Module 5
African Americans
A. Individuals and Families of African and African American Descent
Black people have a rich and varied history of survival in the United States
despite unfavorable odds. Although the United States was a country founded on
principles of religious and ethnic freedom, discriminatory laws and historically poor
treatment of individuals of African and African American descent contradicted these
principles. One must understand the history of this group in the United States to truly
comprehend and provide a context for how Black culture developed and is maintained;
how the psyche, racial identity, and worldview of Black individuals formed over time;
what presenting treatment issues Black people commonly bring to therapy; and what
forms of deeply ingrained racism and discrimination many Black individuals face daily.
Included in this history is a discussion of enslavement. The impact that one group of
people being the legal property of another group of people had, and still has, on the
collective psyche and mental health of Black individuals cannot be underestimated. This
impact also underlies many of the common treatment issues that Black people present
when seeking counseling. Even though, as a group, Black people share a deeply
engrained cultural experience, counselors must be mindful that Black people exhibit
tremendous within-group diversity (Daoud, 2016; Sue et+al., 2019). In other words,
counselors must strike a delicate balance between having an awareness of the historical
and contemporary barriers that affect Black people and recognizing the subtle and
explicit idiosyncrasies and biases each of these individuals possesses and presents during
any given therapeutic encounter. In achieving this balance, counselors will recognize the
rich sociocultural history of Black people without making sweeping generalizations about
them.
You may ask yourself, “How is counseling a Black individual different than
counseling individuals of other backgrounds?” The answer is that it is very different in
some ways and not so different in other ways. Individuals are treated and judged
differently based on perceived race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, religious
background, height, weight, disability, and level of attractiveness, as well as other
characteristics that are given a status in our society. Because skin color is readily seen, it
is often the characteristic by which we are judged most quickly. In working with Black
clients, multiculturally competent counselors develop a self-awareness of their social
identities, social group statuses, power, privilege, oppression, strengths, attitudes, beliefs,
and bias, and combine their academic knowledge, practical and personal experiences, and
common sense to understand and be sensitive to clients’ varied experiences in their
individual worlds (Ratts et+ al., 2016). Reflection 9.1 offers counselors an opportunity to
explore their own assumptions and biases about the Black population.
Throughout time, Black people have been referred to as Negroes, Colored,
Blacks, Afro-Americans, and African Americans. Historically, Black people began
labeling themselves publicly as a group most noticeably in the 1960s, with the expression
“Black is beautiful” (Camp,+2015). This choice of words represented the idea that, as a
people, Blacks could celebrate their own diversity of skin tones and that Black people
had a proud heritage to celebrate. Prior to the “Black is beautiful” movement, Black
people in the United States were named by those in power. The term African American
came about in the 1980s. Coined by Reverend Jesse Jackson, it emphasized Black
Americans’ ties to Africa as well as to the country of their citizenship, the United States.
Not all Black individuals wish to be called “African American” or “Black.” Therefore,
multiculturally competent counselors should ask their clients of African and African
American descent what they prefer to be called. This chapter will use the terms Black and
individuals of African and African American descent interchangeably to reflect the ways
in which many Black people in the United States refer to themselves; however, each term
is different and can represent an individual’s own sense of identity and pride.
People of African and African American descent living in the United States have
been labeled in many different ways. Historically, as discussed in Chapter+4, race was
considered a biological construct. However, there is a general consensus among
contemporary scholars and researchers that race, as a construct and organizational
framework, was devised and used deliberately by White people in the 18th century to
facilitate the colonization of Indigenous and Native peoples around the globe, but
especially from Africa (Wigger & Hadley, 2020). Because race was deployed to achieve
the material, sociopolitical, and economic motives of the European elite and professional
classes, some of the most influential writings used to legitimize race as a biological
construct came from the most influential European institutions. Consequently, a litany of
European scientists (e.g., psychologists, anthropologists, psychometricians) undertook the
task of codifying and buttressing this fundamental premise through the practice of
scientific racism. Scientific racism was an unethical practice initiated during the middle
of the 18th century through the beginning of the 20th century whereby pseudoscientists
played an integral role in promulgating myths that indigenous non-Whites were racially
inferior (Panaitiu, 2020). Without knowing this bit of Black history, it is impossible for
counseling professionals to truly appreciate how pseudoscience helped to deeply entwine
biological notions of race with almost every American social institution.
Because Europeans were responsible for the categorical system based on race, the
darker one’s skin and the further an individual’s features were from the European
standard, the lower was the status of the individual in society. Racial categories were
always hierarchical, with the darkest individuals compared to animals and the lightest
individuals considered to be made in “God’s image.” This hierarchical system is evident
in the one-drop rule, which states that having one drop of Black blood makes one Black
(Harris, 2018). Slave owners and subsequent laws classified individuals of African and
African American descent according to how much White blood one had. For example,
mulattoes were half Black and half White, quadroons were one fourth Black, and
octoroons were one eighth Black (Smångs, 2016). Often, the more White blood enslaved
Africans had, the more privileges they had over their darker counterparts.
Colorism still exists in the Black community, where Black people with lighter
skin are often perceived as having an easier time than those with darker skin (Hannon &
DeFina, 2014; Keyes et+al., 2020). There is some basis to this perception, both currently
and historically. It is a form of internalized racism, wherein lighter skin is sometimes
more valued than darker skin in the Black community. Occasionally in Black families,
parents or grandparents may knowingly or unknowingly prefer children based on their
skin tone. This issue can often be a very painful one that may not be openly discussed or
acknowledged (Monk, 2015). In working with African American women especially,
colorism may be a hidden treatment issue, because skin color can be related to self-
esteem, body image issues, and feelings of attractiveness. A multiculturally competent
counselor might therefore explore the salience of clients’ self-perceptions related to skin
tone because such perceptions might be relevant to their self-concept or presenting issue.
Individuals of African and African American descent have a distinct culture that
is influenced by geographic region, origins (e.g., Haitian American vs. Dominican
American), ideology, social class, and many other variables. Without understanding the
diversity within African American culture, a counselor cannot work effectively with
clients of these backgrounds. Those with “black skin” do not all have the same culture.
Afro-Cubans, Black Americans, individuals from Ghana, and people from the Caribbean
may all have similar skin tones, but their cultures, values, experiences, and worldviews
may be vastly different. Accordingly, multiculturally sensitive counselors educate
themselves about their client’s personal (individual) and collective (group) culture,
assessing the clients’ levels of acculturation with an eye toward understanding some of
their cultural values.
According to 2019 U.S. Census data, individuals of African and African
American descent make up approximately 13.4% (44+million) of the U.S. population.
Since 2010, the Black population has grown by 9%. The Black population has slightly
more females (53.1%) than males (46.9%), with nearly 26% of the population under 18
years and only 11.8% over 65 years (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020a, 2020c). The U.S.
Census Bureau projects that, by the year 2060, the Black population will increase to
74.5+million, accounting for 17.9% of the total U.S. population. An analysis of
immigration patterns finds that Black individuals come from diverse laces, including
Africa, the Caribbean, the West Indies, Latin America, central Europe, and South
America, among others (Pew Research Center, 2015a). During fiscal year 2019, 111,194
immigrants from the continent of Africa lawfully applied and subsequently received
permanent residence in the United States.
But it would be short-sighted to ignore just how ethnically diverse that group of
immigrants actually was. Indeed, the following statistics vividly illustrate that the people
immigrating to the United States from the continent of Africa were not monolithic: Of
those 111,194 African immigrants (Office of Homeland Security, 2020), 9,060 were from
Ethiopia; 8,526 came from Ghana; 7,052 identified Kenya as their country of origin;
15,888 were Nigerian; and 191 were from South Sudan. If we examine these data in
greater detail, we can see that, since 2004, there has been a sharp escalation in the
number of immigrants from all of the aforementioned African countries (Ethiopia, 8,286;
Ghana, 5,337; Kenya, 5,335; Nigeria, 9,374; South Sudan was not an independent
country in 2004). There also has been a steady and consistent uptick in the number of
Black Caribbean immigrants seeking permanent residence in the United States. Again,
citing data accumulated by the Office of Homeland Security (2020), we see that large
numbers of Black Caribbean immigrants came to the United States primarily from three
countries: Haiti (17,253), Jamaica (21,689), and Trinidad and Tobago (3,150). To this list
of countries, we must add and consider the unique case of Haitians coming from the
Dominican Republic (49,911). Recently, the Dominican Republic expelled thousands of
Haitians who had been residing in that country, leaving them to shelter in tent campuses
along the border between the two countries. Because of the physical violence and social
persecution these Haitians endured, it is not inconceivable that many of them may be
seeking refuge in the United States. Although Black immigrants to the United States are
outnumbered by non-Black Latino/a and Asian immigrants, the Black immigrant
population has more than quadrupled, from 816,000 in 1980 to 3,793,000 in 2013.
Black people disproportionally face many issues, including struggles with poverty
and unemployment. Approximately 15% of all Americans live in poverty; however, the
poverty rate for African Americans remains nearly two times higher than that of White
Americans (18.8% vs. 9.1%; U.S. Census Bureau, 2020b). According to data from the
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2019), the unemployment rate for African Americans
remains nearly twice as high as that of White Americans (6.5% vs. 3.5%; U.S. Bureau of
Labor Statistics, 2019). This gap could both stem from and contribute to physical and
mental health disparities (e.g., less access to affordable health insurance, a lower average
life expectancy than White people by almost three years) based on data from the Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC, 2017b), low educational attainment, and
systematic and discriminatory practices based on race (Bell et+al, 2018). In addition,
Black people are incarcerated at a rate more than five times higher than White people.
However, the overall incarceration rate of Black adult prisoners over the age of 18 years
has declined 23% over the past decade (U.S. Department of Justice, 2020). According to
the U.S. Department of Justice (2020), there were 1.4+million inmates in federal and state
prisons at the end of 2019, a decrease of 0.2% (33,600 inmates) over 2018. Of the total
prison population, non-Hispanic Black individuals made up 40% (1,446 per 100,000
people) of the incarcerations even though they were only 13.4% of the U.S. population.
By way of comparison, non-Hispanic Whites made up 39% (263 per 100,000) of
incarcerations and accounted for 64% of the U.S. population, while Hispanics were 19%
(757 per 100,000) of incarcerations and constituted 19% of the U.S. population.
B. Discrimination Experiences
The first Africans arrived in the United States in 1619 as indentured servants, the
way many White settlers came. Within 20 years, there were laws against racial mixing
and interracial marriage (Bhusal, 2017; Djamba & Kimuna, 2014; O’Connell et+al.,
2020). Very soon after that, Africans began arriving on the shores of the United States
and were enslaved. From the mid-1600s through 1965, laws were used to justify the
physical, mental, and spiritual abuse of Black people. Early models of mental health
pathologized Africans. For example, drapetomania was considered a mental illness of
enslaved Africans who tried to escape from their owners (Willoughby, 2018). White
people at the time justified slavery by assuming that Black people were not human beings
and that they could not feel pain to the same extent as White people. Laws considered
enslaved individuals to be one tenth of a human being.
During the years of the slave trade, Africans from different tribes were ripped
from their families and culture and forced onto severely overcrowded ships, where over
half of them died before coming to the shores of the United States. Upon arrival, they
were sold away from other family members to White slave owners. They were beaten,
starved, and forced to work 18 hours a day. Africans were forced to give up their African
names and culture and were given European names. Even their reproductive lives were
not their own, as men were frequently used as “studs” to procreate to increase the number
of enslaved individuals and women were seen as breeders. All children born into slavery
were considered the property of White owners, and many children were promptly sold
away from their families. Thus, the nuclear family unit was seldom allowed to form
among enslaved individuals. Often, enslaved children were raised by whichever adults
and older children were left on the plantation. Rarely were these the children’s actual
relatives. Thus, those enslaved made family where they found it. Although more
traditional mental health models and models of family therapy have pathologized Black
families because many of them are not “nuclear,” this situation clearly has a historical
basis and is not pathological (Forde, 2018). It is still true that Black families are not
strictly nuclear, and Black children are often raised by their close biological relatives and
extended family. Although the dehumanization and denigration of Black people and
Black culture began in times of slavery, current society often continues to reflect this
pattern. These practices can be seen in racial profiling, the criminalization of Blacks, and
the view that Blacks are undesirable people and a group to be feared.
Post–Civil War Reconstruction is the brief historical period between the end of
enslavement in 1865 and the beginning of the Jim Crow era in 1877. Despite suffering
unrelenting violence at the hands of angry and envious White southerners, emancipated
Blacks made several noteworthy tangible strides, perhaps most notably being elected to
prominent political offices at the state and federal levels (e.g., governors, congressional
representatives). Briefly, Jim Crow laws maintained and supported segregationist policies
that governed the lives of Black people in America. These racist policies were enforced
by legal institutions such as the police and courthouses through the 1960s. Thus,
throughout their history in the United States, Black people have been made to feel
unwelcome, undesirable, and pathologized. Blacks have been seen as a “problem
people,” a people to be hated and feared, and a threat. It is on this backdrop that African
values with American influences were maintained in the traumatic war zone of slavery,
the Jim Crow era, and continued racism and discrimination. Although racism and
discrimination are rarely openly tolerated in today’s times, they still exist.
Thus, passive and unconscious racism can have devastating life-threatening
consequences for individuals of African and African American descent. As a result, many
Black people are distrustful of medical and mental health professionals because, in the
not-so-distant past, Blacks were victims of medical experiments done without their
permission (e.g., the Tuskegee syphilis experiment) and involuntary sterilization in which
they were harmed and even died as a result. The New York Press (Bergman, 2005)
reported that the New York City foster care system (most of the children in foster care
across the country are Black) gave HIV-positive children toxic experimental drugs for
treatment without the children’s or guardians’ permission. Children of parents who were
aware of experimental treatments and whose parents refused to allow them to participate
were removed from their parents’ custody. It is also true that often the only contact some
members of the Black community have with mental health professionals is when social
workers arrive to remove children from their homes or through the welfare system.
Amid the ongoing struggle for racial equality, the historic election of this
country’s first Black president, Barack H. Obama, warrants considerable examination.
President Obama’s election represented a unique, yet challenging, opportunity to consider
the relative progress of African Americans collectively, as well as to examine this
country’s latent and covert thoughts and feelings regarding race. Although Obama’s
presidency was certainly laudable, given the nation’s racial past and present, many
Americans erroneously equated Obama’s election with validation for the position that
cries of racism were obsolete (Ramasubramanian & Martinez, 2017; Schildkraut &
Marotta, 2018). Correspondingly, this faction would contend that the election of
President Obama demonstrated unequivocally the existence of a postracial society. As
those who support this position believe, the fact that a Black individual occupied the
highest office in the land rendered claims of systemic and institutional racism pointless.
In other words, the ascent of President Obama purportedly signified the triumphant
arrival of a postracial society in which race no longer dictated one’s station in life, as it
once did in the United States.
No contemporary conversation about the overwhelming number of incarcerated
Black Americans would be complete without a critical examination of the historical
sociopolitical variables that first relegated and then confined poor and working-class
Black people to the most undesirable parts of large urban cities (e.g., housing
discrimination, Housing and Urban Development public housing policies, redlining;
Edmonds, 2017; Wilson, 2012). These cities, which had become largely dilapidated, did
not possess the requisite educational and employment opportunities and social services to
support Black residents who were struggling literally to survive. Rather than
incentivizing corporations to invest in those cities in order to promote economic
stimulation and revitalization, local and federal agencies, under the auspices of the Nixon
and Reagan administrations, initiated a War on Drugs that has had a debilitating impact
on Black communities throughout this country and that continues to this day (Alexander,
2012; Hinton et+al., 2018; Rosino & Hughey, 2016). Furthermore, the Violent Crime
Control Act and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, better known as the 1994 Crime Bill,
incentivized states and localities to build more jails and prisons and to pass sentencing
laws and other punitive measures. This bill increased the number and length of prison
sentences while reducing the possibility of early release for those incarcerated,
disproportionately impacting people of color.
C. Black Racial Identity and Acculturation
Understanding racial identity among African Americans is essential to counseling
members of this group effectively. Counselors must also understand Black cultural
variables and their clients’ level of acculturation. The Cross (1971) model of Black racial
identity development (see Chapter+2) is a prominent framework for understanding Black
racial identity. It has been modified, researched extensively, and applied to counseling
settings with cross-racial dyads of clients and counselors (Parham, 1989; Parham &
Helms, 1981), to client racial preferences for counselors (Boyd-Franklin, 2013), and to
supervisor–supervisee cross-racial pairings and used to explore how racial identity can
change over the life span (Parham, 2002). The Cross model has been updated (Cross &
Vandiver, 2001); however, the basic core of the model has remained the same. The model
describes a process by which most African Americans come to embrace and internalize a
positive Black identity despite instances of racial discrimination and negative societal
messages about being Black. Some Black individuals do not embrace a positive Black
identity and do not consider their Black heritage to be an important aspect of their
identities, whereas others see being Black as a central part of their identities (Barnes
et+al., 2014; Oliver et+al., 2017). Sellers et+al. (1998) developed a multidimensional model
of racial identity that provides a framework for understanding both the significance of
race in the self-concept of African Americans and the qualitative meaning that is
attributed to being a member of that racial category. It is therefore essential in working
with clients of African and African American descent that counselors assess how central
clients’ racial awareness and identity is to who they say they are as individuals.
Other literature finds that a client’s Black identity (especially if seen as
excessively negative) can have negative implications for mental health issues and self-
esteem (Baillargeon, 2014; Banks et+al., 2014; Fisher et+al., 2020). This identity can
present as the internalization of the White beauty ideal, the rejection of a Black identity
and high negative feelings about being Black, the disparagement of other Blacks, and
other forms of internalized racism. It is important that counselors recognize how stifling
these messages can be on the psyche of African Americans and examine the ways more
affirming messages can promote healthier psychosocial outcomes for African Americans.
Research demonstrates that a positive racial identity serves a protective function for
individuals of African and African American descent (Mushonga & Henneberger, 2020;
Willis & Neblett, 2020), shielding them from negative societal messages about being
Black. Wan g and Huguley (2012) found that Black adolescents who received affirming
cultural socialization messages within schools were less likely to experience adverse
consequences (e.g., a lower grade point average and diminished educational aspirations)
even under teacher discrimination (Hammack, 2018). These studies lend credence to the
belief that the assessment of racial identity is useful in the counseling process because it
allows a counselor to hypothesize the types of conflict a client deals with and how the
client views the world.
Understanding a client’s racial identity and level of acculturation will guide the
counselor in recommending or acknowledging appropriate support systems for clients.
Highly acculturated clients may wish to use Black organizations (e.g., churches,
fraternities and sororities, Black-run charities, Black-owned businesses) as a source of
emotional, financial, and social support. Referring a Black client who does not consider
being Black an important part of identity to traditional Black support systems in the
community would be contraindicated, and the client could be offended. Acculturation is
also a phenomenon germane to the experiences of Black people born outside this country.
Black immigrants, unlike those of African American descent, are people of African
ancestry who arrive to this country after having departed from the continent of Africa or
other places throughout the African diaspora (Thelamour & Johnson, 2017). Although it
is important to be respectful of the dissimilarities between African Americans and Black
immigrants, counselors should also recognize the withingroup differences exhibited by
those categorized as Black immigrants. Just as the racial category of individuals of Asian
and Asian American descent encompasses tremendous diversity, so do Black immigrants.
Many Black people perceive kinship or a connection to other Black people
because of a shared history of oppression and discrimination. However, counselors
should not assume that all African Americans feel connected to one another. In addition
to natural feelings of being linked because of this shared history, there is also a forced
collectivism that exists for individuals of African and African American descent that
comes from the way society as a whole views Black people. For example, most Black
people understand that, if one Black individual does something negative (e.g., a criminal
act), the collective (i.e., Black people as a group) are judged by this act, especially if the
negative act of the Black individual reinforces a stereotype about Black people. Most
Black individuals understand, even though it is unfair and oppressive, that, for those of
racial/ethnic marginalized statuses in America, the whole group is often judged poorly by
the negative acts of a few. This forced collectivistic view affects the way Black people
are seen as a group in society and does not acknowledge the heterogeneity among them.
In Boyd-Franklin’s extensive work with Black families (Boyd-Franklin, 2013;
Boyd-Frankli n & Hafer-Bry, 2001), she stated that there is no such thing as the typical
Black family. As mentioned previously, since slavery, Black families have not been
strictly nuclear. In Africa, of course, children were raised in tribal cultures that did not
emphasize the nuclear family as the primary unit. In the United States, early models of
mental health and family therapy pathologized Black families, characterizing them as
“disorganized, deprived, disadvantaged kids coming from broken homes” (Boyd-
Franklin, 2013, p.+14) and “fatherless homes promoting a matriarchal culture which is
abnormal” (Peters, 2007, p.+207). Deficient views of Black families were perpetuated by
applying Eurocentric models of family therapy to them (Moore & McDowell, 2014).
Many Black families are led by women. However, this does not automatically mean that
there is no man involved in raising the children (Boyd-Franklin, 2013). Thus, counselors
need to be sensitive to the role of large numbers of Black women as single parents, as
well as to Black men who may be involved with their children but not living in the same
household. Both roles involve multiple stressors.
Black parents and other adult caregivers often racially socialize Black children,
whereby they foster a sense of racial pride, teach children about their heritage, help the
children develop a positive racial identity, and discuss ways in which to deal with racism
(Banks et+al., 2014; Barnes et+al., 2014; Boyd-Franklin, 2013). This socialization often
serves as a protective function against lowered self-esteem when children face racism.
For example, when a Black child comes home and tells his mother about a racist incident
at school, the child is less likely to believe that something is wrong with the child
personally because of this racial socialization. Black families come in all different skin
tones within the same family. As mentioned previously, given that light skin was
historically, and continues to be, valued over dark skin in our society, some Black
families may have internalized this form of racism. Therefore, caregivers may
deliberately or inadvertently choose favorites or scapegoat children on the basis of the
darkness or lightness of skin color (Hannon & DeFina, 2014). This may present as a
treatment issue in counseling or may be simply related to other treatment issues such as
self-esteem or family conflict.
In using a strengths-based approach with a Black family, a counselor should
emphasize the positive values, support systems, and strengths of that family (Boyd-
Franklin, 2013; Pollock et+al., 2015). Counselors should focus on empowering the family
to function effectively. Empowerment can include restructuring the family so that power
is appropriately used to mobilize the family’s ability to interact successfully with external
systems. Common presenting issues of Black families include finances, blended families,
missing father figures, siblings in the same family who have different fathers and
different levels of involvement with those fathers, violence, multigenerational role
conflict, the negative impact of colorism, and unemployment. Obviously, understanding
the social and cultural context of each family is essential to working effectively with
individual Black families. Once again, SES affects presenting issues of Black families
and their access to community and other resources. The multiculturally competent
counselor readily understands issues common to most Black families, is connected to
important community resources, uses a strengths-based approach, and views the family
through the family’s cultural lens.
Black couples often face unique challenges in addition to the common issues that
couples of all ethnic backgrounds face (Awosan & Hardy, 2017; Bethea & Allen, 2013).
According to Chapman (2007), in 1970, couples headed more than 68% of Black
families. Currently, the proportion of Black families headed by couples is 41%. The
national first-divorce rate for U.S. residents in 2019 was 16.3 per 1,000 women 15 years
old or older (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020d). Breaking down the divorce rate by race and
ethnicity reveals, however, that the divorce rate for Black couples is higher than it is for
White couples. For example, in a research study conducted by the National Center for
Family and Marriage Research (NCFMR), Black women experienced a first divorce at a
rate of 30.4 divorces per 1,000 women, compared with 16.3 and 18.1 divorces per 1,000
White and Latina women, respectively, in 2010 (Bowling Green State University, 2011).
Many predictors of marital dissatisfaction among Black couples (e.g., conflicts, affairs,
feelings of marital unhappiness) are similar to those of other groups. The number of
unmarried women has increased across all groups, but especially among Black women.
According to Wicker and Brodie (2004), the increase among Black women is due in part
to the disproportionate number of incarcerated Black men, the growing disparities in
educational attainment between Black men and women, a high mortality rate of Black
men due to homicide, the number of Black men who marry non–Black women, and the
number of Black men who are gay. Marriage trends demonstrate that Black women are
less likely to marry than their counterparts in other ethnic groups (Landor, 2017; St.Vil
et+al., 2019). Black people also report significantly less happiness in their marriages than
White people do and are less likely to remarry after divorce.
Since the last of the miscegenation laws were repealed in 1967, there has been an
increase in the number of interracial and intercultural couples in the United States. Like
Black couples, interracial and intercultural couples face unique challenges, including lack
of support by one or both members’ families, the social stigma that continues to exist for
those dating or marrying a partner of a different ethnic background, criticism within their
own same-race communities, fears about their children’s adjustment to a biracial identity,
and social pressure from being stared at in public or being socially rejected solely on the
basis of their being an interracial couple (Waldman & Rubalcava, 2005). Multiculturally
competent counselors understand the common issues most couples deal with, as well as
the unique issues faced by Black couples and interracial couples. (See Chapter+15 for
additional information.) These unique issues can have a significant impact on the quality
of the couple’s relationship.
Black children will often face different issues, depending on whether they come
from middleor working-class backgrounds and where they reside (e.g., urban, suburban,
or rural areas). Children living in urban areas often face issues of poverty, disparity in
educational resources, poorer mental and physical health care, the temptations of drugs
and violence, teen pregnancy, growing up in predominately female-supported
households, and fewer community support resources. Black middle-class children,
particularly those living in suburban areas, may face difficulty with issues regarding
fitting into predominately White environments, feeling isolated from other children of
color, being the only person of color in a classroom, having to develop bicultural skills
that enable them to fit into all-Black and all-White environments, suffering parental
divorce, growing up in predominately female-supported households, and having feelings
of not being “Black enough” or “White enough,” depending on their social environments
(Day-Vines et+ al., 2018). When working with Black children, multiculturally competent
counselors are aware of several issues, including racial identity; problems children might
face given their school, home, and social environments; and how racism affects normal
developmental challenges that children face. Effective counselors are aware of available
culturally appropriate community resources for children and their families. Counselors
also are open to including significant community members (e.g., one’s minister) in a
child’s treatment if therapeutically indicated and if parental permission is given.
In addition to recognizing the aforementioned concerns, clinicians should be
aware of the ongoing conversation about Black children and their academic performance.
In discussing the matter, it is highly probably that the concept of the “achievement gap”
will be introduced. Simply put, the achievement gap is the chronic disparity in academic
performance between White students and some ethnic minority students, including Black
students (Paschall et+al., 2018). By no means is this a new dialogue; in fact, interest in the
observed academic disparities between Black and White students has existed for quite
some time. However, although these examinations of the achievement gap have been
undertaken by professionals from disparate professions (e.g., psychology, education),
often they have been firmly entrenched in scientific racism and pseudoscience, which
unfairly disparaged Black people. As a consequence, the conversation about Black
students, education, and the achievement gap operated from the deficit perspective.
According to the deficit perspective, students who underachieve academically, especially
Black students, are responsible for their own failure because they either lack the innate
intellectual ability to perform better or they behave in a manner that is incongruent with
the cultural values espoused by members of the educational setting. In either case, failure
is held to be a function of the student alone.
Although the deficit perspective has had its share of ardent supporters, several
scholars have criticized it because it does not account for the contextual/environmental
variables that also contribute to Black students’ academic performance (Lucier-Greer
et+al., 2014). By contrast, the ecological perspective asserted that academic performance
cannot be adequately understood without taking into account the confluence of
environmental variables (e.g., poverty, crime) and educational resources (e.g., qualified
and supportive teachers; pedagogical strategies) and how they affect learning. For
instance, wealth and income disparities, as well as an opportunity gap between White
people and Black people born of years of racial subjugation, leave urban and inner-city
schools more vulnerable than schools in suburban and affluent neighborhoods (Carter
et+al., 2016; Carter & Weiner, 2013; McCrory-Calarco, 2018). For counseling
professionals working in K–12 educational settings, an ability to advocate on behalf of
students with the aim of alleviating the aforementioned barriers to the performance of
students is essential (Grills et+al., 2016). Activity 9.1 provides an opportunity to consider
how an ecological perspective can be used to advocate for policies that address disparities
that Black people face.
More than one third (38.4%) of the Black population is middle class (U.S. Census
Bureau, 2020h). Middle-class Black people often face issues different from those
encountered by working-class Black people (Lewis-McCoy, 2014). For example, middle-
class Black people are more likely to have to operate biculturally—that is, in both all-
Black and all-White environments. Trying to meet this challenge can be very stressful,
especially for children and adolescents who are just learning the implications of being
Black in predominately White environments. Middle-class Black people who are isolated
from the Black community may experience symptoms of depression and guilt for
“making it” (i.e., “survivor guilt”) when others in the Black community have not (Boyd-
Franklin, 2013). Thus, social class can have a distinct impact on the presenting treatment
issues of Black clients. Counselors need to assess and understand how social class
interacts with, and affects, Black clients’ treatment issues and experiences with
discrimination.
Black elderly people in the United States often face issues associated with
poverty, poor mental and physical health care, illiteracy, gender discrepancies (e.g.,
Black elderly women far outnumber Black elderly men), employment discrimination,
social and physical isolation, disability, and grief and bereavement (Schmitt et+al., 2020;
Waite et+al., 2013). Some of these issues are identical to those faced by elderly
individuals as a whole in the United States. However, a higher percentage of Black
elderly people than White elderly individuals are poor. Normal developmental aging
issues are complicated by the interplay of poverty and racial discrimination. Issues faced
by Black elderly Americans will vary with the individual’s SES, health, and familial and
community support. As with all subgroups within the Black community, multiculturally
competent counselors are aware of economic, social, emotional, and spiritual resources in
the community that can be helpful to this population. Counselors also attend to any
negative stereotypes or assumptions they have about this client population.
Black individuals often bring different treatment issues into the therapeutic realm.
Obviously, environmental influences, like those that depict Whiteness as the norm and
Black people as “other” influences what is presented in therapy. In the authors’ individual
counseling practice settings, for example, some Black women clients presented issues
related to weight, skin color, low self-esteem, depression, anxiety, a perceived lack of
available same-race romantic male partners, inappropriate use of anger as a defense,
relational mistrust, and emotional intimacy. Presenting issues for men of African and
African American descent were related to the formation of Black men’s identities in a
society that fears and rejects Black men as “problem people,” based in large part on
problematic tropes that depict them as absent or distant father figures, lacking self-
esteem, prone to domestic and other violence, and substance users. All these issues are
profoundly influenced by negative stereotypes and can be internalized by Black
individuals, impeding the formation of healthy relationships and overall life success.
Counselors who hold such stereotypic views will be ineffective and often harm their
Black clients.
Black lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning (LGBTQ+) individuals
often deal with multiple sources of oppression and discrimination (Choi et+al., 2013;
Jones & Ferguson, 2020). They may feel conflicts in allegiances (i.e., allegiance to the
Black community or allegiance to the gay community), struggle to integrate different
aspects of their identities (e.g., being Black, a woman, and a lesbian), and the pressure to
hide their gay identity from friends and family. In addition, many Black people hold a
religious orientation, and many conservative Black churches do not support gays and
lesbians. This stance on the part of those churches is often a painful experience for
LGBTQ+ individuals who look to the Black church for social support and spiritual
guidance, and it may increase the likelihood that they face discrimination in their own
communities and families. Dealing with multiple sources of oppression can be extremely
stressful. When working with Black LGBTQ+ clients, it is important to assess whether
identity conflict (e.g., issues as a Black person, a gay person, or both) are relevant to the
presenting treatment issue in therapy. Finally, as with all other client populations,
multiculturally competent counselors are aware of relevant community resources and are
cognizant of their own negative assumptions about the client population with which they
are working.
D. General Mental Health Issues and Counseling Approaches
The CDC (2017a) provides an excellent overview of many of the common
physical and mental health issues that Black individuals face in America. There has been
a significant decline from 1999-2015 in the all-cause mortality rates for Black people
compared to their White counterparts with the disparity gap narrowing from 33% in 1999
to 16% in 2015. Some common chronic diseases reported by Black people included
diabetes, asthma, heart disease, high blood pressure, high blood cholesterol, stroke, and
cancer. However, the leading causes of death for Black people under the age of 65 years
were cardiovascular diseases and cancer, which are typically diseases that are typical in
White individuals over the age of 65. As mentioned previously, lower-SES Black people
are more likely to receive poorer health care and not have health insurance. Many of
these physical illnesses have an impact on the development of psychological disorders as
well.
As a result, Black people may underutilize mental health services, may seek them
out only in times of crisis, and may have more severe symptoms once obtaining
treatment. African Americans also are more likely to be misdiagnosed and to drop out of
treatment earlier than their White counterparts (NAMI, 2020). Research has shown that
Black adolescents drop out of counseling between the first and third appointments,
usually failing to complete a course of treatment (Vázquez & Villodas, 2019). Finally,
Black people are more likely to express their psychological symptoms in a physical form.
Thus, they may seek medical treatment for physical complaints when they are actually
suffering from psychological issues, thus leaving the psychological issues untreated.
According to the American Psychiatric Association (APA, 2020), the rates of
mental illness among Black individuals are comparable to the general population. For
instance, disorders such as depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress, and schizophrenia
are seen in the Black community at rates similar to those of White people, even though
misdiagnosis may be common. (See Chapter+18 for a detailed discussion.) However, it is
important to recognize cultural influences on the presentation of symptoms, as well as to
understand that racism, either blatant or institutional, can be a significant contributing
factor to feelings of depression and anxiety, even if the client does not recognize that to
be so. For example, Black women with depression may present with feelings of
irritability or describe physical complaints and thus seek out medical attention from a
physician as opposed to a mental health provider. However, if the medical physician is
not culturally competent, the professional may not recognize these symptoms as mental
health concerns, opening the door to misdiagnosis (NAMI, 2020). As discussed earlier,
the Black community faces some uniquely negative environmental influences that affect
their mental health. Among those influences might be higher unemployment rates,
educational and occupational deficits, more grief and bereavement issues, higher rates of
incarceration for Black men, higher rates of violence in urban communities, single-parent
status and its concomitant economic hardships, the unavailability of same-race male
partners for Black women, poverty, and lower educational attainment (Lawson &
Lawson, 2013; Mbaba et+al., 2018). These environmental issues most certainly influence
the presentation of psychological issues in clients of African and African American
descent and are heavily influenced in turn by SES. For example, middle-class Black
people may not experience poverty, but they may be more likely to encounter
institutionalized racism in the form of “glass ceilings” at work. In light of the relationship
between psychological issues and environmental stressors due to race and cultural
differences, complete Reflection 9.2 to begin considering how to address these
differences in counseling.
Religion and spirituality are both vital components of traditional and
contemporary Black cultural values and practices (Pedersen et+ al., 2016). Therefore, a
common support system for many Black clients will include “spiritually directed
activities” (e.g., involvement in Black churches or mosques). Spirituality and religion
“help combat societal oppression and increase economic support” (p.+299). In fact, Black
people are more likely to seek religious or spiritual experiences than admit to mental
health concerns (Bryant-Davis et+al., 2015; Vázquez & Villodas, 2019). Participation in
religious activities allows for opportunities for self-expression, leadership, and
community involvement. Counselors should elicit and encourage the use of spiritual
resources if that approach is amenable to the student or client (Pedersen et+al., 2016).
Other support systems include Black organizations, such as fraternities and sororities, and
the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP); the client’s
extended family; Sister Circles, which are social groups for Black women whose sole
purpose is to provide one another with emotional and spiritual support; Brotherhood
opportunities, which are social experiences for Black men that provide a connection with,
and support for, Black men; and activities for children (e.g., sports, music). Activity 9.2
provides a method for accessing these support systems in counseling.
The primary characteristic of this treatment modality is its focus on the
therapeutic relationship between the counselor and the client and on how client change is
facilitated through the development of that relationship. Conditions sought in the
therapeutic relationship include genuineness, congruence, positive regard, acceptance of
the client, and empathic understanding (Farber et+al., 2018). The therapeutic process
moves a client from a place of rigidity, remoteness from feelings and experience, and
distance from other people toward fluidity, acceptance of feelings and experiences, and
unity and integration of one’s self. This approach’s ultimate goal of client self-acceptance
is consistent with the African worldview (i.e., unity and integration). With the Black
client, client-centered counseling has utility especially when helping to set or create
conditions in which the client may feel comfortable and supported within the counseling
relationship. Creating those conditions is accomplished by developing rapport and being
empathic, understanding, and nonjudgmental with clients. That accomplished, it is then
possible for clients to begin the process of exploring their own problems.
Psychodynamic theory focuses on the individual and not the community. The idea
of individualism is expressed in the notion that the change process is dependent on the
work or effort of the individual undergoing treatment. Mental processes are considered to
be largely unconscious. Psychoanalysis, which is based in psychodynamic theory,
believes that impulses, which are described as sexual, cause nervous and mental disorders
(Freud, 1924). These general principles are inconsistent with an Afrocentric framework.
In Hall’s (2004) review of the book Psychotherapy with African American Women by
Jackson and Greene (2000), she acknowledged some of the benefits (e.g., the capacity to
deal with the individual and multiple complexities of their lives, a focus on early
childhood experiences and their impact on client functioning in later life) and limitations
associated with psychodynamic psychotherapy with a Black population. The primary
limitation discussed is the lack of attention to cultural factors. In particular, the authors
asserted that theories and treatment approaches need to be reformulated to acknowledge
the effects that racial and class stereotypes—legacies of slavery, present-day racism,
African or Caribbean cultural influences, and gender-based maltreatment—have on the
psychological lives of women and the interplay between these factors and the individual
Black woman’s intrapsychic world. Exploration of these factors needs to be encouraged
and understood in the context of the therapeutic dyad. Other shortcomings of traditional
psychodynamic theories include a tendency to pathologize cultural differences, the
limited experience that many analysts have with Black women patients, the authoritarian
style of the analyst with respect to the client, heterosexism, and the likelihood that White
therapists will hold racial attitudes that have not been addressed in their own therapy.
The Adlerian approach focuses on social interest as an organizing principle
(Guardia & Banner, 2012; Robey et al., 2017). The approach explores an individual’s
social nature during interactions and the influences of the social environment on the
individual’s development. Thus, the Adlerian approach is thought to be respectful of both
the individual and the cultural heritage. Inherent in the approach is attention to the
influence of cultural factors on development and on the client’s presenting treatment
issues. The theoretical principles of the Adlerian approach appear conducive to
therapeutic work with Black clients. These principles include the concept of collective
unity and social interest, the importance of the family atmosphere, an emphasis on
collaborative goal setting, the influence of a multigenerational legacy, and the flexibility
of intervention strategies (Moore & McDowell, 2014). Collective unity and social interest
consist of working toward fitting in within the community, contributing to the
community, and supporting the cultural value system of many Black people.
Clearly, there is some utility in the use of traditional counseling approaches with
Black clients. However, the treatment outcome research has been equivocal. For
example, cognitive behavioral therapy has been found to be effective with Black and
White clients in the treatment of anxiety disorders (Carter et+al., 2012; Hinton & Patel,
2017). Yon and Scogin (2008) found behavioral treatment generally effective in a sample
of older Black medical patients. Multiculturally competent counselors are aware of the
current literature on the effectiveness of treatment approaches for the population for
which they are providing services; hence, they do not assume that “one approach fits all”
when working with Black clients. Practitioners who continue to use European worldview
counseling systems and techniques with Black clients must become aware of the
limitations of these systems when it comes to treatment efficacy. Case Study 9.2 provides
a clinical example of culturally centered practice with a Black family. Finally, Table+9.2
provides examples in the popular media that counselors and counselor trainees may want
to explore to better understand the experiences of Black clients.
Earlier, we discussed and shaped an argument for and about the uniqueness of the
life experience of Black people. Even with all the differences elaborated, however, it is
not clear, nor has it been definitively established, that there exists a need to have
counseling techniques that are designed specifically for this group of people and its
subgroups. Still, Afrocentric psychotherapies are supportive of, and sensitive to, the
cultural values of Black people. Thus, these psychotherapies can be used as a primary
treatment modality or as an adjunct to other modes of treatment. In pursuit of that aim,
this section will briefly explore Afrocentric therapeutic approaches and theory, as well as
some traditional (Eurocentric) models of counseling with Black clients. Much of the
critical thinking in this area has centered on the inadequacies of Western psychological
principles and techniques for understanding and treating Black individuals (Pedersen
et+al., 2016). Equally, many Black scholars have focused their attention on or around the
concepts underlying the empowerment of Black people to incorporate positive thoughts
of themselves and their communities into their self-concepts—for example, “Black is
beautiful” and “I’m Black and I’m proud” (Camp,+2015). The goal of these concepts as
interventions is to endeavor to bring about individual and collective empowerment and to
support a client’s positive self-image, sense of self-respect, growth, and healthier
emotional functioning.
The formation of Afrocentrism, as a coherent set of concepts and ideas, is often
attributed to the pioneering work of Molefi Assante in the early 1980s. While Assante is
regularly credited as the primary architect of Afrocentrism, particularly in relation to
benefits of implementing Afrocentric education with Black children, many of the
fundamental tenets and ideas regarding Afrocentrism in this country (e.g., the restoration
of African history as an irreplaceable component to African liberation) were inspired by
the monumental contributions found in the writings of Black revolutionary thinkers
including Marcus Garvey, Amy JacquesGarvey, Arturo Alfonso Schomburg, and John
Henrick Clarke, only to name a few (Sandler, 2021). Fundamentally, Afrocentrism posits
that people of African ancestry, regardless of where they exist on the globe, operate from
an ontological and theological perspective that aspires to achieve symbiotic and
reciprocal relationships to nature. Afrocentrism also argues that a benevolent God
functions as the grand architect of existence and that human beings are inherently divine,
imbued with the capacity to achieve harmonious and egalitarian relations with others.
Unlike the theological and ontological imperatives inherent to Eurocentrism, specifically
rugged individualism/independence; competition; expansion, material accumulation and
gratuitous consumption; and dominion over others and nature, Afrocentrism extols the
virtues of communalism/interdependence; cooperation, and moral and equitable
stewardship.
In his address to the American Psychological Association (APA) on September 1,
1967, Dr. Martin Luther King admonished the profession for its repeated refusal to think
critically about the toxic and corrosive effects of White racism. Dr. King also implored
the audience, consisting primarily of White psychologists, to “tell it like it is” and address
how Black Americans are habitually excluded from what Mills (2014) referred to as
America’s racial contract. Tragically, Dr. King was assassinated in March of 1968, and
his assassination exacerbated the anger and resentment many Black Americans already
harbored for being relegated to second-class citizenship through systemic and
institutional racism. According to Williams (2008), the discipline known today as Black
psychology emerged out of this especially turbulent social and political milieu. Although
the publication in 2003 of Guthrie’s magnum opus Even the Rat Was White represents
the crystallization of ideas that initiated the emergence of Black psychology, the
deliberate convening of Black psychologists at the American Psychological Association
national conference in San Francisco on September 2nd 1968 constitutes the official
formation of the Association of Black Psychologists (ABPsi).
From its very inception, the Association of Black Psychologists (ABPsi)
embarked on a noble and visionary mission, driven by an unwavering commitment to
confront the multifaceted and insidious manifestations of systemic and institutional
racism that have long plagued the fabric of American society. With a profound
understanding of the intricate interplay between social structures, historical legacies, and
individual well-being, ABPsi recognized the urgent imperative to address the pervasive
and deeply entrenched inequities that disproportionately marginalized and
disenfranchised Black Americans.
At the heart of ABPsi's mission lay a profound recognition of the
interconnectedness between mental health, social justice, and collective liberation.
Understanding that systemic racism permeates every facet of society, from education and
employment to healthcare and criminal justice, ABPsi sought to illuminate the myriad
ways in which these structural injustices perpetuated cycles of trauma, oppression, and
inequality within Black communities.
From the onset, ABPsi stood as a beacon of hope and resilience in the face of
adversity, marshaling its collective expertise, scholarship, and advocacy to challenge the
status quo and effect meaningful change. Through a multipronged approach that
encompassed research, education, activism, and community engagement, ABPsi
endeavored to dismantle the entrenched power structures that perpetuated racial
disparities and fostered systemic injustice.
Moreover, ABPsi recognized that the struggle against systemic racism was not
merely a theoretical or abstract endeavor but a deeply personal and visceral one, with
profound implications for the holistic wellness and dignity of Black Americans. By
centering the voices, experiences, and expertise of Black psychologists and mental health
professionals, ABPsi sought to amplify the unique perspectives and insights that emerged
from within the community, empowering individuals to reclaim agency, resilience, and
self-determination in the face of adversity.
Through its pioneering efforts, ABPsi played a pivotal role in catalyzing a
paradigm shift within the field of psychology, challenging traditional notions of mental
health and well-being to encompass a broader understanding of social, cultural, and
historical context. By reframing mental health within a framework of social justice and
liberation, ABPsi laid the groundwork for a more inclusive and equitable approach to
psychological practice, one that recognized the intrinsic dignity and worth of every
individual and sought to dismantle the structures of oppression that hindered their
flourishing.
ABPsi embarked on a transformative journey, igniting the flames of a long-term
aspiration through the meticulous crafting of a set of mandates that echoed with the
resonance of a solemn declaration of independence from the American Psychological
Association (APA). With pen poised and purposeful intent, ABPsi inscribed its destiny
upon the annals of psychological history, forging a new path forward that bespoke of
autonomy, identity, and unwavering conviction.
In a watershed moment that reverberated across the landscape of psychological
discourse, ABPsi unfurled its banner of sovereignty, casting off the shackles of
convention and charting a course guided by the guiding stars of its own principles and
beliefs. With each stroke of the pen, ABPsi etched a narrative of liberation, emancipating
itself from the confines of the APA and embracing a newfound sense of agency and
purpose.
This audacious act of defiance was not merely symbolic; it was a manifesto of
intent, a clarion call to all who would listen that ABPsi was prepared to carve out its own
destiny, unencumbered by the constraints of external authority. By articulating a
comprehensive set of mandates that reflected its unique values and perspectives, ABPsi
laid the groundwork for a bold and transformative agenda that would shape the landscape
of psychology for generations to come.
In the annals of history, ABPsi's declaration of independence from the APA
stands as a testament to the power of conviction, the courage of conviction, and the
unyielding spirit of those who dare to defy the status quo in pursuit of a brighter
tomorrow. With hearts afire and minds ablaze, ABPsi set forth on a journey of self-
discovery and self-determination, forging a legacy that would inspire generations of
psychologists to come.
E. Black Individuals and Families
The scholarship focused on Black individuals and families is far-reaching and in-
depth, yet there is ample room to expand and grow. It would be impossible to fully
capture the state of research as a whole; instead, this section will highlight a couple of
interesting areas, colorism and gender, that are ripe for more exploration related to
intersectional analysis and Black mental health. Keyes et+al. (2020) provided a systematic
review of the literature on colorism and health outcomes, specifically, and found that
there is, indeed, strong evidence to substantiate the notion that darker skin Black people
experience more prejudice than those with lighter skin. Relatedly, the decision-making
process related to the extent to which individuals explicitly embrace their heritage is
another underexplored topic.
In her insightful exploration, Harris (2018) embarked on a comprehensive
examination of the multifaceted contextual factors that exert influence upon the decision-
making process among biracial individuals, specifically those with ancestral ties to both
African and African American heritage. Through a meticulous analysis of these intricate
dynamics, Harris illuminated the intricacies of identity formation and decision-making,
shedding light on the diverse array of factors that individuals of varying racial
backgrounds must consider when navigating their own unique pathways.
Within the tapestry of biracial identity, individuals are confronted with a myriad
of considerations and complexities that extend far beyond the confines of traditional
racial categorizations. Drawing upon a rich tapestry of personal anecdotes, scholarly
research, and historical context, Harris provided nuanced insights into the nuanced
interplay between race, culture, and personal identity, offering readers a deeper
understanding of the multifaceted nature of biracial experiences.
Moreover, Harris elucidated the interconnectedness of these contextual factors,
highlighting the ways in which they intersect and overlap to shape the decision-making
process. From familial expectations and societal pressures to historical legacies and
personal values, individuals of biracial heritage must navigate a complex web of
influences as they navigate the journey of self-discovery and identity formation.
Through her groundbreaking work, Harris not only shed light on the unique
challenges and opportunities faced by biracial individuals but also provided a framework
for understanding the broader implications of identity and decision-making within a
diverse and multicultural society. By centering the voices and experiences of those at the
intersection of multiple racial identities, Harris challenged conventional notions of race
and identity, inviting readers to reconsider their own preconceptions and assumptions.
In conclusion, Harris's exploration of contextual factors influencing the decision-
making process among biracial individuals offers a nuanced and insightful perspective on
the complexities of identity formation and self-discovery. Through her meticulous
analysis and compelling narrative, Harris invites readers to engage in a deeper reflection
on the interconnectedness of race, culture, and personal identity, ultimately contributing
to a more nuanced understanding of diversity and inclusion within contemporary society.
There is also a wealth of literature focused on the intersectionality of LGBTQ+
and Black individuals and families. Jones and Ferguson (2020) offer a solid introductory
discussion of writings detailing the experiences of Black gay men pre- and postslavery,
for instance. Curry (2017), in the book, The Man-Not: Race, Class, Genre, and the
Dilemmas of Black Manhood, critiques mainstream feminism, including Black feminism,
and posits that Black men, by virtue of their sex, are an oppressed group deserving of
deeper theoretical analysis and research. It is important to note, however, that Curry’s
work has received mixed reviews within the field. Further, “strong Black woman’’ is a
stubborn mantra in U.S. culture that is oftentimes meant to be a compliment, but instead
is a common burden on the emotional well-being of the Black woman. Only a handful of
studies (Abrams et+al., 2018; James, 2015; Liao et+al. 2020; WatsonSingleton, 2017) have
examined how the strong Black woman schema influences the mental health of Black
women. For instance, Watson and Hunter (2015) examined the relationship between the
strong Black woman role and attitudes toward psychological help-seeking. The authors
found a significant inverse relationship between the role and psychological openness to
help-seeking.
The role of the counselor for Black clients may need to be broader than that for
White clients. For example, Black clients may need help in dealing with agencies and
making connections to the community. Multiculturally competent counselors are to bring
up differences in background; explore clients’ feelings about coming to counseling and
how it will be beneficial to them as clients; explore clients’ worldviews; establish
egalitarian therapeutic relationships that can be aided by self-disclosure; assess assets of
clients, such as support systems, family, community resources, and church; explore
external factors that might be related to the presenting problem; not dismiss racism as
“just an excuse;” and help clients define goals and find solutions to their problems.
Vittrup (2018) discussed the harmful effects of counselors employing a color-
blind racial ideology, which is a “set of beliefs that serves to minimize, ignore, or distort
the existence of race and racism” (p.+95). At its core is the belief that racism is a thing of
the past and that race and racism no longer play a significant role in current social and
economic realities. This belief is obviously a harmful one in working with the Black
population because it is invalidating and dismissive of clients’ experiences.
In the realm of counseling Black clients, it is paramount to not only recognize but
also acknowledge and celebrate the multifaceted tapestry of the client's ethnic and
cultural background, as it serves as a pivotal cornerstone in the cultivation of a robust and
effective therapeutic rapport. Multiculturally adept counselors are keenly attuned to the
nuanced complexities of cultural identity and the profound impact it has on the
therapeutic process, thus underscoring the importance of fostering an environment of
mutual respect, understanding, and validation.
Within this context, the recognition and affirmation of the client's cultural
heritage emerge as indispensable tools for laying the groundwork for a meaningful and
authentic therapeutic alliance. By acknowledging and validating the unique experiences,
traditions, and values that inform the client's cultural identity, counselors create a safe
and affirming space wherein clients feel seen, heard, and valued for who they are.
Moreover, multiculturally competent counselors possess a deep understanding of
the historical and societal factors that have contributed to the development of cultural
mistrust among Black clients. They recognize that systemic injustices, historical trauma,
and institutionalized racism have engendered a legacy of skepticism and apprehension
towards mainstream institutions, including the mental health field.
In light of this awareness, counselors approach their work with humility, empathy,
and a genuine commitment to understanding and addressing the roots of cultural mistrust
within the therapeutic relationship. Rather than dismissing or pathologizing these feelings
of mistrust, counselors acknowledge them as valid and legitimate responses to past
experiences of marginalization, discrimination, and oppression.
Furthermore, multiculturally competent counselors are proactive in their efforts to
build trust and rapport with Black clients by demonstrating cultural humility, sensitivity,
and responsiveness in their interactions. They recognize the importance of actively
listening to clients' concerns, validating their experiences, and collaborating with them to
co-create culturally relevant and empowering interventions.
By fostering an environment of trust, respect, and collaboration, counselors
empower Black clients to engage authentically in the therapeutic process, explore their
emotions, and work towards healing and growth. Through culturally responsive
interventions and practices, counselors help clients navigate the complexities of their
cultural identity, develop coping strategies, and build resilience in the face of adversity.
In essence, the recognition, acknowledgment, and honoring of the client's ethnic
and cultural background are not only essential rapport-building tools but also
foundational principles that underpin the provision of culturally competent and
responsive counseling services. By embracing diversity, promoting cultural humility, and
fostering an environment of trust and validation, counselors create opportunities for
healing, empowerment, and transformation within the therapeutic relationship.
Effective counselors operate from a paradigm that refrains from pathologizing or
personalizing mistrust experienced by their clients. Instead, they strive to understand the
origins and developmental pathways of this mistrust, recognizing it as a natural response
to past experiences, societal factors, and interpersonal dynamics. By adopting a stance of
empathy and curiosity, counselors create a safe and nonjudgmental space for clients to
explore the roots of their mistrust and work towards healing and growth.
Central to this approach is the acknowledgment and open discussion of mistrust
within the counseling relationship. Rather than sweeping it under the rug or dismissing it
as irrational, counselors encourage clients to express their feelings of mistrust openly and
honestly. Through compassionate listening and validation, counselors validate the
validity of clients' experiences and help them make sense of their emotions within the
context of their lived realities.
Moreover, effective counselors recognize that mistrust may stem from a variety of
sources, including past trauma, experiences of discrimination, attachment disruptions, or
societal injustices. By exploring these underlying factors collaboratively, counselors help
clients connect the dots between their past experiences and their present-day struggles
with trust, fostering insight and self-awareness in the process.
Furthermore, counselors empower clients to reclaim agency over their mistrust by
reframing it as a protective mechanism rather than a personal flaw. By normalizing
mistrust as a natural response to adversity, counselors validate clients' experiences and
help them develop coping strategies to navigate relationships and situations where trust
may be compromised.
In addition, effective counselors employ a strengths-based approach to working
with clients' mistrust, focusing on resilience, resourcefulness, and adaptive coping skills.
By highlighting clients' strengths and resilience in the face of adversity, counselors
bolster their sense of self-efficacy and empower them to overcome challenges related to
mistrust.
Ultimately, by fostering a climate of trust and safety within the counseling
relationship, counselors create an environment where clients feel empowered to explore
and address their mistrust openly and authentically. Through collaborative exploration
and validation, counselors support clients in making meaning of their experiences and
cultivating healthier ways of relating to themselves and others.
