1 / 6100%
Running Head: JOURNAL ARTICLE REVIEW
1
Journal Article Review
Reagan L. Brackett
Helm School of Government, Liberty University
Dr. W. Scott Wilson
PLCY-700
Foundations of Public Policy
March 13, 2022
JOURNAL ARTICLE REVIEW
2
Journal Article Review
Cesario, J., Johnson, D. J., & Terrill, W. (2018). Is There Evidence of Racial Disparity in Police
Use of Deadly Force? Analyses of Officer-Involved Fatal Shootings in 2015–
2016. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 10(5), 586–595.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550618775108
In this journal article review I will go through the article “Is There Evidence of Racial
Disparity in Police Use of Deadly Force?” by Cesario et al. in 2018, published in the Social
Psychological and Personality Science journal to critique and offer feedback about the validity of
this research. The question these authors seek to answer is whether there is evidence of racial
disparity in death by police gunfire in the United States at the national level (Cesario et al.,
2018). I choose this article to review because the results conflict with other findings I have found
concerning this topic and I want to explore the reasons for that.
Cesario et al. (2018) states there is a flaw in the way other researchers test for racial
disparity in police use of deadly force; that comparing each races’ raw shooting numbers against
their population size number assumes that every person in that race has the same chance of
engaging with the police. They suggest, instead, that exposure to the police is the number that
matters instead of total population size of each group (Cesario et al., 2018). The authors, using a
qualitative research approach, calculate this by using the rates of criminal involvement for Black
people and White people and the raw number of shootings for each group (Cesario et al., 2018).
The data for this calculation is gathered for the two-year span of 2015 to 2016 from many
different sources: Summary Report Systems, National Incident-Based Reporting System,
National Crime Victimization Survey, and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (Cesario
et al., 2018). This data includes the raw numbers for homicide incidents, violent crime incidents,
and weapons violation incidents. The authors also include numbers for those killed by police
JOURNAL ARTICLE REVIEW
3
gunfire, unarmed, and not aggressing as well as the number for those killed by police gunfire,
reaching for/holding harmless object (Cesario et al., 2018).
Cesario et al. (2018) conclude that using the new calculation to explore if racial
disparities exist in death by police gunfire in the United States at the national level reveals that if
anything, there is more of a disparity toward White people or no significant difference rather
than a disparity toward Black people. These results show consistently through homicide data,
violent crime data, and weapons violation data. The only section that showed there could be
stronger evidence suggesting race does influence police killings is the category of fatal police
shootings of unarmed citizens reaching for or holding a harmless object when adjusting for
violent crime rates; however, it is not consistent or shown in the other categories (Cesario et al.,
2018). Also, the number of cases included are few, therefore, there is uncertainty. Based on the
data these authors use in their study, the conclusions are reasonable (Cesario et al., 2018). One
could reasonably assume that the racial group that has more engagement with police would have
a higher chance of being fatally shot by the police. So, the results and conclusion that provided
evidence to support this assumption seem sound.
Honestly, there is a lot going on here to get into. I will start with the authors’ decision to
change the benchmark to compare fatal shooting rates across racial groups. The explanation of
changing what to compare the number of fatal shootings for each group to is realistic and makes
sense. Cesario et al. (2018) explain that not every person in each racial group encounters the
police and using that number indicates that they do. So, instead, they use the raw number of
criminal involvements of each racial group (Cesario et al., 2018). This suggestion/theory makes
sense, the total population does not always have interactions with the police therefore one cannot
assume they do by comparing that number to the number of Black and White people killed by
JOURNAL ARTICLE REVIEW
4
police to determine which gets killed at a higher rate. This new benchmark indicates that the
number of Black people and White people killed by police compared to the number of criminal
involvements by racial group will show a more accurate picture of whether a certain group is
killed at a higher rate (Cesario et al., 2018). However, I wonder if this new benchmark accurately
measures racial disparity. Though I do think it is a step in the right direction, I would argue that
population size still plays a part in this equation. It is reasonable to assume that any racial group
that is the majority of the whole population would also have higher raw numbers in
subcategories. Therefore, since White people are the majority of the United States, one would
assume they would also have higher raw criminal involvement numbers, as well as higher
mortality rates, etc. If that is reasonable to assume, then population size still needs to be
calculated to determine if there is racial disparity in police killings. Since we are looking to see if
the Black population is disproportionately killed by police, there is still a need to turn the
criminal involvement rates of Black and White people into per capita numbers. What I would
suggest is compare the criminal involvement numbers to population size for each racial group
and then compare that number to the number of Black people and White people killed by police.
A second critique I have of this article is that the data used is only over a period of two-
years. Even though the authors claim the multiverse analysis shows that the time period selected
does not make a difference for the study because of the robustness of the conclusions, I would
argue that a time span of just two years is not long enough to make definitive statements (Cesario
et al., 2018). Now that it is 2022, I would be interested in whether the results would be different
if 2017-2021 were included, especially because over the last couple of years there seem to be an
increase in racial injustices. It is hard to say definitively that the results of your research are
representative of the whole picture and able to use in general terms if they only consider two
JOURNAL ARTICLE REVIEW
5
years out of many. Another thing about the data is the fact that it all involves high risk crime
situations. Cesario et al. (2018) give the explanation for this that police gunfire is more likely to
occur during one of these situations versus any other criminal situation. However, I would maybe
argue that the situations (mainly) in question when it comes to racial disparity in police killings
are the non-high-risk situation. It is less likely for organizations to cry out injustice if a suspect
who is Black is holding a gun when police are investigating a homicide, violent crime, or
weapons violation than if police are executing a traffic stop and kill a Black individual for
reaching for their phone or wallet. The majority of the data used in this study is centered around
whether there is racial disparity in high-risk criminal involvement. I consider that a flaw, it
should be focused on the accidents or misjudgment situations. So that the question can be asked,
why are these misjudgments happening mostly to Black individuals and not to White
individuals? That is arguably the data that would show if there were racial disparity in police
shootings/killings. This study does include the number killed by police gunfire who were
reaching or holding a harmless object. Cesario et al. (2018) does conclude there is not consistent
anti-Black disparity in this situation, but I argue the disparity happens outside of the high-risk
situation and more in the situations such as what should be a routine traffic stop or possible
counterfeit or to any other lower-risk situation that ends up escalated. The authors do discuss the
possible limitations with their study, one of those being the fact that even when adjusting for
violent crime rates there is anti-Black racial disparity concerning the number of police killings
when victim is reaching for or holding a harmless object (Cesario et al., 2018). The limitation
with this is that with the number of cases in this scenario being so small there is a lot of
uncertainty (Cesario et al., 2018). However, Cesario et al. (2018) acknowledge that if the cases
increase over the years and the pattern continues that this could show a trend of anti-Black racial
JOURNAL ARTICLE REVIEW
6
disparity and could warrant a discussion about how this information should contribute to police
reform and training.
This article is valuable in that it shows there could be a flaw with the current and popular
benchmark to show evidence of racial disparity in fatal police shootings. However, it seems to
still be a long way from perfected or even reliably accurate. Researchers need to keep expanding
on this research with more years studied, correct police interactions considered, and a better
benchmark created.
Students also viewed