1 / 10100%
LIBERTY UNIVERSITY JOHN W. RAWLINGS SCHOOL OF DIVINITY
Historical Jesus Studies and Christian Apologetics
A Paper Submitted to
the Faculty of the School of Divinity
in Candidacy for the Degree of
Doctor of Education in Christian Leadership (Ed. D) Department of Christian Leadership and
Church Ministries
By
Mary Gracias
Lynchburg, Virginia
5/2022
Historical Jesus Studies and Christian Apologetics
The field of historical Jesus studies is by definition a secular discipline (i.e., a science that
assumes no presuppositions of faith). Still, numerous Christians have been and remain involved
in the field. Accordingly, the question often arises as to how Christian scholars can contribute
productively to a quest that demands respect for tenets at variance with the convictions of
their faith (e.g., that the historical reliability of what is reported in biblical writings must be
determined through careful analysis rather than affirmed by an appeal to the authoritative
status of those writings as divinely inspired scripture).
Different Christians, of course, respond to this challenge in different ways.1 There are
many Christian scholars who have no problem discovering or even proposing that the canonical,
biblical portrait of Jesus is a theological construct that may have been inspired by the historical
reality but that can also be distinguished from it. Even conservative Christian scholars like John
Meier have no problem admitting that the historical Jesus did not actually say or do everything
attributed to him in the biblical documents. Scot McKnight, a conservative evangelical who has
written extensively on the historical Jesus, allows that certain passages presented as the words
of Jesus in our Bibles are actually interpretative glosses supplied by the Christian evangelists.2
Other Christian scholars, like Ben Witherington III, try to maintain a distinction between
assessing “what happened” and “what is verifiable.” It is then possible for a devout Christian to
believe (as a matter of religious faith) that Jesus did or said what the Bible says he did or said
while simultaneously admitting (as a historical scholar) that many things the Bible says about
Jesus cannot be verified historically. The Christian historian may regard many things about Jesus
as authentic or true on the basis of scriptural authority while maintaining that these things
cannot be regarded as authentic or true from the perspective of secular, historical science.3
The field of Christian apologetics takes a different tack. Christian engaged in apologetics
often try to establish or prove the legitimacy of what they believe to be true on grounds that do
not require blatant acceptance of biblical or ecclesial authority. Frequently, the apologists
themselves believe the matters to be true primarily on faith, as a result of accepting
authoritative biblical or ecclesial testimony, but they seek to find non-faith-based arguments
that also establish, confirm, or otherwise support the veracity of what they believe. The
motivation may be simply to support faith claims in a supplementary fashion, or it may be to
prompt those who are not willing to accept the matters on faith to nevertheless consider the
matters more seriously than they would otherwise. Frequently, as the word “apologetics”
implies, the motivation is to defend faith claims from secular challenges: if some historians are
claiming Jesus did not actually do what the Bible says he did, an apologist might attempt to
challenge those claims on historical grounds in order to insure the faithful that their beliefs are
not actually contradicted by historical evidence. In a sense, then, apologists often try to bridge
the gap between faith and science or history, so that “faith” will not be reduced to stubborn
insistence on the veracity of beliefs that science or history claim to be demonstrably false.
As might be expected, Christian apologetics has an uneasy relationship with historical
Jesus studies. On the one hand, many apologists are brilliant, well-informed scholars who
construct sensible and persuasive arguments for why biblical testimony on specific matters (as
well as in a more general sense) should be accepted as reliable and historically accurate. Any
honest scholar who wants to discover the historical truth about Jesus will want to give those
arguments the consideration they merit. On the other hand, the involvement of apologists in
historical Jesus studies always seems one-sided. Most historical scholars find it frustrating to
listen with an open mind to the arguments an apologist wants to offer in favor of historicity
when they know that the apologist is not willing to listen with an open mind to any arguments
that can be offered against historicity.
Historical Jesus scholars usually conceive of the task to which they are committed as a
quest rather than as a debate. In a quest, one searches for the truth with an open mind,
marked by a willingness to follow the evidence wherever it leads, to revise one’s views or even
recant one’s former positions when a better argument or better evidence is found. Most
historical Jesus scholars would say they engage in conversation with people who disagree with
them in order to discover if those people might in fact be right—or at least partly right. In a
quest, there is always a very real possibility of having one’s own thinking supplemented,
altered, or even completely changed by the insights of those one initially thought were wrong.
In a debate, by contrast, participants try to score points for their position and find ways to
discredit the opposing position. A debate is enacted for the benefit of an audience, who will
decide which side won and which side lost. No one expects either participant in the debate to
be convinced by the arguments offered by their opponent.4
Historical Jesus studies is best construed as a quest, not a debate.5 Apologists, almost by
definition, are committed to convincing people that their position (in favor of historicity) is
correct, rather than to determining whether or not their proposal (regarding a possibility of
historicity) might be correct—faith convictions typically disqualify any potential for a negative
conclusion, or at least render such a conclusion remote, something the apologist would resist
for reasons unrelated to the persuasiveness of evidence or argumentation. There is, of course,
nothing wrong with this: apologists can and do pursue their vocation with integrity, and
debates between persons who hold intractable views can be both interesting and informative.6
But when apologists try to engage in historical Jesus studies—or when they present themselves
as historical Jesus scholars—they often discover that they are not completely welcome. The
reason is that they come to a quest prepared for a debate; the result is that they are politely
tolerated, at best. To be frank, when apologists enter the fray of historical Jesus studies, they
tend to be regarded as intruders, or simply as posers—they may have something to contribute,
but they don’t seem to get what everyone else is actually trying to do (or else, many suspect,
they just don’t care).7
The situation is confused when Christian scholars are suspected of engaging in apologetics
regardless of their actual intent.8 Such suspicion may be furthered by the fact that some
Christian scholars are willing to engage in both disciplines: apologetics and historical Jesus
studies. They may approach the latter with a conservative bias but a general willingness to
abide by “the rules of the game,” recognizing a distinction between what can be verified and
what cannot. Unfortunately, such scholars do not always get the attention they might
otherwise deserve simply because their commitment to apologetics is well known. They
become stereotyped as intruders or posers when such labels might not actually apply.
We may note two prominent evangelical scholars who exemplify this sort of
marginalization: Darrell Bock9 and Craig Keener.10 Both Bock and Keener have published
massive works on the historical Jesus and on the field of historical Jesus studies. This is because,
while their work has been enthusiastically received in evangelical circles, it has not had a great
impact on the field of historical Jesus studies overall. Some might suppose the guild operates
with a bias against evangelical or conservative Christianity in general, but the relative
inattention to Bock and Keener’s work could also be due to the (possibly unfounded) suspicion
that these scholars are more interested in apologetics (establishing historicity) than in
embarking on an open-minded quest for historical truth.11
Darrell Bock has sketched a portrait of the historical Jesus analogous to the major
biographies of Jesus presented by other scholars.12 Jesus was baptized by John and, in so doing,
identified himself with John’s mission of national renewal and repentance. In his own ministry,
however, he announced the coming of God’s kingdom, a newly dawning age of shalom that was
already present in Jesus’s own activity but would be consummated in a powerful and all-
encompassing way. As he proclaimed this message, Jesus became noted for a number of things
that were unique or at least distinctive: reaching out to the unclean and to others on the fringe
of society; demanding that his followers exhibit intense commitment and total loyalty to the
kingdom and to his own person; performing unusual works that he claimed exhibited divine
power and exemplified God’s benevolent care; advocating a lifestyle reflective of trust in
division provision; encouraging a radical love for enemies and willingness to forgive others their
sin; and promising that, in the new covenant he was inaugurating, God would give people new
hearts so that they could be transformed and sustained through the power of the Spirit. Jesus
also claimed in some sense to be the Messiah, though he tried to refine that term away from
traditional political expectations. He entered Jerusalem, enacted a symbolic prophetic action
against the religious authorities in the very courts of the temple they controlled, and shared a
meal with his followers that conveyed a conviction that his own suffering would inaugurate the
new covenant of which he had been speaking. When he was arrested and examined by Jewish
authorities, he was pressed specifically on the question of his own identity and subsequently
charged with blasphemy—that is, with claiming “an equality with God that the leadership
would have judged as a slander against God’s unique glory.”13 He was then condemned by
Pilate, who also believed he had made unwarranted claims regarding his own authority. He was
crucified and his dead body placed in a tomb; subsequent claims that he had been raised from
the dead gain credibility from the fact that they were framed in ways that the church would not
have invented.
Bock lays out this portrait of Jesus with careful attention to typical methods for historical
inquiry.14 He seeks to establish the probable historicity of every assertion he makes through
appeals to multiple attestation, dissimilarity, and other accepted criteria, and he strives to
interpret Jesus’s actions within a context of Second Temple Judaism informed by knowledge of
archaeology, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and other available resources. In all these ways, his work
resembles that of many scholars. What seems distinctive is a tendency only to affirm, but never
to deny, the historical reliability of biblical testimony. Thus Luke Timothy Johnson (another
conservative Christian scholar) says that Bock’s work would gain credibility if “at any point he
entertained the possibility of some passage of the Gospels not yielding real historical
knowledge.”15 To be fair, Bock does follow convention by relying primarily on texts from Mark
and Q, passages considered to have the greatest potential for historical reliability; there are
texts (including most of John) that he simply doesn’t consider. Still, he manages to avoid
deciding that any passage he does consider presents material that should not be regarded as
historically reliable (or even verifiable). Since Bock is known to be a strong proponent of biblical
inerrancy, his historical Jesus work is sometimes suspected of being an exercise in apologetics:
an effort to affirm whatever he thinks can be affirmed and to ignore anything that cannot be.16
Robert Price calls his work “opportunistic”;17 Johnson suggests that he “has not yet grasped
what historical analysis requires.”18
In one of the most caustic critiques of Bock’s work to date, Robert Miller alleges that Bock
(and evangelicals like him) “use traditional historical-Jesus criteria to further their project of
authenticating the Gospels” but “do not allow those same criteria to lead to negative historical
conclusions.”19 Indeed, Miller says evangelicals like Bock belong to a different “camp” than most
historical Jesus scholars and that there can be no real dialogue or productive discussion
between those camps (due to their very different presuppositions and understanding of the
task at hand). Other scholars, however—including people as ideologically diverse as John
Dominic Crossan and James D. G. Dunn—have engaged Bock’s work and reflected
appreciatively on portions of it.20
Craig Keener has written extensively on the historical reliability of the New Testament
Gospels21 and on the credibility of the miracle stories that they report.22 He maintains that the
Gospels belong to the genre of ancient historiography and that a comprehensive survey of
contemporaneous works in this genre reveals a careful concern for accuracy. Obviously, ancient
biographers and historiographers had their biases, and they sometimes got things wrong, but
they did not just make things up in the cavalier fashion assumed by some historical Jesus
scholars (e.g., Mack, Crossan). Scholars should start with the premise that the author is
reporting historical fact unless there is an obvious reason to think otherwise; this, Keener
maintains, is how scholars typically use other ancient works of historiography. Furthermore, the
Gospel authors relied on early written sources and oral tradition (Luke 1:1–4), both of which
provide eyewitness testimony; Jesus’s disciples probably took notes and committed large
portions of his teaching to memory, as was typical for disciples of other rabbis and for followers
of other prominent figures of the day.23 Even the reports of miracles should be read as accurate,
straightforward historical accounts since those who are not encumbered by a scientifically and
philosophically indefensible antisupernaturalism are able to recognize that such occurrences
have happened and continue to happen in the world today.
Keener offers his own biographical sketch of Jesus, which is not too dissimilar from that of
Bock (or from that of the Synoptic Gospels).24 Jesus was from Nazareth and, after being
baptized by John, he called disciples and conducted a ministry among the fishing villages of
Galilee. As a teacher and prophet he told and interpreted parables (including, perhaps, all of
the ones found in the New Testament), preached about a kingdom of God that was both
already present and yet still to come, demanded that his disciples leave their families and
relinquish their possessions, mingled and dined with marginalized persons considered to be
sinners, quarreled with Pharisees over purity practices and Sabbath laws, and reinterpreted
traditional ethics by prioritizing the necessity of love.
Jesus also worked miracles and presented himself as the Messiah, albeit a messiah
reinterpreted in terms of Daniel’s Son of Man (Dan. 7:13–14). He claimed to be the
eschatological Judge of the dawning end times, a figure who fulfilled but expanded all Jewish
expectations in light of the unique relationship he had with God, his Father. He realized that he
needed to die and taught his disciples that his crucifixion would function as an atonement. His
tomb was subsequently found empty and, among the various explanations that can be offered
for this, the most probable is that he rose bodily from the dead in a manner that aroused the
otherwise incredible resurrection faith of his disciples.
The depth of Keener’s erudition is remarkable and, at some level, most scholars do take
his work seriously. His knowledge of ancient literature is particularly impressive, such that
almost half of his books are sometimes occupied with endnotes, hundreds of pages that offer
thousands of references to parallel or analogous passages in Roman or Jewish writings
suggestive of how the Gospel accounts of Jesus should be interpreted. Nevertheless, Keener
has not obtained the stature within the guild that his prolific output and undeniable brilliance
might suggest he would deserve. The reason is simply that he is regarded as something of an
apologist, as one who is only interested in authenticating what can be authenticated rather
than in determining what can and cannot be authenticated.
The distinction may seem like a fine one, but scholars have not failed to notice the
absence of negative verdicts. Robert Miller says, “If Keener does indeed have doubts about the
historical accuracy of any Gospel material, he keeps those doubts to himself.”25 The charge goes
beyond bias (all scholars have biases) to allegations that Keener engages in special pleading.26
Amy-Jill Levine notes that he insists the accounts of Jesus working miracles be accepted without
any bias of antisupernaturalism, but she questions whether he would apply that position
consistently when considering accounts of people working miracles in other instances of
religious historiography (the Qu’ran, the Book of Mormon).27
Keener is likewise said to use ancient documents selectively, citing only the ones that help
his cause. He cites numerous Roman historical writings that evince a clear attempt to get the
story right, but ignores those that do not—indeed, he does not take into account works like the
Protoevangelium of James and other apocryphal gospels that closely resemble the canonical
Gospels in genre but obviously did invent material wholesale.28 He also cites rabbinic
documents centuries after the time of Jesus to show how disciples were like scribes who took
notes and memorized teachings, but ignores passages in the Gospels that differentiate Jesus’s
disciples from scribes, presenting them as infants who, unlike the wise and understanding, must
rely on divine revelation (Matt. 11:25–27) and the Holy Spirit (John 14:25) to understand or
even remember things about Jesus.29
Of course, Keener would have intelligent responses to all of these objections,30 but the
point is that the perception that he is engaged in apologetics rather than in an actual quest to
determine what can be regarded as historical keeps his work from being engaged in the same
way as work by conservative Christians like Meier who seem more open to admitting much of
what the Gospels report cannot be historically authenticated. Still—not to overstate the case—
Keener’s main book on the historical Jesus has been endorsed by such mainstream scholars as
James Charlesworth, Joseph Fitzmyer, and Gerd Theissen, and even those who regard it as an
example of apologetics recognize that much of what he has to say is worthy of consideration
(that is, if he is doing apologetics, he is at least good at it).
References
Adapted from Mark Allan Powell, “Historical Jesus Studies and Christian Apologetics,” in Mark
Allan Powell, Jesus as a Figure in History, 2nd ed. (Louisville, Westminster John Knox, 2013),
255–60.
1. A survey of how major theologians have addressed the problems history poses for faith can
be found in Gregory W. Dawes, The Historical Jesus Question: The Challenge of History to
Religious Authority (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2001).
2. Examples of such glosses would include Jesus’s claim that he came “to give his life as a
ransom for many” (Mark 10:45) or the clause at the Last Supper in which he says the cup is
his blood “which is poured out for many” (Mark 14:24). See Scot McKnight, Jesus and His
Death: Historiography, the Historical Jesus, and Atonement Theory (Waco: Baylor University
Press, 2005), 356, 359.
3. Elsewhere, I have put the matter this way: an evangelical Christian historian can say, “I
cannot as a historian say whether this event happened, though as a Christian who believes
in the divine inspiration of scripture, I personally believe it did happen, just as the Bible
says.” See Mark Allan Powell, “Evangelical Christians and Historical-Jesus Studies: Final
Reflections,” Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 9, no. 1 (2011): 124–36, citation on
135. This would accurately describe my own position on numerous matters.
4. Of course, we would not want to press the vocabulary employed in this distinction too far—
the word debate can be used as a synonym for an argument, a discussion, or even a
dialogue. Thus the “debate” recounted in Robert J. Miller, ed., The Apocalyptic Jesus: A
Debate (Santa Rosa, CA: Polebridge Press, 2001) is very much an open-minded discussion in
which four questing scholars seek to learn from one another.
5. Somewhat to my chagrin, a European edition of the first edition of my Jesus as a Figure in
History (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1998) was actually published under the title The
Jesus Debate (Oxford: Lion, 1998). Suffice to say, I was not consulted concerning that title,
which I would not have approved (since many of the persons described in the book would
insist they are engaged in a quest, not a debate.
6. See, e.g., the published debate between a well-known apologist and a founder of the Jesus
Seminar: Paul Copan, ed., Will the Real Jesus Please Stand Up: A Debate between William
Lane Craig and John Dominic Crossan (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2001). In this volume, Crossan
notes that the debate was fruitful precisely because the goal was understanding not
conversion—people with incompatible presuppositions can understand and respect one
another’s positions while recognizing there is no chance of getting the other to change his
or her mind (149).
7. So, Crossan maintains the problem arises when people present themselves as belonging to
one group when they are actually members of a different group “in disguise”; then
theological arguments are misrepresented as historical ones. See John Dominic Crossan,
“Reflections on a Debate,” in Copan, ed., Will the Real Jesus Please Stand Up, 147–55.
8. So, Robert Funk dismissed the entire so-called Third Quest (with specific reference to N. T.
Wright, Raymond Brown, and John Meier) as “an apologetic ploy.” See Honest to Jesus:
Jesus for a New Millennium (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1996), 65.
9. See Darrell L. Bock, “The Historical Jesus: An Evangelical View,” in Historical Jesus: Five Views,
ed. James K. Beilby and Paul Rhodes Eddy (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2009), 249–
300; Bock, Jesus According to Scripture (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2002); Bock,
Studying the Historical Jesus: A Guide to Methods and Sources (Grand Rapids: Baker
Academic, 2002).
10. See Craig S. Keener, Historical Jesus of the Gospels (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2009); Keener,
Miracles: The Credibility of New Testament Accounts (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic,
2011).
11. To some extent, such suspicions may also attend the reception of the book, Key Events in
the Life of the Historical Jesus: A Collaborative Exploration of Context and Coherence, ed.
Darrell Bock and Robert Webb (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2009). The volume collects essays
by biblically orthodox Christian scholars that seek to authenticate the probable historicity
of twelve major events in the reported life of Jesus. The book is an undeniably significant
work (ten years in the making) and the contributors all appeal to traditional criteria,
employed in ways that find wide acceptance within the guild. Still, reviewers do notice that
only arguments in favor of historicity are seriously entertained; there is no apparent
openness to discovering that anything reported of Jesus is probably nonhistorical (or even
unverifiable).
12. See especially Bock, “Historical Jesus: An Evangelical View.” His book Jesus according to
Scripture attempts to show that the Gospels present a coherent and credible portrait of
Jesus but it does not overtly attempt to determine what aspects of this portrait might or
might not be authenticated historically. Indeed, the book’s premise seems to be that a
more adequate vision of Jesus is obtained by viewing him as he is presented in Scripture
rather than through tenuous historical reconstructions.
13. Bock, “Historical Jesus: An Evangelical View,” 275. On the claim that a charge of blasphemy
led to Jesus’s execution, see Bock, Blasphemy and Exaltation in Judaism and the Final
Examination of Jesus (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1998), and, more briefly, Bock, “Blasphemy
and the Jewish Examination of Jesus,” in Key Events, 589–668.
14. On this see especially, Bock, Studying the Historical Jesus.
15. Luke Timothy Johnson, “Response to Darrell L. Bock,” in Beilby and Eddy, eds., Historical
Jesus: Five Views, 293–96.
16. For Bock’s own take on this, see Darrell L. Bock, “Faith and the Historical Jesus: Does a
Confessional Position and Respect for the Jesus Tradition Preclude Serious Historical
Engagement?” in Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 9, no. 1 (2011): 3–25.
17. Robert M. Price, “Response to Darrell L. Bock,” in Beilby and Eddy, eds., Historical Jesus: Five
Views, 282–87.
18. Johnson, “Response to Darrell L. Bock,” 296.
19. Robert J. Miller, “When It’s Futile to Argue about the Historical Jesus,” Journal for the Study
of the Historical Jesus 9, no. 1 (2011): 85–95.
20. John Dominic Crossan, “Response to Darrell L. Bock,” in Beilby and Eddy, eds., Historical
Jesus: Five Views, 288–92; James D. G. Dunn, “Response to Darrell L. Bock,” in Beilby and
Eddy, eds., Historical Jesus: Five Views, 297–300.
21. See especially Keener, Historical Jesus of the Gospels, 71–162.
22. Keener, Miracles.
23. On this point, see also Werner H. Kelber and Samuel Byrskog, eds., Jesus in Memory:
Traditions in Oral and Scribal Perspectives (Waco: Baylor University Press, 2009).
24. Keener, Historical Jesus of the Gospels, 163–349.
Students also viewed