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Attitudes towards HIV Testing and Treatment
Health psychology, sociology and social psychology boast of several theories that can be
employed to explain the relationship between knowledge, attitudes, skills, and social and
environmental influences on one hand and behaviour on the other. For example, to explain
how an individual succeeds in changing behaviour, the health belief model theories posit that
an individual must first believe that behaviour change is not only possible but also beneficial.
In addition, the individual must believe that the advantages of making behaviour change
outweigh any implied disadvantages (Rosenstock, Strecher, & Becker, 1988).
Besides belief, there is needs to consider one’s source of influence since a number of
sources are available. Generally, sources of influences for behaviour change are divided
into two—internal and external. Internal influences include knowledge and attitudes
whereas external influences include social and environmental factors (Luszczynska &
Schwarzer, 2005). For example, social cognitive theories posit that social factors such as
parental views on drug abuse, peer drug taking habits, availability of economic resources
to purchase drugs as well as environmental factors might play a key role in influencing an
adolescent adopting drug abuse behaviours. Therefore, researchers utilise such principles
of behaviour change theories to identify personal and social correlations of drug abuse
habits as well as physical activity behaviours.
Considering that self-efficacy is among key determinants of behaviour change; to promote it,
researchers recommend the use of motivational education techniques (Bakracevic & Licardo,
2010). As a result, behaviour change support theories were developed by examining
randomised and controlled psychological interventions among overweight or obese adults.
The study recommended the use of cognitive therapies combined with
37
components such as healthy eating habits and exercise as a strategy for weight
management focussing on behaviour change (Bandura, 2004).
Obtaining an accurate knowledge of the disease and having a good perception of the
personal risks are crucial for making behavioural choices that not only assist in reducing
the chances of contracting HIV but also in transmitting it. This explains why Kenya’s
HIV educational strategy emphasises on information dissemination in regard to infection,
transmission pathways, and prevention. Perceived risks and benefits can determine the
likelihood of one’s willingness to test for HIV, accept the test’s outcome and start
treatment. However, a clear understanding of HIV is a predictor of an individual’s
willingness to seek life-saving care and treatment, and in addition, provide the individual
with a rare chance of seeking counselling to reduce disease prevalence (Berlinger,
Jennings, & Wolf, 2013).
A study comparing the respondents’ HIV and AIDS knowledge and attitudes towards testing
among adults in Kano and Tennessee, revealed that majority (59%) of the participants lacked
knowledge of the organism causing HIV. Also, despite participants having generally a high
knowledge on the mode of HIV transmission, significant predictors of the HIV knowledge
remained the female gender and formal education (Chauhan, Bhardwaj, Parashar & Kanga,
2013). This goes a long way to explain why some interventions such as voluntary counselling
and testing (VCT) and prevention of Mother to Child transmission (PMTCT) have not been
successful. However, if such interventions were to succeed, urgent considerations need to be
put in place to develop appropriate culturally innovative response that empowers women to
make decisions about testing for HIV as well as addressing stigma and discriminatory
attitudes towards persons infected with HIV.
The 2012 Kenya AIDS Indicator Survey found that women (79.8%) more than men
(62.5%) were likely to have ever tested for HIV. This is despite the proportion of adults
and adolescents showing a general upward trend from 34.3% in 2007 to 71.3% in 2012
(NASCOP, 2014). Furthermore, one in every five of those that had ever tested had done
so in the past 3 months, and over 50% within 12 months prior to the survey. Furthermore,
only 34.5% of the people who had visited a health facility during the same period had
been offered an HIV test and showed a high (91.5%) acceptance rate. Finally, the study
found that, of the participants who had never tested for HIV, over four fifths (83.2%
women and 81.3% men) accepted home-based testing and counselling services.
To deal with the HIV transmission risk, two components are necessary namely, knowledge
and testing (Paxton, Villarreal, & Hall, 2013). Besides, HIV testing is an extremely important
behavioural intervention when targeting specific populations that include HIV discordant
couples (Matovu, 2010), children (Kellerman & Essajee, 2010) or patients with STIs (Kamb
et al., 1998). Further, it is worth noting that HIV testing and counselling (HTC) is a critical
requirement for those infected to seek health care services and treatment.
Treatment using ARTs when well used have a tremendous impact. For instance, Cohen et
al., (2011) reported a transmission reduction of up to 96% among HIV discordant couples
using ARTs. Moreover, to control the generalized epidemics, universal HIV testing and
immediate antiretroviral treatment should be employed (Audet et al., 2012) since it is
expected to result in a major impact on the tuberculosis linked to the HIV pandemic
(Harries et al., 2010).
Despite HTC playing a crucial role in HIV programming, coverage in the SSA region
remains low. For instance, statistics for the SSA region measuring testing coverage in
population-based surveys for the period 2007 – 2008 were very wide. Coverage ranged
from 3.2% and 4.9% for women and men respectively in Liberia to 56.7% and 43.0% in
South Africa (WHO – UNAIDS – UNICEF, 2009). This is an indication that there exists
barriers to HTC depending on the settings and stage of the epidemic that include lack of
access to free testing and low risk perception (Nakanjako et al., 2006), stigma,
discrimination and negative perception of testing services (Kalichman, Cain, & Simbayi,
2010), concerns about confidentiality and shortage of counsellors as well as delays in
returning test results (Matovu, 2007), and, cost of transportation (Wanyenze et al., 2006).
Most recently, Kenya has focussed on HTC as a major feature of the HIV response
arguing that HIV testing is the gateway to seeking treatment. Towards that end, Kenya
has adopted various strategies whose roots can be traced to HTC. Such strategies include
the integration of HTC in antenatal care, STIs, sexual and reproductive health services,
home-based testing and counselling, provider initiated testing and counselling (PITC),
and outreach testing and counselling [OTC] (NACC, 2014).
The impact of these interventions has dramatically increased HIV activities. For example,
in the year 2000 there were just three VCT sites compared with over 4,000 sites ten years
later. At the same time, whereas 860,000 people tested for HIV in 2008, five years later
the number had increased to 6.4 million people (NACC, 2014). It therefore follows that
both the number of testing sites and people being tested for HIV had increased greatly.
Although, annual testing rates have nearly doubled since 2008, there are still significant
gender differences. In 2014 for example, more women (53%) than men (45%) had tested
for HIV (KNBS, 2015). Therefore, to improve the testing rates among Kenyans, men in
particular, community-based testing programmes need to be implemented as they have
proved successful (UNAIDS, 2012).
As a result of implementing HTC, there has been a substantial increase in coverage
among both the general population and pregnant women. For example, among pregnant
women, testing for HIV increased from 68% in 2009 to 92% in 2013(NACC, 2014).
Similarly, studies examining the relationship between testing and HIV related stigma and
discrimination, have come to acknowledge that stigma plays a much bigger role as a
barrier to testing uptake than it was thought before (Sambisa, Curtis, & Mishra, 2010;
Wong, 2013; Young & Bendavid, 2010). This is because stigma has the ability of making
people hesitant to get tested (Chimoyi et al., 2015), thus, occasioning many infected
individuals to likely be unaware of their HIV status thereby putting their sexual partners
at risk of contracting the disease.
Besides, stigmatisation can result in detrimental actions and negative thoughts among
HIV actors such as governments, health care providers, employers, communities, family
members and colleagues (Zierler et al., 2000). But, more importantly, their actions are
likely to lead to a number of health consequences for PLWHA; among them, low self-
esteem, isolation, loneliness, identity crises and lack of interest in taking preventative
measures due to low care seeking behaviours (Altman et al., 2012). Furthermore, lack of
participation in VCT is likely to result in many pregnant women for example, ignoring
HIV testing (Fonner, Denison, Kennedy, Reilley, & Sweat, 2012; Teklehaimanot,
Teklehaimanot, Yohannes, & Biratu, 2016)
Another factor affecting HIV testing coverage is the attitudes individuals hold towards
testing. In an exploratory study to determine whether attitudinal differences exist between
HIV testers and non-testers, Solorio, Forehand, and Simoni (2013) employed qualitative
interviews to assess the beliefs and attitudes of 54 Latino immigrants in Seattle,
Washington. The study found respondents to be at risk for HIV and delayed diagnosis as
over one-third of them had never tested for HIV and that most of the non-testers were
more likely to be MSM.
Additionally, the study found out that women had less knowledge about HIV risks and
therefore considered their sexual behaviours risk free, thereby deflecting the HIV-related
stigma. Furthermore, it was more likely to self-identify testers as gays. It was observed
that both the MSM and gays avoided HIV testing for fear of test results turning positive.
Moreover, both groups entertained the belief that family members held negative attitudes
towards HIV testing and there was a high likelihood for confidentiality to be
compromised if a Latino staff served at the HIV testing sites.
To protect themselves from open ridicule, some population groups sometimes prefer
testing for HIV using methods that guarantee confidentiality. For example, studies have
found preference for rapid HIV home testing method by majority of the gay men and they
cite discretion, convenience, accessibility, rapid provision of results, increased privacy,
confidentiality, and anonymity as a justification for their choice (Bilardi et al., 2013;
Greacen, 2013).
Individuals opposed to this method contend that rapid HIV home testing raises many
concerns including lack of immediate professional support in the event the results turn
positive (Bilardi et al., 2013), perceived uncertainty about its accuracy (Sharma, Sullivan,
& Khosropour, 2011), dissimilarity with a sexual situation and associated costs
(Carballo-Dieguez, Frasca, Dolezal, & Balan, 2012). However, the potential for use
associated with the approach may include the following factors: high-risk sexual
behaviour(s) that require frequent testing (Bavinton et al., 2013; Greacen, 2013),
encouraging the desire for not seeing a doctor for HIV counselling (Bavinton et al.,
2013), residing in rural and upcoming urban towns, and the desire for exceptional
confidentiality (Chen et al., 2010; Greacen, 2013).
In spite of the method individuals resort to, it seems clear that the greatest consideration
is whether the test results can be kept confidential. For instance, a study examining PITC
for HIV in poor clinical settings found 98% of the women having heard of HIV and
AIDS compared with 60% assessed as having good knowledge on risk factors associated
with HIV transmission. Despite the good knowledge, 48% of them were unaware of the
PMTCT, and 97% considered themselves as being risk free to contracting HIV, thereby
resulting in only 57% having tested for HIV. Although, most women (85%) were willing
to test for HIV, their primary concern was confidentiality due to the fear of how their
husbands, parents and the community would react (Hensen et al., 2012).
While accurate knowledge of the disease increases the chances of testing for HIV, there are
other factors that prevent individuals from doing so and they depend on the type of
population group one is looking at. For example, studies on HIV testing rates and outcomes
have found confidentiality, disclosure and consent issues to be among the most frequently
encountered barriers in HIV testing (Hyden, Allegrante, & Cohall, 2014; Peralta, Deeds,
Hipszer, & Ghalib, 2007). Similarly, a study that examined the acceptability of voluntary
counselling against HIV testing conducted by Ekanem and Gbadegesin, (2004) found a
majority (89.9%) of the Nigerian women attending antenatal clinic having good
knowledge of transmission pathways, but poor knowledge on PMTCT as well as the
relationship between breast milk and HIV transmission by nearly half of the respondents.
Available research evidence shows that HIV-testing brings about behavioural change and
reduction of infection risk as well as worry over possible infection. At the same time, testing
makes it possible for one to be sure of their infection status and allow for future planning
(Fonner et al., 2012; Nunn et al, 2012). The dangers of being ignorant about how one
contracts the disease, how to prevent or treat it, how it is contracted and transmitted, and
stigmatization and discrimination poses a higher risk of opportunistic infections which may
lead to early death. Despite testing serving as a gateway for people to be sure of their HIV
status as well as being unavoidably the first step towards prevention, care and treatment, yet
few individuals test for HIV. Obviously, there is need to find out the factors influencing the
attitudes towards testing and treatment for HIV since, there is no study known to the
researcher that has investigated this issue and even if there were, definitely not in Kisii
central Sub-county. This study therefore, sought to fill this gap.
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