Introduction Victims of Intimate Partner Violence and Workplace Instability

Victims of Intimate Partner Violence and

Workplace Instability

Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study

Interpersonal violence at a victim's place of work can create a

pernicious environment if not addressed and can affect a woman's job

stability. Though all perpetrators are not men and all victims are not women,

this study focused on female victims and their employment stability.

Workplace disruption because of abuse is known as employment

interference (AlModallal, Al-Omari, Abujilban, & Mrayan, 2016), for

example, the abuser repeatedly calls the victim at work for no significant

reason (Al-Modallal et al., 2016). This interference can make the workplace

an emotionally negative environment for the victim.

Since 2014 IPV accounted for 21% of all violent crime in the United

States (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2014). According to Truman and Morgan

(2014), it was the fifth leading cause of all violent victimizations between

2003 and 2012. Fifteen percent of IPV acts were committed by a partner,

while 4% and 2% of cases involved an immediate family member or

relative, respectively. Most acts of intimate partner violence are committed

by people who are currently involved with the victim, as well as past

boyfriends and girlfriends. Men were eliminated from this study. Females

are 3x greater than males of being victimized than males (24%).. According

to Workplace Survey (2011), 19% of reported family violence carried over

into the workplace; in 12% of cases, IPV took the form of abusive phone

calls and emails, and in 11% of cases, the abuser visited the victim’s

workplace.

The act of IPV can become a vicious cycle of abuse, and its effects

can negatively impact a victim’s safety at the workplace (Castro-Gonzáles,

Arias Díaz, & Irizarry Quintero, 2016). Due to the adverse of effects IPV in

the workplace, companies may suffer losses in productivity, unexcused

absences by employees, or victims leaving their jobs out of fear (Mollica &

Danehower, 2014).In the United States, 35%–56% of adult female victims of

IPV are harassed at work by their abusers (Castro-Gonzáles et al., 2016).

The purpose of this study was to inform the academic field. This

study sought to raise awareness of the impact of IPV on employment

instability. Understanding and defining the relationship between IPV and

employment instability may inform public policy and thus reduce rates of

IPV and protect victims in the workplace. IPV in the public work sector can

cause a female employee to leave their place of employment. Every female

has the right to work, to a free choice of employment that protects them

against IPV at the workplace.

The researcher interviewed victims of IPV in order gain insights that

can help businesses develop policies and practices that support victims and

reduce IPV in the public sector. Presenting victims’ experiences in their own

words legitimizes and humanizes the issue of IPV. The victims interviewed

in this study suggested that there is a thin veneer of protection from an

abuser at a place of employment. Therefore, a public sector work policy on

IPV is needed.

Businesses may be involved in lawsuits because they may become

liable if an employee is harmed at work. Once a victim discloses an act of

IPV it may be the employer’s responsibility to offer help or services,

including relocation to another job, time off for treatment, or legal

assistance, such as court ordered restraints (Mollica & Danehower, 2014.

Employers can also be legally liable for injuries and deaths when acts of

domestic violence occur at work (Mollica & Danehower, 2014).

Researchers have explored IPV in the private sector, but not the public

sector. This study will fill a gap in the literature. Chapter 1 includes a

discussion of domestic violence in intimate partnerships and explains IPV’s

effects on employment stability, particularly among female victims. This

chapter also discusses: (a) background of the study, (b) problem statement,

(f) nature of study, (g) definition of key terms, (h) assumptions, (i) scope of

the study, (j) limitation, and (k) significance of the study. Background of the

Study

When a victim is exposed to IPV at work may fell threatened. Job

instability can be partly is as a negative economic consequence of IPV, and

its effects can last for up three years after the IPV has ended (Adams et al.,

2012). For this study, job stability is defined as the length of employment

(Adams, Tolman, Bybee, Sullivan, & Kennedy, 2012). IPV in the workplace

can undermine and diminish the rights of a female employee. Adams et al.

(2012) examined the mediating roles of job instability, IPV, and economic

well-being among 503 women. Adams et al. illustrated a need for services

and policies that address means of improving the economic stability of

women with abusive partners. Adam et al.,(2012) examined women’s

annual work hours and concluded that, after controlling for health status,

extreme physical violence occurring over a one year period, women who had

been exposed to IPV worked 137 fewer hours than women who had not

experienced IPV. Research on the effects of IPV in the workplace has

failed to include the voices of women who have experienced IPV and its

effects on employment. The gap in research is filled through victims’

narratives on domestic violence and employment stability. Researchers have

focused on the effects of IPV and how it can contribute to a victim’s job

loss, but there are still gaps in knowledge about the sustained effects of IPV

on employment stability (Adams et al., 2012). Adams et al. (2012)

contributed to understanding the relationship between adult female job

stability and IPV. Adams et al.’s (2012) did not take into account various

lesser forms of abuse that can interfere with an adult female’s employment.

Employment stability can be improved through creating policies that

can benefit victims who experience IPV in their public sector workplaces.

Once an IPV victim reports violence, the employer can intervene. All

victims’ and witnesses’ accounts of Intimate Partner violence in some cases

can affect a victims.

Violence and harassment at work disproportionately affect women

employment (Pillinger, 2016). Judgments from coworkers may also prevent

women from reporting abuse. Some unions are beginning to cover the issue

intimate partner violence, for example:

1) Talking points

2) How to give aid to victims of IPV

3) Model clauses that can be sued for negotiating agreements

4) Training for union representatives on how to sensitively negotiate

practical support with the employer

5) Ensuring that the prevention of domestic violence at work is included

(a) in workplace risk assessments and (b) on the agendas of safety and health

committees, (Pillinger,2016).

By encouraging unions to play a role in workplace safety as it relates to IPV,

employers may become safer places for victims of IPV. Employers can

ensure that IPV victims are offered safety advice, job relocation, safe

parking or office spaces that prevent IPV stalking, harassment or violence,

and that they can leave work to attend counseling services, solicitor's

appointments, move to a safe house (Pillinger, 2016).

To improve policies that enhance workplace safety, it is essential to

understand the experiences of IPV victims and employment stability.

Pillinger (2016) found that on average, one-third of female employees

reported exposure to IPV, about half of the victims believed their job

performance was adversely affected by it, and three out of four had a

difficult time meeting job expectations.

The Australian National Retail Association indicated that domestic

violence cost the Australian retail industry AUD $62 billion in 2014 and

2015 (Pillinger, 2016). A report by the Canadian Federal Justice Department

estimated that IPV cost employers CAD $78 million in 2009 (Pillinger,

2016). Victims in the United States have been estimated to take a collective

8 million days off work a year due to issues related to IPV, resulting in a

$2.5 billion loss in work capacity (Pillinger, 2016) Estimates from the

United Kingdom suggest that IPV abuse entails a loss of 1.9 pounds of

economic output nd leads to lower productivity, greater absenteeism, and

higher employee turnover (Pillinger, 2016).

IPV is an occupational safety and physical risk in the world of work

(Pillinger et al., 2016). Protecting employees from IPV recognizes the

interconnection between work and private life (Pillinger, 2016). In the

relationship between IPV and employment, extensive research is needed into

the roles of mental health, race and ethnicity, and types of violence (Crowne

et al., 2011). This qualitative study examined the effects of IPV on

workplace stability.

Problem Statement

Victims of IPV often experience workplace instability. After

becoming a victim of domestic violence, a worker's job status can become

unstable due to underperformance. VandeWeerd, Coulter, and Mercado-

Crespo (2011) noted a complex affiliation between

IPV and employment that is based on the interactions of multiple

demographic (e.g. age, education, race, home environment) and mediating

factors (e.g., social support, physical and mental health, parenting stress).

Some employers may find it challenging to address IPV in the workplace,

which may cause them to delay taking responsibility (Swanberg, Ohja, &

Macke, 2012). State and national policies need to be implemented to

increase workplace accountability (Swanberg et al., 2012).

Studies on the magnitude of IPV perpetration in the workplace are

limited; most have focused on the private sector (Mollica & Danehower,

2014). Interventions in the workplace to address IPV would be beneficial

and could involve significant portion of the population (Mollica &

Danehower, 2014). Purpose of the Study

The Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of domestic

violence on the employment instability of female victims in the public

sector. I used a phenomenological design that involved gathering detailed

accounts about victims’ experiences with IPV in the public sector

workplace. Globalization and Transnational Feminist theories provided a

framework for understanding participants’ life experiences.

The voices of IPV victims about employment stability are

underreported. There is a need for more research to explore policies about

IPV at the workplace. Studies like this one, along with policy development

related to IPV in public sector workplaces, can help employers respond to

IPV within the public sector. In some cases, by disclosing acts of domestic

violence to their employers. Helen (2013) explained that the combination of

labor market inequities ay make it difficult for women to free themselves

from IPV and, in fact, contributes to homelessness and poverty, which many

women are likely to experience during and after their experience in the

process of, and after, leaving their partner.

This research provided information about the gravity of the effects of

IPV on victims’ employment instability. Homicide is the most extreme

effect of IPV; over onethird (38%) of all female murders in the United States

between 1982 and 2011 occurred in the workplace and were committed by

an intimate partner (U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics,

2013).

Research Questions

This study was based on two research questions. The overarching

research question was: How can victims’ perspectives on IPV provide

insights to help public sector employers improve victims’ employment

stability? The supplementary research question was: How can victims’

perspectives on IPV provide insights to help public employers create policies

and practices that support victim disclosure?

Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework for this study was derived from feminist

theory, mainly because the underlying concept of this research was how

issues of gender, power, and control can contribute to the abuse of women

(Javaid, 2015). In general, feminist theory analyzes power and gender

inequality within opposite-sex relationships (Javaid, 2015). Feminist theory

was essential in the research to help victims get the proper support they

need. Feminist theory was used as a foundation in this research to discuss the

themes of power and control.

Nature of Study

This phenomenological study used a sample of 15 participants. I

sought an indepth understanding of the phenomenon by collecting rich data

(Dworkin, 2012). The use of a small sample was relevant to this qualitative

study. Women were selected for this study. Women are significantly more

likely than men to be victims of domestic violence, including rape, physical

violence, and stalking; and they are significantly more likely to be victims of

workplace intimate partner homicide (Breiding, Chen, & Black, 2014; U.S.

Department of Labor, 2010). Female victims of IPV are particularly

vulnerable to employment instability. Data were collected through individual

interviews with participants. The aim of the interviews was to understand

victims’ experiences. The data obtained from the interviews were used to

discern themes and answer research questions as it relates to the issues of

employment stability. Participants in public sector organizations were

recruited through a partnership with a domestic violence agency, by email,

and by oral requests to public human resource departments, personnel

departments. All were issued a letter, via mail and email, explaining the

research process.

Definition of Key Terms

The key terms for this research are below:

Exposed: The witnessing or viewing of domestic violence by

another party

(National Center for Victims of Crime, 2011).

Feminist theory: The suffrage women and their specific experiences

from all forms of oppression and exploitation in all their complexity (Moi,

2015).

Intimate partner violence (IPV): IPV refers to domestic violence by a

spouse or partner against the other spouse or partner (Chen, Yu, Luo, &

Huang, 2016).

Physical altercation: This term refers to a physical attack that may

include an individual pushing, shoving, kicking, hitting, butting, throwing an

object, or striking another individual (Linette & Francis, 2011).

Stalking: This term refers to repeated and unwanted attention that

causes a victim to fear for their personal safety or for the safety of someone

they know (Burczycka & Conroy, 2018).

Victim: This term refers to the direct or indirect target of violence.

Assumptions

This study was based on four assumptions. It was assumed that (a)

participants would be willing to discuss their experiences of domestic

violence that took place at their place of work. It was assumed that (b)

employed women in the state of Louisiana would agree to partake in the

study. (c) Participants would rely on their own experiences and

perspectives; (d) participants would answer the interview questions openly

and honestly.

Scope and Delimitations

The scope of this qualitative study was to understand the relationship

between IPV and employment stability among women in the public sector in

Louisiana who were victims of IPV. Interviewing these victims revealed

insights that could be used to improve policies to support them. This

involved women employed in the public sector who had experienced IPV at

the workplace. All participants had experiences with domestic violence and

employment issues.

This research created an engaging blueprint of procedures that can

retroactively be assembled for employed women who experienced IPV,

which impacted their socialeconomic status, and occupational status.

Overall, this study contributes to understanding the consequences of IPV for

women at work.

Limitations

It is important to consider limitations of a study (Murray et al., 2015).

As it pertained to this study there was only one limitation related to the

sample size. The sample size could have been larger, to gain a better

understanding of IPV in a public work sector. There were no limitations to

the design or methodology. There were no issues related to validity.

Significance of the Study

Domestic violence adversely affects some employees in their workplace. In

2012, President Obama wrote a memo promoting assistance and support for

employees of domestic violence (Zoller, 2013). Often domestic violence

happens at work but goes undocumented, and this may cause personal safety

issues in the workplace for both victims and other employees. The study

contributes knowledge and aware of IPV in the public work sector. The

study also identifies the need for policies in the public work sector that

address IPV in the workplace to protect women.

Once IPV starts there is no stopping it. The apprehension of abusers at

work has no lasting effect on repeat domestic violence (Sherman & Harris,

2013). There is a need for the public sector to offer support for victims who

report experiencing IPV. There are gaps in the literature on policies to help

victims of IPV and employment stability. The United States has no laws that

make public sector employers accountable for employees who have

experienced IPV at the workplace.

Summary

The exposure of female employees to IPV at work and the effects of

IPV in the public sector have not been. This study used a phenomenological

approach to study the experiences of women who have been victims of IPV

in the public sector. This group of women has a wealth of knowledge and

experience that can help other such victims. Ultimately this is an implication

of positive and social change, I hope that this study will be used to develop

public sector work policies to protect female victims of IPV in the

workplace.

Chapter 2 provides a review of literature on IPV in the public sector. It

examines the following areas: (a) history of domestic violence at a place of

employment, (b) concerns of female employed victims, (c) the

empowerment of women employees in a safe environment, and (d) previews

of all remaining chapters.

Chapter 2: Literature Review

IPV and employment instability can affect women in the public sector.

This research aimed to give voice to victims of IPV and their experience of

employment instability. Learning about victims’ experiences can the way

IPV victims are affected. IPV can affect a victims, co-workers, and a

worksite. Allowing victims to voice their experiences of IPV and

employment can also help establish a measure to address IPV and

employment stability

The effects of gender violence are often visible outside the home.

When an abuser arrives at a victim’s place of employment, it can create a

threatening and hostile environment (Castro-Gonzáles et al., 2016).Domestic

disturbance, domestic dispute, and domestic violence are used to describe

incidents that occur between family members or intimate partners at any

location (Kercher, Swedler, Pollack, & Webster, 2013.

The scope of this study is limited to developing a deeper

understanding of the relationship between IPV and employment stability.

The literature review examined the following areas: (a) history of domestic

violence at a place of employment; (b) concerns of the victims; and, (c) the

empowerment of women working in a safe environment.

Literature Search Strategy

To identify prospective, peer-reviewed articles (as well as books and

grey literature), the following electronic databases—ProQuest and EBSCO

were searched for the years 2017- 2020 using the following keywords:

Intimate partner violence, employment instability, and homelessness. Several

articles through the filters that was accessible in some search engines.

Theoretical Framework

This qualitative study was grounded in feminist theory. Feminist

theory has influenced family scholars to conceive gender as central to their

understanding of family structures and processes (Allen & Jaramillo-Sierra,

2015). In the 1970s and 1980s, there was a push to advance women into an

ethical picture that had previously prevented them as moral agents, some

significant previous work focused on difference, and on what had been left

out of moral theorizing done mostly by men (Riley, 2013).

The feminist perspective views domestic violence and employment

stability as a complex issue. It proposes that IPV is an effect of living in a

society that condones abusive behavior committed by males and socializes

females to be nonviolent (Javaid, 2015). There is validation and

advancement in the use of qualitative methodologies as it relates to

phenomenology and family process and grounded theory among family

scholars (Goldberg & Allen 2015). Gender and power are factors involved in

domestic violence situations in the workplace.

Society’s understanding of IPV has shifted dramatically. There has

been a transition from understanding IPV as a private relationship problem

managed through counseling techniques to a conception of IPV that

configures IPV as a lawful offense (Houston, 2014). A certain degree of

intervention is necessary to protect adult female victims (Houston (2014).

The feminist theory has identified and used the interpretation of IPV that

guides feminists to first endorse criminal law as a method of solving and

later give support mandatory policies (Houston, 2014).

The feminist ethical humanistic agency was instrumental in

understanding power, questioning who is recognized as a moral agent, and

exploring how agency is constrained or helped by power relations (Riley,

2013). It delivered a more powerful and encompassing analysis of this issue.

Feminist theory uses an interdisciplinary approach. It is a culmination of

work by scholars whose research spans several social and behavioral science

disciplines such as human development and family studies, psychology,

sociology, anthropology, public policy, communications, and social work

(Allen & Jaramillo-Sierra, 2015). Placed at the center of the feminist

approaches is a concern about power (Riley, 2013). The feminist theoretical

approach examines how domestic violence and employment can be a key

element in a male system of power (Javaid, 2015). Javaid’s (2015) research

findings suggested that adult males are usually perpetrators while women are

victims. Therefore, feminist theory was applicable in the use of this research

when critically examining IPV (Javaid, 2015). Feminist theory encompasses

IPV stresses, power, and inequality that can be intricately involved within

opposite-sex relationships (Javaid, 2015). The feminist perspective theory

sees men as well as women perpetrators in the workplace who commit

domestic violence acts. The feminist theory often used experiences that were

generally specific to an adult female’s domain—caring, nurturance, and

motherhood and seeks to highlight the rationale that is absent in traditional

ethics (Riley, 2013). The feminist perspective theory, as it relates to

domestic violence, can transcend the public work sector to an antecedent and

a more collaborative. The feminist theory can be insightful in this inquiry

IPV within the workplace.

The use of qualitative methodologies in retrospect to phenomenology,

and the grounded theory, is commonly used by family scholars (Goldberg &

Allen 2015). Family scholars work from the perspective that gender is

essential to the comprehension of family structures and processes (Allen &

Jaramillo-Sierra, 2015). However, there is no single definition that

satisfactorily explains IPV (Javaid, 2015). Current definitions of IPV tend to

connect it with other types of violence, confusing understandings and

producing ambiguity (Javaid, 2015). A clear definition could improve

validity and reliability of research, as well as strengthen policies and

practices aimed at challenging IPV (Javaid, 2015). Javaid (2015) critically

evaluated the feminist theory of patriarchy because, in this research,

professionals believe that IPV refers to adult male abusers executing power

and control onto their victims. The feminist position situates IPV within the

realm of a complex social structure of gender and power relations (Javaid,

2015).

Literature Review

Previous research illustrates various factors related to IPV. Several

themes are articulated in this literature review: (1) the effects of employment

and IPV; (2) coping with IPV and employment; (3) the relationship between

IPV and employment stability; policies for to IPV victims; and (4) signs and

symptoms of IPV in the workplace.

The Effects of Employment and IPV

The Equality and Human Rights Commission estimated that 56% of

those enduring abuse are often late for work and 54% miss at least 3 days a

year due to abuse (Silcox, 2013). The observable behaviors of victims of

domestic violence at the workplace may include: (a) sudden request to

change departments; (b) unexplainable marks and injuries, usage of heavily

concealing garments; (c) inappropriate accessories and makeup (to cover

wounds); (d) uneasiness due to abrupt visits; (e) calls from the abusive

partner; (f) visits by the current partner to the workplace, sudden isolation;

(g) lack of participation in the company's social events; and, (h) withholding

of funds accumulated from work (Castro-Gonzáles et al., 2016). Working

with a co-worker that is an abuser can prove challenging not only because of

the emotive charge it may generate but also because of the intricate,

complex, practical, ethical, and practice issues it presents (Lawrence, 2014).

Several essential factors are associated with situations of domestic

violence at a place of employment. For example, there is a high rate of

absenteeism of victims. This can cause additional workloads on others,

pressure on the victim, as well as a sense of helplessness, and lack of support

by management. The most extreme outcome of IPV is homicide; over one-

third (38%) of all murders of females occurring in the U.S. workplace from

1982 to 2011 were carried out by an intimate partner (U.S. Department of

Labor, 2013). According to the Census of Fatal Occupational Injuries at a

place of employment, murder among U.S. women from 2003 to 2008 were

categorized into several categories: type the researcher (criminal intent), type

I (customer/client), type II (coworker), or type IV (personal relations)

(Tiesman, Gurka, Konda, Coben, & Amandus, 2012). Fatality rates can be

analyzed and observed as workplace violence (WPV) types, occupations,

and characteristics including location of homicide, type of workplace, time

of day, and weapon used (Tiesman et al., 2018) Domestic violence can be

deadly; four women die every day in the United States because of IPV

(Baughman, 2014).

IPV makes it difficult for victims to be productive in the workplace;

more than 75% of those who endure domestic violence were subjected to

threatening phone calls, texts, emails and visits while they were at work

(Payne, 2013). Katula (2012) hypothesized that IPV can compound an

employee's health, legal, and financial issues. Companies can improve

response time for IPV issues in the public sector. Additionally, an employer

has a moral responsibility to understand and respond to issues of domestic

violence in the workplace. Katula’s (2012) study suggested that moral

obligation should be viewed as a private issue and should not be addressed at

work. However, domestic violence does take place at work. Katula’s (2012)

study expounded on the idea that a proactive approach by employers can

increase employees’ safety and reduce the number of missed workdays.

IPV can have a financial impact on an individual’s net worth. If an

abuser reports to a victim’s job, this can affect coworkers. An abuser’s

behavior can be threatening, physically harmful, and in extreme cases, cause

death. Katula’s (2012) provided an example of a legal case that addressed

domestic violence in the workplace. Katula’s (2012) study explained that an

employer can be responsible in the act of violence even though IPV can be

prevalent at home and happens at work. Katula (2012) suggested that IPV

programs in the workplace are necessary. Katula (2012) also suggested that

policies should be put in place to help businesses and organizations actively

deal with domestic violence through security personnel management,

leadership, human resource departments, and management/leadership

personnel training.

Coping with Intimate Partner Violence and Employment

Victims of IPV should seek injunctions that can protect them from

repeated abuse, relationship violence, and intimate violence. By emotionally

masking and concealing signs of IPV abuse, the victim can decrease

questions, suspicion, and judgment from supervisors and coworkers (Katula,

2012). Embarrassed victims may quit their jobs. Work performance may

decline as victims’ have trouble making decisions, take frequent work

breaks, struggle with general distraction, absenteeism (especially on

Mondays due to an increase of abuse by the perpetrator over the weekend),

and tardiness (Katula, 2012). Immediate action should be taken to help

victims of IPV in a public work sector. Injunction assistance should be used

to help victims cope with domestic violence, as victims may need to obtain

health care and counseling for IPV-related mental health issues.

Undoubtedly, employers must consider repeated instances of IPV and

retroactive addressing healing.

The literature on coping with IPV predominantly originates from

social psychology and reaffirms the importance of adopting an

interdisciplinary approach to understanding the relationship between

employment and coping strategies used by female adult victims who have

been exposed to IPV (Beecham, 2014). Identifying abuse can be constructive

for employers of IPV victims, although some may have a negative view of

help given to employees coping with IPV. Help from employers can be a

difficult issue for management and supervisors, specifically if the abuse

occurs at the workplace. Coworkers may feel resentful because a victim’s

absenteeism from work adds to the workload of other employees.

Absenteeism from work is a coping mechanism for victims of domestic

violence and employment. However, for some women, emotion-focused

coping strategies may be more appropriate, particularly if they believe

problem-solving strategies could endanger some aspect of their lives, such as

their employment (Beecham, 2014).

Victims of domestic violence face financially challenging situations.

Beecham’s (2014) qualitative study found that compartmentalizing,

identification of an immersive construct, a can possibly be a negative

perception by fellow employees, supervisors. Some supervisors can be

affected by abusive when IPV situations at a place of employment. IPV can

cause supervisors to work extra hours when the victim is absent from work

or is unable to meet workplace expectations. A theoretical standpoint can

give a construct in studies in the field of organization as it relates to the role

of identification in addition to boundary theory, and coping literature,

deriving from the social psycho, an interdisciplinary approach is important

to further understanding about the intricate relationship between

employment and the coping strategies adopted by women experiencing IPV

(Beecham, 2014).

Beecham’s (2014) study acknowledged that several key elements can

be used to mitigate IPV in the public work sector. For example, training can

help create inclusive organizational approaches towards domestic violence

situations with employees. Training can help the organization take proactive

and reactive approaches to decision making and problem solving as it relates

to IPV in a public work sector. Soliciting feedback from victims of IPV can

also provide support to improve communication between employees and

employers. Beecham (2014) concluded there is a multivariate increasing

amount of implicated psychological factors of IPV at a victim's place of

work.

Beecham (2014) used the findings and draws from the exploration of

implicating impact factors of IPV on women's employment by offering

insights into the theoretical arduous augmentation within the avocation of

alignment of studies. Beecham’s (2014) study provided women with

resources to help them cope with emotional imbalance and distribution.

Beecham (2014) explored the paradoxical nature of coping strategies that

participants embraced, and acknowledged the need for further research that

explores the role of employment in women’s coping strategies. One

limitation of the study was that Beecham (2014) did not address the different

levels of psychological factors that are associated with domestic violence

and employment. Beecham (2014) suggested that all forms of employment

should offer women emotional or practical resources. For example, Beecham

(2014) discussed a self-employed respondent whose business partner was

her abuser; therefore, she did not have the ability to physically or

emotionally separate herself from the abuse.

When helping victims that are facing domestic violence it is a priority

to help them cope with the situation of domestic violence. Company

trainings can give help organizations approach domestic violence situations.

An open line of communication between employers and employees can

encourage proactive approaches to decision making and problem solving.

Indeed, the theoretical insights developed in organizational studies can

further knowledge of coping strategies in terms of the resources available to

employed women and how these differ depending on their occupational

status, employment sector, workplace environment, and socioeconomic

status (Beecham, 2014).

Employers can be provisional with emotional resources to help

women cope with domestic violence and employment stability. A proactive

approach is a form of communication that states that a victim’s success is a

derivative of understanding their social psychology. Scholars that study

coping emphasize employment as providing particular resources for coping.

The workplace can provide access to formal or informal support networks

that allow women to psychologically disengage from the abuse (Beecham,

2014). Yet, employers can work to proactively facilitate these coping

strategies (Beecham, 2014). There are parallels between the literature on

organizations and coping that are associated with domestic violence and

employment. Hayes’ (2013) study suggested that domestic violence at the

workplace exists and should be constructively studied and evaluated across

different work settings.

Intimate Partner Violence and Employment Stability

IPV impacts employment stability. Adams et al. (2012) hypothesized

that there are pathway to the way IPV is inversely related to job instability

(Path a), positively related to objective material hardship (Path b), positively

related to anticipated hardship (Path c), and inversely related to job benefits

(Path d), such that the effects were strongest for women experiencing the

most recent abuse and attenuating over time. Further, they hypothesized that

job stability was inversely related to objective material hardship (Path

e), inversely related to anticipated hardship (Path f), and positively related to

job benefits (Path g). The next affair of attachment in affiliation to domestic

violence and employment instability is addressed in the healthcare field.

Adams et al. (2012) explained that an increasing number of female

victims on the lower end of the economic spectrum have been victims of

IPV. Low-income, female IPV victims tend to struggle with their economic

state because as long as they are in abusive relationships, they may be

vulnerable to financial challenges. The conciliating personification of

stability in the account of the extended impact of IPV on the financial

advantage was documented in a longitudinal cross section study that

included participants who received financial aid from Temporary Assistance

to Needy Families. This literature established that IPV has a direct effect on

an employee's job stability. The focus of this study the consequences of

domestic violence and employment that happened two years prior in order to

understand the long-term effects of IPV on victims. IPV is arguably

responsible for adult female victims’ unstable financial status, but this has

not been unequivocally proven. The results indicated that female participants

were strongly affected by their experiences of recent abuse, suggesting that

abuse affects employment and financial stability.

Employment stability has a conjectural relationship with IPV,

monetary hardship, and job pension plans. In the absence of reliable income,

background of past work, or loans, gives women fewer choices to expurgate

themselves from their relationship of abuse. Female domestic violence

victims tend to struggle economically. The conclusive evidence

demonstrated that baseline economic abuse was correlated related to

baseline financial resources, and within-woman change in economic abuse

caused a significant reduction in financial resources over time (Adams,

Beeble, & Gregory, 2015). Adams et al. (2012) explained that the impact of

IPV on women’s employment is comparatively swift but may continue to

have an impact a victim’s life long after the abuse ends. The effects of IPV

at the place of employment can also have significant consequences for the

employer (Rayner-Thomas, Dixon, Fanslow, & Tse, 2016).

Adams et al. (2012) conducted a cross sectional survey in which 54%

of women reported that they had experienced at least one form of material

hardship in the 12 months preceding their final interview. The study showed

that 12% had their utilities shut off and 31% had their phone disconnected or

went without a phone because they were unable to afford the cost. Seventeen

percent reported that their family did not have enough food to eat. Housing

was also a problem for some women: 6% had been evicted, 19% moved in

with someone to share the household expenses, and 6% had been homeless

in the past year. To support themselves and their families, 29% of

participants reported that they turned to a community charity for food or

shelter. Along with the hardship the participants were exposed to, the

women were asked whether they anticipated the difficulties they experienced

in the two months. While 48% said “not at all,” 37% said they anticipated

future hardships “a little” or “some,” and 15% said “pretty much” or “a great

deal” (Adams et al., 2012).

Financial Security and Domestic Violence

Scholars have acknowledged the connection between financial

stability and IPV. The federal government's 2015 announcement of $100

million in funding to boost front line services and education into

domestic/family violence raised the question of whether woman can escape

IPV and homelessness (Laharnar, Perrin, Hanson, Anger, & Glass, 2015).

Coworkers have varied responses to women who accessed services to enrich

their job productivity, or who sought help in securing work (McLaren,

2013). Employees from two service for accommodative purposes types

advised that one third of women who used their services requested

employment-related assistance at the time of intake or soon after (McLaren,

2013). In 2009–2010, U.S. school districts identified 939,903 children

experiencing homelessness, with 179,863 (19 %) of the children naming

shelters, including domestic violence shelters, as their primary residence

(Bowman, Dukes, & Moore, 2012). A small group of participants in this

study acquired support to accommodate their needs.

McLaren (2013) identified structural barriers for women looking for

employment associated with labor market inequities, casualization of labor,

and social ideologies that discriminate against women. McLaren’s (2013)

pilot study explored the relationship between financial security and domestic

violence and asked whether women can escape domestic violence and

homelessness. McLaren (2013) included participants that were workers from

a general service for homelessness. It was a response to Australia's response

to those requesting employment (McLaren 2013). McLaren (2013) explained

that although a small group of women had access to work following their

requests, assistance was four times more likely for women using general

homelessness services than those using domestic violence services. McLaren

(2013) discussed the need to evaluate how agencies are addressing women’s

needs, specifically in terms of establishing employment for IPV victims.

McLaren (2013) noted that women experiencing stable employment while

still using social services were more dauntless in their efforts to gain

independence than other women. The study showed that outreach and follow

ups helped women.

One limitation of this study was that there was no elaboration of

methodology or suggested framework to study woman’s stability in terms of

housing and financial security. Another limitation was no following of

expurgation from IPV and employment stability. Also engaging women on

safety issues and obstacles that might lead to instabilities related to domestic

violence at the workplace. It is of great significance to constantly aid women

who value caring for their children over and above labor market engagement

(McLaren, 2013). A limitation of the McLaren (2013) study was the

confinement in responses from workers as it relates to woman referred to

services with aspiration for employment as well as women who asked for

supportive services to enrich and develop capacity of employment.

McLaren’s (2013) small scaled research contributes to social policy

agendas as it highlights the experiences of women who have experienced

domestic violence, homelessness, and socio-economic disadvantage. The

study pointed out that follow-ups and outreach encouraged success, and that

these things can also take place in a woman’s natural social setting

(McLaren, 2013).

IPV affects 30% of women worldwide and may affect employment

and workplace safety. In all, 16 states in the United Satses adopted laws

providing leave for employed survivors of abuse (Laharnar et al., 2015).

Participants agreed that IPV has an effect on work (Laharnar et al., 2015).

First, there is pressure from being a victim. Furthermore, victims feel

helpless. Finally, there is a lack of support from management. In some cases,

intimate partners stalk or harm other employees at work.

A review of workplace safety is necessary to ensure that the work site

is not inadvertently supporting abusers (Silcox, 2013). Presently there is no

public workplace policy that specifically engages the point of employees that

have been exposed to act of IPV at their place of employment. However,

there are a growing number of municipalities that have formulated

provisional laws with some types of mandates with the inclusion of off-time

for employees recovering from abuse.

In most cases, IPV abusers are men, and victims/survivors are usually

women and children (Hearty, Forsdike-Young, Tarzia, Schweitzer, & Vlais,

2016). Domestic violence has many dimensions that collectively create a

climate of tension and fear (Schifrin, 2014). The federal government's

recently announced $100 million in funding to boost front line services and

education into domestic violence/family violence to help women fleeing

domestic violence (Lantrip, Luginbuhl, Chronister, & Lindstrom, 2015).

Raising awareness about the effects of IPV on victims and employers has

been a contribution in the advancement of recognition to address the impact

domestic violence has on the workplace (Rayner-Thomas et al., 2016).

Physical violence in most cases is not limited to only an ordinary scale; it

often expands to a much wider scale (Khan, 2014). Findings support that the

higher the sexism of participants, the more they believe that the man will act

aggressively, often because the woman is stepping out of her traditional role

(Herrera,

Expósito, Moya, & Houston, 2012).

A plan to address IPV at the workplace was developed by the Decent

Work Country Program (2012). Three priorities emerged from the

discussions held with the social partners, namely government, trade unions

and employers:

1. Creating dependable and productive employment with an

insight of adequate social protection;

2. Strengthening social dialogue

3. Ending of all levels of discrimination.

Under Priority 3, one specified activity was to create a high-quality

training of trainers program on gender so that trainers could collaborate with

stakeholders and groups such as civil society organizations to advance the

platform at the national level (Koodoruth, 2013).

Domestic and intimate partner violence, human trafficking, violence

in conflict, emotional abuse, and sexual assault including rape, are generally

understood, but dating violence, stalking, violence against immigrant and

refugee women, honor-based violence, violence against women at work, and

violence against women with disabilities are not as well- documented (Park

& Ross, 2014). IPV impacted victims’ career development in numerous

ways, including women’s job search and career planning, daily work

activities, career advancement, and career identity and reputation (Lantrip et

al., 2015).

In the past decades, there has been a scholarly focus on the impacts of

partner violence on women's work activities, financial well-being, and

employment stability (Lantrip et al., 2015). Public workplace IPV

intervention strategies that aid abuse survivors have been set up in several

countries (Koodoruth, 2013). Additional feedback can provide support and

improve communication between victims and their employers. For example,

there have been efforts by Lancashire Constabulary and Victim Support to

use a "common tool" Disability Arm Shoulder and Hand survey to identify

high-risk cases of IPV for MARACs in order to improve consistency across

agencies (Khan et al., 2015).

There are similarities between families in which abuse occurs. Abuse

generally happens more often in family settings where unemployment and

economic deprivation are serious problems; in families which are more

patriarchal in organization; and in families that are isolated from community

ties, friends, and organizational affiliations (Swani, 2013). An increasing

number of situations demonstrated the need for security personnel to be

called to address issues of IPV spilling over into the workplace that were

once thought to be confined to the home environment (Savard & Kennedy,

2013).

It is important for victims to have access to benefits, medical care, and

leave in case of illness. This article considers the barriers women face in

terms of systemic dynamics, including ignoring and hiding of abuse by

governments and states and the implications of stringent fiscal retrenchment

that put women at increased risk of domestic violence (Aldridge, 2013).

Accusations of IPV were highlighted as being particularly arduous situations

to react to, although interagency adult safeguarding and domestic violence

policies provided clear pathways for referral (Joly, Cornes, & Manthorpe,

2014). Clarinet (2013) conducted a study where there was a small group of

women who acquired support to accommodate their entirety.

There are cumulative effects of IPV and abuse on women (MacIntosh,

Wuest, Ford-Gilboe, & Varcoe, 2015). IPV can give an employee cause to

seek medical treatment, counseling, legal assistance, attend court hearings,

or relocate without fear of loss of employment. The Patient Protection and

Affordable Care Act (ACA) addresses discrimination against abuse

survivors and their families while aiming to prevent domestic violence. All

acts of provisional insight, however the risk can become meaningless

without proper implementation (Buchanan, 2013). Employees should request

proper workplace programs in the areas of policy, comprehensive learning,

and management programs to help improve situations of IPV in the public

work sector. Employers need to address situations of violence at work in

their training plans (Blake, 2015). Solidifying forms of intervention in the

areas of mental and physical health can help co-workers that expurgating

themselves from a job as a strategy. Reactive approaches can increase

employees’ safety and reduce victims’ number of missed workdays.

In some states IPV is a crime; however, most states do not require

professionals to report suspected cases of IPV (Zeman, Dreuth, & Swanke,

2013). Care should be taken when identifying a domestic violence situation

because IPV is stigmatizing for adults and minors. IPV victims may fear for

their safety if they disclose the violence, so specific conditions must be met

(García-Moreno et al., 2015).

Mothers that live in low-income, urban areas experience many

challenges in their domestic, environmental, and working conditions that

may affect their mental health (Travasso, Rajaraman, & Heymann, 2014).

Oregon also has a law for six or more employees as it relates to reasonable

leave. Oregon statutes grant rights to employed victims, parents, and

guardians of domestic violence victims, including minors or children who

are victims of stalking and sexual violence. There are shared circumstances

of obtaining assistance from law enforcement. There are also inclusionary

aspects such as seeking mental health counseling or medical treatment and

protection orders. The mitigating effects of IPV may be swift and focused

(such as death and injury), extensive and direct (such as disability and

chronic illness), indirect (such as self-perceived health and health

behaviors), or all three (Wong & Mellor, 2014). Under Oregon law, an

employer can place limitations on the reasons that an employee can use

hardship absenteeism. There is evidence that women who only experience

mental abuse by an intimate partner shows similarity reports that are

asymptomatic of mental health problems as physically abused women has

important programmatic implications (Meekers, Pallin, & Hutchinson,

2013). Laharnar et al. (2015) documented workplace reactions to IPV

disclosure (93% positive, 52% negative). Negative reactions were usually

related to lack of information, confidentiality, and supervisor support.

Several implicating factors specific to management were classified,

including workload, being untrained, being a mandatory reporter, workplace

safety, and confidentiality (Laharnar et al., 2015).

The elevation of levels in population supersedes documentation from

preexisting studies because of its inclusion of emotional violence,

perpetrators who were not primary or domestic partners, and a sensitive

screening instrument (Riley et al., 2014). Interventions should include well-

organized meetings, training classes, and extensive ongoing training

delivered by a multidisciplinary team (Santoveña, Esquivel, & da Silva,

2016). Support should be given to victims through employment training,

hiring agencies, learning that pertains to vocation, and support for

employment related to actions within the scope of obtaining a job, and the

arrangement daycare for children.

Policies for Victims of Intimate Partner Violence

Policies for victims of IPV could be more effective if they were

backed by a law designed to prevent IPV. IPV is a pertinent issue of public

health with serious consequences for the workplace (Tiesman et al., 2012).

Women are killed at work by intimate partners just as often as they are killed

by strangers (Tiesman et al. (2012). There should be more research

conducted on the connection between IPV and the victim’s work to develop

public policies that help both employees and employers mitigate threat of

intimate partner homicide (Tiesman et al., 2012).

The U.S.’s public employment sector has expanded job opportunities

for all workers (Laird, 2017). A solid and successful intimate partner

prevention program stratagem should incorporate strategies to prevent and

respond to IPV (Tiesman et al., 2012). Mills, Barocas, and Ariel (2013) used

feminist theory to assert that female, adult victims of IPV should be

identified as victims and perpetrators to be considered men strongly

influenced the Duluth model which was developed over 30 years ago. The

creators of the Duluth model believed that patriarchal beliefs give men a

false sense of power and control over their female partners through

psychological and physical abuse (Mills et al., 2013). With respect to public

policy, the Circles of Peace (CP) was a pioneering effort towards court-

referred IPV treatment programs. CP used a restorative justice circle

approach to help reduce IPV in the United States as an alternative to

traditional batterer intervention programs (Mills et al., 2013). The CP model

used a proactive approach towards IPV. The program was intended to

address IPV on a state public policy level. The CP model engaged flexibility

in addressing key issues that cause intimate partner and family violence

cases that ranged from a single incident to ongoing patterns of abuse (Mills

et al., 2013). In the state of Arizona, the CP model adhered to all the relevant

state law mandates on treating domestic violence offenders and related court

procedures (Mills et al., 2013). Since the creation of CP, all criminal laws

related to IPV in Arizona have been circulated at conferences or circles

(Mills et al., 2013).

To create better public policies, correctional officers participated in

the Law Enforcement Partnership. This project may contribution to future

abuse prevention work (Valentine, Oehme, & Martin, 2012). Research

among correctional officers offers opportunities for outside researchers to

study programs, with the potential benefit of finding ways to reduce negative

outcomes in officers’ personal and family lives (Valentine et al., 2013). An

initial descriptive exploration was provided of how correctional officers deal

with incidents of IPV Valentine et al. (2013). Bivariate and multivariate

analyses highlighted the pressing need to continue exploring the complex

relationship between correctional officers and domestic violence (Valentine

et al., 2013).

The Alabama Department of Corrections has provided two regulations

to address the issue of IPV and employment. The Alabama Department of

Corrections administrative regulation 220 is a departmental leave policy, and

the Alabama Department of Correction administrative regulation 228 a

sexual misconduct policy. The Family Medical Leave Act. Alabama

department of corrections Administrative Regulation 220, 2000) lists

specific reasons for leave, but domestic violence is not listed as a reason.

The FMLA has been used to balance the demands of leave at the facility.

There is the potential to include IPV as a reason for family leave. The

Department of Correction administrative regulation 228 (2004) relates to

sexual misconduct and sexual harassment. This policy states that employees

who experience or witness any form of sexual misconduct or harassment

must notify their immediate supervisor provided that the immediate

supervisor is not the offender. ADM reg 228 (2004) also explains that if the

offending staff member is the immediate supervisor, or if the immediate

supervisor is not available, then the employee must report sexual misconduct

harassment or abuse to next highest ranking official. ADM reg 228 (2004)

states that all warden directors and deputy commissioners shall endeavor to

interact with the charging of any employee in such a manner as to try and

remove any fear of restraint interference reprisal or coercion because of

employee claiming sexual misconduct a harassment procedure of action.

Programs like LEP, along with public policy regulations, can support the

development of public policy focused on reducing IPV at places of

employment.

Adams et al. (2012) investigated how victims of IPV in public work

sectors often have no benefits that would retroactively engage their

employment such as financial needs, medical services, and sick days. This

affects employment stability because employers can take measures against

employees affected by domestic violence. Many employees are terminated

due to domestic violence situations and related issues that occur at their

place of employment. In Maryland, employees experiencing domestic

violence are protected under an inclusive statute that allows them to use

leave sick. Oregon grants employees the permission to use paid leave for

illness, vacation, and absences related to IPV (Hayes, 2013). This clause

prevents employers from treating the absence as unpaid (Hayes, 2013).

Other reasons for leave include seeking legal assistance to address court

related issues stemming from domestic violence (Hayes,

2013).

Florida's 2007 law grants coverage to employers that have fifty or

more employees that compares to coverage provided by FMLA. Oregon also

has a law relating to reasonable leave for companies with six or more

employees. Both states’ laws address the privacy of employers and the need

to maintain confidentiality for victims’ requests for leave due to domestic

violence. In Maryland, employees are protected from IPV-related

repercussions through an inclusive statute that includes an anti-retaliation

component for employees who are IPV victims and need to use leave.

There can be help given through the form allocated Leave should be

allocated for employed women that experience domestic violence (Rayner-

Thomas et al., 2016). However, many victims do not use leave for fear of job

loss, lack of payment, and stigma (Laharnar et al., 2015). There can be

positive gains in the area of workplace protection of victims of IPV. The

total economic impact of IPV will be at least $3.7 billion over the next 10

years (Baughman, 2014).

This study revealed different views regarding the effects of IPV in the

workplace regarding issues of safety, barriers of usage (confidentiality,

denial), workplace resources (availability of resources, supervisor conflicts

in support), and barriers of law implementation (undefined time,

unawareness). Thus, training for supervisors on IPV is needed in order to

effectively implement laws and support employees (Laharnar et al.,

2015). Laharnar et al.’s (2015) study illustrated that IPV spills over to places

of employment and can have negative implication of the physical well-being

of employees and affect the productivity and safety of the victim and

possibly other employees. When situations require that the abuser and victim

appear in court, judges have the power to reinforce the seriousness of laws

and to send the clear message that U.S. society does not condone and will

not tolerate interpersonal violence (Baughman, 2014). The employee has the

right to hospital treatment consultation assistance as it relates to a legal

nature due process of the law, and relocation without apprehension as it

relates to the deprivation of employment.

Laharnar et al. (2015) indicated that 74% of participants had no

knowledge of leave and that 65% of survivors would have used it if they had

known about it. Participants were mainly concerned about employment

security, lost pay, and stigmatizing of victims. Participants requested more

efforts to raise IPV awareness and supervisor training (Laharnar et al.,

2015).

Currently, 16 U.S. states have laws providing leave for employed

survivors of IPV (Laharnar et al., 2015). For example, the Oregon law

(Domestic Violence, Harassment, Sexual Assault or Stalking Protections,

Oregon Revised Statute § 659A.270, passed in 2007, provides employed

survivors, or parents/guardians of a minor child who is a survivor of IPV,

sexual assault, criminal harassment or stalking with reasonable, unpaid

leave. The employee may seek medical treatment, counseling, legal

assistance, attend court hearings, or relocate without fear of loss of

employment. Victims of IPV in companies with more than five employees

are eligible for this assistance (Hayes, 2013).

Leave for Intimate Partner Violence Victims

Katula (2012) argued that IPV victims should be eligible to receive

workplace programs, policies, education, and supervisor trainings to help

improve the situation of IPV in the public work sector. For some employees

and employers, leaving is the only effective strategy. Some victims of IPV

can use disability leave because of anxiety caused by abuse (Katula, 2012).

Katula (2012) indicated that an employee experiencing domestic violence

can experience mental health problems such as, depression, post-traumatic

stress, low self-esteem, and anxiety.

Katula’s 2012 study gave examples of leave trends related to domestic

violence in Oregon, Florida, Kansas, North Carolina, Washington State,

Washington, DC, and Maryland. Washington, DC introduced laws in 2008

that are similar to those in Oregon. Katula (2012) indicated that there is a

pending bill in the House of Representatives that would allow thirty days of

unpaid leave to employees who are the victims of domestic violence.

Hayes (2013) suggested that if victims’ right to paid leave can be

extended in a conservative state like North Carolina, then victims’ right to

paid leave should also occur in liberal states such as Maryland. Employers

influence the employment stability of employees impacted by domestic

violence. However, many employers are terminated due to IPV situations

and issues at their place of employment. Implicated actions IPV have been

witnessed in public work sectors. Lazarus and Folkman (1984) adapted the

stresscoping model, which distinguishes between emotion and problem-

solving coping strategies and the resources available for women to cope with

the effects of abuse (Beecham, 2014).

Laws that Protect Women Employed in the Public Sector

Runge (2012) suggested that laws should address domestic violence

and employment instability. Maryland laws on leave clearly address

employee leave as related to domestic violence. The state of Maryland’s

laws are a good example of how laws can protect IPV victims and their job

stability.

Policies Related to Leave for Victims of IPV

Employees experiencing IPV should be protected by laws

implemented on state and federal laws. There are several reasons employees

might need to take leave because of domestic violence. An employee can

seek an injunction for protection within a domestic violence situation. An

employee can receive protection from abusers.

Signs and Symptoms of Domestic Violence in the Workplace

Previous studies have focused on identifying signs and symptoms of

domestic violence within the workplace. Employees who are IPV victims

may have a conciliatory way of dealing with abuse by ignoring and

concealing its physical and emotional symptoms. Employees may also

appear less involved in their work, and embarrassed victims may even quit

their jobs (Katula, 2012). Workers should request supportive employment

programs, regulations, comprehensive annual training, and management

training to help improve situations of IPV in the public work sector. After it

is confirmed that an employee has been a victim of abuse, organizational

efforts to take appropriate action can become difficult.

Katula (2012) hypothesized that regardless of an employee's health,

legal, and financial issues due to IPV, acts of domestic violence can impact a

company. An employer has a moral responsibility to understand the issues of

domestic violence in the workplace. If an employer creates a public policy to

address IPV in a public work sector, it can increase employee safety. When

victims of IPV and employers realize that abuse extends beyond the home,

they can create proper policies and support systems. HR and key managers

can be trained to spot the tell-tale signs of domestic violence abuse,

including absences and performance and behavioral issues. Companies can

also post a series of striking images in every toilet cubicle with short stories

about how both men and women have been helped by sharing their problems

with their employer (Payne, 2013).

Summary

This literature review showed that there is a need for further

examination of IPV and employment stability. The scope of this qualitative

research was to explore how domestic violence affects adult females in their

employment in the public sector. This research aimed to inform policy and

practices related to the cycle of intimate partner violence. The literature

reviewed was interdisciplinary and included literature on IPV and

employment and an exploration of feminist theory. The feminist perspective

engaged the diverse situations of women exposed to domestic violence at

their place of employment. The reviewed studies demonstrated that

education level, socioeconomic status, and geography do not influence

domestic violence. Women do have ambitions to leave abusive situations,

but there are barriers that prevent them from leaving abusive relationships

such as fear of being physically harmed or unemployed.

Social change can take place through educating employees,

employers, and stakeholders in all public work sectors on the negative

effects of IPV on women in the workplace. Education can foster awareness

of IPV in the public sector and minimize occurrences in the future. IPV in

the workplace weakens the rights of female employees and contributes to

employment instability. Chapter 3 describes the methodology used in this

study.

Chapter 3: Methodology

The focus of this study was to understand the effects of IPV on

women’s employment stability in the public sector. I used a

phenomenological design to gain a deeper understanding of a phenomenon

and how it is experienced in a particular setting, rather than drawing broad

conclusions about a particular aspect of human behavior (Neuman, 2014). A

qualitative approach was used to give voice to victims’ experiences of IPV

and their employment stability. Snowball sampling was used to select

participants.

This chapter includes the rationale for the study design; it addresses

the role of the researcher, and describes the methods for data collection and

analysis. The chapter also includes the expectations of participants,

instruments used to conduct the research, and a synopsis of ethical

procedures.

Research Design and Rationale

The study’s overarching research question was: How can victims’

perspectives on IPV provide insights to help public sector employers

improve victims’ employment stability? The study’s supplementary research

question was: How can victims’ perspectives on IPV provide insights to help

public employers create policies and practices that support victim

disclosure?

A qualitative methodology provided data on the social effects of

domestic violence and employment instability, and a phenomenological

design allowed me to focus on understanding the experience (Kruth, 2015).

Phenomenology involves a comprehensive examination of daily life and

emphasizes the ways that consciousness relates to other objects to reveal

“hidden aspects” of experiences (Wertz, Charmaz, & McMullen, 2011).

Thus, phenomenology gave specificity to the issue of IPV in public sector

workplaces.

Qualitative research methods are designed to collect information about

participants and their experiences, but they are not limited by the strictly

controlled laboratory methods that involve numerical data and are prevalent

in quantitative research (Kruth, 2015). A qualitative research method was

used for this study to provide valuable insights into the nuanced and

complex ways a survivor negotiates her position and the strategies she may

adopt to protect employment stability (Beech, 2014).

Interviews were conducted to obtain the victims’ perspectives, to

understand the how IPV affects socioeconomic stability. Qualitative

research is subjective (but nonjudgmental) and the majority of qualitative

investigations occur in natural settings where participants are relaxed (Kruth,

2015). Qualitative data includes words, pictures, and body language, and

insights rather than numbers and algorithms (Neuman, 2014).

Role of the Researcher

I conducted all of the interviews with adult women who have been

exposed to IPV in the public work sector. The process of gathering

information through interviews allowed me to collect information and

feedback, and find ways to continuously improve interviews to increase

alignment with participants' experiences and solicit relevant information for

the study (Hurst et al., 2015). I did not bring any biases to the research that

may shape and/or affect the findings or interpretation of the findings.

Methodology

Interviews were essential to this research to gain an understanding of

how victims of IPV experiences employment stability. There are several

models of phenomenological research designs, and each model focuses on

the experience that is being examined, not on any individuals who are

having the experience (Kruth, 2015).

Participant Selection

Selected participants were public employees who have been victims of

IPV in which at least one incident of violence took place while at work. I

used a snowball technique to find participants for this study and address the

lack of trust among participants. To create a snowball sample, the researcher

requested that the first subject recruited provide multiple referrals to other

participants. Every new referral was screened, and new candidates were

added until sufficient primary data was collected (Basiouka & Potsiou,

2014).

To solicit participants, a flyer was placed at a domestic violence

shelter for women located in the South. The flier included details of the

research, details on how to enroll as a participant, requirements for

participants, and IRB approval # 07-11-19-0590768. Due to the fear and

stigma associated with being a victim of abuse, all prospective participants

were issued a letter explaining the process of research and types of

correspondence, such as a face-to-face interview(s), e-mail, consent form, or

a telephone response. Five individuals who contacted me did not meet the

criteria for the study. This study included 15 female public employees in the

South who had been victims of IPV at their place of employment. The

participants were 18 to 42 years old and had varied socioeconomic

backgrounds and levels of education.

The criteria for participant selection were as follows: (a) must be a

female public employee (determined by self-disclosure); (b) must be 18

years of age or older; (c) must have been victim of IPV at their placement of

employment; (d) must consent to partake in a telephone or a face-to-face

interview; (e) must consent to audio taping of interview; and, (f) must be

willing to sign the consent form. Selected participants received a letter

inviting them to participate in the study (see Appendix B). Participants were

notified in person or via e-mail that they had been selected for the study, and

were issued an informed consent form.

Once consent forms were returned, the researcher signed all forms,

and for those participants that were unable to provide an electronic signature,

the researcher made physical duplications of their forms and provide them

with a copy. Once the researcher obtained signatures from all participants,

he secured all consent forms in a passwordsensitive computer file and in a

secured file cabinet.

Instrumentation

The primary instruments for this study were individual, semi-

structured interviews. One-on-one interviews were conducted to obtain

information about participants’ experiences of IPV and employment.

Interviews were conducted using openended questions which were

developed in order to maintain consistency throughout the interviews. This

will lend validity to the study. Interviews are a common way to collect

qualitative data and be conducted in-person, online, or by telephone

(Malagon-Maldonado, 2014).

The interview protocol included a list of questions that the researcher

asked to each participant (see Appendix B). During interviews, the

researcher cultivated a conducive atmosphere so that participants felt

comfortable being open without feeling degraded, shamed, or fearful.

Data Analysis

I used Moustakas’s (1994) steps for phenomenological transcendental

analysis. Moustakas (1994) indicated that the central processes of

transcendental phenomenology research are: (a) epoché; (b)

phenomenological reduction; (c) imaginative variation; and, (d) synthesis of

meanings and essences. The epoché encompasses the removal of judgments

and beliefs about an issue in order to carefully and respectfully pay attention

to the way the issue is presented by a participant (Moustakas, 1994).

Phenomenological reduction follows the epoché process and includes the

perspective that an individual experiences in its entirety, but as a separate

individual unit of itself in a manner that is open-minded and new

(Moustakas, 1994).

I analyzed the interviews through a computer-assisted qualitative data

analysis software (CAQDAS), a qualitative research tool (Iovu & Runcan,

2012). NVivo software was used to assist in the analysis of data derived

from interviews. First, I transcribed the interviews. Secondly, the researcher

identified themes. Next, the researcher coded themes, and finally, the

researcher grouped certain themes together into larger categories in which

subthemes were created. Through this iterative process, the researcher used a

code review, gave specificity to emerging themes, and resolved any

instances of disagreement between values and data that were localized to

NVivo. I also created memos help with coding of data. The researcher used

the NVivo classification function, which extended the identification to my

themes.

I used a four-phase process that included: (1) assurance of alignment

with research questions; (2) a construct of conversations that are inquiry-

based; (3) receiving feedback on interview protocols; and, (4) piloting the

interview protocol (CastilloMontoya, 2016). Supportive efforts were used

through the IRP methods to the reliability of interview protocols used for

qualitative research and thereby contribute to improving the strength to the

consistency of data obtained from research interviews (CastilloMontoya,

2016). The process of analyzing data in which ideas are used to make sense

of data, and data are used to change the ideas (Sarma, 2012).

Interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed, and then imported into

NVivo (Iovu & Runcan, 2012). NVivo aids in collection of data, creating

memos, note taking, and categorizing to involve themes (Iovu & Runcan,

2012). NVivo software enhances the transferability of findings and helps to

move the analysis from description to interpretation (Iovu & Runcan, 2012).

Dependability of the data was enhanced through verbatim transcription of

the interviews to prevent distortion of the narratives (Iovu & Runcan, 2012).

Throughout interviews, the researcher looked for ways to improve

interviews to increase alignment with participants' experiences and solicit

relevant information for the study (Hurst et al., 2015). The researcher posed

five open-ended questions along with several other probing questions, which

identified words or phrases that could be misrepresented or misunderstood.

These probing questions provided an opportunity to ask the respondent to

rephrase the question in their own words (Hofmeyer, Sheingold, & Taylor,

2015). To address the matter of discrepant cases, I solicited more

participants when it was necessary.

Ethical Procedures

To ensure that the rights of participants were protected, the researcher

closely followed several qualitative approaches that have been outlined.

Participants who experienced any form of emotional discomfort had the

opportunity to stop participating in the study. All participants were also

provided with resources for help through a local domestic violence

organization. All participants received a certificate of confidentiality to

ensure that the information obtained during the interviews would not be used

against them. Participants were advised that their privacy would be

respected. Participants were told that their information and personal details

would be kept private. It was essential to guarantee all promises to

participants in order to make them feel comfortable sharing sensitive

information that could be legally, economically, or socially damaging to

them, but that is vital to answering the study’s research questions (Wolf et

al., 2012). All participants were informed about the phenomenological

aspects of domestic violence and employment.

I interviewed a vulnerable population, and therefore needed to

safeguard them from being traumatized by interviewing. Interviews took

place in locations selected by participants that were deemed comfortable and

private, such as the domestic violence shelters, libraries, and coffee shops.

Domestic violence shelters are particularly secure places, as there are

cameras at the front door to ensure safety of those inside the domestic

violence shelter. There are also intercom systems that screen visitors and

give entry only to those that are approved by the facility.

I contacted all selected participants via e-mail, telephone, or in person.

Once contacted, I issued them a consent form and a participant letter. The

next phase was schedule interviews. Interviews took place over a four-week

period. Interviews were audio recorded and transcribed. The collection of

data and transcriptions included initial notes from interview transcriptions.

Issues of Trustworthiness

I conducted data collection and analysis in ways that ensure the

study’s dependability, confirmability, transferability, and credibility.

Credibility was established through confidentiality and triangulation. The

triangulation technique was used in the review of all auditory recordings and

transcription of interviews. The researcher used triangulation to show the

research study’s findings are credible.

Transferability was demonstrated through the findings that will

applicable to all contextual situations. Trustworthiness for quantitative

studies includes validity and reliability. This qualitative study used detailed

descriptions to illustrate the findings so that the findings may be applied to

other circumstantial, contextual incidents of IPV in the public sector. This

study’s confirmability was met through a degree of neutrality in the findings.

All findings were based on responses of participants, not on potential bias or

the researcher’s personal motivations. I clearly presented data collection

techniques to enhance the study’s dependability so that other researchers can

repeat the study.

Summary

This qualitative study used a phenomenological methodology to

research the experiences of women who were victims of IPV in their public

sector workplaces in order to better understand the relationship between IPV

and employment stability. This methodology is comprehensive in

understanding the effects of IPV and employment instability among women

working in the public sector. Semi-structured interviews was the primary

instruments. In orders to obtain information about participants’ experiences

of IPV and employment one-ono-one interviews were conducted. Selected

participants were public employees who have been victims of IPV at the

public sector. Chapter 3 also described the criteria and process for

participant selection, the role of the researcher, the research design, ethical

considerations, and data collection and analysis procedures.

Chapter 4: Results

The study’s purpose was to share examples of how exposure to IPV in

public sector workplaces can impact a woman’s employment status and

enhance existing status literature related to policies in the public sector and

to. The overarching research question was: How can victims’ perspectives

on IPV provide insights to help public sector employers improve victims’

employment stability? The supplementary research question was: How can

victims’ perspectives on IPV provide insights to help public employers

create policies and practices that support victim disclosure?

I explored the thoughts and observations of 15 adult women that had

experienced IPV as a public sector employee. IPV in the public sector can

produce job instability and economic struggle. IPV can place adult female

victims at an unfair disadvantage in terms of income. The experiences of the

victims documented in this chapter paint a bleak picture. Women who are

victims of IPV often do not get help because they do not know how to

address the situation, and this often has effects on victims’ employment

stability. The subject of IPV at the public sector has been acknowledged by

researchers, who explained that the effects of IPV and victims employment

stability need to be studied The gap in literature pertained to the paucity of

documentation on the voices of the victims of IPV in the public sector. The

phenomenological design was selected for this research. Women in the

public sector experience IPV as employees.

This chapter includes descriptive information on the demographics

and participants’ characteristics, data collection, and methodology. This

chapter provides a descriptive account of the process of the data analysis, the

evidence of this study.

Settings

There were no personal or organizational conditions that influenced

participants or their experience at time of study. As it related to influence

and interpretation of the study’s results there were no changes in personnel.

During this study there was no other trauma witnessed or experienced by

myself, participants, or personnel at the shelter.

Demographics

All 15 female participants acknowledged that they were a victim of

IPV at their place of employment: 11 were abused by an ex-boyfriend, 2

were abused by an exhusband, and 2 were abused by a supervisor with

whom they were in an intimate relationship. All were African American and

were from the south. Participants were 20-42 years of age.

Data Collection and Analysis

All verification steps were paramount in the collection of data that was

consistent to the standard rule of collection of content, which was vital to the

construction of identified themes. The information obtained from this study

contributes to the knowledge on IPV exposure in public sector workplaces. It

may have the capacity to help change practices and policies related to

domestic violence prevention in the public sector setting.

As it pertains to this study, IPV extends farther then physical abuse, stalking,

and kicking.

IPV is inclusive of all acts of sexual psychological and economic violence

that may be committed by a family member or an inmate partner (Vandana,

2016).

Snowball sampling was the technique method of process used in the

recruitment. An invitation letter was posted on the bulletin board at a shelter

in the south to solicit women who qualified with the study criteria of while

being employed in the public sector. The researcher could not get approval

to post a flier at any public agencies. All participants were adult female

victims had diverse economic statuses. Participants of the study were either

residents of the women’s shelter or recruited after the details of the study

were shared by others after observing the invitation letter. The incorporated

sampling technique was instrumental in finding adult female victims

exposed to IPV and employment stability. During the study’s screening

process, participants self-disclosed that they were victims of IPV prior to this

study.

All participatory candidates were issued a letter informing them that

this particular study was voluntary, and that the researcher could be

contacted using contact information from the letter. The letter of invitation

(see Appendix A) included my telephone number and my e-mail address for

perspective participatory candidate that had any posing questions or any

influencing aspects of the study as it pertains to them.

Fifteen participants met the qualification to participate in the study.

All participants that were involved in this study gave consent to sessions that

included interview. All participants gave their personal signature to a form

that acknowledged consent and given to me all forms were personally or

electronically signed by myself. A copy was then issued to all participants.

All interviews were recorded electronically collection of data, and securely

stored with in a data base with security on a digitized disk securely placed in

a safe locked place at my home. The amount of accumulated qualitative data

materialized from extensive interviews. The 15 participants were all females

of African American decent, in total every female had some personal

experience and exposure to IPV at their place of employment.

The interviews consisted of five predetermined, open-ended questions

with several probing questions. Each participant received a numerical code

and a pseudonym for all interviews. All initial interviews took place over the

phone or face-to-face. All participants received a transcript of all

summarization, and a phone number to nonprofit statewide organization that

support IPV.

Evidence of Trustworthiness

Trustworthiness was addressed in a number of ways (Cope et al.,

2014). Trustworthiness leads to the value of qualitative research.

Transparency regarding the conduct of a study is especially important to the

usefulness and integrity of the results (Cope et al., 2014). Credibility was

established through confidentiality and member checking. Member checking

was an important step in this qualitative study that substantially enhances

credibility (Cope et al., 2014).

I used several methods of data collection to gain a comprehensive

view of the phenomenon (Cope et al., 2014). Methods of data

collection included interviews, observation, and notes and journaling

throughout the research process (Cope et al., 2014). I established

confirmation through explanation of conclusions and interpretations

and exemplified the results that came directly from the data (Cope et

al., 2014). Rich quotes were documented in this qualitative study and

can be found in the discussion of each theme (Cope et al., 2014).

This study focused on the life experiences of adult females working in

the public sector who have experienced IPV at their place of employment.

By analyzing their narratives, the researcher sought to understand how IPV

in the public sector workplaces impacts women’s physical, social, and

psychological well-being and their job instability. Transferability as it relates

to this qualitative researcher was demonstrated through the findings that are

applicable to all contextual situations. This qualitative study used detailed

description to illustrate the findings from this research study so that they can

applicable to other circumstantial, contextual incidents of IPV in the public

sector. This study’s confirmability was met through a degree of neutrality in

the findings of this research. All findings were based on responses of

participants. There was no bias or researcher’s personal motivations.

Confirmability relates to findings that emerge from the data and are not

influenced by the research bias, or bias in interpretation of findings.

Reflexivity was used to address awareness of my values, background, and

previous experience with the phenomenon so that was no effect on the

process of research (Cope et al., 2014). Bracketing was used in this

qualitative in a journal to address any preconceived thoughts (Cope et al.,

2014).

Study participants had an opportunistic window of provisions of

clarification and to support or strengthen facts by way of member checking.

All study participants were issued a copy of the transcript of their interview

in person or via-email. Member checking is a procedure that allows the

researcher to further develop and maintain validity

(Candela, 2019). Researchers should consider participants’ exposure and

indicate how the member check can be used as a reflective experience

(Candela 2019). After all interviews were transcribed and coded, themes

were developed. The feminist theory was aligned with this study because it

engages the discovering of participant’s exposure and experience as of

perceived prevalence of IPV as an employee of the public sector, such verbal

abuse, physical abuse, stalking, and job termination. To prevent participant

bias, none of the participants receives any material pertaining to the feminist

theory. As it pertains to feminist theory, the Victorian context gives

explanation to the discourse of gender difference is powerfully illustrated in

the public sector policy and practice (Candela, 2019).

Research indicates that there is an advancement of stress by places of

employment in the public sector (Candela, 2019). It has been acknowledged

that it can be an arduous task for one unit to hold the banner on women's

issues especially since resources and funding distribution is scarce (Candela,

2019).

Results of the Study

After interviews were conducted, transcribed, and uploaded to NVivo,

I comprised a list of 10 themes that emerged from the transcribed text.

Themes were determined by grouping similar participant responses to

questions asked during the interview phase. Themes were grouped and

descriptions were created, and then the themes were cross-referenced using

peer-reviewed articles to authenticate coding. The ten themes and their

explanations are shown in Table 1. In addition, any data that contradicted the

major themes were identified, analyzed, and notated (Holsapple,

Carpenters, Sutkus, Finelli, & Harding, 2012).

Table 1

Emergent themes from the Data

Theme Explanation of Theme

1. Lack of support to address IPV in

the public sector

There is a lack of support to address

IPV in the public sector. There is

lack of policies and there are no

federal laws to protect victims of

IPV in the public sector.

2. Attitudes of coworkers and others

Victims can experience negative

attitudes from supervisors as well as

coworkers about their struggles with

IPV.

3. Public sector work cultures’

acceptance of IPV

The public sector has a difficult time

accepting the issue of IPV in the

public sector.

4. Termination Employees involved in IPV in the

public sector often have their jobs

terminated.

5. Exposure to IPV in the workplace Employees (both victims and

coworkers) in the public sector can

be exposed to IPV at work.

6. Lack of services for victims There is a lack of social services to

help victims of IPV in the public

sector.

7. Impact of IPV on workplace

culture

Instances of IPV can have a direct,

negative impact on workplace

culture.

8. Economic implications IPV can have negative implications

on victims’ finances.

9. Refusing to remain a victim Victims in this study refused to

remain victims.

10. Looking towards the future Victims in this study believed

educating others could help future

victims get help for IPV in the

public sector.

Theme 1: Lack of Support to Address IPV in the Public

Sector

Twelve of the study’s fifteen participants stated that the public sector

organizations where they worked did not have policies in place to help

employees deal with IPV. They also communicated a general lack of

awareness about IPV among supervisors and administrators. Participants

explained that the lack of policies created issues when they sought

protection. Three participants in the study explained that they had to go to

the police about their abuse. Participants in this study reported that they left

jobs due to the lack of support from supervisors and administrators regarding

IPV and employment.

P1: When I was grabbed by my boss, I had no idea that domestic

violence could take place at work. I reported my boss to

administration, but no one could help.

They thought I was making things up.

P2: I had no support when my ex tried to fire me. The culture of my

job was hostile because he was the boss. I needed to leave.

P3: At first, my job had a hard time accepting my ex was stalking

while at work. P7: My coworker was well liked. Everyone had

expectations that everything was ok, he would get angry and

threatened me if I talked to anyone at work.

Seven of the participants said that they were helpless to deal with IPV

and their employment. For some, feelings of helplessness as made

participants think they needed to quit their jobs because there was no policy

to protect them.

P3: I was helpless. I called the police to let them know that my ex

shoved me in the wall. If I left him, they told me to get a restraining

order. I was fired the next day from my job.

P4: My ex-boyfriend, who was my boss, kept coming to my house

kicking and banging on the door. I went to work the next day and filed

a complaint to his supervisor, and they separated us at work. But he

still was my supervisor and he still threatened me when he came

around to supervise others. I don’t believe administration had the

proper training to deal with this.

P6: My ex-husband was convicted of assault in another state. I moved

away and some kind of way he found me. He keeps showing up at my

job. I called the police, and when they came, I shown them a copy of

my protection order and they told me that it was from another state

and it had no power here. I also was informed to file a new restraining

order, but my job would not allow me time off to do so. I took off and

anyway and they fired me.

P7: I did not know who to talk to I just got the job and when I got off

work he tried to pull me in his car by gunpoint. I open the door and

ran. He pulled my blouse off and I ran into the building. The security

guard could not do anything. He called my supervisor and the next

day I was fired.

P8: Everything was just unraveling. He thought I was cheating with

another coworker because I was at work late and [he] pulled in front

of the van and threaten our coworker. I was terminated without any

policy to help me. I was helpless.

P9: When I was dating my ex, he was my supervisor. He also was

married that part I did not know. When I wanted to break up with him,

he came to my cubicles and told me I will never move up at this

institution. The end result: I was transferred 3 hours away and it was

ordered from the department of correction. If I did not comply, I could

be terminated.

P10: My ex- boyfriend was mad because I was leaving. He kept

sitting outside for hours. It made administration uncomfortable. They

told me not to call the police because the street is free parking. They

did, however, issue me terminations papers. I really needed that job.

P11: My ex kept calling my job. My ex beat me up real bad. I needed

to go the hospital and it was determined he broke my jaw. I lost my

job because I could not get any approved leave. Domestic violence

was not covered in my job’s leave policy. I was fired; they told me

that it was job abandonment.

Theme 2: Attitudes of Co-workers and Others

Participants in the study frequently mentioned conditions that

influenced coworkers’ reactions to victims. Supervisors’ attitudes made

many feel isolated. Nine participants thought that it was typically believed

that IPV only takes place at home. Nine participants clearly communicated

the challenges of dealing with IPV at their public sector workplace.

P1: My job did not support me while I was experiencing domestic

violence.

P3: I was treated with rejection by administration.

P4: I was ostracized from my peers because my pastor called my job

to get me some help.

P5: When I was working helping at my job, my ex-boyfriend pulled

up in front of the van and threatened my supervisor. I explained to my

supervisor I was sorry, but I was terminated the next day. I told them I

needed help. Before this incident they thought was making things up.

They just kept their distance from me. P6: There were supervisors

whispering to other employees about my situation with my husband

and IPV.

P8: I told them I needed a day off to get a restraining order. They told

me I needed to go on my own time. They gave me a regulation on the

leave policy that had nothing to do with having an off-day for

domestic violence situations. They also told me there is a work

shortage [and] if I did not show up, that would be grounds to be

terminated.

P10: Most of my challenges [came from] for getting help from my

job.

P11: I told my job I needed an officer to walk me to my car because of

threats. I

produced paperwork that I was experiencing a problem with my ex. I

also informed them how he was threating me. I explained to them

could I have a closer parking space to the building by the camera for

safety reasons. My job told me all parking space was for supervisor.

P15: I needed them to help me and they flat out told me, “We can’t

have this type of situation here.”

Participants also discussed the level of abuse they endured and

perceptions of how it affected the likelihood of getting support at their

place of employment.

P2: I placed all my trust that my job would support me in my time of

abuse; unfortunately, they left me vulnerable. When I got fired from

my job, I had no money and it forced me to go back home to an

abusive relationship. I believed by telling my supervisor that I was

experiencing domestic violence issues at work that they would help

me, but that was not the case all. They did tell my business to people

and it started gossip and rumors. I really felt betrayed by [my] place of

employment.

P4: I really was upset with myself for getting involved with a

domestic violence situation at work but I remember the pain of being

down and out. There was no person to talk to get support from at

work. I refused to let myself become so far down that I could not

make it to work. However, the impact of the abuse was more than I

could bear. There was no support system at my job for me.

P6: I was attacked by my ex-husband girlfriend. I got in my car to hit

her, and he jumped in front her to save her. I did not hit him, but he

fell on her and broke her leg. He got out the car and started shaking

me. I was arrested and put in jail. I had to take a business trip for my

job and was able to make it. My mom had to lie and say I was having

complications with my pregnancy. I could never tell my job that I was

arrested for domestic violence situation. They would have fired me.

They would never understand. They did, however, found out because

he called and told them I went to jail so I could get fired and have to

come back home. They questioned me about it and I said he lied. I

knew that if I told them I lied about the incident as it related, it would

be ground for termination. He came to my classroom pushing on me

after school about the situation. If there was some form of support, I

would have told the truth. Deep down I knew I would be fired.

Theme 3: Public Sector Work Cultures’ Acceptance of IPV

Some participants described poor levels of acceptance from various

coworkers. Six participants were told they should leave before their ex

harmed someone in the building.

P1: My supervisor kept shouting kept shouting have him arrested for

he kills someone there. Like I can control him.

P3: Basically everyone had this idea that I was doing him something

to make him keep harassing me at the job.

P4: My abuser was well-liked. He was my supervisor. A lot of

employees believed him. He said negative things and he was the

abuser. I could not file because my situation did not fall in the lines of

sexual harassment

P7: Co-workers saw us screaming and having attitudes towards each

other, and they thought it was it was a little lover’s spat till he hit me

in the break room. No one understood he was an animal.

P12: You would expect if you worked somewhere 6 months, people

would believe you and have the integrity to believe you about what

[was] wrong at your work environment.

Theme 4: Termination

Five participants said that they were terminated from their place of

employment because of IPV at the workplace.

P2: When I got fired from my job, I had no money and it forced me to

go back home to an abusive relationship.

P3: I was fired the next day from my job. When I was fired because of

the IPV situation, it drastically cut into my finances.

P4: Eventually I was fired because I was unable to get transportation,

and I felt so helpless at work. I did not feel safe.

P10: They told me not to call the police because the street is free

parking. They did, however, issue me terminations papers.

P8: I was terminated without any policy to help me. I was helpless.

P11: Domestic violence was not covered in my job’s leave policy. I

was fired.

They told me that it was job abandonment and it was documented.

Theme 5: Exposure to IPV in the Workplace

All fifteen participants experienced IPV while at work. Different

forms of IPV abuse were experienced by participants. Participants discussed

experiencing stalking and psychological impacts as a result of IPV.

P1: Since I got that job, my husband was jealous of me working. He

slapped me in the car and told me I was his slave and all I better be

doing is working. P2: I was brutalized by an ex who was my boss.

We would be at work, he would grab me and squeeze my shoulder

so hard. He said he did not want to leave any marks.

P3: When I told him I reported him to administration [and] that I

needed help, he came to my office. He slapped me in my office and I

asked, “What you did that for?’

P4: One time it was my birthday. He brought me a cake and flowers

and asked to be alone. I went in my break with him to my office and

he choked me and told me, ‘I better be your only man. I own you.’

P5: I had car trouble in the parking lot at my job while at work. I

called him to help. He got upset. He was furious. I told him I was

sorry. He took his belt off and started hitting me on the legs. He said,

‘You act like child, I am going to treat you like [one].’

P6: He came to classroom on Saturday while I was working on my

lesson plans. He said, I know you here with someone.’ I explained to

him that there were several teachers here and three coaches. He said,

‘So you sexing him.’ I told him I have my four-year-old and my three-

year-old and my 11-month-old. So I said, ‘How I am cheating?’ He

pushed me down and said, ‘Wait till you get home.’ P7: I had been

feeling bad one day at work. I called my ex and told him I was sick

and needed the rest of the day off. He said, ‘We need you here,’ and

hung up the phone. Fifteen minutes later when the officers left the

unit, he came and punched me in the leg and said, ‘You trying to leave

early to be with someone else.’

P8: I am afraid of abuse and he knew it. We were having lunch in the

break room. When everyone left out, he came and sat next to me, and

he put his hands between my legs, squeezed my thigh, and said, ‘You

are not eating with no one else.’ P9: We he found out I put a

restraining order on him, he came to our job and security let him in.

When I came out, my security he punched me in the back of the head.

He screamed I had no rights and left out the back door.

P10: I talked to my pastor about my ex-boyfriend abusing me at work

and at home. He tried to talk to my ex. After he left, he was furious.

Came to my job with a smile and gave me hug. While hugging me he

said, ‘You feel that gun in my pocket? If you tell anyone else, I am

going to come to this job next and kill you.’

P11: When I was in the elevator, he started choking me for no reason.

P12: They arrested him at home. I filed a restraining order. He came

to my job a week later and walked behind me in the parking lot at my

job and slapped me so hard on the right side of face and my earring.

P13: He would always push and shove on me in the car in the parking

lot at work. P14: I got sick at work and called him to pick me. When

he picked me up, he started screaming, ‘You need to be at work to

make some money.’

Stalking

Five participants said that they were stalked, and that stalking was

difficult to deal with at with, especially at work.

P1: He kept coming to my job and would sit in the parking lot like no one

knew he was there.

P2: He would come an hour early to work thinking I met someone at

work. He told me, ‘I am always watching you.’

P5: He kept calling my work phone to see if I was with a man.

P6: Some kind of way, he kept checking the visitor log to see if another

man was seeing me.

P15: He would go through my work email. To see who I was talking to.

He told me, ‘I keep my eyes on you.’

Psychological Impacts on Victims

Seven participants discussed psychological difficulties related to IPV

in the workplace. Several of the participants pointed out symptoms of

psychological disposition caused by IPV and stress.

P1: I was an emotional mess, cried a lot. I was never sure what was

going to happen next. I didn’t want to let my fellow coworkers know

how I felt. Being in an abusive situation is never easy.

P3: Sometimes I will lock my office door. I was emotionally stressed

out. I knew if I was fired, I would not be able to take care of myself or

my kids.

P4: My work kept falling behind. I tried to stay on task but I was too

stressed out. My mind was unable to focus on my job expectations.

P12: I experienced so much anxiety because of the fact that safety is

such an issue with me. I even heard of some people dying at the hands

of their abuser. I was mentally drained.

Theme 6: Lack of Appropriate Services for Victims

Eight participants explained that the public sector entity they worked

for lacked appropriate services for mitigating IPV at work. Participants

described difficulties assessing policies and getting help with interventions

after they experienced IPV at their place of employment. Eight participants

explained they tried to seek protection for themselves.

P4: It was rough when it first began. There was no services offered

at my job to help protect me from me from my ex. Eventually, I had

met with a domestic violence counselor at the YMCA. I had to learn

about how to get help as far as it related to restraining orders and

some type of protection while I am at work. P6: I had no idea what

to do. He was all I, ok how I can get some help knew. I started

looking online for some help. I even YouTube it. I even Googled it.

I did not have any idea where to go. As related to the local

government, there was nothing offered as it related to a policy. My

job offered me nothing. I was really alone.

P8: There was person that I thought was a good supervisor. I felt like I

could tell to him. He made me provide proof of the incident. When I

could not, he laughed, called me liar and laughed.

P10: I reported my ex to administration. They said, ‘We can’t have

this here.’ They said I was not even a permanent employee yet. They

told me they could not relocate me and if the abuse matter continues,

its grounds to be terminated. P12: There are no services for domestic

violence at this job or government policy programs. All this is

nonexistent. I had to start researching on my own to get help.

Theme 7: IPV Impact on Workplace Culture

Several participants described how IPV affected them and their fellow

coworkers.

Participants identified ways their responsibilities, participation, and job roles

were impacted by IPV. Seven participants also identified ways that IPV

affected the roles of other coworkers.

P1: It was more or less like I was in a tunnel. All I could do was

focus on protecting myself. I didn’t want to bring things up at my

job. I figured that if I didn’t pay attention to it, it would go away. I

was no longer concentrating on my job responsibilities, or for that

matter, what my coworkers needed me to do. I started shutting down.

My work effected my coworkers, because they had to pull my slack.

P2: I was not paying attention at work. I was at work physically all

the time, but mentally I was not. Before the abuse I was very

responsible at work. But I was barely able to meet my own basic

needs after the abuse.

P3: I tried to stay to myself. My coworkers started not speaking to me

because of my work performance declining due to the abuse.

P6: I had withdrawn myself from my fellow coworkers at the

workplace. My exboyfriend and I had issues of IPV, and it

manifested and came to my job. People started isolating themselves

from me because they do not want to deal with my problem.

P11: I needed more money and tried to get some overtime, but they

refused to give me overtime because there was no security to protect

my coworkers after hours.

P15: I started getting a lot of write-ups because I was unable to focus.

Theme 8: Economic Implications

Thirteen participants explained that there were economic implications

related to

IPV and their resulting employment instability.

P1: When I was fired, I could not afford to maintain my monthly

expenses, such as food, childcare and housing.

P2: Being a single parent was expensive. I could no longer afford

transportation to look for a new job. Also, the domestic violence

incidents that were documented stopped me from getting a job at

some places. Pretty soon we were on the streets. P3: I had to go to

food banks to get food to feed my family.

P4: After a couple of weeks, I realized that I was not able to buy

things because I was in a financial bind.

P6: When I put a restraining order on him, he refused to help pay the

bills. [I was] unable to pay childcare and bills.

P8: When I was terminated, I was unable to pay my house note and

my car note.

Theme 9: Refusing to Remain a Victim

Eight participants discussing theirs’ or others’ refusal to remain a

victim of IPV.

These women discussed how they educated others about IPV in the public

sector.

Participants provided their efforts to overcome the effects of IPV.

P1: Even though I was abused at work, I felt like I was victim

everywhere I went: home, church, and even visiting with friends. I

tried to explain to anyone that I was a victim and I refused to stay in

that situation. Every chance I get, I explain that it is not about love it’s

about how a person wants to put power over you. I then try to explain

some things about domestic violence and work.

P2: There are very little things I do because of my finances.

Sometimes when I am invited to job functions I stay in a corner to

myself, showing them you can make it. A good example showing I am

not afraid of anyone.

P3: As it relates to being a victim and knowing I was a victim that

took a little work. I had to accept that that and own up to the fact I was

a victim. I decided to talk to people about IPV every chance I get. I

feel like it helps me and helps someone else.

P6: Sometimes you just have to say, Enough is enough, and you have

to refuse to be treated that way. If he tries again, I will call the police.

P7: Every chance I get, when I notice someone that could possibly be

a victim, I try to talk to them about physical abuse and how can

happen at work.

Theme 10: Looking Towards the Future

All participants acknowledged there is a need for organizational

policies that address IPV. Public policy can increase education and

awareness about IPV and increase support for victims. Participants

expounded on the point that there should be a federal law that outlines

victims’ rights and requires supervisor education about prevention and

upholding policies.

P1: There should be some way to inform the society and the public

work sector on information that pertains to IPV and employment. If

people are informed about IPV in the public work sector they it can

possibly be easier from them to come forward and get help.

P2: When all the public workplace is educated about domestic

violence, it is a strong possibility we can solve this issue.

P6: There should be some kind of support officer within the public

work sector that specifically was trained in IPV incidents.

P9: Employees that are victims can be better service by helping them

become awareness of being does not make you are an outcast. The

government can support this by creating a law that address IPV and

employment.

P15: The only way we can be helped is by having a law that can help

us so we can have a safe future at work and able to continue

employment without fears of being

fired.

Discrepancies in Data

There were some discrepancies in the data on victims’ IPV and

workplace stability. For example, Participant 12 explained different effects

of IPV on her employment. She reported that her life was not altered by IPV;

she had saved enough money to sustain her until she found another job, and

she never was homeless. Participant14 explained that she really was okay

despite everything, and that she did not feel like a broken person. All

participants that had any discrepancies have noted within the instance of

apprehending the mental discernment of IPV as it relates to other

participants, and their experiences with IPV and employment stability in the

public work sector. Data that was deemed discrepant was notated, but

discrepancies should be expected in qualitative research, as all lived

experiences are individualized and based on perception.

Summary

. It is imperative to systematically advance the information and

comprehension of practitioners about the intricacy and underlying issues of

pragmatically working with abusers, and how they do not take full

responsibility for their actions Study participants conveyed they experienced

challenges related to acts of IPV at their workplaces. Participants had limited

understanding of how their employers could help manage IPV in the

workplace, and supervisors were inconsistent in their approaches to handling

IPV at public sector workplaces. Participants in this study reported that they

tried to seek help and secure their employment as they dealt with IPV, but

their voices were not heard. The participants noted that supervisors and

administrators had limited experience and comprehension of IPV, and that

this limited knowledge contributed to negative situations at work. The

participants in the study also reported that there was lack of training for

employees and supervisors. Even worse, they were ostracized, ignored at

work, or surreptitiously terminated from their place of employment. Most

participants reported that IPV significantly affected their finances; many

voluntary or involuntary left their jobs because of issues related to IPV.

The majority of the participants in this study reported that public

sector organizations reactively approached instances of IPV by terminating

the employee instead of proactively dealing with the problem through

administrative regulations or policies that provide legal protection to victims.

Being fired is unusual for public sector employees due to civil service and

union protections. However, participants who were terminated from their

employment were not of permanent status, as they had not completed the

probationary period of 6 months. As a result, these participants did not have

the same employment protections as permanent employees.

The majority of the participants believed that the cultural normality at

their place of employment and supervisors take on the sentiment of

administration as it relates the issue of IPV and victims’ employment

stability in the public work sector.

The majority of the participants of this study reported poor attitudes

toward their safety and well-being as they dealt with IPV. The majority of

the participants reported that the common cultural belief was that domestic

violence only happens at home, and that this belief made it difficult for them

to receive proactive help at work. The belief that IPV only occurs at home

also contributed to a lack of supportive efforts, isolation, and job

termination. Participants in this study reported that fellow coworkers were

not helpful, believed that victims were lying, or ignored the victim’s requests

for help until something serious happened. Although they did not receive

help at work, all participants believed that consulting with a qualified

domestic violence counselor was very helpful. All participants believe that

having a domestic violence counselor can improve one’s chances of

defeating IPV at work. Participants explained that getting gave them a sense

of empowerment and showed them that they can be helpful to other victims

or help educate their communities about IPV prevention.

Participants noted that they suffered from the stigmas surrounding

IPV, especially after they reported abuse to a supervisor. As Participant 6

said, “You just don’t know what people think of you.” Participants explained

that they had trouble receiving any form of intervention. Receiving support

was especially difficult for participants whose abusers were coworkers or

supervisors.

IPV affected participants’ physical and psychological wellbeing,

financial stability, and job security. In some cases, it made them homeless.

Finances were a key factor in making a decision to come forward and report

abuse; all 15 of the participants in this study explained that being a victim of

IPV can affect employment status and financial stability. There was no legal

way for victims to take time off work to deal with IPV situations.

The majority of participants of this study explained that IPV in the

public work sector can happen at any time. Definitely if a victim is terminate

because of IPV there is a loss of income. Participants explained it is hard

financially when you are unemployed because of termination. Participant 6

explained when you are terminated you cannot use that job for a reference.

Participant 6 also explained I just wanted to take my life. I cannot stand me

and my kids on the streets like this. Participant 15 explained to they had no

money for childcare.

It was conveyed by participants that once they exited their relationship

there were definite effects of them being the head of household. P 10 when

you leave them it’s hard because you are all alone and it’s all on you

financially. More than half of the participants in this study were homeless

due to domestic violence in the public work sector. Participant 6 explained I

just wanted to take my life. I cannot stand me and my kids on the streets like

this. Participants explained that they refused to be victims of their abuser.

To improve situation of IPV in the public sector, participants stated

that there needs to be education, training, laws, and policies implemented at

multiple levels: office, organization, state, and federal.

Chapter 5 offers an interpretation of results and compares this study’s

results to those of previous studies. Chapter 5 also discusses the limitations

of the study, recommendations for future research, and implications for

practice and positive social change.

Chapter 5: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations

Introduction

The goal of this phenomenological study was to closely examine

experiences of women who were victims of IPV in their public sector

workplaces in order to better understand the relationship between IPV and

employment stability. The goal of the study was to increase awareness about

IPV in the public work sector by highlighting the voices and experiences of

IPV victims.

All interviews were individual, face to face, confidential, and 60–90

minutes long. Moustakas’s (1994) the used of steps was formatted through

the transcendental phenomenological process of analysis. This basic

conclusion of this study manifested 10 themes related to female victims of

IPV in the public sector.

The 10 themes that emerged from this research were: (1) lack of

support to address IPV in the public sector; (2) attitudes of co-workers and

others; (3) public sector work cultures’ acceptance of IPV and employment;

(4) termination; (5) exposure to IPV at the workplace; (6) lack of appropriate

services for victims; (7) IPV impact on work culture; (8) economic

implications; (9) refusing to remain a victim; and, (10) looking towards the

future. The participants in this study expounded on the stigmas associated

with IPV in the public sector.

The findings of this study as it relates to IPV awareness at the

workplace were consistent with Rayner-Thomas et al. (2016). Rayner-

Thomas et al. (2016) related that raising awareness about the effects of IPV

on victims and employers has advanced of recognition on the workplace. A

majority of participants explained that they refused to be in isolation in the

public sector. Participants stated that education within the public sector

about IPV and employment can give a voice to victims and provide

protection. All participants recognized a law is needed.

The majority of the participants lacked awareness of the need for a

policy to address IPV in the public sector. The participants in this study

provided information on the lack of services for victims and training.

Interpretation of the Findings

It was described by participants that there needs to be a continuous

effort to heighten consciousness. Another participant articulated that the

process of educating the public workforce about IPV at work should also be

not limited to just employees but supervisors and administrators as well.

Establishing a law for IPV in the public workplace to ensure every employed

person within a public facility receives training on IPV at the place of

employment. This conclusion was conclusive with the literature that was

peer reviewed (Laharnar et, al. 2015).

This study expounded on the voices of the victims of IPV and

employment stability. The awareness of IPV in the public work sector grants

victims the opportunity to receive protection. This study is unlike previous

studies because it expounded on the economic impact of IPV that victims

face in the public work sector, and how a public policy on this issue

retrospectively could ultimately produce positive change in the effects of

IPV, in the public sector for employees that experience this phenomena.

Theme 1: Lack of Support to Address IPV in the Public

Sector

The majority of participants indicated a low level of support as they

tried address IPV in their public sector workplaces. Participants also

explained that low levels of concern regarding the need for IPV-related

policies made it difficult to deal with administration when IPV happened at

the workplace. There is a gap in knowledge as it relates supervisors and

administration in the public work sector. Nine participants explained that

they were assaulted because of the way administrators dealt with their

situations. Participants in this study reported leaving their job because they

did not feel protected from their abusers. The results of this confirms

McLaren (2013). McLaren (2013) related that workers have varied responses

to women who accessed services to ask for aid to enrich their job

productivity, or who sought support in securing work (McLaren, 2013).

McLaren (2013) discussed the need to evaluate how agencies are addressing

women’s needs, specifically in terms of establishing employment for IPV

victims. McLaren (2013) noted that women experiencing stable employment

while still using social services were more dauntless in their efforts to gain

independence than other women. The study showed that outreach and follow

ups helped women.

Theme 2: Attitudes of Co-Workers and Others

The majority of participants in this study acknowledged that they were

victims and that IPV commonly takes place in work environments. IPV

affects many points on the spectrum of a victim’s life, this is inclusive of the

work environments (CastroGonzáles et al., 2016). The lack of knowledge

about IPV prevention and intervention at the workplace exacerbated the

participants’ abusive situations. IPV and victims’ employment stability

coincide with (Laharnar et al., 2015). The results of this study reflect the

findings of previous scholars that women are subject to IPV at their places of

employment, and that IPV at work affects employment stability.

IPV can potentially affect the safety of a workplace (Laharnar et al.,

2015). Abusers can use interference tactics while at work, such as harassing

coworkers, and affect employee’s ability to stay at work (Laharnar et al.,

2015).

Theme 3: Public Sector Work Cultures’ Acceptance of IPV

The majority of participants noted that they were treated differently

supervisors and coworkers learned about their struggles with IPV.

Participants in this study explained that they were either terminated by

administration or isolated by other coworkers due to attitudes about domestic

violence. All participants explained that their supervisors were not trained to

deal with IPV, and many participants indicated that they were blamed for

incidents that happened in the workplace. The majority of the participants

explained that there should have been a policy set in place to help protect

them from negative attitudes of supervisors. This data demonstrates the need

for proactive policies that protect victims of IPV in the public sector from

negative attitudes and a lack of supervisor training (Laharnar et al., 2015).

Furthermore, 8 out 15 participants explained that they were stigmatized.

Stigmatization compounded effects of abuse and ultimately contributed to

participants’ decisions to quit their jobs. The trend of abused women quitting

their jobs is also reflected in the research of Laharnar et al. (2015).

Theme 4: Termination

Five participants in this study were terminated from their place of

employment as a result of experiencing IPV. The participants said they were

not permanent employees, so they were not eligible for the protections that

permanent state employees have. The participants explained that if they were

permanent employees, they would have been more help as it relates to

termination. Some believe that this is not a reason to fire someone (Laharnar

et al., 2015). They can possibly come up with another reason to circumvent

the issues without saying it out loud (Laharnar et al., 2015). However, this

can be a reason why an employer explains this will not be tolerated because

they are going to be trouble (Laharnar et al., 2015), so they are continually

having problems so let's just get rid of them (Laharnar et al., 2015). The

results of this study are adherent and accordant to researchers that have

preceded this study which gave revelation that women and employment

stability and issues and is aligned with Laharnar et al.’s (2015) study. The

findings of this study were similar to the Pillinger (2016), who found that on

average, one-third of female employee reported exposure to IPV, about half

of the victims believed their job performance was adversely affected, and

three out of four had a difficult time focusing on the completion of job

expectations.

Theme 5: Exposure to IPV in the Workplace

All participants in this study described exposure to domestic violence

at their public sector workplace; abusers were coworkers, supervisors,

spouses, or boyfriends. The participants said that their abuser committed

different forms of abuse at work including stalking, hitting, punching, and

threats. This was aligned with previously done research by Castro-Gonzáles

et al., 2016 that explained that IPV victims may be fearful of being harmed,

and as a result, instances of IPV often go unreported. In the United States,

between 35%–56% of adult female victims of IPV are harassed at work by

their abusers. These acts were committed in the office or in the parking lot

outside the building. The participants explained that denial and lack of

knowledge about the subject of IPV in the public work sector was a serious

factor as it related to the abuse, the findings as it pertains to this study are

congruent with (Laharnar et al., 2015). Several of the participants pointed

out symptoms of psychological disposition caused by IPV and stress. This

was aligned with previously done research by (Katula, 2012) emotionally

masking and concealing signs of IPV abuse, the victim can decrease

questions, suspicion, and judgment from supervisors and coworkers.

This was also aligned with previously finding as it relates to previous

research by Beecham (2014) there is a multivariate increasing amount of

implicated psychological factors of IPV at a victim's place of work.

This was also aligned with previously finding as it relates to previous

research by Beecham (2014) there is a multivariate increasing amount of

implicated psychological factors of IPV at a victim's place of work.

Theme 6: Lack of Appropriate Services for Victims

The majority of participants in this study noted that there were no

assessments or policies for intervention after they told administrators they

were victims of IPV in the workplace. Houston (2014) claimed that certain

degree of intervention is necessary to protect adult female victims.

Participant 1 explained her situation was so bad that she was fired and had to

stay at a shelter. She divulged that if there was a policy or services offered at

her place of employment for IPV victims, she could have had some legal

grounds to fight to keep her job. Another participant explained it would have

been tremendously helpful for her supervisor to have been properly trained

on how to manage IPV. Some participants explained there was no

information at their job about IPV, which led them to research the situation

on their own in order to find help. This finding was consisted with previous

research by Katula (2012) that suggested policies should be implemented to

help businesses and organizations actively deal with domestic violence

through security personnel management. Overall, this study revealed that

there was a paucity of information and materials for victims of IPV in public

sector workplaces.

Theme 7: IPV Impact on Workplace Culture

Study participants indicted that IPV impacted their workplace

culture, job responsibilities, professional roles, focus, and efficiency. All

study participants described how IPV had devastating effects on their

economic stability, in some cases because they were terminated from their

jobs. One revelation of a participant was not being able to support housing or

afford meals for their children. Previous research has not mentioned inflated

housing costs and the relation a variation to what homeless individual earns

individual earns that is affected by IPV and employment and economic

stability issues was not also mentioned.

Participants also reported that they experienced psychological issues,

including depression, stress, anxiety, and excessive worry, as a result of

being an IPV victim at work. This was aligned with previous research by

Wong & Mellor, 2014 on the mitigating effects of IPV may be extensive and

direct (such as disability and chronic illness), indirect (such as self-perceived

health and health behaviors), or all three (Wong & Mellor, 2014).

Participants revealed that psychological effects can be experienced by them

opposing force of victims of IPV in the public work sector. Previous

research mentions that there are implicated psychological effects on victims

of IPV in the public work sector (Laharnar et al., 2015).

Theme 8: Economic Implications

Thirteen participants explained IPV, and the resulting employment

instability, caused economic hardship. This was aligned with previous

research Bowman, Dukes, & Moore, 2012. In 2009–2010, U.S. school

districts identified 939,903 children experiencing homelessness, with

179,863 (19 %) of the children naming shelters, including domestic violence

shelters, as their primary residence. Some participants revealed that

economic implications were so drastic that they were unable to afford basic

necessities. This finding was consistent to previously done research by

Adams et al. (2012) there was conducted a cross sectional survey in which

54% of women reported that they had experienced at least one form of

material hardship in the 12 months preceding their final interview. Adams et

al. (2012) revealed that 12% had their utilities shut off and 31% had their

phone disconnected or went without a phone because they were unable to

afford the cost. Seventeen percent reported that their family did not have

enough food to eat. Housing was also a problem for some women: 6% had

been evicted, 19% moved in with someone to share the household expenses,

and 6% had been homeless in the past year and had to move into a shelter

some found themselves unable to take care of basic needs. Three participants

highlighted that they never want to be in a situation where they cannot afford

to do for their children again.

Theme 9: Refusing to Remain a Victim in the Public Work

Sector

Eight participants gave descriptions of them or others refusal of

`remaining a victim in the public work sector. Participants revealed that they

educated others about IPV in the public work sector. Participants provided a

description of efforts of not remaining a victim but being a role model to

other victims. Two participants in the study highlighted as long as they are

living, they are going to seek out others and help them. One participant

explained she will tell her story to help others seek help and let them know

they are not alone. Two participants reported that they refused to be a victim

again, and if they are exposed to IPV they are going to get a lawyer. As it

relates to this finding the information documented in this theme, was not the

literature of origination as a contribution on IPV and victim’s employment

stability. Victims of IPV within the public sector that are exposed to

negative behavior have been highlighted by this study and can empower and

commend others to assimilate in their behavioral and motivational outlook.

This aligned with previously done research by (McLaren, 2013) that pointed

out that follow-ups and outreach encouraged success, and that these things

can also take place in a woman’s natural social settings

Theme 10: Looking Towards the Future

All participants in this study mentioned the need for continuous

efforts to raise consciousness, disseminate knowledge, and develop

education and training related to IPV intervention and prevention in the

public sector. One participant noted that in order to reduce the impact of

domestic violence at the workplace, you must educate employees as well as

supervisors. Another participant explained if there was a federal law

protecting victims, all abused women could be protected from IPV at the

workplace. This aligned with previous research by (Rayner-Thomas et al.,

2016) raising awareness about the effects of IPV on victims and employers

has been a contribution in the advancement of recognition to address the

impact domestic violence has on the workplace.

Limitations of the Study

One limitation of the study was its small sample size, as I only

interviewed 15 domestic violence victims who had experienced IPV at their

public place of employment. The participants in this study ages ranged from

20- 42, All individualized accounts by participants were descriptive through

their provisional representation of the phenomenon of IPV in the public

work sector. The voices of the participants along with personal experience

of being a victim of IPV in the public work sector, were a contributory asset

in in the spectrum of accountability to the characterization of ramifications

that IPV victims experience.

The experiences of the victims as it relates to their perceptional

conceptualized understanding and perceived thoughts were a depiction of the

population in direct relation to the issue of IPV in the public work sector and

employment stability. Another limitation was related to the nature of the data

collected. The study relied on participants’ individual thoughts, experiences,

and perceptions. In addition, the focus of the study was on female victims of

IPV in the public sector workplaces in south and the general conditions of

the public work sector may not be accurately depicted in this particular

sample. An additional major limitation to this study was it pertained to just

the public sector.

The potential of my professional and personal experiences was used to

avoid researcher bias. My intent was to adhere to the voices of the

participants and their experiences in order to raise awareness about the plight

of IPV victims who experience abuse at work. Bracketing was used in my

field notes to prevent my judgments or opinions from influencing my

interpretation of the data.

Recommendations for Future Research

The study was an effort to engage the voices of victims about the

phenomenon of IPV and its effects on employment in the public work sector.

There were 15 participants in this study, and all were victims of IPV in the

public work sector. All believed that there is a need for a sound proactive

public policy to address abuse in the workplace. All participants believed

that a proactive IPV policy could emancipate women from the economic

instability caused by disclosing instances of abuse and asking for help from

employers. Future research on the phenomenon of IPV should further

explore the trend of firing abuse victims who ask for help. Further research

is also needed on the lack of state and city regulations law to help victims of

IPV in the public work sector. Some local laws provide protection for female

IPV victims at the workplace. However, victims can be considered partly

protected since there is no established public policy that focuses on IPV

employment issues faced by the public work sector of this dossier that can

help provide a platform for victims. Further research could focus on various

aspects of victims’ experiences with IPV in the workplace.

Victims’ voices can be used to advocate for employee protection by

providing important insight into how IPV is dealt with in the public work

sector. Victims of IPV, employers, and public work sector administration

can take joint ownership in developing protection for victims. Studies like

this one can be used to urge organizations, policymakers, and lawmakers to

create protections for people who experience IPV in the workplace.

Future research on IPV in the public sector can help women face how

it can be an undermining confidence within the margins of the blueprint on

the eternal dynamics of safety. Some victims can be paralyzed by the fear of

losing their jobs. Internal discourse and discord of the different

considerations demonstrate a need for an internal from the top down. Further

research could address the strain of credibility when a public work entity

addresses the visceral emotion caused by IPV.

Further research is a push to give victims of IPV and employment the

hope that a public work sector policy can help with mounting tensions of

IPV and employment stability. Having a sound policy work sector policy on

IPV can provide support so victims can survive the cycle of pain produced

by IPV and employment instability. However, this explains the fact that

facilitates should construct a policy based on public work sector application

that institute information of an architectural design to facilitate chronic

conditions of IPV in the public sector.

Additional research could give more transparency to the reinforcement

of safety of victim’s echo chambers as it relates to the extracted experience

of abuse that becomes a filter prism. This reservoir of voices provides

commentary on the deepening peril of synergy that victims of IPV face, and

as it relates employment stability. Employment instability can create a hold

of precarious employment tenure under the arbitrary judgment of the public

work sector emphasizes the gravity. This study pertains to participants’

experience of deep insidious acts of IPV and the belief that educating

employees there can be a prevention inject toxicity and can possibly prevent

the sowing discourse in the public work. Despite the fact that IPV victims

have their own personal experiences, public sector policymakers should be

resolute and unambiguous in their approaches to mitigating the effects of

IPV on employment stability.

This research is not an abstract public workplace policy argument, it is

an attempt to promote further research, as well as policies, to protect victims

of IPV at work. IPV and victim’s employment stability can bring victims

into ridicule and disgrace. As it relates to legal issues, all considerations and

avenues need to be open and compulsively optimistic as it relates honest and

realistic discussion on the effects of IPV and employment stability are

directionally accurate. Further research on IPV and employment in the

public work sector can provide useful insights for administrators.

Implications

Implications for Positive Social Change

This study was unique from past conclusions because it highlighted

the voices of victims as they discussed IPV and employment instability in

the public sector. The awareness of IPV in the public work sector grants

victims the opportunity to receive protection. This study expands on

previous research by focusing on the economic impact of IPV for victims in

the public work sector. It demonstrates how public policy on this issue could

produce positive changes for women dealing with IPV at work.

This study may increase awareness of the issue of IPV in public sector

workplaces. By providing detailed narratives from IPV victims, the study

gives voice to IPV survivors and breaks down the dynamics between IPV

and employment instability. The victims of IPV are protected in the public

work sector. The potential impact of IPV on the public work sector can be

Protractive from an optics prospective of scathing situations coupled with a

range of employment issues.

Conclusion

The victims’ narratives presented in this study reflect their lived

experiences with IPV in the workplace and demonstrate the urgency of

developing organizational and legal protections for victims. The pain that

victims of IPV revealed should prompt policymakers and organizations to

create solid public workplace IPV policies. All entities in the public work

sector should help women exist in safety by not standing by as passive

observers of abuse. Effective public policies related to IPV in the public

work sector can help victims avoid isolation, frustration, and decreased work

performance. Workplace policies that address IPV could minimize the

experience of being abused by employers and aid help victims navigate

tumultuous situations of IPV.

The data from this study indicated that victims experience various

degrees of unemployment, interpersonal conflict. Victims who have been

affected by IPV abusers can be invaluable information in the public work

sector. It is upon administrators in the public work sector. This study can be

used for training and educating supervisors on the issues IPV in the

workplace, and for the importance of administrators’ roles as empathetic

leaders.

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