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Book Project: Hidden Figures
Jodi C. Goforth
School of Communication & the Arts, Liberty University
COMS 624: Intercultural Communication
Dr. Danny Román-Gloró
February 23, 2025
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Abstract
Margot Lee Shetterly’s Hidden Figures: The American Dream and the Untold Story of
the Black Women Mathematicians Who Helped Win the Space Race explores the contributions of
four African American women—Dorothy Vaughan, Mary Jackson, Katherine Johnson, and
Christine Darden—who overcame systemic racism and gender discrimination at the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) (formerly NACA) during the 1960s Space Race.
These women not only faced the challenge of computing complex flight trajectories but also
navigated the systemic racism and gender discrimination that permeated 1960s America. This
book review draws upon Intercultural Communication Theory to analyze their experiences,
applying concepts such as gender roles, collectivism, stereotyping, and Communication
Accommodation Theory to explain their challenges and the societal context surrounding them. It
also examines the ways in which society and culture have shifted and remained similar since the
1960s. Finally, using the biblical story of Esther for comparison, this review highlights the sheer
scope of these women’s resilience and the broader implications of their struggle for inclusivity in
NACA and society.
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Book Project: Hidden Figures
During the era in which the events within Margot Lee Shetterly’s Hidden Figures
transpired, the United States was a vastly different country than it is today, and, therefore, so was
its culture. The four brilliant women at the center of this biography had to endure much more
than shouldering the seemingly impossible task of sending man to the moon. They also had to
bear the internal and systemic racism within NACA (today’s NASA) and American society in
general. During the 1960s, the country underwent several of the most significant events in its
history, including the Civil Rights era, the women’s rights movement, and the Space Race.
In her biography, Shetterly explores several notable cultural norms and attitudes,
including America’s attitudes toward African American women and the culture/environment the
four women were subjected to at NACA. In order to truly understand Dorothy Vaughan, Mary
Jackson, Katherine Johnson, and Christine Darden’s stories, it is crucial to contextualize the
culture they inhabited and how it affected their personal experiences as notable participants in
the Space Race utilizing ideas from Intercultural Communication Theory.
Survey of 1960s America
The 1960s was a tumultuous period in American history. Iconic scholar Audre Lorde
writes, “The 60s were characterized by a heady belief in instantaneous solutions. They were vital
years of awakening, of pride, and of error” (1984, p. 136). The country watched John F.
Kennedy’s assassination live in 1963, the Vietnam War was shrouded in controversy, and a new
wave of radicalists emerged and continually challenged societal norms; conversely, it was also
the age of the hippies. As many social justice movements reached their pinnacles, their
approaches toward change became “militant” (“The 1960s,” 2020), meaning their methods to
incite change grew more aggressive to garner attention. Martin Luther King Jr. and Bobby
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Kennedy were also assassinated at the tail end of the decade, painting America in a grim light.
Finally, the Space Race profoundly impacted culture in nearly every facet, from cinema and
television to music and fashion (Polyakov, 2024). Additionally, both the US and Soviet Union
used their space achievements as a source of national pride and propaganda, with the competition
serving as “the final frontier for the United States and Soviet Union to compete to prove their
status as sole superpower” (Davis, 2024). This cultural context would have helped shape the
experiences of the four women.
Life as an African American Woman
Attitudes toward African American women in the 1960s could be described as a double
blow. Not only did they experience racial discrimination and segregation, but their gender further
inhibited their agency. They experienced racism from the whites and sexism from both white and
black men: “Because of their gender, black women were often expected to serve in clerical or
domestic positions within Civil Rights organizations and when they deviated from those
expectations, they were ostracized and mistreated by men (black and white) within those
organizations” (Joseph, n.d.). Gender roles, which Planned Parenthood defines as “how we’re
expected to act, speak, dress, groom, and conduct ourselves based upon our assigned sex”
(2025), also played a principal role in shaping a woman’s experience in America. Samovar
writes, “The learning of acceptable gender roles begins as soon as the announcement is made
proclaiming that a newborn is a boy or a girl” (2024, p. 72). The preceding decades had primed
American women to be homemakers, not professionals who sent men to the moon: “From the
start of the twentieth century to the early 1960s, with the exception of World War II when many
women replaced men in factories to support the war effort, most females were reared to be wives
and assume the roles associated with that position” (Samovar, 2024, p. 73). This added the
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pressures of sexism to the four women who were undoubtedly already experiencing immense
racism.
Culture at NACA
During the Space Race, NACA was still racially segregated, even though, Shetterly
describes, much of the computing for the missions was performed by black employees. Though
NACA had been hiring white women since 1935, positions for black women did not become
available until 1943 to compensate for employee shortages during World War II (Ryerson,
2023). Nevertheless, Vaughan, Jackson, Johnson, and Darden’s roles in the success of the Space
Race cannot be understated. In her autobiography, Katherine Johnson writes, “We needed to be
assertive as women in those days—assertive and aggressive—and the degree to which we had to
be that way depended on where [we] were. I had to be” (2019, p. 178). Concordantly, Shetterly
comments, “Their path to advancement might look less like a straight line and more like some of
the pressure distributions and orbits they plotted, but they were determined to take a seat at the
table” (2016, p. 189). Where the white—and male—employees might have struggled, those
struggles were amplified for the four women because they were consistently forced to prove their
worth and capabilities.
Famously, Katherine Johnson’s talent was finally recognized when she was first
commissioned to verify and “analyz[e] the flight trajectory for Alan Shepard’s Freedom 7
mission” (Ryerson, 2023), and then again the following year for John Glenn’s Friendship 7
mission, which provided her credibility and allowed her to stand on the frontlines of the Space
Race. Shetterly writes, “Their goal wasn't to stand out because of their differences; it was to fit in
because of their talents. Like the men they worked for, and the men they sent hurtling off into the
atmosphere, they were just doing their jobs” (2016, p. 259). Though their goal was merely to fit
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in among the others, each of the four women managed to subvert expectations and make names
for themselves.
Samovar compares the black community to collectivist societies, writing that it
“exhibit[s] many of the traits attributed to collective societies” (2024, p. 187). Samovar further
describes collectivism as a culture in which “group interests take precedence over those of the
individual. In collective cultures, relationships form a rigid social framework that distinguishes
between in-groups and outgroups. People rely on their in-groups (e.g., family, tribe, clan,
organization) to look after them, and in exchange they believe they owe loyalty to that group
(2024, p. 186). These traits are evidenced in the black employees who worked for NACA.
Though Shetterly does not explicitly mention collectivism within NACA’s black
community, she certainly describes traits emblematic of it; she portrays the women’s community
as an environment “where neighbors counted as family, pitching in when relatives couldn’t”
(2016, p. 35), which implies that these traits were also present within the African American staff
at NACA. Additionally, Shetterly frequently mentions instances when the women internalized
their personal achievements as not only benefiting themselves but the black community as a
whole: “They convened around the shared purpose of the advancement of women like them, and
to use their collective talents for the betterment of their community” (p. 243). Whereas much of
white American culture, especially within NACA, centered around individual accomplishment,
these women viewed their successes as opportunities to prove Black America was of worth and
capability.
1960s America vs. Today
While the historical context of Hidden Figures differs from contemporary society,
parallels remain. Women and minorities in STEM fields still encounter implicit biases, albeit in
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more subtle forms. One such obstacle is the persistence of stereotyping, or more specifically,
racial stereotyping. The Jim Crow Museum describes racial stereotyping as “constructed beliefs
that all members of the same race share given characteristics. These attributed characteristics are
usually negative” (Green, 2024). These stereotypes are directly derived from the persevering
attitudes toward African Americans formed during early American history, including the images
of Sambo, Jim Crow, the Savage, Mammy, Aunt Jemimah, Sapphire, and Jezebelle (Green,
2024). Though America has seen significant healing and progress since the results of the Civil
Rights movement, many stereotypes remain regarding the black community. One psychologist
describes this phenomenon: “Our brains want our expectations to be supported. . . . Because of
that reward engagement, we can start becoming addicted, in a way, to stereotyping” (qtd. in
Barncard, 2022).
Additionally, despite today’s progressive ideals, American society echoes the
Communication Accommodation Theory, which “explain[s] how people of different cultures are
constantly adapting their communication styles either in converging, diverging, or over
accommodating styles to people in multiple contexts” (Usera, 2020). African Americans are
consistently expected to code-switch, shifting between African American Vernacular English
(AAVE) and Standard American English (SAE) depending on the audience. Barack Obama’s
presidency is a testament to this; he was known to code-switch according to the social
environment. Notably, a video of him went viral in 2012: “In the clip, viewers can see that
there’s a clear difference between how Obama greets a white assistant coach and how he greets
the black NBA player Kevin Durant” (McCluney et al., 2019). This video was an example of
how African Americans sometimes “‘switch’ how [they] greet people, depending on whether
they’re white or black” (McCluney et al., 2019).
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The presence of code-switching would have been amplified for the four women who
were forced to adhere to homogeneous societal expectations at NACA: “Against ignorance,
[Katherine] and others like her mounted a day-in, day-out charm offensive: impeccably dressed,
well-spoken, patriotic, and upright, they were racial synecdoches, keenly aware that the
interactions that individual blacks had with whites could have implications for the entire black
community” (Shetterly, 2016, p. 134). If they presented themselves as anything different or
deviated from white societal norms, it would have both damaged their reputation and held them
back within the company.
Biblical Perspective
A relevant comparison for Hidden Figures is the biblical story of Esther. Like Esther,
who was faced with the gravity of the decision to protect her hidden Jewish identity or speak out
in defense of her people, the four women were placed under insurmountable pressure to ensure
their calculations were accurate. If not, the results could be detrimental and even deadly. Esther,
who ruled over Persia, was no doubt exposed to the subjugation and inequity held against Jews at
the time. One single verse aptly captures the stakes of her predicament: “Then I will go to the
king, though it is against the law, and if I perish, I perish” (Esther 4:16, English Standard
Version Bible, 2025). This passage showcases her bravery, mirroring that of the four women
who, against all odds, rose up and became luminaries within NACA during an immensely
oppressive period in American history.
Conclusion
Hidden Figures not only documents and celebrates the extraordinary careers of four
brilliant women who helped put humanity on the moon, but it also provides apt documentation of
the way in which 1960s culture shaped the lives of African American women. Surveying
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Shetterly’s work through the lens of Intercultural Communication Theory added context,
revealing that the culture they inhabited utilized gender roles, the presence of collectivism within
the African American community, stereotyping, and the existence of Communication
Accommodation Theory through code-switching. While these ideas contextualize the era these
women lived in, they also demonstrate just how resilient and strong they were to overcome them.
Despite everything, these women still made their mark on the world, forever remembered as the
four brilliant African American women whose work put man on the moon.
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10
References
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https://onwisconsin.uwalumni.com/the-science-of-stereotyping/.
Davis, M. (2024). The Space Race. UVA Miller Center.
https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/educational-resources/space-race.
English Standard Version Bible. (2025). BibleGateway.
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Johnson, K. (2019). Reaching for the Moon: The Autobiography of NASA Mathematician
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Joseph, T.D. (n.d.). Black Women in the Civil Rights Movement: 1960-1970.
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