Balancing Career and Family The Nigerian Woman‘s Experience.

Balancing Career and Family: The Nigerian Woman‘s Experience

Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study

Introduction

Many Nigerian women are trapped in the dilemma of how to reconcile career

advancement in management and leadership positions with family commitments

(Animasahun & Oladeni, 2012). An increasing number of Nigerian women seek higher

education and career development (Davison & Burke, 2011; Kahkha, Kahrazeh, &

Armesh, 2014; National Bureau of Statistics, 2011), but the pace of career advancement

is still very slow (Animasahun & Oladeni, 2012). Gender statistics from the National

Bureau of Statistics (2011) show a significant gain of 44% in the enrollment of women in

education, while only about 25% are engaged in the labor force and 14% in managerial

and executive positions. The majority of the women in the labor force occupy

nonexecutive positions (Vyas-Doorgapersad, 2011). In an effort to promote female

participation in governance and executive positions, the Nigerian government in 2011

signed a policy of 35% affirmative action for female representation in governance

(Ejumudo, 2013). This policy was in line with the Nigerian government‘s millennium

development goals of promoting gender equality and empowerment of women in Nigeria

(Ejumudo, 2013; Kolawole, Abubakar, Owonibi, & Adebayo, 2012).

Although increased awareness and support for women‘s involvement in the

economic and societal spheres have led to developments in equality in Nigeria and more

women occupying executive positions, the challenge of balancing career and family

remains a major impediment to the advancement of Nigerian women (Animasahun &

Oladeni, 2012; Davison & Burke, 2011; Kahkha et al., 2014). Nigeria has a population of

167 million people (Kale & Doguwa, 2015; National Bureau of Statistics, 2011). The

country requires the management skills of women, in addition to men, for sustained

development for the growth of its population (Kahka et al., 2014).

Background of the Problem

Women can ascend to and excel in leadership roles when in an environment that

enables them to do so, as women have the capacity to transform resources into economic

power (Burke & Mattis, 2013; Davison & Burke, 2011; Kahkha et al., 2014).

Unfortunately, the conflict between career advancement and family roles hinders the

career development of most Nigerian women (Kahkha et al., 2014). Women continually

face the challenges of being mothers, spouses, role models, and employees (Agi, 2014).

Women‘s multiple roles as mothers, wives, and breadwinners constrain their full

involvement in business, creating a need for an enabling environment that encourages

their participation in economic development (Kahkha et al., 2014). In Nigeria, cultural

beliefs about gender, such as the belief that women have the primary responsibility for

domestic roles, preclude women‘s entrance into and full participation in the workforce,

particularly managerial roles (Okonkwo, 2013). Moreover, cultural models of agency and

the communal disposition of women are often biased against women because the

communal model is perceived as a poor fit with managerial criteria (Braun, Peus, & Frey,

2012).

One problem hindering this development is that women are not well represented

in the policy making process, especially in issues of business and manpower development

(Kahkha et al., 2014). Despite the amendment to the Nigerian constitution in 1999 that

stipulated that women will have equal rights to participate in office, statistics representing

women in politics and government are grim, while conditions of women have been

punctuated by poverty and cultural dislocation (Nyewusira & Nweke, 2014). In addition,

many laws, such as the terms and conditions of service for National Drug Law

Enforcement Agency, state that all female officers must be unmarried and remain so for a

period no less than 2 years (Nyewusira & Nweke, 2014). An unmarried female officer

who becomes pregnant may be discharged under this law, which clearly inhibits career

advancement and a balance of career success and growing a family (Nyewusira &

Nweke, 2014). According to Nyewusira and Nweke (2014), the laws that discriminate

against women are exhaustive and compound challenges women face in the workplace

along with their family responsibilities.

Conversely, the Nigerian federal government established several programs to

support women‘s entrance into the workforce. For example, the National Economic

Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS) program, enacted in 2004, aimed to

reduce poverty and assist women, particularly those with low income (Okoyeuzu,

Obiamaka, & Onwumere, 2012). Regarding political representation, the government also

passed the National Gender Policy in 2006 and Vision 2020 in 2010 (CITE). Still, with all

these measures in place, the difficulty creating gender equality in Nigeria is largely in

implementation of equality laws (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012).

Issues in implementation of equality laws exist in several industries in Nigeria,

including construction, banking, telecommunication, aviation, oil and gas, manufacturing,

and mining (Kolade & Kehinde, 2013). Moreover, in other industries, such as health care,

women have difficulties achieving positions of power because of cultural biases (Kolade

& Kehinde, 2013; Okonkwo, 2013). Often, men receive educational, political, and

economic opportunities even when women are more qualified; these limitations restrict

the capabilities of women to improve their monetary and economic standing (Okonkwo,

2013). Even in the field of education, in which the majority of teachers are women, men

dominate the administration and managerial jobs (Kolade & Kehinde, 2013).

Women may experience conflict in pursuing their careers based on their home

obligations (Agi, 2014; McIntosh, McQuaid, Munro, & Dabir-Alai, 2012). Generally,

motherhood tends to reduce a woman‘s ability to pursue her career because of the need

for a flexible schedule and increased demands of childcare; this effect can persist even

after a woman no longer has childrearing duties (McIntosh et al., 2012). If a woman does

choose a career over her home responsibilities, then her marriage may suffer (Agi, 2014).

For example, rising dissolution of marriage rates in Rivers State demonstrated evidence

that marriages in Nigeria are suffering from women‘s dedication to their careers (Agi,

2014). These changes may result from women attempting to split their time and energy

between home duties and work (Agi, 2014). In addition, work-family conflicts can result

in significant physical and mental health issues (Jawahar, Kisamore, Stone, & Rahn,

2012; Schieman & Glavin, 2011). Nevertheless, the number of women in managerial

positions is increasing, because women make effective managers (Tajudeen & Adebayo,

2013). This momentum of women in positions of power tends to create more

opportunities for other women to advance to top levels in the future (Tajudeen &

Adebayo, 2013).

Most studies pertaining to women in management focus on work-life balance and

gender inequality (Kolade & Kehinde, 2013; Mordi, Adedoyin, & Ajonbadi, 2011; Ojo,

2011; Olufemi & David, 2011). These studies show there is a gap in literature regarding

the experiences of Nigerian women and their changing roles in management careers with

family responsibilities. Researchers have observed this dearth of literature and research

on the experience of African women in management and have called for the acceleration

of studies on the knowledge of the experience of African women in management (Mordi,

Mmieh, & Ojo, 2013; Nkomo & Ngambi, 2013). The purpose of this qualitative

phenomenological study was to explore the lived experiences of Nigerian women

regarding challenges and strategies in management and leadership positions in relation to

their domestic lives and responsibilities. My exploration included how Nigerian women

handle management and leadership positions; whether they succeed in both home and

professional spheres; and how they perceive their roles as managers, including potential

obstacles to their success.

Problem Statement

The general problem was that there is little knowledge regarding the experiences

of management and leadership positions for Nigerian women. Nigeria is experiencing

rapid growth in the number of women joining the labor force, as women become more

career-oriented (Animasahun & Oladeni, 2012) and less restricted in their professional

pursuits. There is an increasing call for African women‘s participation in economic and

political development; therefore, there has been a dramatic shift in the traditional role of

women in Nigeria from family caretaking to the multiple roles of pursuing career and

family responsibilities (Kahka et al., 2014; Nkomo & Ngambi, 2013). The percentage of

women occupying executive positions in the Nigerian workplace remains low, suggesting

that barriers to their entry to higher level positions may exist (Fakeye, George, &

Owoyemi, 2012). The specific problem was the lack of research on the lived experiences

of women in management positions in Nigeria regarding barriers in relation to their

domestic lives and responsibilities and strategies to overcome these barriers. There are

many challenges that women face in management positions in Nigeria; therefore, other

women in the workforce need access to the information they can provide to be similarly

successful. It is important to explore how Nigerian women experience management and

leadership positions in relation to their domestic lives and responsibilities to gain

information for the women looking to enter the professional sphere in Nigeria.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore the lived

experiences of Nigerian women regarding challenges and strategies in management and

leadership positions in relation to their domestic lives and responsibilities. In this study, I

used purposeful sampling of 15 Nigerian women in executive positions that also had

families to understand how they coped with the emotional, social, cultural, and financial

aspects of being a provider and having an active role in family life. I collected these

perceptions as these women described their lived experiences in semistructured

interviews. The results of this study could contribute to social change by providing

necessary information that addresses how Nigerian women perceive their roles in

management and leadership positions as they grapple with the challenges of pursuing a

career and maintaining their families, thereby informing organizational practices and

policymaking. This information can help determine how women perform and are

evaluated as managers, which can influence hiring practices and effect positive social

change by allowing women to enter the Nigerian workforce more successfully.

Research Question

I developed the following research question to guide this study: What are the

lived experiences of executive Nigerian women regarding challenges and strategies in

management and leadership positions with relation to their domestic lives and

responsibilities?

Conceptual Framework

The conceptual framework for this study consisted of the liberal feminist theory

and social feminist theory advanced by Inmyxai and Takahashi (2011). These theories

focus on the promotion of the importance of women and their critical role in economic

and societal development. Specifically, researchers in this field strive to highlight the

inequalities experienced by women (Akujobi, 2011). These theorists defined success from

both economic and other societal, family, and biological responsibilities (Inmyxai &

Takahashi, 2011). According to Inmyxai and Takahashi, economic and noneconomic

terms should comprise firm performance measures, specifically with respect to female

managers or entrepreneurs, who see success in economic and hierarchal terms. However,

a longstanding critique of feminist theories is that they underrepresent the experiences of

non-Western women (Roberts, 1983).

In addition, research related to gendered leadership expectations provided

explanatory significance. Initially, Eagly and Johnson (1990) theorized that some

differences between the genders could exist regarding leadership style, including

increased motivational leadership and decreased authoritarianism. However, subsequent

researchers demonstrated that leadership differences may stem only from cultural

expectations of the genders, rather than inborn personality traits (Agezo & Hope, 2011;

Bevelander & Page, 2011; Eagly & Karau, 2002). Moreover, these gendered expectations,

researchers argued, could potentially contribute to the lack of opportunities provided for

women in leadership positions (Bevelander & Page, 2011; McIntosh et al., 2012). Like

other organizational researchers, Nkomo and Ngambi (2013) highlighted the scarcity of

literature on the experience of the African women in management compared to women in

Western countries. Researchers called for an acceleration of research on the experience of

African women in management and leadership because of the paucity of literature on this

topic (Alhassan & Akudugu, 2012; Fakeye et al., 2012; Kahkha et al.,

2014; Nkomo & Ngambi, 2013).

Nature of the Study

I designed this qualitative phenomenological study to assess the perceptions and

lived experiences of executive Nigerian women with families. Phenomenological

researchers remove preconceptions and create research questions to build the body of

research (Anfara & Mertz, 2014; Moustakas, 1994). According to Moustakas (1994), the

purpose of the phenomenological approach is to attain the essence of the phenomenon

under study by exploring the lived experiences of individuals. A quantitative approach

was not appropriate for this study because of the lack of well-established information on

this topic for verification and the need for in depth study of the perceptions of individuals

(see Anfara & Mertz, 2014).

For this study, the phenomenon of interest was the experience of being both an

executive and caretaker for a family, and my focus was on the perceptions of Nigerian

women in these dual roles. These women shared their experiences with balancing home

and work duties, discussed how these experiences affect their perceptions of gender roles,

and explored the hardships and advantages they face in transitioning into a career. Using

Moustakas‘ (1994) methodological model allowed for an increased understanding of how

working Nigerian women balance their work and home responsibilities and how others

may use these perceptions to facilitate social change.

This study included interviews with 15 Nigerian women. The participants were

professionals and executives from both public and private sectors of the Nigerian

economy. I used semistructured interviews with open-ended questions as a data collection

method to elicit information from the purposefully-selected participants and observed and

interviewed them in a real life setting as they shared their lived experiences.

Definitions

Balance: The state of stability or equality (Haas, 1953). Balance in work and life

means that an individual‘s work life is separate from an individual‘s personal life, and

neither role takes away from the other (Greenhaus, Collins, & Shaw, 2003).

Career: The progression of a person‘s employment experience over time

(Cappellen & Jannsenns, 2005).

Culture: The internal uniformity in terms of values, beliefs, and ideas that

characterize a particular group and the way they behave (Rathje, 2009).

Executive women: This term encompasses women who have taken up different

supervisory positions for at least a decade and includes CEOs, presidents, supervisors,

business owners, and managers (James, 2010). To this end, executive women are women

who have held key supervisory or managerial positions in the work place for a

considerable length of time, have attained significant influence in the workplace, and

have also achieved financial accomplishment (James, 2010).

Family: A group of individuals linked together by biological or legal relations

(Koerner & Fitzpatrick, 2011).

Feminism: An equal approach to rights, which advocates for equal rights for men

and women and aims to end all social and cultural inequality between men and women

(Midden, 2010). Feminism involves providing equal opportunities for both men and

women in education and the workplace (James, 2010).

Glass ceiling: The invisible barrier or barriers that block women from obtaining

the most senior positions in the corporate world. The glass ceiling prevents women from

moving into the executive levels of corporations worldwide (Thomas, 2013).

Interrole conflict: A similar term to work-family conflict as both define the stress

of coping with family responsibilities and work duties. When these two roles are at odds

or one takes more time than another, often the individual performing both roles may

suffer deteriorating health, negative consequences at work, high levels of stress, or

difficulties in family life (Diraz, Ortlepp, & Greyling, 2003).

Tradition: A set of ideas, beliefs, culture, and genealogy that are passed down

from one generation to the next through either oral or written forms (Green, 1997).

Sense of coherence (SOC): An orientation of confidence toward external stimuli

with a permanent cognitive structure that develops from birth to age 30 (Diraz et al.,

2003). Those with low SOC tend to feel more distressed and have difficulty coping with

challenging circumstances (Diraz et al., 2003).

Work-family conflict: The time constraints in fulfilling both roles in the home and

as an employee, which can lead to stress, health consequences, unfavorable employment

outcomes, and destabilized family life (Diraz et al., 2003; Schieman & Glavin, 2011).

Assumptions

In this study, I assumed that women in Africa, and particularly women in Nigeria,

are facing serious conflict in trying to maintain a satisfying level of equilibrium in their

work life and family life. In other words, many believe that when a woman tries to

achieve success at work and with family, something is sacrificed (Kahkha et al., 2014). I

also assumed that factors that influence success for women include government policy,

family and community support, and business support services (Kahkha et al., 2014). A

further assumption I made for this study was that because of these challenges and

conflicts women experience, there is a scarcity of executive and professional women in

the workplace and a glass ceiling stunts the careers of most women in Nigeria (Thomas,

2013).

Several additional assumptions were required. I further assumed that the few

women who advanced in their careers and occupy executive positions are also actively

and effectively engaged like men in both the public and private sectors. A further

assumption was that the qualitative phenomenological methodology I used would elicit

complex information about the experiences of the challenges executive women face while

trying to juggle their dual roles.

Scope and Delimitations

For the purpose of the study, I conducted semistructured interviews with 15

Nigerian women in management and leadership roles. I included executive women in the

study that occupied managerial positions in the public and private sectors in Nigeria and

who were married with a husband and children. Through in-depth interviews, I gathered

the perceptions of these women, including their experiences with gender roles,

workfamily conflict, challenges to entering their positions, and advantages. Therefore, the

scope of this study revealed how women in Nigeria try to maintain a balance between

their career roles and family commitments. I also identified the strategies and approaches

these women have adopted and implemented in trying to maintain a balance between the

workplace and the home.

The scope of the study involved several parameters. The purpose of the study was

to gauge the perceptions of Nigerian women in management and leadership roles; only

women who fulfilled these requirements were included in the purposeful sample.

Therefore, I excluded the perceptions of women in other African countries and women in

Nigeria who participate in the workforce but had not received promotion to leadership

roles or do not have families. Another group I excluded based on the study design was

men, who may also experience the effects of work-family conflicts. However, because of

the lack of information regarding the particular population I explored in thisstudy, as well

as the need for in-depth information regarding the specific group targeted, these

delimitations were necessary.

Limitations

The particular design of the study resulted in some potential limitations, which I

endeavored to mitigate whenever possible. The first potential limitation was the use of a

purposeful sample. By including specific parameters on participants‘ selection, including

female sex, location in Nigeria, and occupation in a leadership or management role, I may

have precluded responses that would have provided explanatory value to the

phenomenon. However, under the assumption that women in these roles would have the

best insight into these experiences, I nevertheless chose this sampling. Throughout the

study, I acknowledged the limitations of the chosen sample and avoided applying these

perspectives to other groups. Furthermore, the sample was limited to a particular

geographic area in Nigeria. Together, these limitations may reduce the transferability of

the study.

An additional limitation of the study was the phenomenological method. My use

of the phenomenological method on a limited number of women in a particular sphere of

life was subject to some elements of subjectivity and bias and may limit the

transferability of the outcome of the study to just executive women in the Nigerian work

place. In order to limit potential researcher bias, I employed member checking,

bracketing, and data saturation to ensure the credibility of the findings to the best of my

ability, in line with researchers‘ recommendations (Anderson, 2010, Kornbluh, 2015).

Significance of Study

The general significance of the study was that the results provided insight into the

perceptions and lived experiences of executive Nigerian women who balance family with

career responsibilities. Currently, there is a lack of information regarding women in

leadership roles in African contexts (Mordi et al., 2013; Nkomo & Ngambi, 2013). The

findings of this study may have significance for practice, theory, and social change.

Significance to Practice

The results of this study have significance to practice in that the lack of

information on the topic currently leads to potential losses in the workforce because of

women being unable to participate. The findings of this study provide a framework for

both public and private sectors in understanding the need for a sustainable workplace

(Shoemaker, Brown, & Barbour, 2011). Through the results of the study, I also provide

information for employers and women seeking advancement in the workforce by

highlighting laws and policies that hinder women‘s progress, social and cultural

constraints that women must cope with, as well as logistic daily challenges women face

in economic and societal development in Nigeria. By gaining insights into the lived

experiences of women in leadership positions, upper management may have the

opportunity to solicit more women and improve their experiences. In this manner,

Nigerian businesses can meet the standards for practice in hiring and promoting women

established by the government (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012).

Significance to Theory

The results also provide an extension of the theories that compose the conceptual

framework. The fact remains that researchers have failed to fully explore the experience

of the Nigerian women in management. To this end, researchers have called for studies on

the experience of African women in management to encourage women‘s career

advancement while maintaining a balance between career and family (Alhassan &

Akudugu, 2012; Animasahun & Oladeni, 2012; Nkomo & Ngambi, 2013). My findings

may contribute to social and liberal feminist theory by highlighting an area of disparity

for women, and therefore, promoting the first steps in positive change for women in

Nigeria. For gendered workplace theories, the experiences of the participants may allow

for additional explanation of the biases experienced by women as well as the strategies

used to overcome these barriers to their success, including work-family conflicts.

Partially, my aim was to bridge a gap in the literature about the experience of Nigerian

women in balancing career and family and to provide opportunities for further research.

Significance to Social Change

The study findings may also have significance for social change. Alhassan and

Akudugu (2012) posited the economic status of women as the key variable to the solution

of the poverty crisis in Africa and other poor nations of the world. The need for the active

involvement of women in the economic and developmental activities in Nigeria is

imperative as many Nigerians are still living in abject poverty; Ali-Akpajiak and Pyke

(2003) revealed that 70% of Nigerians lived below the poverty line. Although an

increasing number of women have joined the workforce in Nigeria, many laws that work

against women hamper progress, which means the climate in the workforce is not as

conducive to promoting progress of women as it is for men (Nyewusira & Nweke, 2014).

The results of this study also provide insight and understanding on the strategies

selected executive women use in managing family responsibilities without hindering their

career advancement. Stakeholders can use this information to encourage other women to

make informed decisions about their careers and family responsibilities and to affect

change in the structure of the workplace, government policies, community structure, and

cultural climate. Policy changes that accommodate and recognize women‘s dual roles in

the home and as employees could help women maintain careers in higher-wage earning

jobs and in more prestigious positions. Most importantly, the results of this study can

serve as a basis for the social and cultural change of expectations for women in the

workplace in Nigeria. This change may emerge by challenging current views that mothers

cannot be productive employees, while providing the information employers and other

institutions need to fully accommodate Nigerian women in the workforce.

Summary

In this qualitative, phenomenological study, I explored the experience of Nigerian

women balancing career and family. I used semistructured interviews of 15 executive

women to understand how Nigerian women manage the challenges of balancing career

and family commitments. In this study, I explored the conflicts and the challenges women

face as they encounter difficulties in a work climate that is still developing to support

working women effectively. Even though there is widely published literature about work-

life balance, researchers have not paid sufficient attention to the challenges Nigerian

women face in trying to balance career and family.

In this chapter, I identified the nature and scope of the problem, the purpose and

the significance of the study, and the implications for social change. Definitions of key

terms, assumptions, and the scope and limitations of the study were also included. In

Chapter 2, I will focus on the review of different literature surrounding the study topic. In

the literature review, I will provide the background necessary for the scope of the

research and also include the traditional roles of Nigerian women juxtaposed with their

modern roles. In Chapter 3, I will describe the research methodology and data collection

tools. In Chapter 4, I will provide the analysis and results from data collected during

interviews. Last, Chapter 5 will include my recommendations for future research on the

topic and the conclusions I drew based on the results.

Chapter 2: Literature Review

Introduction

The changing role of women in past decades has meant that women negotiate

roles between career and family; more Nigerian women are seeking higher education and

career advancement (Animasahun & Oladeni, 2012; Davison & Burke, 2011; Kahkha et

al., 2014; National Bureau of Statistics, 2011). The changing roles of women in Nigeria

are observable from traditionally-assigned roles as wives and mothers to providers

(Bankole & Adeyeri, 2014). Nigerian working women do more than supplement family

income; instead, these women act as providers, necessitating entrance into the labor

market and advancement in the workplace (Bankole & Adeyeri, 2014). However, the

conflict between career and family persists (Kahkha et al., 2014). The challenges of

working on the multiple tasks of providing for the family, seeking career development,

and attending to family responsibilities has hindered the career advancement of Nigerian

women (Nkomo & Ngambi, 2013). However, few researchers have focused on

environmental factors that affect women‘s participation in business (Kahkha et al., 2014).

The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore the lived

experiences of Nigerian women regarding challenges and strategies in management and

leadership positions in relation to their domestic lives and responsibilities. This chapter

will include a synthesis of research on how Nigerian women cope with the pressures of

these dual roles, how family duties affect career progress, and whether they succeed in

both home and professional spheres. The chapter will also include information on the

changing face of the Nigerian workforce and economy as well as the perceived conflicts

in women expanding their influence in the workforce.

Literature Search Strategy

I obtained the literature compiled for this review through comprehensive online

library search methods. A librarian assisted me by determining the best search

methodology and helped generate ideas regarding keywords to search. Among the journal

databases searched, those which generated the most applicable results were SAGE,

JSTOR, EBSCO, Wiley, and Elsevier. I searched a multitude of other databases

throughout the process as well. Prior to generating the returns, I selected the

peerreviewed feature, ensuring that all of the literature generated would fit this

designation; therefore, the literature review consists of 52 articles, of which 46 (88.5%)

are peer reviewed.

I reviewed current literature containing empirical research in the relevant areas.

Such articles appear in a wide range of publications, such as the Journal of African

Business, Gender & Behavior, Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management,

International Journal of Academic Research, International Labour Review, Asia Pacific

Management Review, African and Asian Studies, Progress in Development Studies,

International Journal of Leadership in Education, Journal of Research in Peace, Gender

and Development, Iranian Journal of Management Studies, Library Philosophy and

Practice, Review of African Political Economy, Educational Research and Review, and

Gender Management. I identified articles through searches conducted through Google

Scholar with a preference for peer-reviewed journals and through Internet search engines,

such as Google and Scirus, with a filter applied for peer-reviewed journals. Additionally,

once key authors emerged, I reviewed the corpus of their works for other relevant research,

and other works cited by those authors. Keyword search terms included gender equality,

culture of equality in Nigeria, women in executive positions, women in Nigerian

workforce, glass ceiling in Nigeria, career planning for Nigerian women, Nigerian women,

and traditional roles of women in Nigeria.

Conceptual Framework

Liberal feminism and social feminism served as the conceptual framework for this

study and as a foundation that explains the importance of women and their critical role in

economic and societal development (see Fischer, Reuber, & Dyke, 1993). Researchers

defined liberal feminism as the assumption that both genders are equally capable of

rational behavior (Fischer et al., 1993). Liberal feminism explains the differences in the

achievements of men and women by noting that women have not fully realized their full

capabilities because they did not receive opportunities, such as an education (Fischer et

al., 1993). Researchers have described social feminism as the difference in experiences

between genders from the earliest moments of life, which result in different ways of

seeing the world (Fischer et al., 1993). This consists of defining female experiences as

equally valid for developing knowledge and organizing society (Fischer et al., 1993).

Also, according to social feminism, female entrepreneurs differ from male entrepreneurs

in levels of assertion, with males tending to be more assertive and desiring to lead, while

women tend to be more communal and selfless (Eagly & Wood, 1991; Fischer et al.,

1993).

A gap between male and female entrepreneurs exists as differences in levels of

education and experience, which can lead to differences in professional performance

(Inmyxai & Takahasdhi, 2011). Also, according to the same researchers, participation in

networks differs by men and women, and this is important because networks can be

useful links for entrepreneurs for sales through personal contact, leading to improved

performance (Inymxai & Takahasdhi, 2011). Women network differently, and these

differences in communication styles according to gender may be why male networks

often exclude women (Inmyxai & Takahasdhi, 2011).

According to Inmyxai and Takahasdhi (2011), network styles can contribute

differences to in the performance of male and female managers. Women in the formal

business sector are often inhibited by patriarchal tendencies and, as a result, this leaves

women outside preferred social clubs where businessmen congregate (Spring, 2009).

Also according to Spring (2009), despite activism, gender disparities still exist. As

women negotiate roles between career and family and seek higher education and career

advancement, the social climate and a political system does not adequately promote or

support women in the workplace but rather places women in traditional roles, challenging

them (Inmyxai & Takahashi, 2011).

McIntosh et al. (2012) noted that most mothers do not have a strong commitment

to a career after having children. This change is most likely because the family was the

constructed, enforced, and legitimized gender role (McIntosh et al., 2012). Specifically,

when the man is held up as the provider and head of household and the woman provided

with the options of mother and nurturer, then a pervasive cultural model emerges that

precludes a woman‘s participation and pursuance of her career (McIntosh et al., 2012).

Furthermore, McIntosh et al. (2012) proposed that this cultural model could limit a

woman‘s ambition and perceptions of the opportunities that are available to her, leading

to a cultural stigma against women in the workplace, including lessened expectations and

lessened promotion opportunities.

These traditional roles may also translate to expectations of women‘s leadership

styles and behaviors in the workplace (Agezo & Hope, 2011). According to a

gendercentered perspective of leadership, individual attributes vary with respect to sex

(Agezo & Hope, 2011). Moreover, researchers who subscribed to gendered expectations

of women‘s leadership behaviors posited that women develop a style of leadership

characterized by caring, making intuitive decisions, and that women view leadership from

a nonhierarchical perspective, while men adopt a style of leadership that is dominating

and task-oriented (Agezo & Hope, 2011). This type of behavior from women in

leadership roles is characterized by cooperativeness, collaboration, lower control for the

leader, as well as problem-solving based on intuition, empathy, and rationality

(Agezo & Hope, 2011).

In their seminal study, Eagly and Johnson (1990) stated that gender differences

exist in leadership style and that female leaders emphasize both interpersonal relations

and task accomplishments. The researchers contended that women were more

interpersonal and task-oriented and that female managers were more democratic than

male managers were, while the male managers had a tendency to be autocratic (Eagly &

Johnson, 1990). Nevertheless, Stoker, Van der Velde, and Lammers (2012) stated that the

traditional stereotype of an effective manager as being masculine persists.

Conversely, Agezo and Hope (2011) noted that women delegate less than men, but

no statistical differences existed in their directives. In leadership behavior, men and

women leaders differed only in inspirational motivation (Agezo & Hope, 2011).

Snaebjornsson and Edvardsson (2012) noted that even though it is conventionally

accepted that men and women are similar in managerial roles, women are treated

differently than men. Specifically, women have limited access to managerial positions,

especially high level leadership roles, are paid less, and are subject to subtle

discriminatory practices and cultural sanctions (Snaebjornsson & Edvardsson, 2012).

Eagly and Karau (2002) also confirmed that the incongruity between the managerial role

and the feminine role expected of women causes the differential treatment of women in

leadership roles. Eagly and Karau postulated that prejudice toward female leaders was

caused by this incongruity between the communal attributes that are said to characterize

women and the agentic qualities that are attributed more strongly to men

Because of misconceptions and potential conflicts with stereotypical definitions of

women‘s abilities, women are underrepresented in leadership roles (Braun et al., 2012).

There is a lack of fit between the societal roles demarcated for women and the leadership

role, which can hinder women‘s advancement in organizations (Braun et al., 2012).

Others often define women as communal subjects and as having communal attributes;

therefore, they tend to be relegated to roles that fit those attributes, whereas males tend to

be defined by agentic characteristics (Braun et al., 2012). Having agency involves

focusing on goal achievement and being dominant, aggressive, and independent (Braun et

al., 2012). Communal qualities refer to being supportive, sensitive, helpful, and

concerned about others (Braun et al., 2012). In addition, there may be negative

consequences of attractiveness for women when they apply for leadership positions

because attractive women tend to be culturally inscribed and stereotyped as less agentic

based on their appearances (Braun et al., 2012).

In their study, Bevelander and Page (2011) revealed that the percentage of women

in top management positions is low when compared to their male counterparts. The

researchers collected data through surveys of students in two MBA classes and at two

points in time. Bevelander and Page first administered the survey 6 weeks into the

program around of the first semester and the second 3 months later. The second survey

was administered when the students had completed 60% of the curriculum. Researchers

used social network analysis as a way to measure relationships between students

(Bevelander & Page, 2011). Using the collected data, Bevelander and Page concluded the

reasons for the low involvement in management roles were a result of gender bias and

traditional roles of women, and particularly networking limitations. The empirical results

obtained confirmed the hypotheses posed at the beginning of the study, which showed

that women network differently from men as the former base their networking on trust,

which ultimately limits their social networking outreach. Thus, Bevelander and Page

confirmed Braun et al.‘s (2012) assertion that traditional roles and women‘s different

behaviors when in management positions led to decreased opportunities based on

prejudices and preconceptions about appropriate leadership behaviors.

The literature regarding Western women suggests that discrimination towards

women in leadership positions persists. Some researchers proposed that no actual

masculine and feminine styles exist (Agezo & Hope, 2011; Snaebjornsson & Edvardsson,

2012). Conversely, these behaviors may instead reflect societal expectations of gender

roles that are inculcated through the socialization processes (Agezo & Hope, 2011).

Women may have learned to conform to cultural expectations about their gender and this

is the root cause of why men and women may differ in their use of certain leadership

practices (Agezo & Hope, 2011). However, stereotypical gender roles and their effect on

leadership promotion may be especially persistent when combined with traditional

cultures (Taujdeen & Adebayo, 2013). Nkomo and Ngambi (2013) highlighted the

scarcity of literature on the experience of the African women in management compared to

women in Western countries. Researchers called for acceleration of research on the

experience of African women in management and leadership because of the paucity of

literature on this topic (Alhassan & Akudugu, 2012; Fakeye et al., 2012; Kahkha et al.,

2014; Nkomo & Ngambi, 2013).

Cultural Barriers to Women’s Participation in Business

Cultural leadership expectations may limit women‘s ability to participate in the

workforce (Tajudeen & Adebayo, 2013). According to Tajudeen and Adebayo (2013), the

number of women holding managerial positions in many fields is increasing and most

women have excelled as effective managers. This, in turn, creates more opportunity for

women at top levels in the future (Tajudeen & Adebayo, 2013).

Before women can fully participate in a workforce, they need to feel empowered

to do so (Adekanye, 2014). In certain cultures, such as in Nigeria, women may not feel as

if they have the appropriate resources and support to engage full time in career

advancement (Adekanye, 2014). Adekanye (2014) used a descriptive survey to examine

information needs, information utilization, and socio-economic empowerment of the

textile market women of southern Nigeria. The participants included 1,600 women and

several zones, states, and markets. I used a multistage sampling technique as well as

frequency counts, percentages, correlations, and multiple regression analysis to analyze

data.

According to Adekanye (2014), women‘s empowerment consists of five

components: a sense of self-worth, the availability of choices, women‘s right to access

opportunities and resources, the right to have power over their own lives in and outside

home, and the right to affect social change in terms of social and economic order. This

means access to skills training, problems solving techniques, technology and information,

and having access to participate in decision making (CITE). According to the same

definition, socio-economic empowerment means a woman being financially independent

through her engagement in income-generating activities (CITE). These activities include

having access to productive facilities; having control over the income that is generated,

which may mean investing in personal properties; having a personal savings; and actively

participating in household decision-making that affects livelihood (Adekanye, 2014).

Agezo and Hope (2011) concurred with other scholars that traditionally, society

did not perceive women as leaders. In their quantitative study, the researchers examined

the gender leadership practices in Ghana. Using quantitative survey, the authors gathered

data from 601 teachers selected through purposive sampling. The findings showed that

there is no difference between male and female leadership practices in Ghana, contrary to

the perceived paradigm that females tend to be more caring, cooperative, and

collaborative in their leadership style, while males are more aggressive, controlling and

competitive.

In this study, Agezo and Hope (2011) initially thought decision-making was a

male prerogative. The researchers also showed that the media was responsible for

perpetuating stereotypes by representing males as superior, assertive, unemotional,

powerful and controlling, and females were passive, fragile, and emotional. This kind of

stereotyping makes it difficult for women to seek leadership roles and permeates all

facets of life. Although women have had increased access to leadership positions in

primary schools in the past decade, the public has expressed concerns about women‘s

leadership abilities (Agezo & Hope, 2011). A problem that Agezo and Hope also noted

was that society expected women to be quiet, supportive, and respectful at all times. A

woman in a teaching position was expected to be dignified and moderate in how she

spoke and conducted herself. This is because in this context, society culturally expects

that a woman should not publicly criticize men, and wives should not act equal to their

husbands (Agezo & Hope, 2011).

Braun et al. (2012) confirmed that underrepresentation of women in leadership

roles is relevant in current times and is still a problem. The researchers discussed the lack

of fit between the female gender role and the leadership role, which can hinder women‘s

success in organizations. Others often define females as having communal attributes,

while males tend to show agentic characteristics. Having agency as a leader means

focusing on goal achievement, and being dominant, aggressive, and independent (Braun

et al., 2012). In contrast, the same researchers noted that communal qualities mean

supporting social relations, being sensitive, helpful, and concerned about others. Based on

the agency and communal model, personnel decisions are often biased against women

because the communal model is less compatible with the managerial expectations (Braun

et al., 2012).

For their study, Braun et al. (2012) used 253 undergraduate students (127 females,

126 males) who were 22 years old from a German university. Leader gender, leader

attractiveness, and leadership style varied and the researchers randomly assigned

participants to one of the eight experimental conditions. The researchers accounted for

participant gender as a quasi-experimental factor. Participant evaluations of trust, loyalty,

and leader communion were determined as measures of dependent and mediating

variables. Braun et al. also noted the beauty is beastly effect, meaning negative

consequences of attractiveness for women occur when women apply for leadership

positions because evaluations of females are elicited by appearance, resulting in a

perception that women do not fit the agentic qualities of a leader role (p. 100).

Nwafor and Akubue (2008) noted that education through communication media,

especially mass media, plays a significant role. This includes the radio, television,

printing press, mail, telephone, audiocassettes and videotapes, and the Internet. Modern

technologies do not restrict time and function at a fast speed of mass production, which

allows for rapid dissemination of information (Nwafor & Akubue, 2008). People can find

these forms of communication in offices, homes, farmlands, cars, markets, forest, and

even remotest villages; therefore, these communications have been serving the role of

nonformal education. Nwafor and Akubue conducted their study using a questionnaire

containing structured and unstructured items to 300 women at Nsukka, an urban town in

Enugu State, Nigeria. According to the findings, oral media was the most popular among

women, regardless of education level and type of occupation. Because of responsibilities,

time constraints, and a lack of financial resources, women may not have had the

opportunity to attend schools and gain an organized formal education. The media and

nonformal education can serve as a way to manage the overwhelming rate of information

and help women stay updated with more current information compared to what formal

education can offer (Nwafor & Akubue, 2008).

Nwafor and Akubue‘s (2008) findings also suggested that women in leadership

positions were the elites in the hierarchy of educated women and they were the voice of

the less privileged women. Those at the lower levels looked up to the more educated

women for help. It is therefore a challenge to women in leadership not only to enhance

their own nonformal education, but to aid women who live in poverty (Nwafor &

Akubue, 2008). The same researchers asserted that one way of addressing these

challenges is to constitute a media education campaign group. By doing this, women may

not only represent women‘s interest in programs, but also bring in women and promote

awareness and solidarity (Nwafor & Akubue, 2008).

Nigerian Culture and Policy Regarding Workingwomen

In Nigeria, cultural practices have a negative influence on women‘s rights, which

has led to gender discrimination and inequalities (Durojaye, Okeke, & Adebanjo, 2014).

Many disparities exist between Nigerian men and women in terms of political, social,

educational, and economic spheres (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). The lives of married Nigerian

women largely center on child bearing, childcare, attending to their husbands, and

maintaining the household (Bankole & Adeyeri, 2014). However, women‘s involvement

in career development and business management is changing the structure of the

traditional Nigerian family (Kahkha et al., 2014). Durojaye et al. (2014) stated various

policies and laws that the Nigerian government has adopted to address the issue of gender

inequality in Nigeria, but despite these efforts, Nigerian women still experience gender

discrimination and inequality. As a result, Durojaye et al. recommended education

awareness campaigns, legal reforms, and adoption of the quota system among others to

address the discriminatory inhumane practices against women in Nigeria.

The difficulty in finding a balance between work and family that would allow

Nigerian women to participate in top management jobs stemmed from the socialization

processes in Nigeria, which contributed to conditions that empower men and subjugate

women (Okonkwo, 2013). This gender preference extends to families, as in childhood

parents grant boys more freedom and respect while girls are often restricted and treated as

dependent and fragile only to be given in marriage (Okonkwo, 2013). In addition,

Nigerian teachers and parents are likely to encourage boys more to pursue mathematical

and computer skills and reward independence (Okonkwo, 2013). In all cultures, males

hold the most prestigious offices and control the basic resources of public life (Okonkwo,

2013). Although women‘s participation in employment rose quickly in all sectors of the

private labor market, women still occupy the lower paid and low skill jobs and are not

represented in executive and managerial jobs, especially in large companies (Okonkwo,

2013).

Ntoimo and Isiugo-Abanihe (2014) examined patriarchy as a structure that limits

Nigerian women even in their desire to marry. The authors defined patriarchy as a system

of social stratification and differentiation on the basis of gender, whereby the father is the

head of the family and men have authority over women and children. The authors

interviewed 29 women who were never married and childless between the ages of 30–48

in Lagos, Nigeria, in order to investigate the limiting effects of patriarchy on their

decisions and opportunities to marry.

The research subjects in Ntoimo and Isiugo-Abanihe‘s (2014) study were single

women from diverse ethnic, educational, and professional backgrounds in Nigeria. From

the total of 29 never-married women, 12 were Igbo, nine Yoruba, one Hausa, and seven

from other ethnic groups. Ntoimo and Isiugo-Abanihe included more respondents of Igbo

origin because the latest population census in Nigeria shows a predominance of single

women of Igbo origin. The age of the subjects ranged from 30 to 48 years, with an

average of 39 years; 15 of them were within age 30 to 39 years and 14 were within age

40 to 48 years. Five of them had a secondary education, six had obtained a diploma, two

were undergraduates, 10 had university degrees or polytechnic certificates, and six had

postgraduate degrees (Ntoimo & Isiugo-Abanihe, 2014).

The findings revealed that employment in the formal sector or possession of

economic resources decreased women‘s likelihood of union formation (Ntoimo &

IsiugoAbanihe, 2014). However, lack of many economic resources owing to

unemployment or underemployment reduced chances of marriage, as women‘s income

ability increasingly became a desirable quality in suitable mates for men in Lagos. Owing

to the perceived control of men, loss of autonomy, sole responsibility for housework and

childcare, some of the women in this study redoubled efforts to achieve independent

social and economic status before marriage.

Moreover, in Nigeria, the gap in provision of opportunities reduces women´s

productivity and interferes with their well-being and that of their families. It also imposes

a high cost on the economy through productivity losses (Okonkwo, 2013). Attitudes

toward gender are what transform economic development in a cultural process of human

development (Okonkwo, 2013). The glass-ceiling phenomenon in Nigeria is a way of

limiting women‘s progress in the professional sphere, but it also served to continue the

cycle of poverty in developing nations, like Nigeria (Kolade & Kehinde, 2013; Okonkwo,

2013; Thomas, 2013).

Nevertheless, there has been progress in publicly integrating women into the

public sphere (Ebohon, 2012). In Nigeria during the 2011 elections, nine female

politicians were elected to the senate to represent 54 million women, and 33% of cabinet

positions were allocated to women, which was quite a change from 10% under the

previous government (Ebohon, 2012). Female senators increased from three in 2003 to

nine in 2007, and the females in the House of Representatives moved from 13 to 24

during this same period (Ebohon, 2012). However, only 33 women formed 7.6% of the

combined total membership of 469 federal legislators (Ebohon, 2012). Also, critical

ministerial positions of education, finance, and petroleum comprised mainly women

(Ebohon, 2012). This change was in accordance with Nigeria‘s policy on gender equality

according to the National Gender Policy, which dictated the benchmark for women‘s

seats in parliament at 35%, which is 5% higher than the international standard (Ebohon,

2012).

But as promising as these new guidelines are, women have accepted this new

topdown leadership opportunity with caution, following a shattering of the growing

bottomup promises of female political autonomy within the patriarchal system (Ebohon,

2012). Women in Nigeria have noticed with dismay that a deterioration of their political

and social values exists because of more than three decades of male-dominated rule

(Ebohon, 2012). Without appropriate infrastructure and buy in from legislators, policies

may not be voted in or appropriately enforced (Ebohon, 2012).

As women take on the role of provider and are evaluated as employees and

managers in the workplace, it is essential to incorporate both home and work contexts to

fully understand the inherent difficulty in navigating household care and the workplace

(Bankole & Adeyeri, 2014). A lack of women is evident in Nigeria not only in

management, but also in some professions traditionally thought to suit men (Kolade &

Kehinde, 2013). Numbers of women have increased in both traditionally female

occupations like teaching, trading, nursing, banking, and pharmaceutical jobs, and in

nontraditional occupations, such as building, mechanics, architecture, contracting, and

project managing (Kolade & Kehinde, 2013). Nevertheless, there are still few Nigerian

women in top management jobs in industries like construction, banking,

telecommunication, aviation, oil and gas, manufacturing, and mining (Kolade & Kehinde,

2013).

There are dual expectations of workers and mothers; therefore, Nigerian women

face conflict and strain and are often unable to tolerate such a burden (Bankole &

Adeyeri, 2014). Conflict and tension increase as women advance and progress in their

careers and as their families grow larger and demand more time (Bankole & Adeyeri,

2014). To correct the distortion of women‘s experience, contribute knowledge about

women‘s challenges, and correct social inequalities, it is essential to explore how

Nigerian women cope with management roles (Inmyxai & Takahashi, 2011).

Nigerian Women’s Dual Roles

During the last few decades, profound changes have occurred in the social and

economic status of women that have reduced gender inequalities (Minguez, 2012). Many

countries have undergone an accelerated process of change because of globalization, and

still many countries are resistant to change because of the traditional culture in the

structure of their societies (Minguez, 2012). In many cases, this rapid change has led to

an exacerbation of role conflicts for women entering the workforce, as is the case in

Nigeria (Kahka et al., 2014). Considering the increasing number of women entering the

workplace in both developed and developing countries (Adams & Funk, 2012; Davison &

Burke, 2011; Dobele, Rundle-Thiele, & Kopanidis, 2014), finding balance between

family and work is one of the biggest challenges facing women all over the world today.

Moreover, the stress experienced from these conflicts may result in significant physical

and mental health issues (Jawahar et al., 2012; Schieman & Glavin, 2011).

Even in contexts where society is more accepting of women in the workforce, conflicts

exist regarding dual roles expected from women (McIntosh et al., 2012).

McIntosh et al. (2012) examined the effect motherhood has on women‘s careers in

nursing; the combination of career and motherhood are significant contributory factors to

women‘s relative poor performance. McIntosh et al. described this problem as a penalty

of motherhood for women in terms of their career progression. Women often preferred

flexible hours or part-time employment so they could balance work and family

responsibilities, but this preference was at the cost of their long-term careers (McIntosh et

al., 2012). Within this sample, men‘s careers were not affected in the same manner and

did not incur the same disadvantages as women because family obligations and duties did

not create career interruptions for them (McIntosh et al., 2012). This disruptive effect

might last for an entire career, even after a woman no longer has childcare responsibilities

(McIntosh et al, 2012). This disparity might result from career breaks that overshadow

productive periods (McIntosh et al., 2012). Huang and Cheng (2012) also determined that

men and women had different expectations and needs from a job, including more

flexibility for women, which could impede their abilities to vie for top management

positions.

Similar to McIntosh et al. (2012), Grönlund and Öun (2010) investigated

workfamily conflicts in a Western context. Specifically, Grönlund and Öun studied the

effects of polices on work-family conflict. Using secondary data from a European Social

survey from 10,950 employees from 15 countries, the authors examined the effect of

dual-earner policies on work-family conflict. The role expansion hypothesis assumed that

role expansion is a source of stress and conflict, but research showed that higher

workload, higher education or position, parenthood, and female gender increases work-

family conflict (Grönlund & Öun, 2010). Contrary to expectations, working wives

experienced less mental and psychological distress than housewives (Grönlund & Öun,

2010). Strategies varied depending on the country and individual to reduce the effect of

work family conflict, but in general dual-earner policies supported individual authority

and strengthened women's power within marriage (Grönlund & Öun, 2010). However, the

researchers also indicated that when committed to work, women are more prone to

workfamily conflict than men (Grönlund & Öun, 2010).

These conflicts also translated to non-Western contexts. Using the perceptions of

working women, Odunaike (2012) analyzed the dual roles of women as wives and

mothers and as formal sector employees. The author tested two hypotheses: (a) women in

formal employment may likely increase the economic status of the family; and (b)

women‘s engagement in formal employment is not likely to cause marital instability. The

sample included 108 married women employed at Intercontinental Bank in West Africa,

surveyed using questionnaires to find out why women engaged in paid employment, the

challenges they faced, and the effect it had on their families. The findings of the study

showed that men are supportive of women in formal employment because of the extra

income but do not support them in the areas of domestic work in the home (Odunaike,

2012). The findings also revealed that women engaging in formal employment is not the

cause of marital instability, and that women also have to work twice as hard as their male

counterparts because of their dual roles (Odunaike, 2012).

In addition, commonplace experiences of spousal violence in Nigeria may

complicate the dual roles of women (Etuk, Nwagbara, & Archibong, 2012). Etuk et al.

(2012) investigated spousal violence among Nigerian women in the formal employment

sector because they had identified it as one of the challenges facing working women in

the country. Among a population of 501 Nigerian women working in the public sector in

Cross River state, Etuk et al. administered surveys to collect data. The research findings

demonstrated that women experienced three forms of spousal violence: emotional,

economic, and physical. The most commonly experienced form of violence was

emotional, with 68% of women reporting being emotionally abused by their partner. The

least common form of abuse was physical, with 14.3% of women reporting experiencing

it in their household (Etuk et al., 2012). Citing related literature, Etuk et al. posited that to

realize the eight millennium development goals of gender equality and women‘s

empowerment, it was important that countries make concerted effort to eliminate social

and traditional issues that militate against active participation of women in development

(Etuk et al., 2013). Specifically, Etuk et al. identified spousal violence as one of the

challenges facing women in Nigeria, even among the working class group.

Therefore, despite women-friendly policies in Nigeria, barriers to their success in

management seem to persist (Adekanye, 2014; Odunaike, 2012). These inequalities may

stem from the lack of infrastructure to support proper implementation of these policies

(Kahka et al., 2014). Implementation of equality laws and empowerment of women

consists of five components: self-worth, having choices, access to opportunities and

resources, a right to power over life in and outside home, and social change in terms of

social and economic order (Adekanye, 2014). In order to achieve these objectives,

Adekanye (2014) noted that women need access to training, problem solving techniques,

technology and information, access to productive facilities, control over their income, the

ability to acquire or invest in personal property, personal savings, and forming and

informing household decisions that influence livelihood. They must also have the

opportunity to participate in decision making (Adekanye, 2014). These criteria can lead to

truly implemented socio-economic advantages of women becoming financially

independent (Adekanye, 2014). These activities should also include having women spend

far more time at work and to some degree neglected tasks at home in order to meet

demands (Bankole & Adeyeri, 2014).

In Nigeria, family responsibilities have played a large role for women in the

workplace and often determined whether women accepted jobs (Obamiro & Obasan,

2013). Obamiro and Obasan (2013) noted that often, women delayed their careers until

they finished rearing children. Contemporary Nigerian women‘s careers and lives

inextricably entwine between work and private lives and this conflict between work and

family obligations is more acute for women than for men. Also according to Obamiro and

Obasan, the job demands of construction professionals are damaging family and domestic

responsibilities for women. Workers are subject to changing work locations; therefore,

women with families are not flexible enough to meet the demands and fluctuations of job

requirements. These challenges often delay women‘s career progression in construction

management.

In the banking industry in Nigeria, a surge occurred in the employment of women

serving as marketers and front desk customer service providers (Bankole & Adeyeri,

2014). These professions are engaging, time consuming, and stressful because of longer

working hours in the role of relationship marketer in service occupations, in sales, and

similar professional jobs (Bankole & Adeyeri, 2014). Bankole and Adeyeri (2014)

conducted a cross-sectional descriptive survey from 220 female participants. The

population was located in 16 branches of three bank groups in Lagos. The researchers

used quantitative and qualitative data collected through a structured questionnaire and

indepth interviews. The researchers used multistage sampling techniques to obtain the

sample of female bankers from groups of banks that could be grouped as old generation

banks, new generation banks, and microfinance banks.

Bankole and Adeyeri (2014) found that these women play crucial family roles and

are at risk to stress and strain associated with maintaining a balance between work and

attending to the traditional role of caring for the family. Compared to women in Western

countries who have had a longer history in the workforce, in developing countries this

influx of women in the Nigerian labor force is compounded by a sudden shift of women

taking on provider roles. With increased costs of living, the desire for a higher standard of

living, and career advancement, women strive to produce more and perform at a higher

level than ever before (Bankole & Adeyeri, 2014).

However, researchers demonstrated that Nigerian women may feel the strain of

their dual roles, which is evident in their lack of productivity (Ogbogu, 2009). Ogbogu

(2009) found that female academics lag behind in research with low publication rates.

Many female PhD candidates experience difficulty balancing teaching responsibilities

and research and do not have sufficient time to publish. This is because of heavy teaching

and administrative responsibilities and lack of promotion. Organizational and institutional

barriers have an effect on women‘s research output, as well as lack of mentors for

women, infrastructural support, and greater isolation. Family responsibilities also affect

women‘s ability to participate in conferences and seminars. These double demands

between home and career place a heavy burden on women, which Ogbogu termed dual

role syndrome. Marriage and motherhood all add heavy responsibilities, which lead to a

decline in research activities of female academics and their participation in conferences.

A purposive sampling method aided in gathering information from questionnaires from

381 female academic staff members from 12 universities in the six geo-political zones of

Nigeria.

Ogbogu (2009) found that the research output of females was most affected in the

earlier stage of their marriages, owing to family constraints. Women in their fifties, who

had more time for themselves, were able to publish at a higher rate. Agi (2014) noted a

significant difference because of marital adjustment among women in civil service, public

service, and those who were self-employed in Rivers state, Nigeria in a study on the

influence of employment on married women. This researcher used a qualitative survey

and collected data from 892 married women of various employments status from Rivers

State in Nigeria. The conflicts between work and family responsibilities negatively

affected both marital and career advancement of women in Nigeria. The results showed a

significant difference among nurses, teachers, bankers, accountants, bursars, and clerks in

schools, doctors, pharmacists, ward-maids, and civil servants in marital adjustment (Agi,

2014). A difference existed in marital adjustment between teachers compared to bankers

and accountants because teachers had more time to spend at home with their spouses than

bankers and accountants, who often worked overtime (Agi, 2014). Time spent at home

affected the roles and development of companionship, affectionate intimacy,

accommodation, and agreement on basic values among teachers, bankers, and

accountants (Agi, 2014). The researcher recommended workshops, seminars, and pre-

marital and marital counseling for women for addressing the problem in view of the

changing roles of women in Nigeria.

Okonkwo (2013) investigated perception of gender equality and whether a

person‘s level of education influences his or her perception of gender equality. The

researcher observed that in spite of the level of socialization and government policies,

men regard women as inferior and subject them to family roles and responsibilities.

Okonkwo carried out a quantitative survey administering questionnaires to a total of 210

participants comprised of 105 males and 105 female students, graduates, and

professionals. The results showed that women had more confidence in themselves and

their abilities than men had in them, thus proving that the traditional gender-role

socialization still influences how men view the subject of gender equality. Okonkwo

noted that patriarchy remains a societal issue in African societies, but education has

significantly influenced the attitudes of women to a reasonable extent. This research

shows that Nigeria is still rated low in gender equality in spite the high levels of

education (Okonkwo, 2013).

Kolade and Kehinde (2013) also examined the glass ceiling phenomenon

regarding women‘s career advancement in Nigeria. Using questionnaire instruments, the

authors gathered data from the sample of 120 men and women selected from 8

construction industries in southwestern Nigeria. The authors observed that barriers and

impediments to women‘s entry into workplace and career progression characterized the

prevailing antifemale work culture or environment in the construction industry in Nigeria.

These barriers included recruitment discrimination, lack of promotion, and stereotyping

and harassment. The authors recommended provisions for a conducive work

environment; eradication of gender discrimination; and bias in education, training,

recruitment, and promotion in the construction industry in Nigeria.

Nyewusira and Nweke (2014) noted that patriarchy is still a norm in many African

societies, and that domestic laws, official policies, and even the Nigerian constitution

seem to negate the idea of gender equality. They discussed three major practices, namely:

widowhood rites, girl-child genital mutilation, and sex trafficking and affirmed that

women usually supervise and enforce these practices. They also pointed out that mothers

promote gender inequality by raising their daughter to conform to gender roles.

Supporting their study from related literature, the researchers observed that women are in

more severe ways perpetrators and promoters of discrimination against fellow women,

and also carry out worse acts of gender inequality under the guise of culture and tradition.

They concluded that much more depends on the individual attitudes of women and their

cooperation among each other, if they must realize their full potentials.

Statistics representing women in politics and government are grim, while poverty

and cultural dislocation have punctuated conditions of women, despite the amendment to

the Nigerian constitution passed in 1999 that stipulated that women will have equal rights

to participation in office (Nyewusira & Nweke, 2014). Also, there are many laws that

treat women unequally, such as the terms and conditions of service for National Drug

Law Enforcement Agency, which state that all female officers must be unmarried and

remain so for a period no less than 2 years (Nyewusira & Nweke, 2014). Under this law,

an unmarried female officer who becomes pregnant may be discharged, which clearly

inhibits career advancement and a balance of career success and growing a family. The

laws that discriminate against women are exhaustive and compound challenges women

face in the workplace along with responsibilities associated with family (Nyewusira &

Nweke, 2014).

McIntosh et al. (2012) noted that mothers, after having dependent children, did

not have a strong commitment to paid work or to a career. The researchers also noted that

many women chose occupations so they can work around their domestic role, rather than

making work a priority. According to the same study, women tended to reject additional

hours of employment so they could devote themselves to tasks that center on the family.

These researchers conducted a longitudinal analysis using data from a demographically

unique national database from 46,565 registered nursing workers in Scotland from 2000–

2008. The variables included gender, employment grades, number and length of career

breaks, lengths of service, age, working patterns, and the number and age of dependent

children. The researchers found that women who give priority to their role as mothers still

treated motherhood as normative behavior compared to women in the workplace as being

mainstream. Socio-structural assumptions like these have informed women‘s relationship

to employment. Unfortunately for women, perceptions linked to motherhood frequently

result in their devaluation as women and as employees (McIntosh et al., 2012). McIntosh

et al. also noted that motherhood can stigmatize women, often used as a way to control

and exclude women, which can result in lowered employer commitment toward expectant

and new mothers. Society often perceives women with young children to be less

competent than women who are not mothers. The researchers noted that women with

children earn less than those women who are not mothers in the United States, but no

such disparity exists for men.

Minguez (2012) stated that one problem is that cooking, taking care of children,

and other domestic activities often occur without compensation. Care is considered both

paid work and invisible, unpaid work within the family; an important step is the

acknowledgement of this duality that defines care. Minguez conducted an analysis that

measured the amount of paid and unpaid work done by women compared to men, based

on secondary data from the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development on

Political and Social economy of Care. Minguez found that care is a service for and within

the family household, and gender equality would distribute these tasks between men and

women equally. However, care is a feminized social and cultural activity that men often

do not or will not participate in, or they feel they are not qualified to perform. This places

care tasks on women and limits women‘s time and energy to perform in other ways, such

as in career development or education. This creates a distressing dilemma that results in

women taking on both roles as informal caretakers and employees in the formal

workplace. Often this creates an overload of daily activities that limit women‘s time for

participation in other public spheres.

In a patriarchal structure, husbands or fathers monitor women‘s labor within

marriage and household relationships (Ntoimo & Isiugo-Abanihe, 2014). Women are

most often responsible for domestic tasks, such as cleaning, cooking, and childcare, but

in a patriarchal system these tasks do not qualify as paid work and are defined in terms of

production under which the work is performed. This means that wives under marriage

relations engage in unpaid labor for their husbands who exploit it. This occurs because

the husband has control over the wife‘s labor power. The key feature of this structure is

the limiting of access to paid work for women. This system reduces the value of women‘s

work and often subjugates women to the domestic sphere and other gender-specific jobs

(Ntoimo & Isiugo-Abanihe, 2014). According to Chant and Pedwell (2008), the

International Labour Organisation confirmed that although more women work in paid

employment, labor markets across many parts of the world are still sex-segregated, with

women concentrated in lower quality, irregular, and informal employment.

Women in the Nigerian Workplace

In Nigeria, many citizens are still reluctant to accept female leaders, despite the

number of qualified women for top management positions (Abiodun-Oyebanji &

Olaleye, 2011). The perception tends to be that it is more difficult to work with women

and there seems to be no room at all for women in management positions as well as in the

university system. Statistics revealed a high level of disparity in levels of gender diversity

in top management positions in Nigeria (Mordi et al., 2011).

The Nigerian government attempted to address inequities through several policies

(Okyeuzu et al., 2012). For example, the NEEDS program, enacted in 2004, aimed to

reduce poverty and assist women, particularly those with low-income (Okoyeuzu et al.,

2012). The government designed NEEDS to assist Nigerian women in gaining economic

independence through four areas: (a) creation of wealth, (b) job creation, (c) poverty

reduction, and (d) value-added direction (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). In 2006, The National

Gender Policy was enacted and supported women‘s participation in political and public

life (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). An objective of this policy was to achieve a minimum

threshold of representation for women in all areas of political, social, and economic life

in Nigeria (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). According to Okoyeuzu et al. (2012), in 2007, the

Nigerian Government also enacted a seven-point agenda, and in 2010, it enacted Vision

2020. These initiatives aimed to ensure equitable representation in governance and

proportionate representation with no less than 30% representation of women in the

workforce and education opportunities for women (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). However,

researchers have demonstrated that despite these measures, women in the Nigerian

workforce continued to face barriers (Abiodun-Oyebanji & Olaleye, 2011; Mordi et al.,

2011).

To investigate the remaining gender barriers among Nigerian women in

management, Longe (2014) examined gender inequality and the career advancement of

women in leadership positions within the socioeconomic environment of Nigeria. Based

on historical analysis, Longe determined that prior to being colonized, Nigerian women

participated equally in leadership and decision making activities; however, the colonial

patriarchal influence led to gender inequality. Based on this introduced ideology, Longe

assessed that these integrated ideological beliefs had transferred into the working culture

in Nigeria.

Assessing the current state of Nigerian working women in upper management

positions, Longe (2014) collected data from 400 top ranking individuals in public and

private organizations in Nigeria. The results suggested that a significant gender gap

remained in management positions in both public and private organizations, although

participants reported that women were capable of demonstrating positive leadership

behaviors and traits. Moreover, men were more culturally accepted as leaders, a belief

that Longe attributed to the infiltration of Western ideology on Nigerian culture. Longe

recommended that the only method of reducing these leadership stereotypes was for

organizations to focus on reducing these stereotypical behaviors through encouraging

equal partnership between men and women in the workforce and providing additional

opportunities for women in leadership positions.

Specifically, Thomas (2013) assessed that the glass ceiling in Nigeria was a

barrier to women‘s success. Using mixed methods, Thomas collected qualitative data

from 8 managers and quantitative data from 55 middle and junior officers in the Oceanic

Bank, PLC in Nigeria. The purpose of Thomas‘s study was to determine not only the

extent of the barriers experienced to reaching management positions, but also the

strategies that Nigerian women could use to overcome these hurdles. Results suggested

that though women were better represented in junior and middle management, men

primarily occupied higher ranking leadership positions. These findings remained despite

women‘s equal or superior length of service and quality of experience. Moreover,

Thomas determined that the participants felt that women with family responsibilities

would be less committed to the organization and their job duties. Thomas suggested that

the only method of increasing equality would be through targeting negative assessments

and biases towards women in leadership positions.

Like Longe (2014) and Thomas (2013), Owoyemi and Olusanya (2014) examined

gender inequality and discrimination against women in paid employment in Nigeria.

Oyowemi and Olusanya categorized factors that promote gender inequality and

discrimination against women, including cultural and social, religious, psychological, and

biological factors. For cultural and social factors, Owoyemi and Olusanya assessed that in

Nigerian culture, men regard women as inferiors and expect them to fulfill domestic

roles. Based on these beliefs, male children have access to education while female

children help in domestic chores and are given to early marriage. Religious factors

reinforced these beliefs, according to Owoyemi and Olusanya; extreme religious beliefs

placed men in superior positions in the family and society, and religious practices

included early marriage and polygamy. Psychologically, Owoyemi and Olusanya

suggested that among men and women, society may perceive highly educated career

women as less valuable in domestic arenas. Last, Owoyemi and Olusanya noted that

childbearing practices in Nigeria may make women unfit for rigorous workloads and

inhibit career advancement. Altogether, Owoyemi and Olusanya determined that

significant barriers to Nigerian women‘s career success exist in the current system.

In a phenomenological qualitative study, Mordi et al. (2011) similarly explored

the barriers and challenges facing Nigerian women as they progressed in their careers.

The experience of 72 executive and middle managers from the manufacturing, banking,

insurance, telecommunications, and civil services sectors showed that cultural bias,

gender discrimination, negative stereotyping, family issues, lack of mentoring and

training, and the glass ceiling phenomenon were major barriers to women‘s career

advancement. In the Nigerian Federal Civil Service, which is the largest employer in

Nigeria, 76% of civil servants are men and 24% are women, and women hold less than

14% of management level positions in the Nigerian public sector (Mordi et al., 2011). In

Lagos state, Nigeria‘s largest commercial economy, the private sector employment of

women as directors was 13.87% and top management was 13.84% in 2005 (Mordi et al.,

2011). In 2006, 8.14% employment were women, and 13.11% of top managers were

women, which showed a decline in involvement from the previous year (Mordi et al.,

2011).

Those who make decisions on policies still overwhelmingly consist of men

(Abiodun-Oyebanji & Olaleye, 2011). For example, in Nigeria only three women have

held the position of university vice-chancellor at privately owned universities

(AbiodunOyebanji & Olaleye, 2011). According to the same researchers, even positions

like heads of units and departments appear dominated by men. In Nigerian higher

education, an imbalance exists in the representation of females in terms of staff and as

students (Abiodun-Oyebanji & Olaleye, 2011). Women make up only 12.4% of the

academic staff, but women account for 51% of the population of Nigeria (Abiodun-

Oyebanji & Olaleye, 2011). Abiodun-Oyebanji and Olaleye (2011) also asserted a more

aggressive policy was necessary to correct this imbalance in staff. Women are

underrepresented in managerial positions and are scarce in upper levels of academics. A

disparity exists in recruiting, selection and promotion efforts, professional development

opportunities, such as mentoring and networking, and evaluations by both students and

colleagues (Abiodun-

Oyebanji & Olaleye, 2011).

Still, the labor market in Nigeria has made progress toward increased gender

equality in recent decades (Obamiro & Obasan, 2013). Women have been acquiring

occupations and managerial jobs previously reserved for men, and women‘s access to

education is continually improving, which provides the necessary qualifications for jobs

in senior management (ILO, 2004). This is evident in Nigeria in the increased number of

women in fields, such as teaching, trading, nursing, banking, pharmacy, as well as in

construction, mechanics, architecture, contracting, and project management (Obamiro &

Obasan, 2013). Still, some fields are more difficult than others for women to gain access

to, and as scholars have adamantly insisted, Nigerian women constitute a small

percentage of top management jobs in industries, such as construction, banking,

telecommunication, aviation, oil and gas, manufacturing, and mining (Obamiro &

Obasan, 2013). According to the same researchers, even in professions, such as teaching,

which are largely female dominated, the majority of top administration is male

dominated. In the health profession, doctors and hospital heads tend to be men, while

most nurses and support staff are women. Even though women are starting to gain

entrance into nontraditional professions, such as construction, project management, and

mining, they are underrepresented and do not advance beyond lower levels (Obamiro &

Obasan, 2013; Sang & Powell, 2012). Despite government, business, and trade union

intervention to overcome attitudinal and institutional discrimination that holds women

back from some jobs and hinders their career development, the results often fall short of

expectations (ILO, 2004).

According to Obamiro and Obasan (2013), evidence shows that employers are

promoting women more systematically and are introducing family-friendly policies to

attract and retain women; still, women find it difficult to advance beyond the glass ceiling

that limits them in Nigeria. The Nigerian political system, particularly the lack of stable

government, influences the configuration of the labor market (Mordi et al., 2011). Nigeria

has oscillated between democratic and military forms of government; therefore, frequent

change has resulted in the lack of sustained labor policies (Mordi et al., 2011). Mordi et

al. (2011) also noted that these policies often changed as military governments were

overthrown or changed. These factors have also impeded the career paths and aspirations

of Nigerian women (Mordi et al., 2011).

Aderemi, Hassan, Siyanbola, and Taiwo (2009) noted increased female

participation in science and technology (S&T) courses at the university and polytechnics

than in colleges of education, which confirms findings by Fox (1998), that more women

are pursuing higher degrees in the natural sciences and engineering than ever before.

Aderemi et al. (2009) collected data of 2,110 heads of S&T firms, employed female

graduates, and heads of departments in tertiary institutions. Furthermore, they selected

key firms within each engineering sub-sector, which included chemical, computer,

electrical, civil, mechanical, metallurgical, food science, and agricultural engineering as

well as financial institutions, such as auditing firms, banks, insurance companies and

financial houses to determine the number and performance of female S&T graduates

employed in their establishments.

The study revealed that most female S&T graduates employed in tertiary

institutions and research institutions were engaged in S&T based occupations

(manufacturing, laboratory, research and technical). However, in corporate firms, most of

the female S&T graduates worked either in administration, finance, or research and

development. In addition, a large proportion took lower paying, non-S&T jobs for

domestic reasons and because of a lack of suitable vacancies. According to the authors,

this suggests gross under-utilization of human resources. Some S&T organizations did

not have any females working in S&T departments. Aderemi et al. (2009) recommended

that recruitment and retention be enhanced of women in S&T employment in Nigeria.

Women’s Employment and Government Policy

Women have become a powerful force for growth and development and labor

market policies and initiatives need to be developed to assist women with the transitions

and challenges in the labor market (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). Empowering women involves

making contributions to the economy as women are promoted as workers and

entrepreneurs (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). However, according to the study by Okoyeuzu et

al. (2012), a relatively low level of female labor participation and regional variations in

female labor in Nigeria are in conflict with the equality goals. This study was a historical

account and analysis of past poverty alleviation measures. Okoyeuzu et al. further found

that Nigeria still falls short in terms of gender equality and equal access to opportunities

to advance socially, economically, and politically. Evidence of several forms of

genderbased discrimination in Nigeria includes the gender-based division of labor,

disparities in power and resources between men and women, and gender bias regarding

rights and entitlements.

According to Okoyeuzu et al. (2012), there were programs and projects designed

to assist women, especially those with low-income in their effort to achieve economic

independence in all spheres of their lives and to improve their participation in public roles

and the decision making process. The Nigerian federal government established the

NEEDS in 2004, which was a poverty reduction strategy (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). This

strategy targeted four areas: (a) creation of wealth, (b) job creation, (c) poverty reduction,

and (d) value-added direction (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). In 2006, The National Gender

Policy was enacted, which supported women‘s participation in political and public life

(Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). One of its objectives was to achieve a minimum threshold of

representation for women in order to promote equal opportunity in all areas of political,

social, and economic life of the country (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). In 2007, the Nigerian

Government enacted a seven-point agenda, followed by Vision 2020 in 2010. According

to the same study, all of these initiatives included efforts to address the gender gap and

women‘s empowerment. Okoyeuzu et al. further noted that goals included ensuring

equitable representation of women in governance and proportionate representation with

no less than 30% representation of women. The effort also included establishing

scholarship schemes at the secondary and tertiary levels to broaden educational

opportunities for female students. But, the challenge of gender parity in Nigeria is less in

the goals and provisions of the constitution and more in implementation (Okoyeuzu et al.,

2012).

Nigeria still falls short of the stated goals of equality between men and women in

terms of opportunity and equal access to resources to advance socially, economically, and

politically (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). Males have income-yielding opportunities earlier than

women do, and they have been monopolizing the political field (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012).

According to the same study, when women compete with men for access to political

power, they compete on terms already established by men that favor male partnerships. It

is difficult for women to succeed in politics within a system without displacing or

replacing the existing elite (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012). Also, a change in values cannot occur

independently in the present socio-economic and political relations, without clear

involvement of women in the political process (Okoyeuzu et al., 2012).

Sadasivam (1997) examined the disparate effect of structural adjustment programs

on women and the resulting unacceptable feminization of poverty in many countries with

economies in transition. The author also argues that the disproportionate cost of

adjustment borne by women violates their rights to development guaranteed in national

and international conventions, and makes these economic reforms unsustainable in the

long run. The author further argues that national governments must bear responsibility for

the erosion or suspension of the rights of large sections of the poor, of whom the majority

are women, over an indefinitely extended period. The author also provided a brief

background to feminist work on structural adjustment, which has introduced gender as an

analytical category ignored in mainstream economics. Such effects of adjustment policies

are not sustainable from either the human rights or economic development perspectives.

The author highlighted several features of the adjustment process, such as trade

liberalization, agricultural reform, and privatization, that have exacerbated social,

economic, and gender inequalities. According to the author, the cutbacks in food

subsidies and in public expenditures on education and health have also hit women the

hardest in adjusting countries that must strive to meet fiscal austerity requirements. The

integration of women in the global economy attributed to structural adjustment programs

has occurred on unequal terms, worsening the working and living conditions of millions

of women and deepening gender oppression and subordination (Sadasivam, 1997).

In addition, according to Sadasivam (1997), awareness created on the differential

effect of structural adjustment on women has just started to come to the attention of those

who design and implement economic reform programs. This awareness is largely because

of the sustained work of feminist economists at both theoretical and empirical levels over

the last two decades. As a result, references to gender bias, gender neutrality, and gender

responsiveness are now commonplace in bank parlance and government statements on

structural adjustment. According to Sadasivam, it is women's collective strength and

creativity that remain the basis for transformative politics and development. Through

sustained feminist scholarship and unflagging activism, women's advocates have gained

the authority and credibility to influence UN policy, and thereby some national

governments and international financial institutions, to reflect gender and poverty

concerns in economic policymaking.

Woldie and Adersua (2004) also noted a similar link between poverty of women

and economic policy. Using a mixed methods approach, they interviewed and gathered

data from 100 women in Abuja and Lagos, Nigeria examining the role and the

experiences of female entrepreneurs in the economic development of Nigeria. They

posited that traditional norms and values in some countries including Nigeria have

relegated women to the background and have subordinated them to men. The authors

observed that poverty and economic circumstances in developing countries like Nigeria

have forced women to engage in income generating activities while carrying out family

responsibilities. The family and biological responsibilities as well as traditional roles pose

a hindrance to women‘s careers and entrepreneurial development (Woldie & Adersua,

2004). Citing related literature, the authors maintain that in all economies of the world,

women‘s entrepreneurial activities contribute to development of such economic systems.

The authors also identified low education and lack of skills as limiting factors for

women‘s career progression. The authors also observed the challenges of juggling family

responsibility and career among women worldwide, which is more pronounced in African

countries including Nigeria, where poverty and a lack of basic infrastructure make

circumstances more challenging.

There is no law that prohibits women from participating in any profession,

supported by the 1979 Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination

Against Women. Researchers often describe the convention as an International Bill of

Rights for Women. However, research findings show that business women are faced with

a barrage of barriers that include gender discrimination, cultural traditions, family

responsibilities, lack of career guidance, low education, and a lack of adequate skills and

competencies (Etuk et al., 2012; Longe, 2014; Thomas, 2013).

Alese and Hassan (2011) conducted research to investigate how leaders could use

creativity and innovations to empower women in the Nigerian informal sector. The study

population was 128 women selected by stratified and random sampling techniques. Data

collection occurred using questionnaires and focus group discussions. The findings

indicate that women‘s creativity and innovations have the potential to empower women

and also help in the growth of the formal sector by creating job opportunities. This could

also help in the economic growth and development of the nation. The researchers suggest

that the Federal Government needs to actively support women‘s creativity and

innovations by providing necessary infrastructure, education, and an enabling

environment. This will go a long way in boosting women‘s creativity and innovation.

Women have the capacity to be resourceful, but the challenge is in the social

climate, political system, work, and community settings to create an environment that

promotes women in the workplace over more traditional gender roles (Alhassan &

Akudugu, 2012; Kahkha et al., 2014). A role reversal has occurred within traditional

Nigerian societies exchanging roles of women and men (Kahka et al., 2014). Women now

play the role of provider, operate as heads of households, and are often involved in

entrepreneurship and business management in order to provide income for their families

(Alhassan & Akdugu, 2012). Kahkha et al. (2014) agreed with many other studies on

Nigerian women that this need for income pushed women into multiple roles as mothers,

wives, and providers, which prompted the need to create a conducive and enabling

environment to encourage women‘s development in economic progress (Animasahun &

Oladeni, 2012; Davison & Burke, 2011; Kahkha et al., 2014; Nkomo & Ngambi, 2013).

A gap in literature exists with respect to the experience of Nigerian women and

their ways of coping with dual roles of managing a career and family in an environment

that has progressed but is still hindering women‘s progress in Nigeria. Researchers have

noted this lack of information and literature on the experience of African women in

management and are seeking more knowledge about these experiences (Nkomo &

Ngambi, 2013). After reviewing the literature, I designed the study to help address this

gap, as further discussed in Chapter 3.

Summary and Conclusions

As seen in this review of literature, many obstacles still exist to improving

women‘s position in the workplace to limit disparities despite efforts by previous

researchers, government officials, and employers. In order to provide support to working

women and to change cultural expectations and perceptions of women in the workplace,

women‘s views and coping strategies need to be explored so that information can be

passed on to employers, government and educational institutions. During the last few

decades, increased costs of living drove women to seek opportunities in education and in

career advancement, and because of this, women have entered the workforce and made

profound changes in their social and economic statuses (Bankole & Adeyeri, 2014;

Minguez, 2012). Despite laws, customs, and a culture that favors men, women continue

to progress, but in order to accommodate women‘s equality in the workforce, their

condition of serving dual roles must be explored in more detail.

A gap in literature exists regarding the experiences of Nigerian women as they

navigate their way through dual roles of managing a career and family in an environment

that has progressed, but is still hindering women‘s progress in Nigeria. Researchers have

noted this lack of information on the perspectives of African women in management and

are calling on the scholarly community to fill this gap in knowledge (Mordi et al., 2013;

Nkomo & Ngambi, 2013). A need also exists to correct the distortion of women‘s

experiences, contribute to knowledge about women‘s challenges, and to correct social

inequalities by examining how Nigerian women cope with these roles (Inmyxai &

Takahashi, 2011). The next chapter will include the methodology I used to address this

gap.

Chapter 3: Research Method

Introduction

An ever-increasing number of Nigerian women are making the transition from the

traditional role of family caretakers to the workplace (Animasahun & Oladeni, 2012).

During this time of transition in Nigeria‘s gender roles, details regarding women‘s

struggle to balance career and family remain largely unexplored (Nkomo & Ngambi,

2013). This gap in the literature on this transitional experience is one that requires further

study and necessitates the collection and interpretation of qualitative data. One strength

of qualitative data is its ability to explore hitherto unexplored areas (Moustakas, 1994).

The goal of this phenomenological study was to assess the lived experiences of Nigerian

women and extract the challenges and strategies of management and leadership positions

for Nigerian women. In this chapter, I will outline the design and approach of this study

and delineate the data and participant collection procedures. I will close Chapter 3 with a

discussion of ethical procedures, threats to validity, and the limitations of the study.

Research Design and Rationale

This qualitative study had a phenomenological research design, such that lived

experiences were my focus. In this study, I was guided by the following research

question: What are the lived experiences of executive Nigerian women regarding

challenges and strategies in management and leadership positions with relation to their

domestic lives and responsibilities?

A phenomenological researcher addresses a topic without preconceptions or

expectations, and his or her research question expands the understanding of the

phenomenon (Anfara & Mertz, 2006; Moustakas, 1994). According to Ohman (2005),

phenomenological research designs are based on the lived experiences of the participants

and explore their thoughts and emotions about the phenomenon under study. For this

study, the relevant phenomenon I selected for study among the sample of executive

Nigerian women was the experience of acting as an employee in a management or

leadership position, with special attention paid to the specific perceptions regarding the

challenges these women face and the strategies they use. I asked the women in this study

to share their own experiences with balancing home and work-life, discussed how these

experiences affected their perceptions of gender roles, and explored the experiences they

face in transitioning into a career. In this study, I used semistructured interviews with

open-ended questions to explore this phenomenon and gain insight. This may aid in

bringing a positive social change to Nigeria by helping to determine how women perform

and are evaluated as managers, which could influence hiring practices.

I did not use a quantitative design for this study because it would not have

provided understanding of the phenomena from the participants‘ perspective without

predetermined assumptions, as described by Moustakas (1994). According to Marshall

and Rossman (2016), a quantitative approach may hinder the discovery of valuable data

because of predetermined assumptions. A quantitative design is used when the aims of the

research are to examine statistically significant effects of quantifiable (i.e., numerically

measurable) concepts (Howell, 2010). A mixed-method design employs both quantitative

and qualitative methods. Because my goals with the study did not align with the

quantitative method, the mixed-methods approach was not appropriate.

The purpose of this phenomenological study was to understand the perspectives of

executive Nigerian women, describe the phenomena they experience, and to provide

results that address the gap in the research and extend knowledge on the topic. A

researcher‘s perception, which is personal and indisputable, is the primary source of

knowledge and lens for interpretation in this form of study (Moustakas, 1994). Crotty

(1998) stated that people construct meaning through interaction with the world, and they

make sense of what occurs based on their individual social or historical perspectives.

Using qualitative methods enables the researcher to create an understanding of the

participant‘s experiences as qualitative research is inductive and the results arise from the

participants‘ perceptions (Marshall & Rossman, 2016).

Researchers need to consider three aspects when choosing a research approach:

the problem studied, the researcher‘s experiences, and the intended audience of the

research (Bansal & Corley, 2011). A gap in the literature regarding the experiences and

perceptions of Nigerian women in the dual roles of management and family maintenance

existed, thus it was difficult to know what to measure. Using a qualitative methodology to

understand the phenomenon may provide further avenues for research, both qualitative

and quantitative (Moustakas, 1994). There was a lack of knowledge on the topic;

therefore, qualitative research was most appropriate method.

The researcher who chooses qualitative inquiry needs to be comfortable with

ambiguity and creativity while conducting their studies (Bansal & Corley, 2011). The

flexibility inherent in qualitative inquiries enables new ways of knowing and interpreting

the gathered information (Erlingsson & Brysiewicz, 2013). Finally, the researcher should

consider whom they want to read the study and act on the information (Marshall &

Rossman, 2015).

Moustakas (1994) suggested that the main intention when conducting a

phenomenological study should be the description and distillation of lived experiences

among a group of individuals, with the end goal of deriving the underlying essence of the

topical phenomenon. Through Mousakas‘ model, which is the foundation for modern day

phenomenology, I explored the relevant experiences of working Nigerian women related

to gender roles, impediments, and a balance between work-life and home-life. The

purpose of the phenomenological approach is to extract meaning from experiences as

these experiences are self-reported from a sample, and to reach an understanding of the

sample‘s spirit through this insight (Moustakas, 1994). I used this method to create a

narrative and give a voice to this population. Using Moustakas‘s methodological model

afforded me an increased understanding of how working Nigerian women balance their

work and home responsibilities and how these strategies may be used by others to

facilitate this social change.

There are several different research designs used within the field of qualitative

research (Marshall & Rossman, 2016). Tracy (2013) cited several key characteristics of

qualitative research. These characteristics include the concept of gestalt, wherein the

researcher understands the whole is greater than the sum of all parts. The qualitative

researcher seeks understanding of the phenomena as it interacts and is part of a system

(Tracy, 2013). Bricolage, another key characteristic, refers to pieces that represent

specifics of a complex situation (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). Tracy also suggested the

concept of research as a funnel, and the use of sensitizing concepts. The researcher is the

creator of the quilt, in that they assemble all the various pieces together and create an

image for others to explore (Tracy, 2013). When research data are gathered and analysis

begins, it is the job of the researcher to begin with a broad or large funnel (Tracy, 2013).

Tracy posited that the picture comes together and the phenomenon of the study becomes

narrowed down as the researcher focuses the data and reports the results. By beginning

broadly, the researcher ensures he or she does not miss valuable information (Denzin &

Lincoln, 2005). This also enables them to display the broad backdrop from where the

information came to highlight the relevant data (Tracy, 2013).

Finally, the term sensitizing refers to the theories or interpretive methods the

researcher uses as a lens to organize and format the data (Charmaz, 2008). The most

commonly used designs within the qualitative methodology include ethnography

research, grounded theory research, case study research, and the phenomenological

design. I chose the phenomenological design for this study. In the following paragraphs, I

will provide an outline of each of the designs I listed earlier along with justification for

phenomenology as the most appropriate for this study.

Ethnography is typically the design used when the researcher seeks to increase the

understanding of a particular culture (Sangasubana, 2011). The term, ethnography, when

translated from the ancient Greek, comes from ethnos (people, nation) and graphein (to

write; Tracy, 2013). Ethnographic researchers gather data through an extensive

investigation within the culture of study, where the researcher immerses him or herself

through inhabitation (Van Maanen, 1990). The focus of an ethnographic study can

include language use, ceremonies and rituals, as well as relationships and even artifacts

(Tracy, 2013). In this form of research, the researcher should take on a background role

and act as an observer-participant, with the goal of gaining insight to the distinctive

qualities of the culture (Lewis & Russell, 2011). This approach requires high amounts of

research in the field and consists of data collection through the precise observation of

individuals who compose the pertinent culture (Moustakas, 1994). Ethnography is only

appropriate when a particular cultural group is the unit of analysis (Sangasubana, 2011).

Case study research is applicable when the researcher intends to comprehensively

examine a subject within a specific setting or understand a specific occurrence based on

observations that are linked through a commonality (Morse & McEvoy, 2014). In case

study research, multiple data collection methods and sources are triangulated to produce a

complete understanding of the case (Yin, 2014). Case study research takes information

from a wide variety of sources materials that can include interviews, documents, artifacts,

and observation (Rowley, 2002). Morse and McEvoy (2014) dictated that the transfer of

findings to the broad population is not the goal of case study research. The case study

design is meant to obtain a deeper understanding of the how or the why of the topic (Yin,

2014). Case study research is appropriate when the study consists of examination of a

clearly defined case that is held within specific boundaries and the end goal is to

thoroughly understand the case‘s features (Yin, 2014).

Glaser and Strauss (1967) identify grounded theory as appropriate for use when

the intent is to reveal the features fundamental to the topic under interest and to compose

a theory that is supported directly from the data (Charmaz, 2014). Grounded theory

incorporates multiple stages of data collection and includes the iterative fine-tuning of

categories as they emerge from the data (Corbin & Strauss, 1990). The resulting theory

from this form of research is based upon (i.e., grounded in) the elements of the data and

analysis of the interconnections among those elements (Moustakas, 1994).

In contrast, phenomenology is the examination of a phenomenon of interest, and

the research is conducted through an exploration of the lived experiences among a group

of study participants who have actually encountered the phenomenon (Walsh, 2012).

Within a phenomenological design, the researcher places a great deal of emphasis on

what meaning the participants themselves attribute to their experiences in an effort to

remove the researcher‘s interpretation from the study (Moustakas, 1994).

Phenomenological research results in a description of the essence of a phenomenon and

does not produce an acceptance or rejection of any hypotheses (Moustakas, 1994). The

goal of this study was to explore and finally describe Nigerian women‘s experiences and

strategies for transitioning into the workplace while balancing home life and to ascertain

their perceptions of the underlying gender roles and limitations to their progress. Based

on these considerations, I determined that the phenomenological approach was the only

suitable form of research for this study.

Role of the Researcher

When conducting qualitative research, the researcher acts as one of the

instruments for gathering data (Tracy, 2013). Becoming the instrument requires the

researcher to hone interview, observation, and active listening skills (Xu & Storr, 2012).

Using these skills, the researcher first gathers data, then as the researcher begins to work

with the data, they must analyze, code, group, and place the data into meaningful units or

themes (Leedy & Ormrod, 2015). At all times, they must be aware of the trail of decisions

they made so they can explain and defend choices (Xu & Storr, 2012). The job the

researcher has in any qualitative inquiry to work with the data and, once analyzed, to create

commentary on the data that provides new understanding of the phenomenon under

question (Morse, 1994).

The researcher must also spend time understanding their own worldview, as they

need to explore their individual biases, goals, ideas, thoughts, and interests with the

intention of putting them aside (Moustakas, 1994). This acknowledgement of a personal

lens is necessary so the data are analyzed independently and free of any preconceptions

(Tufford & Newman, 2012). Moustakas (1994) referred to this process as bracketing, or

epoché. Epoché should occur at the beginning of the analysis process and should continue

as one gathers and analyzes the data (Tufford & Newman, 2012). To engage in epoché,

the researcher must take note of any preconceptions regarding the study outcomes. By

maintaining a constant awareness of these preconceptions and biases, the researcher is

able to set them aside and allow the data to be analyzed separately (Tufford & Newman,

2012).

Methodology

Participant Selection Logic

The population of interest in this study included all Nigerian women who have

entered the field of higher education, as well as those who seek or have found a career.

The population of interest was limited to women of the age 18 or older. Outcomes from

the National Bureau of Statistics (2011) indicated that out of all Nigerian women, 44%

are enrolled in higher education, while about 25% are engaged in the labor force, and

14% are in managerial and executive positions. I explored the lived experiences of the

women who fell within any of these categories.

The inclusion criteria for the study limited the sampling scope to only women

who were at least 18 years old and have engaged in the dual role of career development

and family maintenance. I used purposeful convenience sampling methods to contact a

sample of 15 professional women who meet the inclusion criteria. Through utilization of

purposive convenience sampling, I contacted Nigerian women who are professionals in

their field and personal colleagues of mine. According to Moustakas (1994), participants

should have experience and interest in the phenomenon, as well as a willingness to be

study participants. I initially contacted participants through e-mail, and discussed details

regarding the study interview scheduling using this medium.

I contacted participants and provided them with a brief description of the study as

well as the detailed procedures followed in conducting the interview and handling the

interview data. Saturation was the main consideration for determining an appropriate

sample size in qualitative research (Fusch & Ness, 2015). According to Fusch and Ness

(2015), the data have reached saturation when novel information cannot be gathered from

new participants. Qualitative researchers must consider information that indicates the

existence of novel themes, but also information that exemplifies any relationships

between themes that may exist (Mason, 2010). In addition, qualitative researchers must

explore each and every theme to identify whether the participants sufficiently describe

the phenomenon so that the data may be considered saturated (Mason, 2010). Data

saturation is reached when the resulting themes are complex, profound, and diverse

enough to fully inform the researcher‘s understanding of the phenomenon (Corbin &

Strauss, 2014).

Several researchers offered suggestions for a realistic estimation of the required

sample size for phenomenological research. Francis et al. (2010) recommended that

between 10 and 20 participants is appropriate for a phenomenological study. Morse

(1994) suggested that researchers use a minimum of six participants. Others, such as

Guest, Bunce, and Johnson (2006), held that 12 participants are typically sufficient to

saturate qualitative data for interview-based research. Based on these recommendations, I

targeted a sample of 15 participants for this study. This allowed me to be assured of

meeting these recommendations even if several participants elected to drop from the

study.

Instrumentation

The principal instrument used in this study was me, the researcher (see Rubin &

Rubin, 2011). When conducting a qualitative study, all data gathering and collecting is

done by the researcher, which makes them an essential component in the study (Doody &

Noonan, 2013). A wide range of skills including active listening, careful observation, and

solid interview skills form the basis of all data gathering in qualitative research studies

(Rubin & Rubin, 2011).

I created a semistructured open-ended interview guide for use in this study. The

interview questions were based on the research question. The interview questions delved

into the participants‘ thoughts and emotions about juggling career and family.

Constructing strong interview questions is essential to a quality interview (Doody &

Noonan, 2013). They should be clear, direct, and easy to understand; not leading; and

should directly link to the experience, thoughts, and emotions of the interviewee (Tracy,

2013).

Field Test

Before initiating the research study, a panel of experts reviewed the interview

questions gathered by me for that purpose. The panel reviewed the questions to provide

feedback. By doing this, I could eliminate any questions that were leading or biased. I

chose this method instead of a pilot study because the size of the potential population is

unknown and having a pilot study could reduce the potential participants to the point

where the researcher could not reach saturation of data. Expert validation is the process

by which a panel of experts explores a series of interview questions to determine that they

are clear, concise, and free of bias (Thomas & Magilvy, 2011). A list of the interview

questions designed to align with the research question is in Appendix A.

Other instruments used in this study included my field notes. Field notes add data

to the study by noting down observations, questions, and ideas as the study progresses

(Lofland & Lofland, 1999). In addition, I created an informed consent form (see

Appendix B). The informed consent form included the name of the study, my name, title

of the study, and a description. It also contained information about the risks, benefits,

compensation, confidentiality, and the objectives. The participants also received

information regarding their right to withdraw at any time, as well as the fact that I would

audio record the interview. The participants were required to sign the form before any

interviews begin.

Procedures for Recruitment, Participation, and Data Collection

The 15 selected participants were my colleagues and friends in the executive

positions in their work place. At the beginning of this study, I already had their e-mail

addresses and telephone numbers in my contact records. I contacted them through e-mails

and telephone to ask if they would like to participate. For any the individuals who wished

to be included in the study, I sent an informed consent form (see Appendix B) through

email, which they signed and returned when meeting for the interview. Interviews did not

commence until I received a signed informed consent form.

The data collection method for the study was face-to-face interviews. I performed

the interviews by following a series of guiding interview questions developed specifically

for this research (see Appendix A). The semistructured interviews were open-ended in

nature. I designed the questions included in the interview to explore participants‘

experiences with achieving balance between career and family commitments, to explore

their strategies, and to shed light on the understanding of this experience. Throughout the

interviews, I also probed the participants‘ views on gender roles and urged them to

illuminate the specific challenges they encounter.

Doody and Noonan (2013) indicated that interviews are flexible and effective

tools when used in qualitative research. Englander (2012) explained that researchers use

interviews in qualitative research for the purpose of building meaning through

collaboration with participants and a reassembly of participants‘ impressions regarding an

experience. Rubin and Rubin (2011) cited several advantages acquired through face-

toface interviewing. The authors emphasized the ability to take note of nonverbal cues,

stressing the fact that these cues can elucidate any otherwise hidden feelings and

perceptions that participants may have. To gather data on these nonverbal cues, I took

notes on any patterns of behavior I observed during the interview process.

I took also asked the participants probing questions when additional information

was needed. I used probes to ask participants to provide more detail before they moved

forward with their story, and to ask for clarification or depth if needed. If a participant did

not understand a question and provided an irrelevant response, I also used probes to

gently guide them back to the response that is necessary to inform the research question.

After receiving consent to do so, I tape-recorded each interview so that data could

be analyzed and reflected upon continually. After transcribing the interviews, I allowed

participants to review their transcripts for accuracy. I e-mailed participants a copy of their

transcript to ask if they would like to review them, and asked that they provide feedback

regarding their accuracy in a reply e-mail. To further contribute to the trustworthiness, I

allowed participants to view the themes that result from their interviews. At this time, I

asked participants to engage in member checking by assessing the themes to determine

whether they were an accurate depiction of their lived experiences and that I had captured

the meaning of what was said. Harper and Cole (2012) referred to the process of

providing preliminary results to participants as member checking. The researchers

stressed the importance of this procedure in ensuring that results are valid and reflect the

meaning. Based on this recommendation, I used this process after analyzing data.

Data Analysis Plan

In this study, I used the modified Van Kaam method of analysis, as described by

Moustakas (1994), to analyze the study data. Following data collection and transcription,

I read the transcripts to begin understanding the principal messages expressed during the

interviews. I used the qualitative analysis software program NVivo 10 in the analysis of

the data. NVivo assists in organizing the data according to identified commonalities or

themes among participant responses (Bazeley & Jackson, 2013). The use of NVivo also

facilitates the organization of supportive excerpts for identified themes (Bazeley &

Jackson, 2013). I sorted and coded the study data based on the themes that resulted from

the interview responses. Throughout the process, I continually interpreted any deeper

meaning that was evident from participants‘ words. I conducted the data analysis with the

goal of answering the following research question: What are the lived experiences of

executive Nigerian women regarding challenges and strategies in management and

leadership positions with relation to their domestic lives and responsibilities?

The aim of the study was to formulate a textural and structural description of the

experiences cited among study participants. This information is useful to further inform

feminist and gendered leadership theories by recounting the lived experience of Nigerian

women in leadership. I based this study on analysis of data, and use the modified Van

Kaam method of analysis, which Moustakas (1994) explained in his discussion of

analytical methods. Moustakas described a 7-step data analysis procedure for use in

phenomenological research. I followed the first four of these steps, and used a modified

approach for the remaining steps of the analyses. The subsequent section lists the first

four steps prescribed by Moustakas, which were a part of the analysis. The fifth step is

where this modified approach begins, and explains the specific procedures used for this

study.

Horizontalization is the first step in this form of data analysis. During this step of

the process, I annotated every statement relevant to the participants‘ experience. This

process requires that the researcher review the interview data and recognize important

statements that clarify and describe how each participant experienced the phenomenon

(Moustakas, 1994). The second step of the Van Kaam analysis is reduction and

elimination. During the second step, I assessed each expression and identified whether its

inclusion is necessary in describing the topical phenomenon. The aim of this step is to

eliminate redundant or vague expressions, and reduce the data to only that which adds

informative value (Moustakas, 1994). The third step in this process is the clustering of

core themes of the experience. The purpose of this step is to arrange the data into themes

that represent the essence of the experience (Moustakas, 1994). I used NVivo at this stage

of the analysis to assist with the organization and grouping of the data.

The fourth step of the process involves validation of the core themes of the

experience. Through this process, I confirmed the accuracy of the themes and their

representativeness of the participants‘ experiences as noted by Moustakas (1994). During

the last step of analysis, a composite description is created (Moustakas, 1994). In this

step, I generated an overall description of the experience to form a combined presentation

of the essence common to the phenomenon. I used NVivo to facilitate the organization

and classification of data during this process. I highlighted the responses commonly cited

among participants‘ reported experiences. Highlighting common responses is intended to

provide a descriptive summary and explanation of the phenomenon. This explanation

should enable a reader to better comprehend and identify what it is like to experience the

phenomenon (Moustakas, 1994).

Issues of Trustworthiness

Credibility

According to Anderson (2010), qualitative research is highly reliable and valid

when performed correctly. As Thomas and Magilvy (2011) explained, validity in

qualitative research is referred to by a variety of nomenclature, including the term

credibility. Credibility, in qualitative research, is the extent to which results reproduce a

true and accurate description of the participants‘ experiences (Kornbluh, 2015). A study

is credible if the results are so accurately described that an individual with the same

experiences would readily recognize the phenomenon under study (Kornbluh, 2015).

There are several methods that can be used to improve the credibility of a study. In this

study, I encouraged participants to provide honest and candid information throughout

their interview. I also prompted participants to give additional elaboration for any

responses that warranted explanation.

To further promote the study‘s credibility, I recorded each interview using an

audio recording device, and later sent them to a qualified third-party for professional

transcription. I used transcript review to confirm that the recordings were accurate, in line

with Harper and Cole‘s (2012) recommendations. Participants in the study each received

a copy of their transcript taken from the recording. I encouraged participants to review

their transcript to verify whether it presented an accurate depiction of the meanings they

intended to convey. In addition, I asked participants to engage in member checking upon

thematization of the transcripts. In this phase of validation, participants reviewed the

thematized findings and provided input regarding the accuracy of the themes and that I

had captured the meaning of what was said. Participants who disagreed with the thematic

findings provided guidance to a better representation of their actual lived experiences.

For cases such as this, participant responses guided the revision to a theme, and

participants received these revised themes once more for final review. If the participant

responded that the theme was better representative of their experiences and perceptions, I

compounded it with the final results. If the participant did not feel that the revised theme

was better indicative of their perceptions or experiences, I continued the process until

they feel that their views are accurately portrayed.

By attaining saturation, the study‘s findings are credible through the assurance

that the final themes conform to and fully represent the data as discussed by Fusch and

Ness (2015). To ensure that data reached saturation, I assessed each theme as I added data

from subsequent participants. When additional data ceased to add new themes, and

instead further supported the existing themes, I considered the data saturated, as Fusch

and Ness proposed. I also identified discrepant or contradictory findings during data

analysis. I discussed these findings among the other identified results to ensure that the

entire breadth of participant perspectives was been represented. The concept of epoché,

or bracketing, helped to moderate personal biases to the highest degree possible

(Moustakas, 1994).

Transferability

Transferability is the ability of the findings to transfer to other contexts

(Kornbluh, 2015). Previous researchers have agreed that the assurance of generalizability

is not cause for concern in qualitative research. This is based on the purpose of qualitative

studies, in which the aim is to describe a unique phenomenon or experience rather than a

broad generalization that describes the overall population (Hatch, 2010). Instead of the

researcher, it is the reader who determines the degree of transferability for a qualitative

study (Kornbluh, 2015). In providing thick and detailed description, readers can make

judgments about the study‘s findings and their ability to transfer or apply to different

settings (Hatch, 2010).

Dependability

Dependability is the capacity to demonstrate that a researcher would discover

similar results if replicating the study using the same context, methods, and participants

(Shenton, 2004). Lincoln and Guba (1985) stated that credibility and dependability are

fundamentally related concepts. They argued that, if a study is replicable, the validity of

the study is inherently increased. To establish dependability, I used an audit trail in the

study method, whereby I documented all procedures and processes in the collection of

data both electronically and in the research paper itself. I noted the dates and time of

events and activities in the audit trail.

Confirmability

Confirmability is equivalent to the concept of objectivity, as it exists in

quantitative studies. According to Thomas and Magilvy (2011), conformability results

from the establishment of credibility, transferability, and dependability in a study. To

achieve confirmability, the results of the study must be a direct representation of the

participants‘ voices, and biases must be strictly controlled. Participant responses should

exemplify the specific themes and subthemes that emerge during data analysis so that

biases do not reflect on the findings. Reflexivity is an extremely important concept when

considering the confirmability of the study. It was necessary to set aside any

preconceptions or biases and focus on the specific experiences described by participants

during interviewing. To bolster the study‘s confirmability, I followed the conversations

with participants rather than leading conversation during the interview process. My sole

role during interviewing was to prompt as much detail as possible from the interviewee,

and to ask for clarification when necessary as discussed by Thomas and Magilvy.

Ethical Procedures

The protection of participants is a major responsibility of the researcher when

human subjects are recruited for data collection (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2012). In this

study, I designed all procedures to abide by the prescriptions set by the Walden Institution

Review Board, as well as all relevant federal regulations. I informed participants of any

known risks they may face in the study prior to their participation. Participants received a

consent form with all the study details pertinent to their involvement in the study, which

they signed before they were allowed to participate (see Appendix B). Participants

received this form via e-mail prior to the interview, and I asked that they sign the form

before the interview began. If participants had any questions about the consent form, I

allowed them as much time to ask questions as necessary upon meeting face-to-face.

When participants felt that their questions were answered sufficiently, I asked that they

sign the form and return it to me. I also provided them with a copy of this form. I

informed all participants that their participation in the study was voluntary, and ensured

that they understand their right to withdraw at their discretion and with no penalty. All

data collected during the course of the study will remain confidential so that I protect the

identities of participants. I also assigned pseudonyms to all participants, such as

Participant 1. I will maintain interview materials, including audio recordings and

interview transcripts, within a locked filing cabinet in my home office. Digital material

will remain on my personal password-protected computer. I have limited access to the

raw data to myself, the transcriptionist, and the research committee. I will store the data

for a period of 5 years. At the end of this time period, I will destroy the study data by

shredding all physical copies of data and erasing electronic data. I conducted this study

within my current field of employment. Because of my employment within the study

setting, there was a working relationship with some of the participants in the study. I had

no supervisory relationship with the study participants. For this reason, I have no reason

to believe that power differentials influenced the participants in any way. I also

guaranteed participants that I would not include any identifying information in the

presentation of findings. I informed all participants that participation in the study was

voluntary. Participants did not receive incentives for their participation, and I assured

them that the choice not to participate would not result in any adverse effect.

Summary

In Chapter 3, I presented a detailed explanation of the methodological procedures

that I used in this study. I also presented the data collection and analytical procedures for

the study. My intention with this study was to explore the challenges and strategies of

management and leadership positions for Nigerian women, as gathered from an analysis

of their lived experiences. Through this inquiry, I aimed to contribute to the body of

knowledge concerning how Nigerian women overcome challenges as they carry out the

dual role of career and family. In Chapter 4, I will present the findings and results from

the modified Van Kaam analysis. I will also present the thematic analysis of the obtained

data, along with the comprehensive findings of the research.

Chapter 4: Results

Introduction

The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore the lived

experiences of Nigerian women regarding challenges and strategies in management and

leadership positions in relation to their domestic lives and responsibilities. There is a

conflict between career advancement and family because of the multiple roles Nigerian

women fulfill (Agi, 2014; Kahkha et al., 2014). In this research study, I examined the

lived experiences of Nigerian women regarding challenges and strategies in management

and leadership positions in relation to their domestic lives and responsibilities. Because a

lack of literature pertains to a Nigerian women‘s multiple role experience, I had the goal

of assessing the lived experiences of Nigerian women in leadership and management

positions in this study. This was done in order to outline the challenges Nigerian women

faced and the strategies they employed to overcome these challenges while balancing

their multiple roles (see Agi, 2014; Animasahun & Oladeni, 2012). I used a modified Van

Kaam analysis and a thematic analysis to analyze the collected data. The one central

research question that guided the research study was, What are the lived experiences of

executive Nigerian women regarding challenges and strategies in management and

leadership positions with relation to their domestic lives and responsibilities? In this

chapter, I will explain the research setting prior to discussing the participants‘

demographics. Following that, I will provide an outline of the data collection procedures

along with the steps of data analysis. In Chapter 4, I will also present the evidence of

trustworthiness followed by a thorough examination of the research study‘s findings.

Research Setting

The participants selected both the locations and venues, as they were convenient

for the participants and me. All interviews took place in private rooms of restaurants

selected by the participants and agreed on by me. I conducted the interviews between

December 2016 and January 2017, and all were audio recorded. Each interview session

lasted between 45 to 65 minutes.

Before the interviews, I conducted preinterview screening for the eligibility and

suitability of participants. After determining the eligibility, I sent a formal consent letter

to all participants by e-mail to secure their consent before the interview. Each participant

signed the consent form before the commencement of his or her interview. I assured the

participants of the confidentiality of their identities and information to create confidence,

trust, and a relaxing environment. The semistructured interview approach with openended

questions helped the participants to discuss and describe their experiences as they

pursued the dual role of career and family responsibilities. After each interview, I played

back the audio recording, transcribed them into Microsoft Word, and saved them to a

password-protected computer.

Participant Demographics

I selected participants based on the eligibility criteria outlined on the informed

consent form. The eligibility criteria included, (a) must be 18 years of age or older, (b)

must be a Nigerian woman, and (c) must have engaged in the dual role of career

development and family maintenance. Table 1 outlines each participant, their job title, the

date the interview occurred, and how long the interview lasted.

Table 1

Participant Demographics

Participant number

Job title

Interview date

Length of

interview

Participant 1

Lecturer and professor

December 6th

2016

50 mins

Participant 2

Senior lecturer and math

professor

December 8th

2016

55 mins

Participant 3

Senior lecturer and

English professor

December 11th

2016

60 mins

Participant 4

Deputy police

commissioner

December 13th

2016

55 mins

Participant 5

Doctor and manager

December 16th

2016

57 mins

Participant 6

Nurse and executive

manager

December 18th

2016

55 mins

Participant 7

Head nurse

December 20th

2016

45 mins

Participant 8

Marketing manager

December 23rd

2016

60 mins

Participant 9

Lawyer

December 28th

2016

54 mins

Participant 10

Hospital administrator

December 30th

2016

55 mins

Participant 11

Banker

January 3rd

2017

58 mins

Participant 12

Manager

January 5th

2017

50 mins

Participant 13

Auditor

January 8th

2017

65 mins

Participant 14

Manager

January 9th

2017

55 mins

Participant 15

Estate surveyor

January 10th

2017

54 mins

Participant 1

Participant 1 was a lecturer and university professor. As a university professor, she

was required to publish articles both locally and internationally to maintain her high

academic standing. She felt people within academics did not care about gender and did

not feel as if disparities existed between genders in academics. Despite that, she did

acknowledge academia did not recognize ―that women are battling with two big issues:

family and career.‖

Participant 2

Participant 2 was a senior lecturer and a math professor at a university. Similar to

Participant 1, she was also required to conduct research and publish her work for her job.

Participant 2 felt she had to work harder than her male counterparts did to ―fit in

properly into my career.‖ She reported she worked hard ―to avoid my gender being a

hindrance to my success‖ and felt that there were times ―this gender issues sparks me to

work harder.‖

Participant 3

Participant 3 was a senior lecturer and English professor at a university. She also

had to conduct research and publish articles to maintain her position at the university

level and even spoke about attending ―seminars, conferences, [and] workshops‖ in

addition to her publications. She did not perceive any gender differences and did not feel

as if disparities existed between the genders in academia. She did mention ―social

issues,‖ which she defined as ―specific issues not direct to any gender.‖ She stated,

―this is seen when some people will just want to frustrate your work.‖

Participant 4

Participant 4 was a deputy police commissioner. She encountered two role

transitions from the beginning of her career to her current positions. First, she was a

working woman and when she got married she became a working wife. Once she became

a mother, she became a working mother. When asked if any differences occurred in her

job based on gender, she reported she was ―able to play all the roles my male

counterparts could play and at the same time managing my family.‖ She even stated she

used to challenge the men in her field, ―that anything a man can do, a woman can do it

better.‖

Participant 5

Participant 5 was a medical doctor and a general manager. She grew into her

position as a general manager from being a doctor and assuming more leadership

positions prior to becoming the general manager. She was an assistant medical director

and then the chief medical director prior to her current position. She did not feel as if any

gender differences existed within the medical profession but did feel that some subtle

gender issues occurred as she began her ascendency to higher leadership positions. She

reported that as time went on she ―gained the respect from my male colleagues.‖

Participant 6

Participant 6 was a nurse and executive manager. She advanced her career through

education and experienced some gender issues. She stated, ―the men in the school where

I did occupational health nursing believe that a woman cannot do better [then they could].

But surprising to them, at the end of the program I was the best graduating student.‖

Because of her success, she stated the men ―thought I probably bribed my way through‖

because they could not believe a woman could perform at a higher level.

Participant 7

Participant 7 was a head nurse. She began her career as a teacher to aspiring nurse

and eventually moved into another sector. She moved her way up to her current position

as head nurse and said she was ―promoted to this highest level in nursing unit.‖ When

asked about gender differences, she stated, ―nursing as a career has appreciable number

of females.‖ Despite that, she acknowledged ―males being males would still want to

dominate all the top managerial posts.‖ As a result, she ―was eager to pursue academics

not minding the stress involved‖ because of ability to continue moving up the managerial

ladder.

Participant 8

Participant 8 was a marketing Manager. She worked her way up into her current

position through additional education and certificate programs. She mentioned ―there is

this notion that women are weaker sex and their education ends in the kitchen.‖

Participant 8 acknowledged, ―my experiences being a woman can‘t be smooth because

they say ‗we are in a man‘s world.‘‖ Despite that, she thought ―the Almighty God has

wired women in a special way by making them multi-tasking.‖

Participant 9

Participant 9 was a lawyer. She began her career within the private sector but

found she wanted more court involvement and moved into the public sector. She did not

believe that gender differences existed within her career and stated, ―as a female lawyer,

we do the same thing men do.‖ She acknowledged although she never experienced

gender issues, she knew her colleagues within the private sector did complain about such

issues. Participant 9 did not expand on or provide any further detail.

Participant 10

Participant 10 was a hospital administrator. She worked at several hospitals and

helped with organizing the day-to-day functions of the hospital. When asked about

gender differences within the workplace, she shared that she had not faced any gender

issues. She worked with several other women who looked to her as a role model, and she

provided advice to them about developing themselves in the workplace.

Participant 11

Participant 11 was a banker in the private sector. She reported that gender within

banking was ―neither here nor there. Gender can help you to rise or lead to your failure

in the banking sector.‖ This was especially true for individuals who worked as marketers

in the bank because they ―do all sorts to attract rich customers.‖ As a result, she stated,

―some of the male counterparts can be very jealous‖ of the women.

Participant 12

Participant 12 was a manager at a medical laboratory. She stated, ―I don‘t see

myself as a woman, I believe so much in myself. I believe I can do things myself so I

don‘t consider gender an issue.‖ She did not see her gender creating barriers to her

ascension as a manager. She even spoke about her boss and said, ―I have a boss who

respect and believe so much in women.‖

Participant 13

Participant 13 was an auditor. She previously worked within the banking sector

but felt as if she did not have time for her family and herself. As a result, she moved into

her current position to better manage her time. She felt as if ―gender has no place here‖

in the workplace because she is expected to perform just as her male counterparts are

expected to perform. However, she did acknowledge that there were times when she

wished ―I were a man because of stress‖ balancing both family and career.

Participant 14

Participant 14 was a manager of a cosmetics firm. She previously worked within

the insurance industry but did not enjoy the work or the small paycheck. Because of this,

she moved into a receptionist position that provided opportunities for upward mobility

and she found the work more rewarding. She faced envy and gossip from her coworkers

when she began moving up into leadership positions but remained focused on her own

goal. She did not feel as if her gender was the reason she faced this envy and jealousy, but

rather that this treatment was because she was focused and moving up in the company.

Participant 15

Participant 15 was an estate surveyor for the public sector. She reported the field

she worked in was a male-dominated profession. Despite that being the case, she ―was

able to rise in my career.‖ She did face an issue when she went into labor for her second

child, in which her boss issued a query for her because she was taken to the hospital. It

took her coworkers, a letter from the hospital, and her husband to have the query

rescinded.

Data Collection Procedures

I recruited 15 women who were in executive positions in their work place at the

time of the study. The potential participants were contacted through e-mail and telephone

and asked if they would like to participate in the study. For those who agreed to be part of

the study, I used the screening questions to ensure they met the criteria for the study.

Thereafter, participants received informational invitations to inform the purpose of the

research study, the inclusion criteria, the expected procedures, and the benefits and risks

associated with this research study. The informational invitation was conveyed through

email by the informed consent form to enable participants to review the information prior

to the interview.

I met each participant for the interview at the location and on the date and time

scheduled by the participant. I did not commence the interview until I received a signed

informed consent form. Before the beginning of the semistructured interview, I answered

questions or concerns that participants had and collected the signed informed consent

form. I obtained permission to audio record the interview from each participant. I also

took notes on any pattern of behavior observed during the interview process to gather

data on nonverbal cues. At the end of each interview, I thanked the participant for

participating and informed them that they would receive e-mails for transcript review and

member checking. I transcribed the audio-recorded interviews and e-mailed the

participants a copy of their transcript for them to review for accuracy.

Data Analysis

I performed two data analysis techniques: the modified Van Kaam

phenomenological analysis and the thematic analysis. I used these two data analysis plans

to complement the data gathered and used in a linear fashion. First, the modified Van

Kaam phenomenological analysis was used, followed by a thematic analysis to name,

define, and explain the themes that resulted from the modified Van Kaam

phenomenological analysis. Following the details of the data analysis procedures is a

detailed account of the results for each data analysis plan in the same order as they were

presented in this data analysis.

Modified Van Kaam Phenomenological Analysis

After generating the interview transcripts, I read the transcripts to become familiar

with the principal messages expressed during the interviews. I then uploaded the

transcripts into NVivo 10 to begin the data analysis. Per the Chapter 3 outline of the

modified Van Kaam phenomenological analysis, I adopted the first four steps as outlined

by Moustakas (1994) prior to the modified remaining steps. I employed the first step of

the modified Van Kaam analysis, which dictated that the researcher annotates each

description of the participant‘s experience. As I reread the interview transcripts, I

identified important statements that revealed how each participant experienced the

phenomenon. I coded these statements within the NVivo 10 software. I coded each

interview by first reading through each interview transcript and identifying the

meaningful units within the narrative. I then labeled these meaningful units with a phrase

or term that reduced the meaningful unit to the underlying meaning. This process

continued for each participant and these phrases or terms were compiled into a list for

each participant. I used NVivo to create and compile these codes. Table 2 demonstrates

how I completed this process.

Table 2

Raw Data and Applicable Codes

Raw data

Applicable code

―An average person expects a woman to

work hard and even harder than her male

counterparts because of her double role.‖

Double role

―The main solution to this conflict

resolution is careful planning and good

time management.‖

Importance of planning and time

management

―I mean you cannot do it alone you need

the cooperation of your spouse if you want

to succeed.‖

Supportive husband is crucial

―Career development is usually stressful

when the kids are young but becomes less

difficulty as they become independent and

do things on their own.‖

Kids‘ independence makes career

development easier

―It was very stressful for me but I had no

choice but to balance my roles.‖

Balancing my roles

After coding, I began the second step of the modified Van Kaam

phenomenological analysis––reduction and elimination. I assessed each expression and

statement to determine whether its inclusion was necessary to describe the phenomenon

or not. I also eliminated redundant or vague expressions and statements that did not add

depth to the phenomenon. By parsing down the data to only that which added important

information, I ensured that the remaining information was pertinent and substantive to the

phenomenon and experience. I closely examined each participant‘s list and reduced or

eliminated redundant codes. Codes similar to one another were combined and labeled

under an inclusive title. I then examined the codes to identify any relationships that

existed between the codes and clustered them into themes. I used NVivo to facilitate this

process and outlined this process in Table 3.

Table 3

Themes and Their Respective Codes

Theme

Codes

Multiple roles make balance

difficult

Double role,

Balancing my roles,

Lack of time,

Child rearing is difficult to balance,

My roles at school, work, and home, and

Exhaustion

Supportive husband is key to

balance

Supportive husband is crucial,

Balance made easier because of husband, and

Having unsupportive husband makes balance

difficult

God supports and guides me

Faith gives me strength,

I seek God‘s guidance,

God supports me, and

I accomplish all things with God‘s help

Planning and time

management

Importance of planning and time management,

Good planning mitigates conflicts,

Kids‘ independence makes career development

easier, and

Not enough time

Importance of education

Education is necessary for career development,

Difficulty of child rearing and pursuing education,

and

Stress is worth it

Be focused and work hard

Hard work will pay off,

Focus on goals, and

Do not pay attention to gossip

Have good house help

house help does household chores,

children need someone to watch them after school,

having good house help makes balance easier, and

I can better plan and manage time with good house

help

Once I completed the second step, I began the third step of the modified Van

Kaam phenomenological analysis. In this third step, I clustered the fundamental themes

relevant to the whole experience. Then, I was left with themes that were representative of

the experience‘s essence (Moustakas, 1994). I used NVivo to organize and manage the

resulting themes from the data. Once I compiled a list of the codes, I began the fourth

step of the Van Kaam phenomenological analysis. This step included the validation of

themes that represented the experience‘s essence. By reading through the whole dataset

with the list of themes in mind, I confirmed the existence of the themes.

After this step, I created a composite description of the experiences. This

composite description of the experience presented the common essences of the

phenomenon by highlighting the themes that emerged from participants‘ responses. With

the help of NVivo, I selected key words and phrases common to the themes and used

them to substantiate the composite description. Highlighting these common responses

provided a descriptive summary and explanation of the phenomenon. Next was the

procedure of thematic analysis to further name, define, and explain the themes in detail.

Thematic Analysis

After the modified Van Kaam phenomenological analysis, I began to accumulate

the key words and phrases identified with each theme. After naming each theme, I began

defining each theme within the context of the surrounding phenomenon. I created

descriptions for each theme and explained the potential connections between the themes

as described by participants. I used the themes generated from the Van Kaam

phenomenological analysis to form the basis of the thematic analysis. I explored the

discrepancies and differences that existed among participant responses during this phase

of the analysis. The purpose of using these analysis approaches was to allow the reader to

better understand and identify what it is like to experience the phenomenon.

Evidence of Trustworthiness

Credibility

Throughout the data collection process, I encouraged participants to provide

honest and candid information about their experiences. When participants provided vague

or discrete information, I prompted participants to provide additional information and

elaborate on their responses. I audio-recorded each interview and sent them to a neutral,

professional, third-party transcriptionist after conducting the interviews. After receipt of

the transcripts, I provided the transcripts to participants to check for alignment and

corrections. Once participants returned the transcripts with their corrections, I corrected

the transcripts electronically.

After thematization of the transcripts, I reached out to participants to enlist their

help member-checking the results. I encouraged participants to provide their input

regarding the accuracy of the themes and to ensure that the overall experience was

accurately reflected. I also used data saturation as a technique to establish the

trustworthiness in the research study‘s findings. During the data collection, additional

interviews ceased to add new themes after 13 interviews and instead supported existing

themes. After this occurred, I identified the data as saturated. I also used bracketing to

moderate potential biases to the highest degree possible.

Transferability

I used the technique of thick description to establish the transferability of the

research study‘s findings. In doing so, readers can make judgements about the study‘s

findings and their ability to transfer or apply to different settings, contexts, and

circumstances. According to Kornbluh (2015), it is the reader who determines the degree

of transferability for qualitative research.

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Dependability

I used the technique of audit trail to establish the dependability of the research

study‘s findings. I documented all procedures and processes in the collection of data for

this dissertation. I compiled a table outlining the steps taken during data collection and

data analysis.

Table 4

Data Collection and Procedures

Step

Action

Date/Time

Location

Communication

format

Step

I invited potential

participants to participate

in the study attaching

consent forms

November

17–19,

2016

My home

E-mail and

phone

Step

I received completed

consent forms

November

20–25,

2016

My home

E-mail

Step

I conducted

participants‘ recruitment

screening exercise

November

26–30,

2016

My home

E-mail

Step

Participants and I agreed

on interview schedule,

time and location

December 1–

5, 2016

Location selected

by the participant

E-mail and

phone

Step

Prior to beginning of

interview, I met with

participant, answered any

questions of concerns and

collected signed consent

form

30 minutes

Location selected

by the participant

In person

(faceto-

face)

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Step

Semistructured interview

took place after I

obtained permission to

audio record the

interview

Between

60–70

minutes

December

6, 2016–

January 10,

2017

Location and time

selected by the

participant

In person

(faceto-

face)

Step

I thanked participants and

informed that interview

transcripts will be sent to

them by e-mail to

review/member checking

5 minutes

Interview location

In person

(faceto-

face)

Step

I transcribed interview

audio recording into

Microsoft Word

December

10, 2016–

January 14,

2017

My home

In person

(faceto-

face)

(table continues)_

Step

Action

Date/Time

Location

Communication

format

Step

I sent interview

transcripts to participants

to review for accuracy

December

20, 2016–

January 21,

2017

My home

E-mail

Step

Participants reviewed

transcripts and sent back

December

27, 2016–

January 25,

2017

Participant‘s home

or work

E-mail

Step

I received transcripts

from participants and

addressed all feedback

January 5–

31, 2017

My home

E-mail

Step

Research thematized

interview data and sent to

participants

February 2–

6, 2017

My home

E-mail

Step

Participants reviewed/

member checked and

sent back to me

February 6–

10, 2017

My home

E-mail

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Step

I received thematized

results, addressed

participants‘

feedback/comments

February

10–15, 2017

My home

E-mail

Table 4 shows the entire interview period, from recruitment to member-checking

of the final results. This process is detailed to ensure the research study‘s findings are

dependable.

Confirmability

I used reflexivity to establish the research study‘s findings as confirmable. I set

aside preconceptions and biases during the data collection and data analysis steps of the

research process. I did this so that I could focus on the specific experiences described by

participants during the interview.

Thematic and Composite

Because I employed two data analysis plans for this research study, I chose to

present the results in two sections. These sections correlate with the data analysis

procedures and mimic the same layout of the data analysis section in this chapter. The

first section details the composite description of the experience, as outlined in the

modified Van Kaam phenomenological analysis. The second section details the thematic

results, as highlighted in the thematic analysis. Each section provides depth and breadth

to answering the central research question for this study: What are the lived experiences

of executive Nigerian women regarding challenges and strategies in management and

leadership positions with relation to their domestic lives and responsibilities?

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Composite Description

Seven important themes emerged from participants‘ experiences and responses:

(a) multiple roles make balance difficult, (b) supportive husband is key to balance, (c)

God supports and guides me, (d) planning and time management, (e) importance of

education, (f) be focused and work hard, and (g) have good house help. I describe these

themes in a narrative fashion with participant excerpts placed throughout. These themes

appear in a different order from how they are listed in the table because of the interwoven

nature of the composite description.

Nearly all participants reported balancing career and family was a difficult

adjustment. Participant 1 stated, ―the academic system does not recognize that women

are battling with two big issues; family and career.‖ Many participants did not feel as if

their employers recognized the multiple roles that they played inside and outside of work.

The participants faced challenges of not having enough time to get things done around

the house and of rearing children, if they had young children when pursuing their careers.

Participant 15 had a unique experience when she went into labor with her second child

after she started working. She said:

I had an interesting experience when I had our second child. I was taken to the

hospital by my neighbor when I was in labor. I gave birth on getting to the hospital. At

the office, a query was issued by my boss within that 24 hours of my admission. My

boss did not bother to call to inquire the reason for my absence before issuing the query.

Apparently, it was because I did not take permission from my office considering the

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complex nature of labor. It took the intervention of my colleagues and a medical report

from the hospital to counter the query notwithstanding that my husband had gone to

report to my office a day before. A few participants had to face queries from their bosses

when they were late or could not come in because of outstanding medical issues.

Participant 15 described a strict work environment where the outside roles that she had

to contend with were not taken into consideration. She felt as if her employer was not

concerned with what may have prevented her to come into work, but that the employer

was only concerned that she did not come into work.

Participant 3 was in the middle of pursuing her master‘s degree and shared her

experiences of having children. She said:

My kids were always sick. I will from school rush straight to hospital, sleep there

and at the same time doing my assignments. In the morning, I bathe them and

zoom off for my lectures or test. In school, I will be on the phone inquiring about

their health progress.

Even though she was pursuing her degree, she was still responsible of taking care of and

tending to her children. She did acknowledge that ―it became fun at my PhD level‖

because her kids were more independent (Participant 3).

Most participants recognized the importance of education for the advancement of

their careers. Although each woman faced challenges when pursuing her education,

several participants acknowledged that the stress would be worth it in the end because of

the opportunities for advancement and higher pay. Participant 7 shared how she ―was

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eager to pursue academics, not minding the stress involved‖ because of the eventual

payoff. Participant 8 was similarly minded and stated that ―I knew quite well that if I

can get the certificate, I will improve in my career which means increase in salary and

better standard of living for us. I therefore did not relent.‖

A few participants transitioned into different careers after trying to balance career

and family in their first career. After finding the first careers difficult and stressful, they

discussed the transition so that they could have more time to balance their roles more

easily. Participant 7 was one such person, and said:

I was initially in the academics specialty of nursing when I and my husband

considered the need to change career to one that will suit us. . . . I was able to

handle my family as well as pursue my career without grudges. The love for my

job increased. The love for my family increased. I became successful.

Participant 13 had a similar story because she transitioned from a stressful job to a more

flexible for her. She felt that her previous job made it ―difficult to strike a balance

between my family and my career‖ (Participant 13).

Many participants spoke about the additional responsibilities women had to attend

to that men did not have. Most women had the responsibility of doing their grocery

shopping during their limited free time, whether after a long day of work or on the

weekends. Participant 15 recognized a ―huge workload of house chores: cooking,

laundry, taking care of the kids.‖ As a result, several women spoke about the importance

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of having house help to prepare meals and do the chores around the house while they

were out of the house working.

This was the case for Participant 1, who shared, ―Sometimes I stayed back in my

office to tidy up my job before going home especially when I know that people in the

house can handle part of family role. . . [and] to assist with some house chores.‖ It was a

common experience of executive Nigerian women to enlist the help of others around the

house because they reportedly came home late into the evening and did not want to worry

about preparing a meal for their family. It was also beneficial to have house help to watch

the children, because typically school would let out hours before either parent was home

from work. One participant mentioned it was important for her to ―show love to my

house helps . . . I had good house helps because I showed love to them. They reciprocated

by treating my children with best care‖ (Participant 7).

Despite the service the house help provided, participants unanimously agreed the

most important aspect of maintaining and balancing both career and family was having a

supportive husband. Several participants noted when their spouse was not supportive, it

was a challenge to balance their career and family. One participant in particular stated,

―Lack of support from partner is the main problem that makes balancing a home and

career development difficult‖ (Participant 6). A supportive husband and partner meant that

each parent could rely and lean on the other to help take care of the household when the

other was kept at work late or could not pick the children up.

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In many cases, participants spoke about their husbands‘ support for their careers

and educational pursuits, even when faced with opposition from their families.

Participant 6 acknowledged that her husband‘s family was against her going back to

school to pursue a career. She said ―they complain[ed] to my husband that why would

he allow me to go back to school considering the tender (young) children. My husband

did not listen to them for I had his support‖ (Participant 6). One participant shared, ―I

was thirty years when my husband reminded me that he had promised my late dad to

train me to the highest academic level‖ (Participant 3). Although his family did not

understand why he would want her to get an education and a career, he remained

steadfast in keeping the promise he made to her father.

Several participants spoke about the importance of good planning and time

management, saying it was vital for their success. Two of participants spoke about the

importance of good family planning for their lives because it made their ability to balance

career and family easier. A couple of other participants mentioned the timing of having

children and pursuing a career was also important for their ability to balance career and

family. Participant 2 reported,

The role of my husband support and consent to my career advancement was key.

In my own part, it was smooth because I had his support and backing. I also had

the support of my kids. It was also smooth because my kids had become

independents during my career pursuit. All my children were grown up by the

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time I started building active career and they were interested in my progress. This

interest of theirs ignites me to power on.

Participant 6 was such a person and reported, ―I had my kids at a very tender age before

going for nursing. Therefore, during my career development, I had no challenges in that

area.‖ This occurred because children were going to school and were old enough to be

able to take care of themselves for the few hours before their parents came home from

work, with the assistance of the house help. One participant highlighted her experience

with this: ―Career development is usually stressful when the kids are young but

becomes less difficult as they become independent and do things on their own‖

(Participant 13).

However, several participants spoke about having young children while pursuing

their career. The participants felt the timing of career pursuit and child bearing made

career pursuit more difficult. Participant 15 mentioned when she began her career it

―was hectic because I had to combine my career with children bearing and family

maintenance.

I had to contend with my child been (sic) sick and taken to the hospital.‖ Another

participant reported,

My experience was stressful. This is because I was a young reproductive mother

catering for young kids and at the same time pursuing my career. I did not relent.

I had to further my academics so as to get promotions. (Participant 7)

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Many participants spoke about their faith and belief in God during their interviews. They

felt as if He supported and guided them in their pursuit of balancing career and family.

Participant 1 aptly stated, ―It takes the grace of God, sorry I am also a pastor and as such

I must stress God‘s help, to manage these two roles. That is, God has to play a role in

balancing family and career.‖ By staying focused and working hard, they entrusted their

feelings of stress onto Him and felt as if they were able to succeed because they relied on

God. One participant stated that she prayed ―to God to give me the grace and strength

not to relent but to work harder‖ (Participant 5). Participant 4 described,

It is by the special grace of God that I reach the top of my career. He gave me the

grace to juggle my career well.... I believe so much in God and as such placed all

my problems on Him and to my amazement I was soaring high in my career and

family. As soon as I placed my trust in God, every other thing fell in place. He

gave me wonderful wisdom and understanding.

For several participants, God was their ultimate provider and felt that their belief was the

cornerstone for their achievement and success. Participant 5 further explained she

succeeded ―because I committed everything to God.‖ This was especially true for those

participants who faced challenges with regard to balancing their education, career, and

family. Participant 1 reported the strategy: ―I adopted for balance was praying to God

for direction and adopting good time management.‖ One participant felt that she did not

have much conflict because ―I am blessed. God is always helping me‖ (Participant 3).

This was because the participants felt that God would not give them something they

110

could not deal with and believed resources and techniques were available to them to

manage their responsibilities. Participant 8 illustrated this point succinctly when she said,

―I always believe in this saying that it is not by my might or power, but the special grace

of God.‖

Thematic Results

Seven themes emerged from participants‘ experiences and responses to the

interview questions. These interview questions were designed to gather sufficient

information to answer the central research question: What are the lived experiences of

executive Nigerian women regarding challenges and strategies in management and

leadership positions with relation to their domestic lives and responsibilities? The

thematic results outlined and detailed the emergent themes in sequential order. These

themes presented in the thematic results were (a) multiple roles make balance difficult,

(b) supportive husband is key to balance, (c) God supports and guides me, (d) planning

and time management, (e) importance of education, (f) be focused and work hard, and (g)

have good house help.

Emergent Theme 1: Multiple roles make balance difficult. Participants spoke

about the multiple roles they had inside and outside of the home. They spoke about the

challenges and difficulties they had when entering their careers and trying to juggle the

multiple roles they had. Participant 7 reported that this balancing act ―was stressful.

This is because I was a young reproductive mother catering for young kids and at the

same time pursuing my career. I did not relent.‖ Although many women did not face the

111

same challenges or difficulties that other women did, uniform feelings and thoughts

occurred. The participants felt stressed when trying to balance those roles and found it

difficult to find enough time to give each role its appropriate time. The participants had to

fit the roles of mothers, wives, caretakers, students, and career women to their children,

husband, extended family, and siblings. Participant 4 faced three distinct stages of

developing her career:

During the process of developing my career it was stage wise. I will start by

saying that I had a role as; working woman, then as a working wife and finally as

a working mother. The most important thing is that I managed these three stages

with keen interest. As a working woman, I gave my job all it takes. I had all the

time in the world to focus on my job. This is also applicable when I became a

working wife where I set the priorities right. Finally, as a working mother, the role

becomes more complex. In this stage I applied complex techniques to manage it.

Participant 4 spoke about how focusing on only one role could be detrimental because

―for you to be successful, you must make a balance‖ between career and family. Those

participants who worked within academics acknowledged that, ―academics is one of the

most challenging profession. It involves a lot of sacrifice to get to the top‖ (Participant 3).

A lot of sacrifice was involved because the nature of academics requires not only

lecturing and teaching, but also research. Their research is often expensive and time

consuming, but is necessary for them to keep their positions. Attending ―seminars,

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conferences, [and] workshops‖ (Participant 3) were also time consuming and expensive

ventures they had to do on top of their publishing endeavors.

This theme connected with the themes (a) supportive husband is key to balance,

(b) planning and time management, and (c) have good house help. Many participants

spoke about how critical it was to have a supportive husband because it made the

household run more smoothly. Cooperation between a husband and wife was noted as an

important strategy learned to balance career and family. This occurred was because wives

and husbands worked out schedules, such as picking up children from school, dropping

children off, or attending school events and activities.

This finding complimented the theme have good house help, because several

participants spoke about how valuable their house help was for them. For many of those

participants, it was a relief to know someone was at the house who was taking care of the

children and doing household chores while they were at work. In fact, it allowed one

participant to spend extra time at the end of the day to tidy up her office before heading

home. She knew someone was at the house who was taking care of some household

chores. This connects to the theme planning and time management because participants

had to be aware of their responsibilities at work and at home. When participants were

faced with complex role transitions, such as becoming a working mother, they had to

learn techniques that allowed them to manage their roles. Participants had to have good

planning and time management techniques to keep everything in order, inside and outside

of the home.

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Emergent Theme 2: Supportive husband is key to balance. Every participant

spoke about the importance of having a supportive husband to balance career and family.

Participants spoke about how their husbands would help either take the children to school

or pick them up from school, and how they would share the responsibilities of the

household with them. The participant talked about the support they received from their

husbands and guidance they received, especially when they were concerned about having

enough time to get everything accomplished. Participant 1 felt that, ―without the support

of one‘s husband, it is usually a challenge to balance the two roles.‖ The participants

spoke about the ways their husbands believed in them and helped them reach the heights

they wanted to in their careers. Participant 2 stated how her ―husband was very

supportive from the very first day‖ of pursuing her career. In fact, she felt that her

―husband‘s support and consent to my career advancement was key‖ (Participant 2).

Although a couple of women shared how their husbands complained about their

dedication to their jobs, they were able to resolve those concerns by being diplomatic.

Participant 4 explained how her husband ―initially complained that my job is taking

most of my time. I tried to make him see reason that it‘s a matter of time, things will

normalize. He listened.‖ In return for the support, belief, help, and guidance they received

from their husbands nearly all participants made it a point to mention that it was vital to

give the husband the top priority and to tend to his needs.

This theme was explained to connect to the multiple roles made to balance

difficult themes previously; however, this theme connected to the themes (a) importance

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of education and (b) have good house help. Many participants spoke about how their

husbands were supportive of their pursuits to seek higher education. One participant in

particular spoke about this at length stating, ―My husband was very supportive during

this formative stage [of schooling]. He supported me financially morally, emotionally and

otherwise. He wanted me to be what I dream and have passion for‖ (Participant 3).

Participant 3 was quite different from other participants because her husband made a

promise to her late father about training her to the highest academic level, a promise he

kept even when his family was not supportive of her going back to school. Other

participants were equally supported by their spouses while they were seeking their

degrees or continuing their education through certification programs. Each participant‘s

husband was supportive and understanding about enlisting the help of others around the

house. For several participants, getting good house help was pivotal in managing their

time appropriately. Those participants did not have to worry, for the most part, about their

children or worry about going to pick them up and bring them to their place of

employment. Because they did not have to worry or leave work, the participants could

spend valuable time getting ahead at work and not fret about household chores.

Emergent Theme 3: God supports and guides me. When participants faced

challenges that extended beyond their control, they sought advice and guidance from

God. Their faith and belief in God helped sustain them during periods where they were

stressed out and finding it difficult to balance career and family. One participant

mentioned that during those moments, she would ―pray to God to give me the grace

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and strength not to relent, but to work harder‖ (Participant 5). For a couple of

participants, praying to God for guidance and support was the most important strategy

they had to balance career and family. Participant 1 mentioned, it takes the grace of

God, sorry I am also a pastor and as such I must stress God‘s help, to manage these two

roles. . . . There were many challenges maintaining the two roles but my main solution

was prayers.

Participant 4 shared how when she put all of her concerns, stress, and worries on God‘s

shoulders, she began achieving heights in her career and family life. She said, ―as soon

as I placed my trust in God, every other thing fell in place. He gave me wonderful

wisdom and understanding‖ to achieve success. Another participant shared an important

saying that she found motivational and meaningful, ―It is not by my might or power, but

by the special grace of God‖ (Participant 8). The theme God supports and guides me

connected to the theme be focused and work hard in that both of these themes speak to

strategies that participants adopted for themselves to succeed in balancing career and

family. These two themes share little direct connection to other themes.

Emergent Theme 4: Planning and time management. The majority of

participants spoke about the strategies of good planning and time management as crucial

to balancing career and family. These were important skills that nearly every participant

shared as being a key for their ability to successfully balance career and family. One

participant even shared, ―There are more things that could make balancing family

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maintenance and career development difficult but it could all be summarized to lack of

planning‖ (Participant 5). Participant 10 stated,

There were conflicts initially [with maintaining the two roles of career and

family] but. . . I [sat] down and plan my affairs and that has really helped me. The

main solution to this conflict resolution is careful planning and good time

management.

Participant 1 likewise stated that when she faced challenges between the two roles, she

adopted ―good time management‖ to balance those. When asked about advice they

would give to upcoming female career seekers who want to advance their careers while

also maintaining a family, all participants noted either time management or planning as a

part of their advice.

Included in the theme of planning and time management was a topic covered in

the composite description, the timing and planning of children during career pursuit.

Several participants spoke about the additional challenges they faced because they had

young children while either in school or pursuing a career. Few participants experienced

the additional challenges early in their education or career pursuit and also experienced a

drastic change when they were pursuing postgraduate degrees or career advancement

when their children were older. Some participants began pursuing either education or

career advancement after their children were at an independent age and commented on

the increased ease that brought to them. Those who waited to pursue careers until after

their children were independent found career advancement or educational pursuit to be

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much easier. Participant 9 spoke about how important ―good family planning‖ was for

her because ―bearing two children made it easy for me‖ to be there for them.

Many participants spoke about how beneficial it was for them to have good house

help because it gave them an opportunity to stay behind at work and prepare for the next

day without any worry. Participants could plan for the house help to perform certain tasks

that needed done while they were at work. Participant 15 stated, ―not having a good

help at home‖ was a challenge she faced when balancing career and family, and

recommended that a person ―should use house help options that is convenient for them.‖

Participant 7 said it was important for her to have ―good hands at home to help with the

house chore‖ because her ―husband was very busy then‖ with his own career.

Emergent Theme 5: Importance of education. Getting an education was

important to many participants‘ ability to achieve higher leadership positions. As a result,

the participants recognized the necessity of continuing their education, whether through

degrees or certifications. Oftentimes, participants would use the early morning and late

evening to get their schoolwork done if they were still working. The participants had to

make sacrifices, such as losing sleep, to balance their responsibilities to their family, to

their professors, to their bosses, and to themselves. Participant 8 shared her experience

with pursuing a career and a university program while also keeping her responsibilities to

her husband and children. She stated,

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I was not sleeping well. I used to put my legs in water to be awake. Sometimes I

take coffee. I stayed awake studying and doing my assignments. I needed to pass

the examination [so that I could become a manager].

Participant 8 used tactics to try to keep herself awake after working and taking care of her

family. Participant 1 ran into an issue with the ―lack of electricity‖ and noted how her

―husband made sure there was enough fuel for the generator for me to do my academic

work at night.‖ Participant 8 spoke about her dedication to her education when she stated,

The difference is that I love my family and at the same time passionate about my job.

This made me to stay awake to burn the midnight candle as I read for my graduate

courses. This is because I knew quite well that if I can get the certificate,

I will improve in my career which means increase in salary and better standard of

living for us. I therefore did not relent.

She knew that by improving her education, she would be able to provide more for her

family. As a result, she ―did not relent‖ (Participant 8) in her pursuit. Although

participants did speak about their own educational pursuits, some participants spoke

about their children‘s education as well. Participant 1 stated that her concern was ―of

supervising the children‘s homework and their academic progress‖ because she would

work long hours and get home late. Participant 3 mentioned,

I had six (6) teenagers three (3) of whom had gotten admission into the same

university I was doing my PhD. We come and leave school together. At home, we

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had a big library. Once we are done with food everyone faces her books in the

library. By the time I was through with my PhD, they had also graduated.

For Participant 3 ―it was easier‖ when she became a PhD student to balance career and

family because her children could tend to themselves while she was in school if they

were not going to the same university that she was going to.

This theme connects to the theme supportive husband is key to balance. This

theme also connected to the theme multiple roles make balance difficult. The additional

role of being a student made it difficult to balance career and family, even though it was a

temporary role. Nonetheless, participants who sought additional education faced more

challenges to maintaining their roles to their family and to their bosses.

Emergent Theme 6: Be focused and work hard. Participants offered up the

advice to upcoming career women regarding how to advance their career while

maintaining their family to be focused and work hard. Nearly every participant

mentioned those two words of advice to those women and several participants spoke

about how important being focused was for them to advance their careers. This was

especially true for women who had to compete for leadership positions and faced

jealousy or envy when promoted. Participant 14 experienced this first hand:

When I started the job, I was focused because I believe in myself and knew where

I was going. When promotion started coming, my colleagues where amazed and some

started gossiping. I was not shaken by their side talks, I stayed focused and maintained

my integrity. . . . I endured all the insults I received from work. For her, it was important

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to not let the comments affect her in the slightest. Participant 2 shared, ―I also work hard

to avoid my gender being a hindrance to my success. Sometimes unconsciously, this

gender issues sparks me to work harder.‖ She acknowledged a possibility of her gender

acting as a barrier or hindrance to her career advancement existed and worked hard to

make sure that it would not prevent her from achieving her goals. Participant 3 shared her

experience as an undergraduate who knew that she wanted to be a lecturer. She said,

―When I started developing my career as an undergraduate, my friends discouraged me.

They advised that I start business which is more lucrative and money yielding but I

refused because I was focused.‖ Participant 4 believed her dedication and hard work

allowed her to reach ―the climax of my career‖ within the Police Department. Participant

5 knew that her passion for her job in the medical field ―helped in keeping me

focus[ed]‖ and ―work[ing] harder.‖ This theme was explained to connect to the theme

God supports and guides me, because these two themes were strategies participants

adopted to help them succeed in balancing and maintaining career and family.

Emergent Theme 7: Have good house help. Several participants spoke about

the support they received from having good house help within the home. This was a

viable option for several participants because their work responsibilities took a large

portion of their time during the work week. Despite that, participants knew

responsibilities and chores still needed to get done at home. While they could not be at

two places at once, participants could enlist the help of others while they were at work to

perform needed household function and complete household chores. This proved to be

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advantageous for participants because they could take the extra time after work to tidy up

their offices and organize their next day without worrying about their children or

husband. The house help could cover the necessary functions, such as cooking, laundry,

cleaning, and taking care of the children while both parents were at work. A couple of

participants spoke about showing their house help love so they would ―reciprocate [and

take] good care of my children‖ (Participant 14). Participant 7 felt the same way about

―show[ing] maximum love to your house help so they can reciprocate to your kids.‖

This theme was shown to connect to the themes (a) multiple roles make balance difficult,

(b) supportive husband is key to balance, and (c) planning and time management.

Summary

Seven important themes emerged from participants‘ responses to the interview

questions. The themes were (a) multiple roles make balance difficult, (b) supportive

husband is key to balance, (c) God supports and guides me, (d) planning and time

management, (e) importance of education, (f) be focused and work hard, and (g) have

good house help. These seven themes provided a comprehensive answer to the research

question: What are the lived experiences of executive Nigerian women regarding

challenges and strategies in management and leadership positions with relation to their

domestic lives and responsibilities? Nearly all of the emergent themes connected with one

another and helped establish an in-depth understanding of the lived experiences of

executive Nigerian women regarding the challenges and strategies in management and

leadership positions as they related to their domestic lives and responsibilities.

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I outlined the research setting and provided a detailed description of each

participant. Following this was a step-by-step outline of the enacted data collection

procedures followed by a discussion of the data analysis methods. I used two data

analysis plans, a modified Van Kaam phenomenological analysis and a thematic analysis.

Following the data analysis was a description of how I established trustworthiness in the

research study‘s findings. This was followed by an exhaustive review of the research

study‘s findings, separated into two sections. These two sections were the composite

description and the thematic results. I will discuss the research study‘s findings in

conjunction with extent literature in Chapter 5. In Chapter 5, I will also discuss the

limitations and implications of the research study‘s findings.

Chapter 5: Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations

Introduction

An increasing number of Nigerian women play the role of family provider,

operate as breadwinners, and engage in careers and entrepreneurship to provide income

for their families (Bankole & Adeyeri, 2014; Minguez, 2012), but they also must

maintain their traditional family responsibilities (Animasahun & Oladeni, 2012; Davison

& Burke, 2011). Previous researchers suggested working Nigerian women often

experience a conflict between career advancement and family roles (Kahkha et al., 2014),

but a gap in the literature relates to the experiences of Nigerian women as they navigate

their way through dual roles of managing a career and family. The challenges of working

on the multiple tasks of providing for the family, seeking career development, and

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attending to family responsibilities hindered the career advancement of Nigerian women,

necessitating an examination of Nigerian women who had surpassed these barriers to

work in management (Mordi et al., 2013; Nkomo & Ngambi, 2013).

The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore the lived

experiences of Nigerian women regarding challenges and strategies in management and

leadership positions in relation to their domestic lives and responsibilities. Qualitative

interviews with 15 participants revealed the following themes, (a) multiple roles make

balance difficult, (b) supportive husband is key to balance, (c) God supports and guides

me, (d) planning and time management, (e) importance of education, (f) be focused and

work hard, and (g) have good house help. This chapter will include my interpretation of

the findings of the study, limitations, recommendations, and the implications of the study.

Interpretation of the Findings

In this section, I will present my interpretation of the findings. It will also include

an evaluation of the findings within the context of the literature review. I organized the

interpretation of findings around the seven themes revealed through the modified Van

Kaam phenomenological data analysis.

Fundamentally, this study revealed a lack of fit between the traditional societal

roles demarcated for Nigerian women and modern women‘s pursuit of careers, especially

leadership roles, which can hinder women‘s career advancement. According to Bankole

and Adeyeri (2014) and Minguez (2012), women‘s entry into the Nigerian workforce was

an economic necessity in the past decade. The results revealed that the change was

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complicated by Nigerian cultural norms, which required that women maintain their

households nearly singlehandedly, despite the additional time they needed to dedicate to

their careers.

The experiences of the participants revealed that the rapid shift from the Nigerian

traditional cultural practices to a modernized Western practice has led to an exacerbation

of role conflict for women entering the workforce. This finding is similar to results of

previous studies; Bankole and Adeyeri (2014) and Kahkha et al. (2014) also noted a

conflict between career advancement and family roles that hinder Nigerian women‘s

career development. In previous studies, including Guendouzi (2006) and Oates (2007),

role conflict has been shown to increase absenteeism, create turnover in the workplace,

and negatively affect the family; however, the sample in this study included only women

who had been successful in learning how to navigate the cultural expectations with the

demands of work.

The challenge the participants noted was that working mothers have difficulty

separating their roles. The participants think about work while at home, and think about

home while at work. Because of this conflict, the results of the study were in accordance

with McIntosh et al. (2012), who found that some mothers do not have a strong

commitment to a career after having children. This was especially true as the traditional,

expected lives of married Nigerian women largely centered on bearing and caring for

children, attending to their husbands, and maintaining the household (Bankole & Adeyeri,

2014). These roles constitute a full-time commitment, and when combined with full-time

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duties in a career, participants felt they may have to sacrifice the integrity of one sphere

or another.

The difficulty maintaining a career and household mentioned by these women was

consistent with Ogbogu (2009), who found female PhD candidates with families had low

publication rates, difficulty balancing teaching responsibilities and research, less than

sufficient time for publication, heavy teaching and administrative responsibilities, and

lack of promotion. However, the women in the sample in this study did not often cite

their career as a sacrifice that they had made; this may be because the women selected for

this study were in leadership positions, and therefore, had found a method to succeed

despite their family conflict.

The sacrifices required to maintain the challenging balance between family and

career took an emotional toll on the participants. The experience of managing dual roles

as mothers in executive positions generated feelings of satisfaction when women did

well. At the same time, the women experienced feelings of being overwhelmed,

frustrated, and worn out. Thus, the dual roles generate a wide range of competing

feelings, as women are faced with incompatible needs and responsibilities. The stress

experienced from these conflicts may result in significant physical, psychological, and

mental health issues (Jawahar et al., 2012; Schieman & Glavin, 2011). This is contrary to

Grönlund and Öun‘s (2010) suggestion that working wives experienced less mental and

psychological distress than housewives.

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One noteworthy aspect that emerged through the interviews was that the

participants used the concept of respect to balance their roles. For example, Participant 8

noted that although her husband initially did not support her work, she respected him.

When asked to advise future women attempting to enter the workforce, Participant 7

noted that women should maintain similar respect for everyone in the workplace. This use

of respect was consistent with Agezo and Hope‘s (2011) findings that society expected

women to be quiet, respectful, and cautious when speaking and conducting themselves.

The successful women in this sample may have used adherence to this norm as a method

of ingratiating themselves to a potentially hostile workforce.

Another strategy the participants used to manage a career and family was to

compensate being away during the time they were at home through additional emotional

support for their family. The women, in their interviews, suggested that they needed to be

vigilant to maintain the same levels of care for their families as if they were dedicating all

their time to household duties. This kind of emotional support for their children,

husbands, and even the hired help in their homes was a method women used to maintain

the cultural expectations of a good home for their families. Adekanye (2014) noted this

balancing is considered a precondition for women‘s success.

The findings of this study suggest traditional cultural expectations may limit

women‘s abilities to participate in the workforce, as reflected by the responses in the

second theme regarding the need for a husband‘s support. In a patriarchal structure,

husbands or fathers monitor women‘s labor within marriage and household relationships

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(Ntoimo & Isiugo-Abanihe, 2014). Because patriarchal culture is pronounced in Nigeria

(Bankole & Adeyeri, 2014), an essential support for a successful career was from the

participants‘ husbands. This study‘s findings supported Adekanye (2014), who noted

some Nigerian women may not feel empowered until they have the appropriate resources

and support to engage full-time in career advancement.

Some women noted that their husbands were not supportive, while others

attributed their success to their husband‘s support. Women without support from their

husbands often noted men resented the time women had to spend to develop their careers,

listing specific complaints. On the other hand, women with support from their husbands

heaped praise on the men who supported them. The intense praise from supportive

husbands may be a result of such support contradicting the cultural norms in Nigeria

(Adekanye, 2014). Okonkwo (2013) noted Nigerian men are encouraged in their career

ambitions early on, while the women are taught to expect to rear children and care for a

home. For a man to support the career pursuits of his wife, including sometimes taking on

household duties, is therefore a fairly revolutionary act against the patriarchal culture.

This change supports Kahka et al.‘s (2014) findings that Nigerian culture was undergoing

rapid change in response to women‘s entry into the workforce.

The results related to this theme supported that women felt religion was an

essential factor in their success. As a result, the women noted they had to maintain a

godly existence, including being ―prayerful‖ (Participant 3). This religious humility,

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ascribing their success to a higher power, may be a method for maintaining cultural

expectations of women in Nigeria, namely that they be cautious and humble (Agezo &

Hope, 2011). The participants also discussed how when they felt overwhelmed, asking

God for help got them through their struggle with balancing work and home duties. In

addition, the women in this study did not pray to God to lessen their work duties. Instead,

they prayed that they would be able to work harder to meet these demands.

Another strategy the participants noted that helped them to address their dual

roles was the use of extensive planning and time management skills. All the participants

mentioned planning and time management as necessary advice for women looking to

balance career and work. A few participants highlighted these were the most important

skills to be successful.

Most participants mentioned the need to be an effective planner of day-to-day

duties, with the acknowledgment that they might need to sacrifice personal care duties to

manage time effectively. Despite working full-time, the women were most often

responsible for domestic tasks, such as cleaning, cooking, and child care. Some of the

women had outside help in the home, but it remained the women‘s responsibilities to

manage and maintain these employees. The women who participated in this study

accommodated their multiple roles by sacrificing their personal activities, such as sleep,

exercise, family activities, and hobbies, in an attempt to manage their multiple roles.

This theme also included women having an overarching plan, specifically family

planning. Women cited the need to delay having a career until after they had children so

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they could dedicate themselves to the pursuit of the career and not have to take a break.

This delay was consistent with Obamiro and Obasan (2013), who found women delayed

their careers until after children were more independent. In support of McIntosh et al.

(2012), many participants admitted men‘s careers were not affected in the same manner

as women‘s because family obligations and duties did not create career interruptions for

them. This study revealed that the participants understood the significance of prioritizing

the needs of their children and setting professional boundaries to integrate work and

family duties, which may heighten the level of emotional conflict experienced by

working mothers.

The results showed education was important to many participants‘ abilities to

achieve higher leadership positions. The participants recognized the necessity of

continuing their education whether through acquiring degrees or certifications. The ready

availability of education for women mentioned by the participants was consistent with the

idea that women‘s access to education is continually improving in Nigeria

(AbiodunOyebanji & Olaleye, 2011; Mordi et al., 2011; Obamiro & Obasan, 2013).

Some of the participants viewed education as a method of securing their positions,

which they felt other men were constantly trying to take. For example, Participant 7

referred to education as a method through which she broke the barriers that she

experienced in her ascent into leadership positions. This was consistent with Adekanye‘s

(2014) suggestion that women became empowered in the Nigerian culture by gaining a

sense of self-worth, in the case of this study, through education. The participants

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acknowledged that higher education added additional stress to their workload, but that it

was nevertheless a valuable time investment for securing their and their families‘ futures.

This reported relationship was consistent with researchers who noted increased access to

education led to women acquiring occupations and managerial positions previously

reserved for men (Abiodun-Oyebanji & Olaleye, 2011; Mordi et al., 2011; Obamiro &

Obasan, 2013).

The results supported the proposition in feminist theory that women have not fully

realized their capabilities because many were not given opportunities (Fischer et al.,

1993). Many of the participants agreed when given opportunities like education, females

tended to do well in leadership roles. The participants noted that obtaining additional

education may augment their current stress, but that the time investment would pay off in

work security and future promotions.

One essential finding participants noted as a means of being successful was

maintaining focus and drive. Participants in this study emphasized that they were not

asking for special treatment in their promotion, or for less work. This finding suggested

the Nigerian women in this study were dissimilar from Huang and Cheng‘s (2012)

Western sample, as the female participants in their study expected more flexibility in their

schedule than did the men so that they could balance work and home lives. This finding

might suggest that one strategy for successful Nigerian women was to accept that they

should not expect that their organizations would bend to their requirements. Instead, the

women had to work hard and make sacrifices elsewhere, as discussed in the planning and

time management theme. This was also consistent with Odunaike‘s (2012) findings that

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African women had to work twice as hard as their male counterparts because of their dual

responsibilities.

A potential interpretation of this finding is that women in leadership positions in

Nigeria are responding to the belief that men may see them as less legitimate, as only

being promoted to meet government standards, or as a result of deceit. This interpretation

was consistent with Bevelander and Page (2011) and Braun et al. (2012) who attributed

the low percentage of women in top management positions to misconceptions and

potential conflicts with stereotypical definitions of women‘s abilities. The results may

also help to explain Kolade and Kehinde‘s (2013) and Thomas‘s (2013) assessment that

the glass ceiling in Nigeria was an essential barrier to women‘s success. Thomas

suggested although women were better represented in junior and middle management,

men primarily occupied higher ranking leadership positions, despite women‘s equal or

superior length of service and quality of experience. Kolade and Kehinde also noted

negative stereotypes existed in the Nigerian workforce that could hinder women‘s

success.

The women in this study combatted negative cultural expectations and

assumptions about their success by asserting that they are equal to the task, or even in

some cases, compensating, as Participant 7 did, by saying that women are better than men

in their career fields. The findings related to this theme were inconsistent with Eagly and

Wood (1991) and Fischer et al. (1993), who suggested female entrepreneurs differed from

male entrepreneurs in levels of assertion, with males tending to be more assertive and

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desiring to lead, and women tending to be more communal and selfless. Most participants

in the study believed that given the same opportunity, women would do their best to

compete effectively with their male colleagues. This included, consistent with

Agezo and Hope‘s (2011) findings regarding women leaders in Ghana, replicating the

leadership behaviors that men in leadership positions displayed. Rather than ascribing to

traditional gendered norms, the women seemed to either shun their gender or to ascribe to

an aggressively driven and hyper-focused career mentality.

Conversely, a few participants admitted their workplaces had some robust policies

in place that were women-friendly. The participants acknowledged having programs and

projects designed to assist women, especially those with low-incomes, in their effort to

achieve economic independence. These reports supported that the workplace situation for

women in Nigeria may be improving.

The women who participated in this study worked hard at lifting up other women

in less privileged positions in their workplaces. In general, participants reported wanting

to influence change regarding gender issues, women‘s engagement, the glass ceiling, and

workplace improvement policy, among others. Some participants felt they could not

wield wide-scale change, but that they could make small changes in their roles. For

example, participants noted they could change the communication media, introduce

women and child-friendly policies in their workplaces, provide emotional and career

support for their female coworkers and students, and campaign for nondiscrimination and

women‘s rights. The feeling that they must work to support other women was consistent

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with Nwafor and Akubue‘s (2008) findings that women in leadership positions were the

elites in the hierarchy of educated women and they were the voice of the less privileged

women. In addition, it was consistent with Adekanye‘s (2014) proposition that women in

careers gained empowerment by feeling that they could affect social change.

The finding was inconsistent with Ogbogu (2009), who noted a lack of mentors

for women and a lack of infrastructural support as issues for women in the workplace.

Instead, the findings revealed that once women ascended to powerful positions, they used

these positions as leverage for increasing the status of other women in their organizations.

This finding may explain why researchers have noted the Nigerian workforce has made

significant strides toward gender equality in recent years (Abiodun-Oyebanji & Olaleye,

2011; Mordi et al., 2011; Obamiro & Obasan, 2013). The additional labor required for

lobbying for women‘s rights and mentoring is another task that the working women in

this sample had to balance with their work and home duties.

A strategy that the participants used to overcome the dual roles of home and

career was the use of hired help within the home. The staff assisted with planning and

time management, and helped the women stay late or prepare for their work days if

necessary while at home. The participants noted that not having effective help

significantly affected their abilities to balance home and work duties. Conversely,

knowing their children and household were well-cared for enabled the women to

maintain their focus and to get ahead in their careers. House help assisted women in

managing the cultural expectation that they would have a well-kept home.

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Participant 7 noted maintaining house help also required an emotional investment

from the women so that they would maintain the same level of care that the career

women would give to their own household. This additional emotional work on the part of

career women is something that might be an additional task that women must take on to

maintain the ideal of successfully balancing household duties and careers. This type of

additional emotional labor, in the workplace and at home, is something that future

researchers may choose to focus on in their work.

Limitations of the Study

I observed several limitations of the study. First, the sample of Nigerian women

with families in leadership positions came from two cities in Nigeria: Lagos and Abuja.

The cities are located in southwestern and central Nigeria, respectively. This limitation

resulted from financial and time restraints. However, Nigeria has 25 major cities, so

additional participants from other cities may have different experiences than those in this

study.

Another limitation was that the sample comprised of married women in executive

positions in Nigeria. This purposive sampling provided a focused viewpoint of women

who had been successful in navigating their careers and families, despite the struggles

they noted. Examining women who had entered the workforce and quit because of not

being able to balance career and family duties, or women who had sacrificed family for

their career, might provide a different, valuable viewpoint on this topic.

The final limitation of this study was an issue with recruitment and interviews.

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The potential participants for the study were reluctant to share their lived experiences

regarding this topic. Many of the women were apprehensive and skeptical about

participating in this research, despite having anonymity. Moreover, many participants

arrived late to their interviews or missed their appointments. It may be that the

participants who did provide interviews were especially motivated to do so, either

because of having an extremely positive or an extremely negative experience. The

participants also may over-represent some of the feminist activism, such as implementing

woman-friendly policies at work or mentoring other women in their careers, because they

possessed motivation that other women in similar positions did not have.

Recommendations

Future researchers interested in similar projects may consider addressing some of

the limitations of this study. For example, researcher may choose to gain participants

from other Nigerian cities. The researchers may also want to consider how they can

address skepticism and apprehension from the potential participants to gain a more

representative sample. Potential methods of doing so might be offering some

compensation for the participants‘ time and describing the implications for social change

more effectively to potential participants in recruitment materials.

The sample for this study was drawn from Nigerian women in leadership

positions. As such, the researcher revealed strategies for women who had been successful

within the Nigerian workforce. Future researchers should consider shifting the scope of

their studies to those women who were unsuccessful at navigating the challenges of

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Nigerian women‘s dual roles. This could include qualitative examination of women who

had left the workforce as a result of their inability to meet the demands, or those who had

suffered negative family consequences, such as divorce, as a result of their career

pursuits. Isolating these different samples could help to identify different themes

depending on the situations of Nigerian women, which in turn could inform later

quantitative studies of larger populations of women.

Future researchers should also investigate some of the novel findings uncovered

in the responses to this study. The lived experiences of the women in this study included

several additional roles and tasks required of successful career women, such as

maintaining a relationship with hired help, remaining consistent with gender expectations

for their husband and coworkers, and engaging in gendered conversations about success

and work. Future researchers might explore these additional responsibilities more

thoroughly in specific studies. Qualitative analysis of conversations only about these

topics might further uncover feelings about these additional roles and actions that

Nigerian women engaged in, which were not available in this study, as they were not the

focus.

Implications

Implications for Researchers

This study contributes to the existing knowledge base surrounding conflict

between career advancement and family roles. Researchers called for acceleration of

research regarding the experience of African women in management and leadership

137

because of the paucity of literature on this topic (Alhassan & Akudugu, 2012; Fakeye et

al., 2012; Kahkha et al., 2014; Nkomo & Ngambi, 2013). The potential exists that the

government and nongovernmental organizations could partner with Nigerian research

institutions to further unveil the experiences of Nigerian women in the workplace,

particularly regarding their handling of their family and career responsibilities.

Researchers should consider providing further contributions to this field.

This study, based on its restricted sample of only women in executive positions in

Nigeria, afforded an in-depth, specific view of a certain sample of Nigerian career

women. I suggest future researchers continue to conduct similar research among specific

subsets of Nigerian women. These might include women who attempted to enter the

workforce but were unsuccessful, women who sacrificed families for career, and family

women who looking to enter the workforce. Through a series of studies, or one large

scale qualitative study of each individual group‘s experiences, researchers will continue

to gain clarity regarding the exact experiences of these women that may not be gathered if

researchers were to group all Nigerian women together.

Implications for Practice

I found that mothers who are committed to raising their children and maintaining

their family are also equally as committed to providing quality leadership by developing

their careers. The results were significant in that I addressed some of the gaps in the

existing literature by highlighting experiences of Nigerian mothers in executive positions

and the intricacies of their dual roles. The information about their experiences may help

138

employers to understand and show empathy toward working mothers and the stress that

results from dual role overload and work-family conflict.

The results from this study also revealed women experienced significant

negativity within the workplace based on their being female. The participants in this

study resultantly noted they should be respectful and work harder to demonstrate that

women are capable and successful workers. The submissive behaviors showed another

duality that women leaders in Nigeria had to navigate was the difference between

traditionally masculine leadership behaviors and traditionally female responses to

primarily male coworkers. Organizations operating in Nigeria should also work to

introduce programs designed to lessen the burden of these experiences for Nigerian

women in the workplace. The women in this study whose organizations implemented

equality and women-friendly policies noted they experienced significantly less gender

discrimination.

Some implications for government practice also exist. According to Okoyeuzu et

al. (2012), empowering women involves making contributions to the economy and the

labor market policies. Initiatives and programs need to be developed to assist women

with the transitions and challenges in the labor market. Based on this study, the

government should design, formulate, implement, and enforce policies pertaining to

women‘s work engagement in both the private and public sectors. These policies should

capture and highlight roles of working mothers and the intricacies of the conflicts

between career advancement and family maintenance, as discovered in this and previous

139

research. Potential government-sponsored programs include workshops, seminars, and

pre-marital and marital counseling for women for addressing the problem in view of the

changing roles of women in Nigeria. The government should also add women‘s

leadership preparation programs in school curricula to inculcate early the issue of

women‘s dual roles, with a specific focus on coping strategies in work and family.

Implications for Social Change

The research results offer implications for social change, as well. The results of

this study may be of value to women in Nigeria, especially those seeking to pursue

careers successfully while maintaining families. If women‘s participation in the

workforce can help to break the cycle of poverty in developing nations like Nigeria

(Kolade & Kehinde, 2013; Okonkwo, 2013; Thomas, 2013), then it is important to

understand their lived experiences, including barriers to participation and strategies for

success. Through this study, I call attention to the need for consideration of the unique

dynamics of career women and their dual roles on many levels. The results provide

information to various groups of Nigerian women regarding the unique experiences of

Nigerian women with families who have reached a leadership level within their

organizations.

This study offers important information to women considering entering the

executive level while raising children. The results of this study may help women see the

possibility of pursuing a demanding career and still having a meaningful marriage and

family life, thereby living a fulfilled life. This study also highlighted potential barriers,

140

such as maintaining childcare, addressing a disapproving husband, and experiencing

sexism within the workplace, as well as strategies to overcome such barriers. Given that

this information came from women in executive positions, it may provide a workable

solution for family women looking to advance their careers in the Nigerian workplace.

For Nigerian women who are currently in executive positions, this study provides

insights and offers the opportunity to make informed decisions with regard to combining

career and family maintenance. By sharing the results of this study, I aimed to encourage

women in leadership roles within their organizations to continue to serve as mentors for

women entering the profession, opening opportunities for increased support and dialogue

among working mothers who are career seekers. The information may also prompt these

women to continue to advocate for women‘s rights within their organizations, thereby

increasing equality. This participation could further affect social change by improving the

working conditions for women in Nigeria, while providing empowerment for the women

who engage in these social projects (Adekanye, 2014).

This research could aid Nigerian policymakers in developing policies and

practices tailored to the lived experiences of women playing leadership roles in both

private and public sectors. The government may benefit from larger investments in the

development of more flexible practices, including mentoring and support programs aimed

at increasing and maintaining the well-being of career women. The participants in the

study noted they are lobbying for better workplaces for women and mentoring upcoming

women unofficially. The government encouraging these behaviors by offering recognition

141

or small stipends for female mentors, could continue to increase women‘s participation in

the workforce, thereby addressing the economic downturn in Nigeria.

This would result in increased quality of life for all Nigerian citizens.

The results from this study highlight the importance for employers to demonstrate

empathy toward working mothers and the stress that results from conflict between career

advancement and family roles. This research may help develop family-friendly work

policies, such as flexible work schedules, childcare assistance, and flexible leave policies,

which may benefit working mothers and enhance their satisfaction and productivity. This

study provides discussion and debate for further researchers regarding women‘s career

advancement and family maintenance.

Conclusion

The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore the lived

experiences of Nigerian women regarding challenges and strategies in management and

leadership positions in relation to their domestic lives and responsibilities. A gap in

literature existed regarding the experiences of Nigerian women as they navigate their way

through dual roles of managing a career and family in an environment that has

progressed, but is still hindering women‘s progress. As a wife, mother, manager, and

researcher, I was challenged when my literature search uncovered that insufficient

information existed on the perspectives of African women in management and that the

call for the scholarly community to fill this gap in knowledge went unanswered (Mordi et

al., 2013; Nkomo & Ngambi, 2013). Prior researchers in the literature suggested the

142

multiple roles expected from women constrain their ability to fully engage in the

workplace because of their responsibilities as wives and mothers (McIntosh et al., 2012).

This study revealed seven important themes that emerged from participants‘

experiences and responses. These themes included, (a) multiple roles make balance

difficult, (b) supportive husband is key to balance, (c) God supports and guides me, (d)

planning and time management, (e) importance of education, (f) be focused and work

hard, and (g) have good house help. The findings of this study suggested mothers in

executive positions are motivated by their strong commitment to their personal and

professional roles. Participants revealed they executed their dual roles with integrity and

effectiveness and the level of conflict experienced because of competing work and family

demands.

The results provided a picture of the lived experiences of Nigerian women. As

Nigerian women negotiate roles between career and family, seek higher education, and

strive for career advancement, they must navigate a social climate and a political system

that does not adequately promote or support women in the workplace, but rather places

women in traditional roles. The conflict between work and family obligations is more

acute for women than for men, and women are charged with various additional

maintenance roles to ensure that their homes run just as well as if they were at home.

These roles included maintaining a relationship with hired help and navigating their

husbands‘ potential disapproval as well as tending to chores and childcare.

143

Feminist theorists explain the differences in the achievements of men and women

by noting that women have not fully realized their full capabilities because they do not

receive the same opportunities as their male counterparts. Moreover, the Nigerian

patriarchal cultural model could limit a woman‘s ambition and perceptions of the

opportunities available to her, leading to a cultural stigma in the workplace, including

lessened expectations and lessened promotion opportunities. The results of this study

reinforced this assumption, suggesting that the female Nigerian executives who

participated in this study demonstrated deference to their husbands and coworkers

through respect and humility despite their success. The participants also noted working

hard and developing strategies to overcome barriers that resulted from the need to

maintain a well-functioning home while simultaneously investing significant resources in

career success. These dual roles were not similarly expected of men, and thus constituted

a burden for women that might hinder their career successes.

When coupled with additional work tasks that women had to complete to compete

and thrive in a sexist system, such as obtaining higher education and lobbying for

women‘s rights, it was clear that the Nigerian women had significant additional tasks

beyond the full-time jobs of career and household maintenance that also constituted a

barrier for their career success. Strategies for overcoming this additional workload

included planning and time management, prayer, and hard work. It was noteworthy that

women did not mention strategies or resources available to them outside of their own

personal investment, such as help from their organization, community, or government.

144

This study provides personal and professional implications for women navigating

the roles of management and leadership positions in relation to their domestic lives and

responsibilities. The results revealed mothers in executive positions respond to the

demands of their roles by employing coping strategies to counteract the stress of the

demands on their time and energy. Nevertheless, the women noted that some degree of

personal sacrifice was required to maintain both a household and a career.

The results from the study show gender equality and equal access to opportunities

for women to advance socially, economically, and politically remain an issue in Nigeria.

Some of the participants noted the need for income pushed Nigerian women into multiple

roles as mothers, wives, and providers, which prompted the need to create a conducive

and enabling environment to encourage women‘s development in economic progress.

The participants recommended mentors, workshops, seminars, and premarital and marital

counseling among others for women to address the problem in view of the changing roles

of women in Nigeria. Finally, further study regarding the experiences of Nigerian women

in executive positions will help to identify more complex factors that cause the conflict

between career advancement and family roles that hinder Nigerian women‘s career

development. Future researchers should also identify more sustainable dual professional

roles solutions for future women who are interested in pursuing a career while

maintaining a family.

145

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