist efforts to reduce the size of state and local governmental bureaucracies (though not always with success). The County Judges and Commissioners Association of Texas and the Justices of the Peace and Constables Association of Texas, for example, have been instrumental in assuring that measures designed to reform Texas's justice of the peace courts and county courts reflect their members' interests. Two of the state's largest police unions, the Texas Municipal Police Association and the Combined Law Enforcement Associations of Texas, which together represent more than 30,000 officers, joined forces to lobby for police officer rights. Although unsuccessful, the police unions went on record in support of a legislative proposal during the 2011 legislative session that would have banned texting while driving statewide.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-2c Social Groups

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-2c Social Groups

Texas also has a wide array of social interest groupsGroups concerned primarily with social issues, including organizations devoted to civil rights, racial and ethnic matters, religion, and public interest protection.. These include racial and ethnic organizations, civil rights organizations, gender-based organizations, religion-based organizations, and several public interest groups.

Racial and Ethnic Groups

Leaders of Texas's racial and ethnic groupsOrganizations that seek to influence government decisions that affect a particular racial or ethnic group, such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), which seek to influence government decisions affecting African Americans and Latinos, respectively. recognize that only through effective organizations can they hope to achieve their cherished goals. Examples of these goals include eliminating racial discrimination in employment; improving public schools; increasing educational opportunities; and obtaining greater representation in the state legislature, city councils, school boards, and other policymaking bodies of government.

One formidable group, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), is an effective racial interest group. According to the Texas State Historical Association, chapters of the Texas NAACP were established during the World War I era, with the first chapter forming in El Paso in 1915. The organization has been successful in influencing public policies relating to school integration and local government redistricting. The NAACP also effectively fought for hate crimes legislation that enhances penalties for crimes on the basis of race, color, disability, religion, national origin, gender, or sexual preference. In addition, the organization continues to advocate strict enforcement against racial profiling. Texas law defines racial profiling as an action by law enforcement personnel on the basis of an individual's race, ethnicity, or national origin as opposed to the individual's behavior or information identifying the individual as being engaged in criminal activity. In 2011, the Texas NAACP actively opposed making a Confederate battle flag image available on specialty Texas license plates. The organization successfully appealed to the Texas Department of Motor Vehicles to prevent legitimizing a symbol that, in their view, represents brutality and fear and that is used by hate groups to promote a racist ideology. The organization, along with Latino groups, strongly advocated against the newly implemented photo voter ID law (for more on this issue, see Chapter 5, “Campaigns and Elections”). Asian Americans in recent years have also formed organizations and PACs such as the Network of Asian American Organizations, which serves the interests of Asian American communities in Central Texas.

In Texas, Latino groups, especially Mexican American organizations, are more numerous than African American interest groups. The oldest Latino group, the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), was founded in 1929. (See the Selected Reading, “Unsung Hero of Civil Rights,” for information on one of LULAC's founders, Alonso S. Perales.) LULAC has worked for equal educational opportunities for Latinos, as well as for full citizenship rights. It continues to advocate for adequate public school funding and bilingual education, as well as higher education policies, like the “Top Ten Percent Rule” and affirmative action, both of which are designed to diversify student populations. In addition, LULAC successfully pressed for state funds to open the school of pharmacy at Texas A&M–Kingsville, which was named after the late state legislator and strong advocate for higher education, Irma Rangel. LULAC has brought attention to the importance of the U.S. Census, as well as to the State Board of Education's unwillingness to incorporate more Hispanic historical figures in public school textbooks.

Another organization, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF), uses court action in pursuit of political equality, equal education, immigration rights, and representation for Latinos. Both LULAC and MALDEF have been instrumental in addressing redistricting, especially when it comes to voting rights. On behalf of a statewide coalition of Texas Latino organizations called the Texas Latino Redistricting Task Force, among other plaintiffs, MALDEF in 2012 successfully challenged the redistricting plans created by the Texas legislature for the U.S. House of Representatives and the Texas House of Representatives, claiming that the plans did not provide fair representation for Latinos. A three-judge federal court allowed for the creation of two out of the four new congressional seats as Latino-majority districts. The court also created an additional Latino-majority district in the Texas House of Representatives, thus increasing the number of Latino-majority districts to 34. MALDEF also successfully advocated against anti-immigrant legislative proposals, as well as bans on “sanctuary cities” (municipalities that have policies that prohibit local law enforcement officers to inquire into the immigration status of a person or report violations to federal immigration enforcement officials).

Women's Groups

The Texas Women's Political Caucus is an example of a women's organizationA women's group, such as the League of Women Voters, that engages in lobbying and educational activities to promote greater political participation by women and others. that promotes equal rights and greater participation by women in the political arena. The League of Women Voters of Texas is a nonpartisan organization advocating greater political participation and public understanding of governmental issues. It also assists voters in becoming better informed by publishing The Texas Voters Guide, which provides information about elections, candidates, and candidates' positions on various issues.

The Texas Federation of Republican Women, a partisan interest group with more than 160 local clubs, provides resources for women to influence government actions and policies. This organization actively encourages Republican women to run for public office. Another organization that formed in 2003, in response to the dwindling number of Democratic women in the state legislature, is Annie's List. This organization recruits, trains, and supports progressive female candidates, as well as raises money for these candidates. Among their endorsements in the 2014 statewide races were Democratic candidates Wendy Davis for governor and Leticia Van de Putte for lieutenant governor. The organization provides supporters an opportunity to “Join our Movement” in their website. Annie's List used social media to follow Senator Wendy Davis's 11-hour filibuster against a bill to restrict access to abortions in 2013. Members and supporters live-tweeted from the Capitol during the debate. The hashtag (#standwithwendy) garnered over 500,000 tweets during the course of her speech.

Other interest groups, such as the Hispanic Women's Network of Texas, focus on the concerns and needs of Hispanic women. This organization is a statewide organization dedicated to advancing the interests of Latinas in the public, corporate, and civic arenas. Another organization, Las Comadres Para Las Américas, with its central office in Austin, serves as a network for Latinas and provides training for candidates and public policy advocates. The Texas Latina List, which has its origin in Fort Worth, is a political action committee that recruits and funds Latina candidates at all levels of appointive and elective office.

Religion-Based Groups

The Christian Coalition is an example of a religion-based groupAn interest group, such as the Texas Freedom Network, that lobbies for policies to promote its religious interests.. With millions of Texans identifying themselves as conservative Christians, the organization continues to be one of the state's most influential political forces, though it had more momentum in the 1990s than it does now. This interest group engages in political action, primarily within the Republican Party. Issues that have precipitated the Christian Coalition's entrance on the political scene are abortion, homosexuality, limits on prayer in public schools, and the decline of the traditional nuclear family.

The Texas Freedom Network was formed in the 1990s to oppose the increasing presence of the Christian Coalition. This organization monitors the activities of right-wing conservatives, musters liberal and mainstream voters, and provides an alternative voice on current political issues. The Texas Faith Network, the official blog of the Texas Freedom Network, also formed in the 1990s, monitors religious leaders statewide who represent the religious right and who intend to influence political conservatives (usually Republicans). In recent years, the Texas Freedom Network has worked on several issues such as defending civil liberties, strengthening public schools, and especially protecting religious freedom. The organization is also vocal in its opposition to the social conservatives on the State Board of Education who influence the public school curriculum and the content of textbooks.

Another religion-based organization, the Texas Industrial Areas Foundation, which operates in cities such as Dallas and in the Rio Grande Valley, supports increased funding for parent training, easier access for children to qualify for Medicaid benefits, and increasing Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) eligibility to more families. Valley Interfaith, made up primarily of churches and schools, has successfully lobbied the Brownsville school district to increase wages for employees and has indirectly influenced other public institutions and companies to provide a “living wage” for their workers so they can live above the poverty level. In recent legislative sessions, the organization has actively lobbied the state legislature, demanding restoration of funds cut from CHIP, increases in Medicaid funding, and increases in state funding for public schools, as well as an equitable tax system that does not burden the poor. Sister organizations in San Antonio (Communities Organized for Public Service [COPS], which has been active since the 1970s, and Metro Alliance) successfully lobbied the legislature in the past to allow cities to use sales tax revenue to create job training and early childhood development programs.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-2d Public Interest Groups

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-2d Public Interest Groups

Unlike most interest groups, public interest groupsAn organization claiming to represent a broad public interest (environmental, consumer, political participation, and public morality) rather than a narrow private interest. claim to promote the general interests of society, rather than narrower private or corporate interests. Environmental, political participation, education-related, and public morality (not directly associated with established religion) organizations are often identified as public interest groups.

Public interest organizations pursue diverse goals. Common Cause Texas, for example, focuses primarily on governmental and institutional reform. It advocates open meeting laws, public financing of political campaigns, and stricter financial disclosure laws. Texans for Public Justice supports efforts toward campaign finance reform, such as limitations on campaign contributions by political action committees and individuals. The Texas League of Conservation Voters uses a scorecard to monitor the voting records of state lawmakers who support environment-friendly “green” bills. These public interest organizations also use social media technology, such as Twitter and Facebook, to keep supporters connected. (See Table 7.2 for a partial list of Texas public interest groups.)

Table 7.2

Texas Public Interest Groups

Education Related

· Texas Parent PAC

· Texans for Education Reform

· Texans for Real Efficiency and Equity in Education

Environmental

· Texas Campaign for the Environment

· Texas Wildlife Association

· Environment Texas

· Sierra Club, Lone Star Chapter

Public Participation and Social Justice

· Texas Association of Community Action Agencies

· Communities Organized for Public Service

· Public Citizen/Texas

· The League of Women Voters of Texas

· Equality Texas

Public Morality

· Mothers Against Drunk Driving

· Texas Right to Life Committee

· National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League Pro-Choice Texas

Critical Thinking

· Review Table 7.2, which provides a sample of public interest groups. If given the opportunity, what central issue/concern would you create a public interest group around?

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-2e Texas Power Groups

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-2e Texas Power Groups

Texas legislators readily identify the types of interest groups they consider most powerful: business-oriented trade associations (representing oil, gas, tobacco, chemical manufacturers, insurance, and railroads), professional associations (physicians, lawyers, and teachers), and labor unions. Other groups wielding considerable influence include brewers, truckers, automobile dealers, bankers, and realtors. Some of the most influential interest groups operating not only in Texas but also nationwide are general business organizations (e.g., chambers of commerce), schoolteacher associations, utility companies, insurance companies and associations, hospital and nursing home associations, and bar associations for attorneys.

Interest groups typified as power groupsAn effective interest group strongly linked with legislators and bureaucrats for the purpose of influencing decision making and having a continuing presence in Austin as a “repeat player” from session to session. have several common traits. For one, these groups maintain strong links with both legislators (whose policy decisions affect group interests) and bureaucrats (whose regulatory authority controls activities of group members). Power groups often are repeat players in Texas politics, meaning they have been influencing politics in consecutive legislative sessions for a long time. Another indication of power group influence is having headquarters in Austin. Many business-related associations, for example, own a headquarters building in the capital city. Others lease or rent buildings and office suites there. This proximity to the Texas Capitol and the main offices of state agencies provides regular contact with state officials and gives such associations a path to influence in state government. In some cases, according to watchdog organizations, interest groups have received free use of meeting rooms in the Texas Capitol building for receptions.

Learning Check 7.2

1 True or False: All interest groups have one objective in common: to promote their self-interest.

2 Which are generally more powerful in Texas, business interest groups or labor groups?

One of the most influential power groups is the Texas Medical Association (TMA), formed in 1853. With a well-organized grassroots network, a skilled lobbying team, and more than 47,000 licensed physicians and medical students in Texas, TMA is one of Texas's most powerful professional groups. According to TMA's figures, the group succeeded in passing as much as 90 percent of its agenda items in the late 1990s. Although TMA was not able to persuade the state legislature in 2013 to restore funding cuts in Medicaid from previous legislative sessions, the organization succeeded in preventing severe cuts to physicians' Medicaid payments so that doctors would continue seeing needy patients. During the 83rd legislative session in 2013, TMA advocated unsuccessfully for the expansion of Medicaid in Texas under the Affordable Care Act.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-3 Interest Group Activities

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-3 Interest Group Activities

LO 7.3

Evaluate the kinds of activities that interest groups use to influence Texas government.

When interest groups urge their members and others to become actively involved, they encourage people to participate in the political process. In some cases, interest groups even encourage members to consider running for public office. Groups benefit from having their supporters serve in decision-making positions, especially on influential boards and commissions. Local property taxpayers' associations, for example, frequently put forward candidates for public school boards and municipal offices in an effort to keep property taxes low. Likewise, when organizations of real estate agents successfully lobby for the placement of their members in appointed positions on local planning and zoning commissions, they gain a distinct advantage. Because government officials need support for their policies, interest groups seek to mobilize and build that support, particularly for policies that form part of a group's goals and interests. Having the support or opposition of certain interest groups may determine the success or failure of policy decisions.

Interest groups also serve as an outlet for discussions concerning policy issues. In doing so, they shape conflict and consensus in society. Conflict is the more usual outcome because each group is bent on pursuing its own limited ends. This commitment, in turn, leads to clashes with other groups seeking their own ends. Conflict is even more likely when addressing controversial issues, such as school finance, abortion, environmental protection, same-sex marriage, voter identification, redistricting, or immigration reform.

In some cases, however, certain issues may galvanize coalitions among various interest groups. For instance, groups representing teachers, parents, religious organizations, and civil rights organizations have rallied around the need for increased school funding. Even business organizations, such as the Texas Association of Business, joined forces. In 2011, many groups organized rallies called “Save Texas Schools,” which were centered on the issue of increased school funding and the necessity to use the “rainy day” fund to cover any budgetary shortfalls. (For more on the “rainy day” fund, see Chapter 13, “Finance and Fiscal Policy.”)

Political scientists know that interest groups use a wide range of techniques to influence policy decisions. These interest group techniquesAn action such as lobbying, personal communication, giving favors and gifts, grassroots activities, electioneering, campaign financing by political action committees, and, in extreme instances, bribery and other unethical practices intended to influence government decisions. may be classified as lobbying; personal communication; giving favors and gifts; grassroots activities; electioneering; campaign financing by political action committees; and, in extreme instances, bribery and other illegal or unethical practices.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-3a Lobbying

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-3a Lobbying

LobbyingCommunicating with legislators or other government officials on behalf of an interest group for the purpose of influencing decision makers. is perhaps the oldest, and certainly the best-known, interest group tactic. According to Texans for Public Justice, special interests spent $328 million on lobbying contracts in 2013. Identifying interest groups that hire lobbyists is one way to determine which interests are being represented before the state legislature and which are not. Lobbyists are individuals who attempt to influence government decision makers on behalf of special interests. Lobbying is most often directed at legislators and the lawmaking process, although it is also practiced within state agencies.

Lobbyists wait in the halls of the state Capitol in hope of speaking with state legislators.

Bernie Epstein / Alamy

Critical Thinking

· Reflect on this photo. What do you think it takes to be an effective lobbyist? What skills are necessary?

Some interest groups, such as the Texas Motorcycle Rights Association, which claims to represent as many as 900,000 licensed motorcycle riders in Texas, will travel to Austin and hold a “lobby day” at the Capitol. On this day, association members meet with lawmakers about preserving bikers' rights. As this chapter's Students in Action feature suggests, even “lobbyists for a day” require a lot of planning and strategy in order to be effective advocates. Another organization, Texas Interfaith Center, provides its members and supporters with information on its website on “faithful participation” and tips for meeting and interacting with legislators.

Not all lobbyists are full-time professionals. Most work for businesses and only occasionally go to Austin to speak to lawmakers about their concerns. Some lobbyists represent cities and counties. Among the most successful lobbyists are former state legislators, legislative aides, and gubernatorial aides. In recent years, Texas has ranked second in the country, after California, in money spent on lobbying the state government. In previous legislative sessions, lobbyists outnumbered the 181 legislators by a ratio of roughly nine to one. Typically, the number of registered lobbyists increases during an election cycle. During the 83rd legislative session, the number of registered lobbyists stood at 1,706.

Personal Communication

One of the main interest group techniques is personal communication by lobbyists. The immediate goal of lobbyists is to inform officials of their group's position on an issue. Because professional lobbyists are often experts in their field (and in some cases are former state officials), their tools of influence are the information and research they convey to public officials. The first task of the lobbyist is to gain access to legislators and other government decision makers. Once the lobbyist has made personal contact with a policymaker and captured the desired attention, he or she may use a variety of techniques to make the government official responsive to the group's demands, preferences, and expectations.

Because the process requires careful strategy, the lobbyist chooses the most appropriate time and place to speak with an official and determines how best to phrase arguments in order to have a positive impact. For maximum effectiveness in using this technique, a lobbyist must select the proper target (e.g., a key legislative committee chair, regulatory agency administrator, county commissioner, or city zoning board member). Successful lobbyists rely heavily on a variety of technology, such as cell phones, iPhones, iPads, Internet communications such as Skype, and other high-tech devices to store and communicate information. In fact, an important early study of interest group politics in Texas concluded that lobbying in the Lone Star State has shifted from an emphasis on personal argument to information-based communications. A former Texas legislator compared lobbyists with pharmaceutical salespeople who explain new medicines to doctors who are too busy to keep up with the latest developments. To perform their jobs effectively, successful lobbyists should clearly indicate the group they represent, define their interests, make clear what they want to do and why, answer questions readily, and provide enough information for politicians to make judgments.

Students in Action

Lobbyist for a Day

Since 2003, at the start of every spring semester in odd-numbered calendar years, a delegation of faculty, staff, and students from St. Mary's University in San Antonio are recruited and trained on the principles of lobbying. The lobbying team goes to the Capitol for the day to lobby targeted state legislators and senators to try to increase, or at a minimum maintain, funding for Texas Equalization Grants (TEG) funding. This particular source of funding for college students was authorized first in the 1970s to provide the opportunity for low-income students to attend private colleges and universities in Texas.

In 2013, several students were selected to lobby the state legislature for this one-day event. One of the students was Melissa Carrillo, a TEG recipient and biology major who ultimately plans to pursue a career as a medical doctor. What follows are her impressions of this experience.

Student Lobbyist for the Day

In the beginning of the Spring semester of 2013, I was notified that I had been selected for a day of lobbying at our state Capitol in Austin along with a delegation of faculty, staff, and other students from the University. As a biology major, I must admit that I did not fully understand what a day of lobbying meant. Through a series of sessions, we learned processes of lobbying and advocacy. We were also instructed on how we were to target a specific list of state legislators and get their support for TEG funding. As a student who has received this grant, the honor of being selected began to sink in even deeper.

Getting Ready

Preparing for the day at the Capitol was a great learning experience. An alumnus of the University, who lobbies in Austin, taught us that we needed to effectively convey short talking points during our one-on-one sessions with each legislative official. He made it clear that it was more likely that we would meet with a legislative staff member than an actual lawmaker. He also pointed out that staff members are the key mechanisms to ensuring that a specific policy gets through the complex legislative process.

Lobbying at the Capitol

When we arrived in Austin on February 12th, I was surprised that my first meeting was with a senator. In our brief meeting, I expressed to him the personal impact of the TEG in my life, and how much it has made a difference in providing the financial support for my education and future career to become a medical doctor. It was also exhilarating when our university delegation was recognized on the floor of the Texas House of Representatives.

The overall experience deepened my passion to serve as an advocate for educational opportunity and equality. I felt so much pride knowing that I was doing my part in ensuring that the very opportunity that allowed me to attend college would be there for future students. I was also impressed with the importance of civic engagement as a core principle of democracy. It is our civic duty as students and constituents to be active in our community and advocate for important issues that affect us, so that our elected officials can make effective decisions.

Source: Essay written by Melissa Carrillo, April 2, 2014.

Successful lobbyists befriend as many legislators as possible, especially influential legislative leaders such as committee chairs, and they discover their interests and needs. These relationships are formed over time. Lobbyists also put pressure on sympathetic legislators to influence other legislators.

At present, no effective laws prohibit former Texas legislators (including former legislative presiding officers) from becoming lobbyists and immediately lobbying former colleagues. In 2014, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures, at least 31 states required some kind of waiting period, ranging from the conclusion of the legislative session during which the legislator resigns to two years, before a legislator can become a lobbyist. These lobbyists, and the interest groups that contract with them, are more likely to have connections in the state legislature than most other lobbyists. One area that is a target of reform is whether former lawmakers may use surplus campaign funds to launch their lobbying careers. An ethics bill during the 83rd legislative session, vetoed by Governor Rick Perry, would have placed a two-year moratorium on the use of surplus campaign funds by lawmakers-turned-lobbyists for campaign donations to any public official.

Favors and Gifts

Another lobbying technique used by interest groups, and especially by lobbyists, involves giving favors and gifts to legislators and other government decision makers. Common favors include arranging daily or weekly luncheon and dinner gatherings; providing free liquor, wine, or beer; furnishing tickets for entertainment events, air transportation, and athletic contests; and giving miscellaneous gifts. Gifts may include flower bouquets and spa treatments for female lawmakers or, for male lawmakers, guns, knives, and deer processing. Free tickets for Cowboys and Texans games, along with free access to some of the biggest collegiate football games across the state, are also commonplace and legal gifts for lawmakers from lobbyists, so long as the value of freebies for any one legislator from an individual lobbyist does not exceed $500 per calendar year. There are limits on the value of “travel gifts” for public officials and candidates, as well as for state agency employees. In addition, public officials must report gifts valued at more than $250 to the Texas Ethics Commission.

Grassroots Activities

Yet another influential technique used by interest groups is grassroots lobbying. Interest groups rely heavily on pressure from a grassroots network of organization members and sympathizers. Interest groups attempt to create an image of broad public support for a group's goals, mobilizing support when it is needed. The Internet has emerged as a significant forum for grassroots lobbying. Interest groups are increasingly using social media such as Facebook, Twitter, and blogs. These communication methods are designed to generate information favorable to an interest group's cause and to spread it widely among legislators, other policymakers, and the general public. Special interest groups create Facebook pages to connect with supporters, gather signatures on petitions, or announce events. “Astrotweeting” uses fake social media accounts to provide a false impression of the number of supporters or opponents an issue has. Petition websites are also becoming more common for interest groups to demonstrate support for their positions, although some groups like the Texas Electric Cooperatives argue this approach is much less effective than letters and face-to-face contact with elected officials. The Texas State Teachers Association (TSTA) is very effective at communicating its agenda to its membership through Flickr and Facebook. Another education-related organization, Texans for Education Reform, formed in 2013 to promote charter schools and online “virtual schools,” also uses social media such as “tweets” to inform the public and its supporters about issues.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-3b Electioneering

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-3b Electioneering

Participating in political campaign activities, or electioneeringActive campaigning by an interest group in support of, or in opposition to, a candidate; actions urging the public to act on an issue., is widespread among interest groups. These activities usually center on particular candidates, but may also revolve around issue advocacy. If a candidate who favors a group's goals can be elected, the group has a realistic expectation that its interests will be recognized and protected once the candidate takes office. Interest group participation in the election process takes various forms. Publishing or otherwise publicizing the political records of incumbent candidates on their website is one of the simplest and most common forms of interest group participation. Since the 2008 election, an explosion of YouTube videos has provided interest groups an opportunity to disseminate support for candidates or issues. Providing favored candidates with group membership information, mailing lists, and email lists is another valuable contribution that helps candidates solicit money and votes. In addition, groups may allow candidates to speak at their meetings, thus giving them opportunities for direct contact with voters and possible media coverage or Facebook coverage. Public endorsements can also benefit candidates, sending a cue to the group's membership and other interested voters with regard to which candidates they should support. Facebook pages are also created to generate “likes” for candidates and can facilitate garnering campaign contributions.

Another type of group participation in electioneering involves “Get Out the Vote” (GOTV) campaigns—that is, the favorable vote. Typically, increasing favorable voter turnout entails mailing campaign propaganda, making phone calls to members, registering voters, transporting voters to the polls, and door-to-door canvassing (soliciting votes). Social media, again, provide significant tools for rallying a candidate's base. Texas's controversial abortion bill passed in the 2013 legislative session brought a lot of activity on the Internet from groups on both sides of the issue. As mentioned earlier, Wendy Davis's speech on the Senate floor brought, what some observers called, a “tweetstorming” tactic.

Point/Counterpoint

Should Campaign Contributions Be Limited?

THE ISSUE Most observers of Texas politics would agree that money plays a big role in political campaigns. Unlike the federal government, except for judicial elections, Texas law does not restrict the amount anyone can contribute to a state political campaign. That campaign donations are unregulated appears to enhance the role of money in elections. Yet the ability to donate money to election campaigns is also a form of political expression and free speech protected by both the Texas Constitution and the U.S. Constitution.

Arguments For Limiting Campaign Contributions

Arguments Against Limiting Campaign Contributions

1 In states with no campaign contribution limits, it is difficult for anyone to successfully challenge an incumbent.

2 Without a cap on campaign contributions, money controls politics, and wealthy individuals and PACs have tremendous influence in public policymaking.

3 Disclosure of campaign contributions under current laws does not convey a complete picture of the role of money in elections.

1 Campaign contributions to political candidates are considered a form of freedom of expression protected by the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.

2 Campaign contributions to candidates and public officials guarantee only access, not policy outcomes.

3 Limits on campaign contributions has a chilling effect on the right to participate in the democratic process.

Source: Edwin Bender, “Evidencing a Republican Form of Government: The iInfluence of Campaign Money on State-Level Elections,” Montana Law Review, 74, no.1 (2013): 165–82.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-3c Campaign Financing by Political Action Committees

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-3c Campaign Financing by Political Action Committees

Because political campaigns are becoming more expensive with each election, contributions from interest group members constitute an important form of participation in both federal and state elections. Although individuals continue to make personal financial contributions to candidates, some campaign funds also come from political action committees (PACs) (see Chapter 5, “Campaigns and Elections”). The Texas Ethics Commission defines a PAC as “a group of persons that has a principal purpose of accepting political contributions or making political contributions.” Texas statutes prohibit direct political contributions by corporations and labor unions to individual candidates. These and other groups, however, may form PACs composed of their employees or members.

How Do We Compare … in Total Contributions in U.S. Congressional Races?

Source: Center for Responsive Politics, “Open Secrets,” data reported as of March 25, 2013, http://www.opensecrets.org/states/.

Critical Thinking

· Analyze this chart. What are your initial impressions regarding the amount and percentage of monies contributed to Texas congressional candidates for Democrats versus Republicans in comparison to the other states?

PACs have the task of raising funds and distributing financial contributions to candidates who are sympathetic to their cause. A PAC may also influence political campaigns involving issues that affect the group's vital interests. Currently, Texas imposes no limits on what PACs (or citizens for that matter) can raise or contribute to candidates running for statewide offices or the legislature, except in judicial races. Proposals to place limits on the amounts that citizens and PACs can contribute to candidates have not been given serious consideration by the legislature, although some limits and deadlines have been placed on campaign contributions to judicial candidates. Additionally, legislators and statewide officeholders cannot accept campaign donations during a legislative session.

PAC activities and their influence continue to increase. According to the Texas Ethics Commission, more than 1,800 active PACs were registered as of 2014. (See Table 7.3 for a list of some of the top Texas contributors.) During the 2012 election cycle, PAC contributions were dominated by interests representing the business sector, ideological (which have partisan affiliations) and single-issue groups, and labor.

Table 7.3

Top Texas Contributors, (including PACs) in Spending by Category, 2012 Election

Note: List includes interest groups. Period includes the two-year election cycle ending in December 2012. Dollar amounts have been rounded up.

Source: “Texas Top Contributors,” 2012 Election Cycle, Major Reports, 2013, http://www.tpj.org .

Critical Thinking

· Analyze this chart. What are your initial impressions regarding the types of interest groups that are among the top ten donors in Texas elections? In your opinion, do certain interest groups have undue influence in Texas politics?

During the 2014 gubernatorial primaries, the Republican nominee, Greg Abbott, raised $11.5 million in the second half of 2013 and began 2014 with $27 million in his war chest. In contrast, the Democratic nominee, Wendy Davis, reported having raised $12.5 million. From the period of late February until June of 2014, each candidate raised over $11 million. Yet, Greg Abbott held a $36 million cash advantage over Wendy Davis’ $13 million with less than four months before the election.

Perhaps the best indication of power among interest groups is the connection between the election campaign contributions of PACs and lobbying activities. It takes a coordinated effort by an interest group to influence one part of the political process (the campaign) while also affecting policy decisions in other areas (the legislative and executive branches). In this way, interest groups can exercise far greater control over the output of the Texas legislature and other officials than their numbers would indicate.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-3d Bribery and Unethical Practices

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-3d Bribery and Unethical Practices

Bribery and blackmail, though not common in Texas, nevertheless have occurred in state and local government. For example, in the 1970s, the Sharpstown Bank scandal rocked the legislature. House Speaker Gus Mutscher (D-Brenham) and others were convicted of conspiring to accept bribes for passing deposit insurance bills as requested by Houston banker Frank Sharp. After the scandal, the state legislature passed a law prohibiting candidates for the office of Speaker of the House of Representatives from giving supportive legislators anything of value for their help or support in a campaign for the speakership. The law requires separate campaign finance committees for election as a representative and for the Speaker's race.

In February 1980, as revealed by an FBI investigation, House Speaker Billy Clayton (D-Springlake) accepted (but did not spend) $5,000 intended to influence the awarding of a state employee insurance contract. Because he had not cashed the checks, a federal district court found Clayton innocent of all bribery charges. In January 1981, he was elected to a fourth term as Speaker of the House. After eight years as Speaker, Clayton left the House to become a lobbyist.

In 1991, five-time Speaker Gib Lewis (D-Fort Worth) was indicted on two misdemeanor ethics charges by a Travis County grand jury. Rather than face the possibility of a trial, subjecting him to a stiffer penalty, Lewis agreed to a plea bargain, was fined $2,000, and announced his decision not to seek reelection to the House of Representatives in 1992. He became a successful lobbyist.

Scrutiny also centered on state Representative Tom Craddick (R-Midland). Although Texas law prohibits a Speaker candidate from donating money to House candidates’ elections campaigns, in 2002 Craddick donated $20,000 from his reelection campaign to Campaign for Republican Leadership, a political action committee. In turn, the PAC gave all of its $176,500 to eight GOP House candidates. After Republicans won a majority of House seats, Craddick was elected Speaker in January 2003. Another political action committee, Texans for a Republican Majority (TRMPAC), was organized under the patronage of former U.S. House member Tom DeLay (R-Sugar Land). In 2002, TRMPAC was involved in raising money for GOP candidates seeking seats in the Texas House. Later, in cooperation with DeLay, Speaker Craddick played a major role in the success of a 2003 congressional redistricting effort that resulted in the 2004 election of more Republicans in the Texas delegation to the U.S. House of Representatives.

Learning Check 7.3

1 Name two techniques lobbyists use to influence legislators.

2 Does Texas place limits on PAC contributions to candidates, as the federal government does?

Craddick was not charged with violation of any law, but DeLay and three associates involved with TRMPAC were indicted in 2005 by a Travis County grand jury for money laundering and conspiracy to launder $190,000 of campaign contributions from corporate contributors. After indictment, DeLay was forced to step down as majority leader in the U.S. House of Representatives. In June 2006, while awaiting trial, DeLay resigned from his congressional seat. Convicted and given a three-year sentence in 2011, DeLay remained free on bond during his appeal. His conviction was overturned in September 2013 by the Third Court of Appeals of Texas. Following this judgment, the Travis County District Attorney's Office announced that it would appeal the decision to the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, and the appeal was accepted in March 2014. In October 2014, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals ultimately upheld the Third Court of Appeals' ruling, tossing out the convictions.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-4 Power and Regulation in Interest Group Politics

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-4 Power and Regulation in Interest Group Politics

LO 7.4

Analyze how interest groups are regulated and evaluate the effectiveness of these laws.

Clearly, interest groups play a significant role in Texas politics. They have access to a number of strategies and tactics to influence elections and policy decisions. So, how are interest groups regulated? Are these regulations effective? Do interest groups have too much political influence in shaping public policy?

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-4a Regulation of Interest Group Politics

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-4a Regulation of Interest Group Politics

Prompted by media reports of big spending by lobbyists and a grand jury investigation into influence peddling, in 1991 the 72nd Legislature proposed a constitutional amendment to create the eight-member Texas Ethics CommissionA state agency that enforces state standards for lobbyists and public officials, including registration of lobbyists and reporting of political campaign contributions. to enforce legal standards for lobbyists and public officials. The voters approved the amendment in November of that year, thereby allowing commission members to be appointed by the governor (four members), the lieutenant governor (two members), and the House Speaker (two members). This legislation was initially designed to increase the power of public prosecutors to use evidence that contributions to lawmakers by lobbyists and other individuals are more than mere campaign donations. The legislation also expanded disclosure requirements for lobbyists and legislators, and it put a $500 annual cap on lobbyist-provided food and drink for a lawmaker. The law also bans honoraria (gratuitous payments in recognition of professional services for which there is no legally enforceable obligation to pay) and lobby-paid pleasure trips (unless a legislator makes a speech or participates in a panel discussion). State law also requires public officials to disclose any gifts valued greater than $250 and include a description.

The ethics law defines as illegal any campaign contribution accepted with an agreement to act in the contributor's interest. The problem, however, is the difficulty in proving that a candidate or public official has intentionally accepted a campaign contribution from a particular interest group in exchange for policy benefits. The law also prohibits a candidate or official from receiving a contribution in the Capitol building itself.

Detailed records of political contributions and how this money is spent must be filed with the Texas Ethics Commission between two and seven times each year. These records are open to the public and are available on the commission's website. Candidates for legislative and statewide office are required to file electronic campaign disclosure reports, so that this information can be made instantly available. Current law requires that all candidates file semiannual reports. In contested elections, however, candidates must file itemized contribution and expenditure reports every six months, and 30 days and eight days before the election.

Generally, contributions and expenditures made by candidates in the last two days prior to an election campaign need not be disclosed until the next semiannual report is due. At present, there are no laws in Texas preventing these last-minute contributions by interest groups. Therefore, interest groups can potentially alter the outcome of key races in the few days before the election. It is also not uncommon for special interests to make campaign contributions after the election takes place. Current law prohibits lawmakers and other elected state officials from raising money during the regular legislative session. However, these postelection, or “late train,” donations typically take place immediately following the November election until early December.

On its website, the Texas Ethics Commission lists the names of lobbyists and their clients, as well as payments received by each lobbyist. The commission's records, however, do not give a complete picture. Lobbyists do not have to report exact dollar amounts for their contracts; they only need to indicate ranges. For example, compensation from each client is reported as less than $10,000, and then in $15,000 increments up to more than $500,000. For anything over $500,000, the exact amount is required. In addition, lobbyists are required to notify their clients if they represent two or more groups with competing interests, as well as notify the Texas Ethics Commission about any possible conflicts. This information, however, is not made available to the public or lawmakers.

The Texas Ethics Commission is authorized to hear ethics complaints against state officials, candidates for office, and state employees, though its budget and staff are typically very small and allow only a limited number of reviews each year. For the 2013 year, there were 61 sworn ethics complaints. Most infractions center on penalties against campaign and PAC treasurers who failed to file reports; missed filing deadlines; or provided faulty reports on contributions, earnings, or expenditures. Many infractions center on violations of the Texas Election Code. Fines are assessed by the Ethics Commission on any infractions. On rare occasions, the TEC reviews complaints by state officials against organizations. For instance, in 2014, the Texas Ethics Commission, in response to an official complaint by two Republican lawmakers, issued a subpoena to a conservative group, Empower Texas, to release lists of its donors and its communications with lawmakers, when the group refused to register as a lobbyist and abide by ethics rules. The organization filed suit against the TEC claiming that the subpoena violated its First Amendment rights. A federal district judge refused to quash (set aside) the subpoena. Secret money—some observers refer to it as “dark money”—has become increasingly present in campaign contributions by organizations. One of the more contentious legislative proposals during the 2013 session would have required nonprofit organizations that spend money on political campaigns to disclose the names of their donors. Although the legislature passed the bill, Governor Perry vetoed it.

Reform advocates and others contend that staff members with the commission are restricted from investigating complaints because of strict confidentiality rules that expose them to possible criminal prosecution, fines, and jail time. The complainant must be a Texas resident and be able to demonstrate proof of residency. The complaint must be filed on a form provided by the commission and include information about the respondent and the complainant. Once the complaint has been filed, the commission must immediately attempt to contact the respondent. The Texas Ethics Commission is required to dismiss any Election Code complaint if the respondent claims that the violation was a clerical error and corrects the mistake within two weeks. This requirement effectively weakens the ability of the agency to impose fines for most infractions.

Some observers claim that although some ethics laws are in place, they remain ineffective. Questionable connections between lobbyists and legislators are largely unchecked. For instance, when Governor Perry first took office, he issued a “strict” revolving door lobbying policy for his staff, preventing staff members from leaving their employment to become lobbyists. He drew criticism shortly thereafter, however, when he hired senior staff personnel who had been registered as lobbyists during the preceding legislative session. For many observers, special interests had entered the governor's office through a revolving back door.

Although Texas law prohibits corporations and unions from providing campaign contributions directly to candidates, “soft money” can be directed to state Republican and Democratic party coffers for “administrative expenses.” In light of the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2009), the Texas Ethics Commission issued an advisory opinion stating that corporations and unions are allowed to make expenditures independent of a political candidate, such as paying for political advertising that calls for the election or defeat of candidates, so long as they do not coordinate with the candidate's campaign. In February 2014, the TEC adopted another rule requiring PACs, before they receive donations from corporations or unions, to provide an affidavit that they intend to “act exclusively as a direct expenditure committee.”

As a result of Citizens United, a proliferation of super PACs were created, especially at the federal level. In 2014, Texas's prohibition of super PACs for state elections was overturned by the U.S. Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals. Now, just as under federal law, state super PACs can also raise unlimited sums for independent expenditures. Federal law requires the super PAC to report the names of its donors, unless a nonprofit organization is involved. State law requires the disclosure of the names of all donors regardless of the involvement of a nonprofit organization. During the 2012 presidential primary elections, Rick Perry benefited from these super PACs, especially from one called “Make Us Great Again.” After withdrawing from the Republican presidential nomination race, Perry received approval from the Federal Election Commission to form his own PAC or super PAC with funds remaining from his presidential campaign, or to transfer these funds to his gubernatorial campaign account.

A powerful relationship continues between campaign contributions and policy decisions. For some observers, little has changed since creation of the Texas Ethics Commission, as the system is still set up to favor incumbents. All attempts to significantly reform campaign finance have been defeated. Proposed reforms have included contribution limits for individuals and PACs in legislative and statewide races, as well as full disclosure laws. As the late journalist Molly Ivins pointed out, “Texas is the Wild Frontier of campaign financing.” Campaign contributions are also connected to influential political appointments. During Perry's presidential bid in 2011, media reports revealed that many of his donors received appointments to influential state boards and commissions. Although the regulatory authority of the Texas Ethics Commission was strengthened in 2003 as a part of a review by the Sunset Advisory Commission, many observers argue its powers are inadequate for the job it is intended to perform. (For more information on the Sunset Advisory Commission, see Chapter 10, “Public Policy and Administration.”)

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-4b Interest Group Power and Public Policy

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-4b Interest Group Power and Public Policy

The political influence of interest groups is determined by several factors. Some observers argue that a group with a sizable membership, above average financial resources, a knowledgeable and dedicated leadership, and a high degree of unity (agreement on and commitment to goals among the membership) will be able to exert virtually limitless pressure on governmental decision makers. Others point out that the more the aims of an interest group are consistent with broad-based public beliefs or stem from issue networks, the more likely the group is to succeed and wield significant power. They also observe that if interest groups are well represented in the structure of the government itself, their power will be enhanced materially. Also, it is noted that a structure of weak governments will ordinarily produce strong interest groups.

From a different point of view, others insist that factors external to the group are also highly relevant. Research indicates that a strong relationship exists between the larger socioeconomic conditions in a state and the power of interest groups. These findings have led some observers to conclude that states with high population levels, advanced industrialization, significant per capita wealth, and high levels of formal education are likely to produce relatively weak interest groups and strong political parties. Interestingly, despite a large population, Texas is among the states with strong interest groups and relatively weak political parties. Compared with other states, scholars rank Texas as one of 26 states where interest groups dominate or fluctuate in power over time. The Center for Public Integrity, in its analysis of transparency and accountability of the 50 state governments, graded Texas a D+, ranking it 27th among all states.

Three circumstances explain why states such as Texas may not fit the expected pattern. First, many Texas interest groups are readily accepted because they identify with free enterprise, self-reliance, and other elements of the state's individualistic political culture. Most Texans are predisposed to distrust government and its agents but to trust interest groups and their lobbyists. Second, the century-long one-party Democratic tradition in Texas and the subsequent one-party Republican trend have rendered interparty competition negligible in many counties and districts. Low levels of political participation, along with the absence of strong parties and meaningful competition between parties, has made Texas government vulnerable to the pressures of strong interest groups and their lobbyists. Finally, the Texas Constitution of 1876 and its many amendments have created state and local governments beset by weak, uncoordinated institutions. Faced with a government lacking sufficient strength to offer any real opposition, interest groups often obtain decisions favorable to their causes.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-4c Pinpointing Political Power

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-4c Pinpointing Political Power

Learning Check 7.4

1 True or False: Texas's campaign finance laws often involve public disclosure by public officials and lobbyists.

2 True or False: The Texas Ethics Commission is the primary state agency regulating political contributions and expenditures by lobbyists and public officials.

Assessing the political power and influence that interest groups have in American government is difficult, and determining the extent of their power in Texas is especially complex. There is no simple top-down or bottom-up arrangement. Rather, political decisions (especially policy decisions) are made by a variety of individuals and groups. Some of these decision makers participate in local ad hoc (specific purpose) organizations; others wield influence through statewide groups. Ascertaining which individuals or groups have the greatest influence often depends on the issue or issues involved.

The political influence of any interest group cannot be fairly calculated by looking at the distribution of only one political asset, whether it be money, status, knowledge, organization, sheer numbers, or in today's world, social media capabilities. Nevertheless, we may safely conclude that organized interest groups in Texas often put the unorganized citizenry at a great disadvantage when public issues are at stake.

Selected Reading

Unsung Hero of Civil Rights: “Father of LULAC” a Fading Memory

Hector Saldaña

Mexican American civil rights leader Alonso S. Perales is all but a fading memory for most students of Texas politics. His collected papers, however, are now available to students and researchers. This reading sheds light on a Texas hero and on efforts to preserve Perales's papers for an archival collection in a university repository.

Though he was once hailed as the “Father of LULAC” and a civil rights giant, Alonso S. Perales today is a historical shadow figure, little more than a name frozen on an elementary school building on the West Side [of San Antonio]. Students pass by his portrait daily without much thought, says Perales Elementary School principal Dolores Mena. “The kids know what he looks like, but they don't know what he's done.” “He was a most extraordinary man,” recalls retired County Commissioner and Municipal Court Judge Albert Peña, a friend who says he is perplexed why such a historic leader is forgotten to a generation. “But he was very well known when I knew him.” That was more than 40 years ago. Perales died in 1960 at the age of 61.

A self-made man, highly educated and erudite, Perales was a prolific writer of position papers and books on the second-class status of Mexican Americans, a newspaper columnist, a spokesman at rallies, a foreign diplomat and shaper of laws. He traveled the globe to promote his culture and to fight for its rights—“En defensa de mi raza.” “He was the great intellectual of LULAC,” says Ed Peña, former LULAC national president in Washington, D.C. “He was our Thomas Jefferson.”

In the late 1920s, Perales founded the League of United Latin American Citizens in his image working alongside other activist-philosophers such as J. T. Canales, Ben Garza, M. C. González, Gus García, Carlos Castañeda, George Sánchez, and José Luz Sáenz to shape its goals. Perales delineated that vision in a draft of LULAC bylaws: “To develop within the members of our race the best, purest, and most perfect type of true, loyal citizen of the United States.” “We are going to show the world that we have just and legitimate aspirations, that we have self-pride, dignity, and racial pride; that we have a very high concept of our American citizenship; that we have a great love of our country,” Perales said in a 1943 radio address.

And as politico Romulo Munguia notes, Perales had the wisdom, guts, and skills to “fight the fight in English.” Seventy-five years ago, he declared English “the official language” of LULAC and campaigned for Hispanics to be classified as “white” in the census—actions that rankle modern Latinos, many of whom accuse Perales of elitism in light of today's continuing struggle for equality. But the fiery speaker whose persuasive rhetoric often kept LULAC from splintering also considered certain Anglos the enemy, says one family member. Perales' language in 1929 is blunt: “We shall resist and attack energetically all machinations tending to prevent our social and political unification.” He was the voice of calm, however. “We should pity and not despise those who are yet in darkness,” Perales wrote. Perales was a bridge builder who never forgot where he came from, say those who knew him. His ideas were born of early struggle and poverty.

A dark-skinned Mexican American, Perales was born in Alice in 1898. Orphaned young, he picked cotton in the fields to earn a living and enlisted in the army during World War I. Through guts and determination, and the belief that education could overcome other handicaps, he graduated with a law degree from George Washington University. He passed the Texas State Bar exam in 1925 and became an early civil rights lawyer in San Antonio.

“He was a poor kid that had nothing and it's hard to visualize how he got from this point to that point. He had a vision; he had a dream. I want to say he was like Martin Luther King—but he preceded Martin Luther King,” says Carrizales. To his nephew and namesake, Alonso M. Perales, 77, his uncle was down-to-earth “and a real Tejano.”

In 1931, La Prensa called Perales the one American [who] defends Mexicans. His early radio speeches made clear that Mexicans were “thirsty for justice” and had a rightful place in the society they labored to support. By the mid-'40s, he had documented more than 150 towns in Texas with establishments that barred service to Hispanics and wrote about it in the book, “Are We Good Neighbors?” Throughout the '50s, Perales fought for a living wage for braceros. He opposed restrictive covenants that kept Mexican Americans out of certain neighborhoods; he fought the poll tax. His fight against segregation and for equal rights rivals the work of Martin Luther King, say historians and admirers.…

Yet for all his work on behalf of Mexican Americans, Perales has all but faded from collective memory. “We don't know how to take care of our heroes,” says Dallas attorney José Ángel Gutíerrez, co-founder of La Raza Unida and a guiding light of the Chicano Movement of the '60s and '70s, about Perales’ modern obscurity—which he considers a travesty. “[Perales'] history is there for those who seek it out,” Houston attorney Alfred J. Hernandez says. “This is a deep story about nosotros.” It's a story that can be found in a cache of Perales' personal documents—and that has yet to see the light of day.

Died Too Soon

They say that history belongs to those who write it. Perales' story rests in dozens of moldy boxes once coveted by his widow, a high-strung former opera singer who in later years vacillated between guarding that packaged legacy and threatening to burn the entire lot, says Perales' nephew. The boxes have collected dust since Perales died in 1960. When Marta Perales died a couple of years ago, heirs Raymond Perales and Martha Carrizales—Perales' adopted children—vowed to preserve their father's papers and restore his rightful image. But action has been slow. They eventually asked Henry Cisneros' politically savvy uncle, printer Ruben Munguia, to help sort mountains of pioneering material.…

It was Ruben Munguia's last great undertaking, his brother says. He worked meticulously sorting the delicate treasure of documents at his draft table at his Buena Vista Street print shop “because he liked to be around all the action,” says Ruben Munguia's daughter Mary Perales. Since his death, the project has languished. Brother and sister do what they can in their spare time. As Carrizales pours over reams of her father's delicate documents, she gushes, “It's like learning about a character in history.” Perales' collection is voluminous.… Historian and University of Texas associate professor Emilio Zamora agrees and urged the family to deposit the papers at the Mexican American Library Program at the University of Texas because of its “unmatched historical value.” In 2001, he wrote to Carrizales: “I honestly believe that Perales is the most important Mexican American leader of the 20th century.” Zamora cites Perales' prominence as an author, diplomat, and LULAC officer, and his ties to Latino organizations, civic service, and civil rights activism. “Not only within the Mexican American community, but I think he's a major civil rights leader of the nation,” Zamora says.

That the materials are still out of the hands of researchers is a serious issue, he says. There is also a fear that the integrity of the collection could be unintentionally undermined and lose research value. “Anyone who's involved in archival collection will tell you that a collection of that immense value has to be deposited somewhere and processed and then made available for researchers,” Zamora says. His hope is that the University of Texas gets them (“It's the natural home,” he says) because Perales' contemporaries are archived there.…

Not Really “Radical”

“My mother was a radical and marched with César Chavez,” says Carrizales. “Of course, she could afford that. She was bourgeois. My father wouldn't have agreed with the ’60s.” Certainly Perales’ words from the late ’20s—”We shall oppose any radical and violent demonstration which may tend to create conflicts and disturb the peace and tranquility of our country”—had no place in the Chicano Movement. “He was a realist,” says Chicano leader Gutiérrez, who notes that the FBI's surveillance of LULAC started because of Perales' overseas activities. “It was very dangerous to be an activist Mexican at that time, very dangerous. You could lose your life, and people did. This was not a time to stand up and be radical, and what he was doing was perceived to be radical.”

Zamora argues that Perales' great achievement was taking the cause of Mexican Americans to international forums. Perales spoke at international conferences; he appealed for nations to put pressure on the United States for Mexican American equal rights. Perales participated in founding meetings of the United Nations in 1945. “At that meeting, he again included the Mexican American in the deliberations of human rights,” Zamora explains.

“He was an extraordinary man. If we had him today, I'm telling you, he'd be up in front. And he'd be shaking stuff,” Zamora says. “He had conservative ideas, but some of his ideas for that time were pretty radical. He had so much courage and intellect. His stamina and sense of civic responsibility was just tremendous.” Many say that the true value of the Perales papers is to put his “conservative” activism in perspective. “It was a very primitive democracy for us,” LULAC historian Peña adds. “He was visible when there were very few (Mexican Americans) that were visible.” …

He outlined his views in October 1931 in a position paper, “El Mexico Americano y la Politica del Sur Texas.” “If we want to accelerate our political evolution, it's imperative that we change the system,” wrote Perales, who argued that self education on issues was more important than party affiliation.

In his eyes, pulling a voting lever blindly was akin to a sin: “It's one thing to vote and know what you're voting for, but it's another thing to do it because someone ordered you to do it and who to vote for,” he wrote in Spanish. And though he fought against the poll tax, he urged Latinos to pay it and participate. Former Houston judge Hernandez says that Perales is responsible “for Mexican Americans coming of age” because he was willing to enter un nido de viboras (the viper's nest) of an often-racist Texas legal system.…

Lost History

It was only in the '70s that major universities became interested in collecting the papers of major Latino figures. In some cases, that was more than 50 years too late. “Man, I could tell you some stories that would make you cry about stuff we've lost,” Zamora says from Austin. “We're lacking in the telling of the story because the historical record is not readily available,” Zamora adds.

Sociologist and Mexican American studies expert Avelardo Valdez at the University of Houston says that Perales is “part of a constellation of lost figures” in the Mexican American experience. “It's highly significant and important that these kinds of papers are found, and that they be archived and that we have access to them,” says Valdez, adding that the find will show “Perales' founding generation was much more progressive than our generation today. It took a lot of guts to be organizing political organizations in the 1920s and ’30s in South Texas.”

Carrizales says her ultimate dream is that researchers will restore her father's legacy. “He was an activist for human dignity—like César Chavez, like Martin Luther King,” Carrizales says. “He needs to be recognized, not glorified, for his efforts. History must do him justice. People need a full cup of information.”

Selected Reading Learning Check

1 True or False: Perales founded LULAC in the 1920s and is considered the “Father of LULAC.”

2 True or False: The purpose of the archival collection is to preserve Perales's personal papers and works in a university repository.

Source: The Houston Chronicle by HOUSTON CHRONICLE PUBLISHING CO.. Reproduced with permission of HOUSTON CHRONICLE PUBLISHING CO. in the format Republish in a book via Copyright Clearance Center.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-5 Chapter Review

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

7-5 Chapter Review

7-5a Conclusion

As we have learned, there are numerous interest groups in Texas. They exert tremendous influence over public decisions at all levels and in all branches of government. Some interest groups, however, have more influence than others. They participate in an assortment of activities and use a variety of techniques to influence government. What's more, few, if any, regulations effectively control the power of interest groups in Texas. These factors suggest that interest groups will continue to play a significant role in Texas politics for years to come.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-5b Chapter Summary

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

Chapter Review

7-5b Chapter Summary

· LO 7.1  Explain what interest groups are, why they form, and what their essential characteristics are.

· Interest groups act on behalf of their members to influence policy decisions made by government officials. Various factors foster interest group formation or effectiveness, such as legal and cultural reasons, a decentralized government, and the strength of the party system and political ideologies. Interest group participation influences public policy at all levels and within each branch (legislative, executive, judicial) of Texas government. Involvement in an interest group provides members with information and opportunities to become active in the political process. Interest groups vary by organizational pattern, membership, and leadership.

· LO 7.2  Describe the types of interest groups and analyze the qualities of a powerful interest group.

· In general, all interest groups at all levels of government can be classified according to their interests, membership, and the public policies they advocate. Among the types of interest groups that are trying to influence government policies and policymakers are those interested in economic issues, the professions, public employment matters, social issues, and the public good. Some interest groups are more powerful than others when one considers their financial resources and success rates within the legislature.

· LO 7.3  Evaluate the kinds of activities that interest groups use to influence Texas government.

· Interest groups are involved in all types and areas of political activity. They serve various functions, which include recruiting candidates for public office, shaping consensus on issues, and providing an outlet for concerned citizens. To influence policy decisions, interest groups use several techniques, including lobbying, personal communication, giving favors and gifts, grassroots activities, electioneering, campaign financing by political action committees (PACs), and, in extreme cases, resorting to bribery and other unethical or illegal practices.

· LO 7.4  Analyze how interest groups are regulated and evaluate the effectiveness of these laws.

· An eight-member Texas Ethics Commission is charged with enforcing legal standards for lobbyists and public officials. Although money is a powerful influence over policy decisions, the state only limits campaign contribution amounts for judicial candidates and places few other restrictions on donations. Texas's campaign finance laws are best characterized as involving public disclosure by public officials, lobbyists, and PACs.

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Chapter 7: The Politics of Interest Groups: 7-5c Key Terms

Book Title: Practicing Texas Politics

Printed By: Ali Hussain G Almutlaq ([email protected])

Chapter Review

7-5c Key Terms

· interest groupAn organization that seeks to influence government officials and their policies on behalf of members sharing common views and objectives (e.g., labor union or trade association).

· right of associationThe U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that this right is part of the right of assembly guaranteed by the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution and that it protects the right of people to organize into groups for political purposes.

· decentralized governmentDecentralization is achieved by dividing power between national and state governments and separating legislative, executive, and judicial branches at both levels.

· organizational patternThe structure of a special interest group. Some interest groups have a decentralized pattern of organization (e.g., the AFL-CIO, with many local unions). Others are centralized (e.g., the National Rifle Association, which is a national body with a group operating in Texas).

· group leadershipIndividuals who guide the decisions of interest groups. Leaders of groups tend to have financial resources that permit them to contribute money and devote time to group affairs.

· economic interest groupInterest groups that exist primarily to promote their members' economic self-interest. Trade associations and labor unions are classified as economic interest groups because they are organized to promote policies that will maximize profits and wages.