Nepalese Masculinity and its Relationship to Violence
Against Women
Chapter One: Introduction
Background
Nepal is a highly male-dominant country (Panthhe & McCutcheon, 2015), with a patrilocal
and patrilineal system in which a particular religious belief emphasises the primacy of men
in the family (Rai, Paudel, Ghimire, Pokharel, Rijal and Niraula, 2014). According to
Lawoti (2010), the patrilocal structures reinforce patriarchy and exclusion by increasing
women’s vulnerability, making them dependent upon men, such as their fathers when they
are young, their husbands in adulthood, and their sons in old age. Patrilocal marriage
separates women from their families; they were born to begin a new life in a new place and
must rely on their husbands to survive and build social networks in the new home. This
increases their vulnerability (Lawoti, 20110). Abrejo, Shaikh, and Rizvi (2009) argue that
the cultural context of Nepal, influenced by the dominant Hindu religion, and the
patrilineal structure of Nepali society assign high importance and value to sons. This is
primarily due to their perceived roles in performing funeral rites, continuing the family
name, and bringing in a daughter-in-law (a wife and dowry) who can help to support aged
parents. They consequently have more power and control over family’s resources,
particularly land and property, and over the women of the family. The great sacred book
Bhagavad-Gita of the Hindu religion of Nepal reflects men as God, creators of the world,
warriors, and protectors of the family, whereas women are the supporters of men (Lawoti,
2010). The book demonstrates that the existence of women derives only from their
association with men. A woman’s highest purpose is to support the warriors in the family:
her father, brother, husband, and sons (Lawoti, 2010). In this regard, Pun, Tjomsland,
Infanti and Darj (2020) claim that Hindu Scripture has given men sociocultural privileges
which subordinate women. For instance, the Goddess of beauty and wealth, Laxmi
[female], sits at the foot of lord Bishnu [male]. This ancient tradition has been handed
down throughout history, and still exists today.
Given this background, the tendency of male domination in Nepal is highly
prevalent in its society, and this relates to the significant problem of violence against
women. Das (2017), in ‘Sati Custom in Nepal: a historical perspective’, mentions Nepal’s
long discriminatory legacy. Until a century ago, 'Sati' customs required widows to
selfimmolate on their deceased husband's funeral pyre. Widows who refused to accompany
their husbands onto the funeral pyre were burned alive. This custom was an extreme
example of socially-sanctioned prejudice against women in Nepal. Nanda et al. (2012)
confirm that men in Nepali societies are seen as essential for the family's survival and for
aged parents’ social security. Sons are also assigned a greater value than daughters because
they are entrusted with economic, sociocultural, and religious responsibilities.
Similarly, Guilmoto (2007) contends that men's societal primacy has resulted in
entrenched discriminatory practices against women, severely affecting their status, health,
and development, as well as exerting enormous pressure to have sons. It has also led to
stereotypical views of masculinity and impunity for engaging men in socially-sanctioned
violence (Guilmoto, 2007). Lawoti (2010) confirms that the exclusion of women and the
prevalence of patriarchy in Nepal is strengthened within different informal social
institutions. This occurs for example in the Hindu and Islamic religious traditions which
treat women’s bodies as an object of purity, and kinship structures that make women
dependent on the male members of the family.
Male control over economic resources limits women's autonomy, while a political
system controlled by men diminishes their influence and discourages them from
participating in politics (Lawoti, 2010). Uprety (2016) regards the social norms of
traditional masculinities and femininities, social structure (male dominance in leadership
positions in public institutions), and law (that reinforces social norms of masculinities and
femininities), as the ‘three heads of Hydra’ (p. 509). These work together to sustain
patriarchy and violence against women (VAW) in Nepal. Nepalese gender disparity is
evident where women’s access to social, economic, and other facilities and opportunities
are lower than those available to men (Government of Nepal, 2016). Even though the
Nepalese Government has taken legal and social steps to advance gender parity, the effect
has been limited due to poor implementation (Government of Nepal 2016; Upreti, 2016;
Mahat, 2003). According to Paudel (2007), VAW in Nepal is a long-standing problem
related to men's attitudes towards women. Men feel superior to women, attempt to keep
women subservient and conduct acts of violence if women deny it (Paudel, 2007). Violence
also occurs if women cannot comprehend men's thinking, so they behave in ways to please
them and fulfil their reproductive responsibilities and household chores (Paudel, 2007).
According to Murphy (2003), the authority of men is reflected in shaping a nation's
laws and policies. It contributes to placing women in subservient positions in the domestic
domain, where they are economically dependent on men, and in the public sphere, where
they have little or no decision-making power. A recently revised Citizenship Bill in the
Federal Parliament in 2020 supports Murphy’s (2003) analysis of the position of women in
society. It shows Nepal’s unequal treatment of women. The Citizenship Bill (2020) grants
naturalised citizenship to a foreign woman married to a Nepali man who has been a
resident of Nepal for seven years. However, the bill does not include the provision
allowing foreign men to marry Nepalese women, which eliminates the possibility of
Nepalese women granting citizenship to a foreign-born husband (Government of Nepal,
2020).
Similarly, the Government of Nepal (2015) has inconsistencies between citizenship
and equality of rights articles in Part 3 of Nepal's Constitution (2015). While the
Constitution guarantees equality of rights and prohibits gender-based discrimination in Part
3 (Article 18), Article 11 (5) concerning citizenship contains discriminatory provisions that
grant Nepali men and women unequal rights when conferring citizenship on their children.
Citizenship by descent will be granted to children born to a Nepali father and a foreign
mother. In contrast, naturalised citizenship will be granted to children born to a Nepali
mother and a foreign father. Allison (2017) claims that patriarchal influence is seen in the
Constitution of Nepal 2015 and the unequal citizenship law. Dhamala’s (2019) research
also claims that the current citizenship provisions reflect and enforce patriarchy in Nepal.
Violence Against Women
In most societies and cultures, there is a clear contrast between how men and women are
supposed to socialise and behave, with gender inequality being firmly instilled in families
from an early age (Dhar, Jain & Jayachandran, 2015). VAW is correlated with social
attitudes; when individuals view violence as socially acceptable, it can contribute to a
culture that perpetuates VAW (Kury et al., 2004). Ferrer-Pérez and Bosch-Fiol (2014)
assert that aggressive behaviour is more likely to persist when these actions are tolerated by
society; abusive men are not punished, and women do not receive adequate support and
justice. Although numerous feminist movements have condemned these acts of violence
(Basu, 2018), gender biases continue to impact our communities (Jayachandran, 2015).
VAW is still considered a feminist issue and is not usually given priority over other
offences (Regan, Lovett, & Kelly, 2004).
VAW is the sytematic and persistent human rights violations worldwide (Ellsberg et
al., 2015; Michau et al., 2015). According to the United Nations General Assembly (1993),
“VAW encompasses any form of violence rooted in gender, which results in or has the
potential to cause physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women. It also
encompasses actions such as threats, coercion, and unjust limitations on freedom,
regardless of whether they occur in public or private contexts” (UN General Assembly,
1993). In addition, according to the United Nations General Assembly (2006), VAW is
entrenched in social systems as opposed to being arbitrary and individual, transcending
age, socioeconomic, academic, and geographic limits. It remains a formidable barrier to the
worldwide eradication of discrimination and injustice (United Nations General Assembly,
2006).
Krahè (2018) argues that VAW is the consequence of a socially-constructed
consensus on the roles and rights of men and women. Vandello and Cohen (2008) also
consider that the causes of VAW are in a society's social structure, value systems, or a
particular social group (Vandello & Cohen, 2003; Vandello & Cohen, 2008). The
acceptance of violence is also linked with societies’ patriarchal structures, creating a
favourable context for male perpetrators (Stith, Smith, Penn, Ward & Tritt, 2003). For
example, Vandello and Cohen’s (2003) study on male honour and female fidelity among
Brazilian respondents reflected that a man with an unfaithful wife was less robust and less
masculine than a man with a faithful wife. Therefore, this experiment suggested that a
woman’s infidelity diminishes her partner’s reputation, which could be redeemed by
violence against her.
Similarly, VAW is manifested by men-centric social orders and power differences
between men and women, with men dominating women in most areas of public and private
life (Krahè, 2018; Vandello; Hunnicutt, 2009 & Cohen, 2008). Research conducted by
Balzani (2009) on VAW in South Asian communities residing in the United Kingdom
detailed the conviction of a Pakistani man for committing domestic violence of his
selfreliant and confident wife. Balzani (2009) claims that the man could not comprehend
the new social world and believed assertive and independent women were unethical. He
could not live up to his conceptions of a South Asian married man, whom he had been
raised to believe was financially independent and able to command his household.
Therefore, he found a sense of self in masculinity through violence and tried to control his
wife.
VAW is pervasive, yet women’s experiences of seeking help when faced with
violence and the justice system’s response remain unexplored in South Asia (Jejeebhoy,
Santhya & Acharya, 2014; Pandey, 2018). Research findings by Jayasuriya, Wijewardena
and Axemo (2011) suggest that VAW disclosure and recourse were not considered for most
abused women in Sri Lanka. The findings reveal that a significant portion of abused
women, precisely 58%, chose to remain silent and never disclosed or discussed the
violence they experienced with anyone. This decision was influenced by several factors,
including feelings of embarrassment (43%), concerns about the reputation of their family
(24%), fear of experiencing more violence (12%), and acceptance of violence as a
normative behaviour perpetuated by their family, friends, and communities (8%).
Stigmatisation and character judgement of abused women by service providers such as
police, health care providers, shelters, and communities was another reason abused women
prefer not to express themselves (Jayasuriya, Wijewardena & Axemo, 2011).
Stavrou, Poynton, and Weatherburn's (2016) research on Australian women's
helpseeking behaviours revealed that only 27% of violent incidents were reported to the
police. Despite this, 69% of women sought advice or support from friends and family,
general practitioners, counsellors, and support workers after experiencing violence. This
study suggests that women did not report the assault to the police because they believed
they could manage the situation on their own, did not believe it was a severe offence,
feared their partner, did not want their partner arrested, and were ashamed. The findings
highlight the difficulties women face when determining whether or not to report violence to
police. Similarly, a study by Postmus, Severson, Berry and Yoo (2009) carried out in a
midwestern state in the United States learned that service providers’ prioritisation of
emotional, psychological, and legal support is not the most helpful for abused women. In
contrast, tangible support, such as food, housing, financial assistance, and religious and
spiritual counselling, were viewed as the most beneficial (Postmus et al., 2009).
Violence Against Women in Nepal
VAW in Nepal is a widespread issue, although it is often underreported
(Government of Nepal, 2016; Paudel, 2007). According to Lamichhane, Puri, Tamang, and
Dulal (2011), the presence of structural inequality between men and women, along with
cultural, social, and religious practices that uphold women's inferior status within families
and society, serve as catalysts for VAW in Nepal. Similarly, Joshi and Kharel (2008) also
assert that sociocultural, economic, religious, and political biases reinforce male
dominance and enable systematic discrimination and violence to pervade women's
lives.
According to Paudel (2007), VAW in Nepal is a problem of men's attitudes towards
women. Men have an inherent sense of superiority over women, attempt to keep them
subservient and resort to violence if they cannot comprehend their desires and perform
household chores. Pradhananga and Shrestha (2002) agree with Paudel (2007) that families
want women to be subservient and submissive in gender roles. This suggests that societal
norms and expectations put women in a less valuable position and compel them to follow
conventional gender roles in their families. According to Sangroula (2005), gender-based
discrimination is a significant problem in Nepal, and society's stereotypical views of
women's roles and male-female relationships are holding women back. He also asserts that
the majority of Nepalese women are illiterate. The widely prevailing set of traditional
norms that reject change and prevent progress in the women’s lifestyles effectively blocks
access to education, empowerment, and development.
There is, therefore, a gender gap between men and women which creates higher
vulnerability and is manifestly subject to discrimination and exploitation. Pradhananga and
Shrestha (2002) also state that women’s low social status and limited decisionmaking
power, restricted access to resources, and information and embarrassment associated with
abuse exposure contribute to their heightened vulnerability to experiencing violence.
According to Deuba (1997), VAW is the result of unequal patriarchal power relations that
are deeply rooted in a social structure devised, reinforced, and maintained by male-
dominated sociopolitical institutions, ensuring that men, by virtue of their gender, have
power and control over women and children. VAW encompasses a wide spectrum of
exploitation and discrimination in Nepal, such as the
Kamlahari system, called modern slavery (Metzger, 2019; Maycock, 2012), Chhaupadi
Pratha, called menstrual period exiles (Kadariya & Aro, 2015; Bhandaree, Pandey, Rajak
& Pantha, 2013), domestic violence (Joshi & Kharel, 2008; Paudel, 2007), acid attacks
(Welsh, 2009), female infanticide (Vickery & Teijlingen, 2018), sex trafficking
(Richardson, Poudel & Laurie, 2009), and rape (Limbu & Hirachan, 2016). However, the
most common acts of VAW in Nepal are sexual offences, rape, and attempted rape (Atreya,
2021).
According to Sangroula (2005), these violent cases have a root cause in the flawed
value system of Nepalese society, which is being carried on as a social-cultural legacy.
According to the Nepal Police (2019), violent cases against women have increased since
the Nirmala Pant rape and murder protests nationwide. On 26 July 2018, a thirteen-year-
old girl was raped and murdered while returning home after studying at a friend’s house.
Nepal Police spotted her dead body in a nearby sugarcane field the next day. A recorded
video of the crime scene went viral on social media, showing a male police officer washing
Nirmala’s trousers; this showed either an attempt to cover up for the perpetrator, or the
incompetency in the crime scene investigation by on-duty police officers. The post-mortem
report revealed that Nirmala was raped and strangled (Deuba, 2021).
The year 2018 was the year of Nepal’s mass action, as the rape and murder of
Nirmala Pant evoked strong national responses and widespread protests. From 2015 to
2020, the highest rate of VAW was in 2018/2019, with 19,204 acts of VAW (Nepal Police,
2019). The Nepal Police factsheet (July 2017-July 2020) states that out of total crime, 40%
of crimes are gender-based violence, where 86.4 % of the offenders are boys and men and
13.06% of offenders are women and girls. Similarly, 5.5% of victims are boys and men,
and 94.5% are girls and women. The analysis of crime based on relationships suggests that
acquaintances committed 78.54% of crimes, and an unknown offender committed 21.46%.
The data shows that women and girls are the primary victims, while men and boys are the
major offenders. This data supports findings in the research conducted by Atreya et al.
(2021) in Nepal which found that uncontrollable men aggressively disrobe women, causing
violence, injuries, and even murder. They become violent when rejected, leading to various
forms of violence due to hegemonic masculinity
(Atreya et al., 2021).
Atreya et al. (2021) further argue that most Nepalese men consider women inferior
despite the law guaranteeing them equal rights. The law forbids a husband from having
sexual activity without a wife's consent; that is considered marital rape and illegal.
However, Nepalese society views marriage as consent for sex and ignores female rights
(Atreya et al., 2021). Suppose a stranger in the dark forces a woman to have sex; it is
undoubtedly an act of rape. However, the scenario is perceived differently if the female had
brought a friend into her room (Harne, 2002). Many blame the woman for inviting a man
into her apartment, especially if they had been drinking before the incident (Harne, 2002).
Our society prioritises cultural and social values over legal guilt when discussing violence
(Kaplan, 2016). The societal norms and values of an individual decide "what constitutes
rape," "why and when it was wrong," and "who is liable" (Baker, 2018). This social-
cultural legacy influences lawmakers, law systems, and responsible authorities (Atreya et
al., 2021). Therefore, many women, like Nirmala Pant, do not get justice and the
perpetrators remain unpunished (Dulal, 2022).
Everyone is born equal, but Nepalese society creates and perpetuates the concept of
masculinity in males, elevating men to a superior status. Males are raised with the practice
of hegemonic masculinity that undermines women's consent, not only in sexual concerns
but also in other household problems (Connell, 2005). Concerning the patriarchal social
behaviour in which male entitlement to sex is deeply established, I argue that addressing
these deeply founded social issues will lessen violence against women.
Research Objectives
This research aims to identify the relationship between masculinity and VAW in Nepal by
firstly exploring the ways masculinities are constructed in Nepalese society, then analysing
the impact of masculinity on violence against women, and finally considering how men
could contribute to reducing it. The overall research question and relevant sub-questions to
address the above objectives are presented below.
What is the relationship between masculinity and violence against women in Nepal?
•How are masculinities constructed?
•How has masculinity impacted violence against women?
•In what ways can men engage in reducing violence against women?
Significance of the Research
The research conducted in Nepal holds significant importance due to the various forms of
violence experienced by Nepalese women and their disproportionate impact. This violence
is closely linked to the unequal power dynamics between women and men and the
strategies employed to maintain or reinforce such inequality (Singh, Timsina & Dhimal,
2016). Men’s threats of rejection, sexual monopoly, acts of supremacy, and restriction on
personal freedoms are oppressive and discriminatory. These cause physical, emotional,
psychological, and financial harm to women (Joshi & Kharel, 2008). Therefore, the first
step to understanding and solving the problem is identifying how these stereotyped
conceptions and mindsets towards women are constructed in Nepal.
This research is distinct from other VAW research in Nepal. It does not focus on the
survivors of VAW, or on women to try to uncover its root causes; instead, it focuses on
men, who according to Joshi (2008), are the perpetrators of most forms of VAW in Nepal.
This research argues that masculinities are constructed, re-constructed, circulated, and
practised in various sociocultural contexts. The data explores how norms, beliefs, values,
and cultures construct and re-construct Nepalese masculinities.
According to Connell (2005), research on men has been largely absent from gender
studies (Connell et al., 2005); therefore, this research on men and masculinities aims to
place men at the centre of the study. According to Peletz (1995), there is a need for
additional research on men and masculinities in Asia, where masculinity and its
constructions are regarded as normal. The enormous body of literature on gender in Asia
focuses almost exclusively on women's lives, and Nepal is included in this category. There
is a great deal of literature on the peripheral status of women in Nepal, focusing on
improving access to legal and social services for victims, their quality of health, and the
provision of temporary shelters. Frequent conversations have also centred on VAW, its
effects, the victim's survival techniques, and coping mechanisms to avoid it. Nevertheless,
there is a severe lack of sustained analyses of the social construction of masculinity and
hegemonic masculinity, as well as the relationship between VAW and the construction of
masculinity.
Furthermore, even if much of the study done in VAW focuses on women, the cases
of VAW registered at the Office of Nepal Police suggest that VAW has not been reduced.
According to Flood (2015), prevention requires readdressing the structural and social
constructional system. This study focuses on the perspectives and beliefs of men to gain a
comprehensive understanding of masculinity construction in Nepal to minimise the risk of
VAW.
The research participants include men aged 20 and above with distinct experiences,
opinions, and education. The differences in their demographic profile provide an
opportunity to uncover various constructs of masculinity. This study brings new knowledge
to understanding Nepali masculinity through the participants' contextual differences. This
research explores how masculinity is nourished broadly through societal perspectives and
often leads to and affects VAW. As this study broadly focuses on understanding existing
social stereotypes, male supremacy over women, and myths in Nepal from men’s
perspectives, it follows the social construction of masculinity and hegemonic masculinity
theory as a framework to organise the research.
The construction of masculinity theory is a study of sociocultural ideology that
demonstrates men-women relations, the structure of male role norms, and attitudes and
beliefs (Thompson, Grisanti &Pleck, 1985). Hegemonic masculinity theory helps to clarify
men’s domination over women (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). The chosen theoretical
perspectives are vital for this research, creating new concepts and understandings in the
VAW research in Nepal. The data collected using an online quantitative survey may limit
the depth of understanding of the issues, but it will provide future researchers with the
chance for qualitative, in-depth research in a multiple-gender context.
Nepal has established clear legal provisions defining various forms of violence
against women (VAW) and their corresponding punishments. The country has also ratified
international laws and human rights treaties, including the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against
Women (CEDAW), demonstrating its commitment to protecting women's rights. However,
despite these legal measures and international obligations, VAW remains a widespread
problem in Nepal. Cultural, economic, and religious factors strongly reinforce male
dominance and the subordinate status of women, contributing to the persistence of VAW.
Consequently, violence against women and the underreporting of incidents are common in
the country (Singh, Timsina & Dhimal, 2016). This research can provide different
perspectives on the government’s steps to strictly implement legal measures, and to push
for the changes in social, legal, and governmental structure needed to prioritise women. It
can also provide different perspectives on the education campaigns for all, focusing on men
to challenge the discriminatory attitudes and beliefs of other men and women, and the
running of women empowerment campaigns to make decisions and take actions in
response to VAW.
Flood (2015) states that effecting change in men is best achieved by working with
them to promote gender equality. This study also highlights men’s engagement strategies in
reducing VAW and promoting gender equality. As Namy, Heilman, Stich, Crownover, Leka
and Edmeades (2015) assert, while there is growing discussion about why there is a need to
engage men and boys, there is less conversation on exploring how men’s involvement in
reducing VAW can be facilitated. This study also aims to address this gap.
Limitations of the Research
The first potential limitation is related to the data collection method of the research. The
research data is collected using a Qualtrics online survey. In an online survey, there is a
possibility of untruthful responses by respondents due to their biases. Therefore, the data
may not be able to determine the respondents’ emotions without them cooperating in
faceto-face conversations.
Another limitation is the representativeness of the sample size. The chosen sample
size of 197 male participants in Nepal, in comparison to the overall male population of
Nepal, is relatively small. Therefore, the findings may be deemed as a partial depiction of
Nepali men as a whole. However, the representation of 197 men aged from 20 to over 40
years from all over the country highlights the base findings of the research.
Similarly, another limitation is the lack of many prior research studies on the topic.
As a result, it has taken some time to understand the foundations and characteristics of the
research problem. In addition, responses based on the participant age groups limited in
terms of gaining an equal participation of responses. The age group of above 20 and under
30 participants were higher in number than other age groups.
Thesis Structure
This thesis comprises of six chapters, which are summarized as follows:
•Chapter One, Introduction, establishes the research context by providing a global and
Nepalese overview of violence against women. This chapter explores the connection
between masculinity and violence against women. It also outlines the objectives,
significance, and limitations of the study.
•Chapter Two is one of the two chapters comprising the literature review. Its primary
focus is on the theoretical perspective on masculinity and its relation to VAW in Nepal.
This section reviews the social construction of masculinity and hegemonic masculinity
and discusses the analytical lenses used to achieve the research objectives.
•Chapter Three discusses the approach utilised in this research. It begins by discussing
the epistemological position of social constructionism and hegemonic masculinity
theory. It then outlines the study design, data collection tools, data collection process
and analysis. The chapter ends with a discussion on reliability, validity, and ethical
considerations.
•Chapter Four is the second literature review chapter, which examines global
masculinity, South Asian masculinity, and masculinity in Nepal. In addition, it reviews
the literature on men's attitudes towards violence against women, rape myths, and
victim blaming. Lastly, it reviews men's engagement in preventing violence against
women.
•Chapter Five analyses the data gathered to accomplish the research objectives. The
analysis focuses on finding new knowledge on the main themes; masculinity as a social
construct, masculinity and attitudes towards women, masculinity, and attitudes towards
violence against women, and masculinity and its connection to victim-blaming.
•Chapter Six, the concluding chapter, consists of a discussion linking the results to the
research objectives and questions. It summarises the key findings and places them
within the context of the broader literature. It concludes with a summary of the research
contributions, limitations, and future recommendations for the raised issues.
Chapter Summary
This chapter introduced the context of the research by emphasising the social status of men
and women. It also discussed how the significance of men in society translates into
entrenched discriminatory practices against women. It explained the cultural and social
differences between men and women and established a connection between men's attitude
problems towards women and women's vulnerability to violence. The VAW was discussed
in a global and Nepalese context. The significance of this research, as well as its purposes,
objectives, and limitations, were described. The following chapter will provide a
theoretical analysis of the research literature.
Chapter Two: Theoretical Perspectives on Masculinity and its Relationship to
Violence Against Women in Nepal
Introduction
This chapter begins with a critical examination of the concepts of the social construction of
masculinity theory, which lays the groundwork for an argument on the construction of
Nepalese masculinity. The chapter then explains the perspective of hegemonic masculinity
theory to outlook the connection between Nepalese masculinity and violence against
women. It concludes by highlighting the theoretical notions of masculinity followed by this
research.
Social Construction of Masculinity
Social constructionism explains the process by which people interpret their surroundings
(Gergen, 1985). According to Muehlenhard and Kimes (1999), Social constructionists
study the language used to comprehend the world. They examine how cultural, social, and
political factors shape word definitions and event interpretations. Social constructionists
also analyse the benefits and drawbacks of various definitions and interpretations
(Muehlenhard and Kimes, 1999). It is a theory of knowledge that examines social issues
of gender, ethnicity, class, ability, and sexuality as human definitions and interpretations
influenced by historical and cultural contexts (Subramaniam, 2010 cited in Muehlenhard
& Kimes, 1999). Therefore, one could contend that VAW is a product of society and is
rooted in its various structure and culture.
Muehlenhard and Kimes (1999) believe that society’s dominant groups in power
decide whose behaviour is defined as violent, under what circumstances, and by whom.
The individuals responsible for determining violent behaviour are influenced by the
societal interests of those in positions of power. The social constructionism theory claims
that individuals can identify some actions negatively while ignoring and implicitly
condoning others. The manner in which these terms are defined influences how individuals
categorize, interpret, assess, and incorporate their own experiences. “This theory posits
several presumptions about power dynamics and intimidation, sexual orientation, and
gender” (Muehlenhard, Powch, Phelps, & Giusti, 1992, p. 24).
This means that a social constructionist view can be utilised to show that
individuals, groups, and societies ascribe traits, status, or values to individuals based on
their sex. It can be used to highlight how culture categorises ‘men’ and ‘women’ within
societal institutions. Indeed, many researchers suggest that masculinities are constructed
differently according to the social conditions in which people are situated. Thompson,
Grisanti and Pleck (1985) consider the construction of masculinity as a culture-based
ideology scripting men-women relations, the structure of male role norms, and attitudes
and beliefs. This perspective prioritises values, ideologies, experiences, and meanings
natural for men or required to be a man in a particular social context (Flood, 2002).
According to this viewpoint, different social and cultural environments can present various
interpretations or manifestations of men's behaviours.
Similarly, the social construction of masculinity theorists, such as James
Messerschmidt and Raewyn Connell, consider masculinity a male trait constructed and
reconstructed daily in relationships with other people (Messerschmidt, 1993; Connell,
2005). They claim that VAW is one aspect that constructs masculinity. According to
Kaufman (1987), masculinity is perceived as a desirable set of traits for men, including
qualities like strength, courage, rationality, intellect, and sexual desire. However, when
these characteristics are distorted within the framework of masculine norms and other
characteristics associated with femininity are excluded, they can be oppressive and
detrimental. These norms are transmitted to boys and young men through various channels,
such as families, schools, the media, peer groups, and social institutions (Kimmel & Wade,
2018). Moreover, men individually interpret and internalise these norms (Barker, 2001;
Kimmel et al., 2005; Pulerwitz & Barker, 2008; Tekkas, 2015). For example, boys acquire
and exhibit masculine values like competitiveness, toughness, and aggressiveness through
their participation in sports (Tekkas, 2015).
Butler's concept of 'performativity' is also helpful in theorising the processes from
which identities are constructed. According to Butler, the performance of the gender labels
'male' and 'female' is indispensable and unconscious; that is, one's gender is formed
through repeated performances within a rigid regulatory framework (Butler, 1990). It
encapsulates the difficulties of comprehending the construction of gender, in which
individuals act unconsciously through a sequence of repeated behaviours following and
opposing gender norms. Human behaviour is influenced by a combination of conscious and
subconscious factors, often shaped by societal norms and expectations. Patriarchy plays a
significant role in reinforcing the binary understanding of masculinity (Omar, 2011). In
patriarchal societies, notions of masculinity are characterized by the dominance exerted
over women and other men (Lorber, 1994; Carrigan, Connell, & Lee, 1985). These societal
constructions create perceived differences between males and females. Lorber (1994)
offers a simple example by contrasting a doll and a baseball bat, illustrating how it is
commonly assumed that the baseball bat is intended for a young boy. Such social
boundaries are actively policed and reinforced, influencing our understanding of what it
means to be masculine and shaping expectations for male behaviour in various contexts.
Pascoe and Bridges (2016) argue that a socially constructed identity, performance,
power, privilege, and masculinity structure is changeable and fluid. In their view, if men
find challenges in performing and protecting their socially constructed identity and power,
they tend to follow any strategy to protect it, even a criminal strategy. Therefore, the social
constructionist perspective of masculinity allows for theorising the crime of sexual
violence committed by men against women (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Pascoe &
Bridges, 2016), and an exploration of masculine perceptions and power in society
(Connell, 1995). For instance, Totten’s (2003) research on girlfriend abuse as a form of
masculinity construction found that VAW by men is a strategy to construct masculine
domination. Men in different structural settings employ various forms of violence based on
their resources, depending on the ideologies embraced over time and in their structural
space. A young man raised in a culture that prioritises the social status and power of men
over those of women would likely exhibit dominating masculinity in accordance with
prevalent cultural norms (Tekkas, 2015).
This research project considers social constructionism as the primary analytical tool
through which researchers can explore the construction of masculinity and its relations to
violence against women. It also aligns with the view that since masculinity is a performed
social identity, men can positively change the internalisations and expressions of their
masculinity traits by engaging with themselves to minimise the violence committed against
women. Hooks (1981) presented a viewpoint adopted by third-world feminists and women
of colour, challenged the concept of "women" as a political and analytical category. This
viewpoint asserts that categorising individuals based on gender tends to obscure the diverse
experiences of women and ignores the overlapping influences of ethnicity, class, and
gender on both men and women. Instead of focusing on gender as the cause of women's
oppression and men's dominance, feminists advocate for an approach that acknowledges
the various ways in which women and men can either benefit from or contribute to the
alleviation of exploitation experienced by marginalised individuals of different genders
(Ford & Lyons, 2012). This approach recognises the interconnected nature of various forms
of oppression and seeks to address the complexities of power dynamics more
comprehensively.
Similarly, Kimmel and Messner (2007) also argue that men and boys can transform
their way of expressing masculinity as they mature throughout their lives. They can
influence their families, friends, and societies for a better social cause to help support
violence against women. This suggests that men can be crucial in promoting gender
equality and fostering a safer environment for women through their actions and influence.
According to Kimmel and Messner (2008), the above theoretical review offers
analytical perspectives to address critical social issues related to masculinity and VAW.
These perspectives include the understanding that men and their masculinities are socially
learned rather than biologically determined. Additionally, the experience of masculinity is
not universally uniform or generalizable to all men but varies across individuals.
Masculinity is performed and experienced differently by different men, and there is no
absolute or fixed way of experiencing it. Moreover, masculinity is a socially constructed
identity that evolves and changes over time.
Informed by this social constructionist view of masculinities, this research explores
the relationship between the social construction of masculinity and VAW. It aims to
investigate how society constructs and practices masculinity in Nepal and how VAW is
shaped, influenced, or affected within Nepali social and cultural contexts. By adopting
these theoretical lenses, the research seeks to gain insights into the complex dynamics
between masculinity and VAW, focusing on the specific context of Nepal.
Hegemonic Masculinity
As stated previously, the social construction of masculinity has been meticulously
categorised in terms of cultural, structural, and societal experiences; it deconstructs the
perspectives of feminist thought regarding gender, sexuality, and power hierarchies
(Connell et al., 2005). Therefore, feminists, such as Black and Asian feminists rejected this
notion because it stifles women’s diversity and disregards the ways in which men and
women are racialised, classed, and gendered (Hooks, 1981). Collins (1999) examines the
notion of power hierarchies and asserts that by perceiving gender through intersectionality,
it is redefined as a collection of ideas and societal behaviours embedded within and
interdependently create various forms of oppression. This study incorporates the theory of
hegemonic masculinity, which holds considerable importance, as an additional perspective
for analyzing gender dynamics and exploring the link between masculinity and violence
directed towards women.
Connell's (1995) work introduces the concept of hegemonic masculinity to provide
an alternative viewpoint on gender norms and the relationship between masculinity and
power. Hegemonic masculinity is defined as the embodiment of current societal practices
that address the legitimacy of patriarchy, ensuring men's dominance and women's
subordination (Connell, 1995). According to this view, two forms of relationships influence
the gender hierarchy. They are: “hegemony, subordination, dominance, and complicity, and
authorisation or marginalisation” (Connell, 1995, p. 81). Also, “Subordinate masculinities
refer to those labelled as deviant, such as gay men, while marginalized masculinities are
shaped by factors like race, class, and ethnicity” (Howson, 2006, p. 63).
The concept of hegemonic masculinity, as proposed by (Connell, 1987) and further
identified by Connell and Messerschmidt (2005), highlights certain attitudes and
behaviours among men that perpetuate gender inequity. It encompasses the idea of men
exerting control over women and dominant men exercising authority over minority groups
of men. The concept has been extensively studied, discussed, and updated over time
(Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). According to Donaldson (1993), hegemonic masculinity
is both culturally idealised form and a personal and collective endeavour. Recent research
defines hegemonic masculinity as “a set of values created by powerful males that include
and exclude individuals while organising a society that perpetuates gender inequality”
(Jewkes & Morrell, 2012, p. 40). “This concept acknowledges the existence of a hierarchy
of masculinities, unequal power distribution among men (with women and other men), and
the dynamic interplay between men's identities, ideals, interactions, and patriarchal
systems” (Jewkes & Morrell, 2012, p. 40).
Hegemonic masculinity can be understood as a pattern of gendered practices. It
allows men’s dominance over women (Connell, 1995; Messerschmitt, 1993). This theory is
shaped by various aspects of society, such as class, ethnicity, institutional and political
spheres, and consumption patterns (Connell, 1995; Kimmel & Messner, 2008). However, it
is also associated with domination, aggression, and violence (Uprety, 2019; Connell, 1995).
Therefore, sexual assault and other forms of VAW are the direct results of uncontrollable
lust, domination, and power over women’s bodies (Connell, 1995). During their formative
years, many men internalise such forms of masculinity by observing their father’s
behaviour towards their mother, learning from friends, and community and institutional
structures (Totten, 2003).
According to Totten (2003) and Uprety (2019), there is a connection between the
concept of ideal masculinity and attributes such as physical strength, economic power,
emotional control, and reproductive capacity. These scholars argue that many men
experience a sense of psychological inadequacy if they cannot meet the societal
expectations of ideal masculinity. As a result, they may attempt to compensate for this
perceived deficiency by resorting to violent behaviours towards women whom they view as
subordinate (Uprety, 2019). Uprety (2019) and Pascoe and Bridges (2016) further suggest
that such violence is often justified and perpetuated by prevailing social norms and existing
social structures. They emphasize that in many communities, men tend to hold more
privilege and power than women, and this interplay of social norms and structures shapes
the beliefs and practices within the community (Pascoe & Bridges, 2016).
According to Connell (1995), hegemonic masculinity is constructed in society and
is closely associated with physical power, including the performance of physical violence
and engagement in heterosexual activities. These bodily practices are socially constructed
as defining characteristics of “true manhood” (Connell, 2005). In a study of young boys'
preschool practices that was carried out in Sweden, the concept of hegemonic masculinity
was frequently used to describe the normalisation of specific ways of being a boy, such as a
muscular body. This highlighted the power relations and regulated the practices and
hierarchies that were constituted between boys and girls in their daily interactions with one
another (Jewkes et al., 2015).
Anwary (2015) ’s research also supports Connell’s (1995; 2005) findings that
masculinity is connected to the body, especially the penis. She asserts that masculinity is
formed from men's dominant sexuality, in contrast to women's submissive and dependent
sexuality in heterosexual relationships. Male impotence poses a significant challenge to
men's concept of manhood in societies in which patriarchy is thoroughly ingrained and
institutionalised. She illustrates this claim with a man killing his wife and announcing
publicly in front of police and media that he stabbed his wife to death (Anwary, 2015). He
complained that his wife teased his impotence by talking to family and friends about it.
Therefore, according to her husband, she deserved to die (Anwary, 2015). This case
suggests that gender and violence are closely connected to sustain men’s dominance over
women using violence (Connell, 1995). It also indicates that exhibiting strength, resilience,
and a willingness to resort to violence are integral to hegemonic masculinity (Morrell,
Jewkes, Lindegger & Hamlall, 2013).
The connection between gender norms, social structures, and individuals is
complex, as they mutually influence each other with varying degrees of force and impact
over time. According to Morrell, Jewkes, and Lindegger (2012), hegemonic masculinity is
primarily used within social structures to elucidate how different forms of masculinity gain
validation through social institutions and groups. It is a problem for both women and men.
The system that maintains men's collective dominance over women and their competitive
relationships with other men has a negative effect on their relationships with their wives
and girlfriends. The impact is most clearly seen in a country like Nepal, where the
frustration about being unable to fulfil men’s expectations was perceived as a significant
source of violence (Pun et al., 2020). This suggests then that perhaps a change in
hegemonic masculinity can have tangible benefits for men and women.
This research aims to analyse the hegemonic masculinity theory through the lens
outlined in the previous section. Men internalise and practise masculinity according to the
hegemony theory. It also provides the basis for becoming the perfect and powerful man.
The link between violence against women and masculinity is reinforced by masculinity
theory. Violence effectively subjugates women. Men utilise violence to demonstrate and
defend their masculinity. If a man perceives that his masculinity is threatened, he may
employ violence to restore it.
Chapter Summary
This literature review chapter considered the relevant literature from a theoretical
perspective and discussed the theoretical framework for this research on the social
construction of masculinity and hegemonic masculinity. Notions of masculinity as a social
construct and the formation of masculinity within society were also discussed. The
theoretical framework for the main research questions was set up, and the proposed
framework developed for the project was presented. The subsequent chapter will provide a
comprehensive explanation of the methodology used to address the identified research
problem.
Chapter Three: Methodology
Introduction
This chapter provides an overview of the research methodology employed to achieve the
study's objectives, demonstrating that the chosen approach was suitable for accomplishing
the study's goals. Moreover, this chapter describes and justifies the research methodology,
what data was collected, how it was collected, from whom, and how it was analysed. It
also addresses the ethical implications of the study.
Epistemology of the Research
Epistemology refers to beliefs about knowledge and how knowledge is constructed, and the
philosophical assumptions made influence which methodologies and methods researchers
consider appropriate for addressing a research problem (Crotty, 1998). Cohen, Manion, and
Morrison (2007) argue that epistemology refers to “individuals' underlying assumptions
about the nature of knowledge, its form, and how it can be achieved and shared with
others” (p. 7).The epistemology of a researcher influences every decision they make during
the research process, from their initial assumptions about the state of knowledge to their
hypotheses, questions, and methodologies (Collins, 1990). It also influences how research
is interpreted and understood when analysing the findings (Collins, 1990).
While Trochim (2006) states that many quantitative researchers operate under
different epistemological assumptions from qualitative researchers, he advises that the
researcher should refrain from polarising the differences between qualitative and
quantitative approaches. He claims that all quantitative data is fundamentally rooted in
qualitative judgments, and, all qualitative data can be subjected to numerical
representations and descriptions. According to Bryman (2008), when we talk about
quantitative methods, we think about positivism (post), and when we talk about qualitative
methods, we think about constructivism, constructionism, critical theory and many more.
In his reviews of approaches to research methodology, Trochim (2006) argues that the
researcher is a unique individual and should be allowed to modify and investigate any
existing perceptions.
This research aligns with the epistemology of social construction and hegemonic
masculinity theory. The epistemology of constructionism holds that ‘truth’ or ‘meaning’
arises from within and out of individual engagement with the realities of the world. The
value of constructionist research lies in its capacity to generate contextual understandings
of a specified topic or issue. It also asserts that “our culture and society teach us the
connection between our consciousness and how we relate to others” (Owen, 1992, p. 386).
Social constructionists are interested in the normative narratives, which are formed by and,
in turn, influence people (Owen, 1992). Similarly, according to Schwandt (2003), social
constructionism views knowledge and truth as created by the mind in correspondence with
something tangible. This would seem to be consistent with the ideas expressed by Berger
and Luckmann (1991), who postulated that knowledge is created by the interaction of
individuals and the influence one individual has upon another.
According to Best (2002), the concept of social construction is employed by
sociologists to describe the process through which individuals attribute meaning to the
world. Best (2001) asserts, “all statistics result from human efforts and are thus social
products” (pp. 26-27). Best (2002) further emphasizes that numbers do not exist
independently of people; comprehending statistics necessitates understanding the who,
what, and why behind them. This indicates that statistics are socially constructed. When
sociologists use the term social construction, it does not imply something is false or
imaginary. Instead, it recognizes that all statistics, regardless of quality, are the outcome of
choices that inevitably shape, constrain, and distort the final result.
His clear conclusion therefore, is that quantitative research methodology, when
looked at through a social constructionist perspective, is that all the methodologies
employed in successful quantitative research, including respondents’ decision-making
while answering the questions, are the choices and products that are the result of social
construction.
Quantitative Research
Quantitative research is a form of social research that seeks to understand phenomena by
gathering numerical data, which is subsequently analysed using mathematically-based
methods (Creswell, 1994). This approach involves the systematic gathering and
examination of numerical information to characterise, elucidate, forecast, or manage
variables relevant to the subject matter under investigation (Topping, 2010). It assumes
that the truths can be studied and measured in a systematic and structured way by
analysing the numerical data collected from the participants (Creswell, 2018). As an
alternative to quantitative research, qualitative research is social research that is
personcentred rather than variable-centred, subjective rather than objective, exploratory
rather than conclusive, holistic rather than particularistic, and focuses on depth rather than
breadth (Cresswell, 2008; Trochim, 2006).
A quantitative research methodology is deemed appropriate for this study because it
quantifies opinions, attitudes, and behaviours and explains how the whole population feels
about specific issues (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Goertzen, 2017). It helps to generalise
the truth found in the samples and uncover behaviours and trends of the general population
(Goertzen, 2017). Quantitative research is suited to demonstrating the relationship between
two phenomena (Zyphur & Pierides, 2019), such as the relationship between masculinity
and violence perpetrated against women. A quantitative approach permits the statistical
evaluation of investigated phenomena, namely the participants’ demographics and
perspectives on the social structure of masculinity, and its association with VAW in Nepal.
In assuming and adopting a belief in objective reality, quantitative research values the
testing of ideas or logical propositions against experiences (Zyphur & Pierides, 2019). This
point of view constitutes the epistemological position of the research to be undertaken in
this study.
The present study employs a series of structured questions in a standardised survey
instrument. A Likert scale is commonly utilized to capture participants' responses as it
assesses attitudes, opinions, or perceptions related to a unidimensional variable or a
construct comprising multiple dimensions or subscales (Salkind, 2010). The Likert scale
generates a score by presenting a series of items consisting of two components: the stem, a
statement of fact or opinion to which the respondent is asked to respond, and the response
scale. In this study four points are used in the response scale: Agree, Slightly Agree,
Slightly Disagree, and Disagree (Salkind, 2010).
Study Design
The study employs a non-experimental design to focus on describing the
phenomena under investigation rather than testing pre-existing hypotheses (Loeb et al.,
2017). This choice of design allows for the exploration and description of a topic where
some knowledge exists, but there still needs to be more certainty (Salkind, 2010). A
descriptive design is considered most appropriate to address the research objectives as it
aims to characterize the world or a specific phenomenon by answering questions about
who, what, where, when, and to what extent. It helps in identifying and describing trends
and variations within populations. It aids in identifying and describing trends and
variations within populations, the development of new measures for significant
phenomena, and the description of samples in studies designed to identify causal effects
(Loeb et al., 2017). In some cases, descriptive research can also provide insights into
causal understanding and the mechanisms underlying causal relationships (Loeb et al.,
2017).
Through the non-experimental design, the researcher collects data via a survey
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018) and an online questionnaire (Appendix A). The survey will
collect 197 responses from male participants over 20 years of age in Nepal. The number of
participants has been calculated using a sample size calculator from the Australian Bureau
of Statistics (ABS). This is based on the population size of men of the age group 20-39
with a confidence level of 99%, confidence interval of 0.08, standard error of 0.040, and
relative standard error of 8.16.
One of the aims of this research is to collect survey data by attaining the highest
reach among Nepali male youth. To do this, the researcher will collaborate with Troll
Nepal, a Nepali Facebook page commonly used by young Nepali males. Troll Nepal will
advertise the survey using the researcher’s advertisement information platform and will
invite participants to fill in the Qualtrics survey developed for the project. The survey's first
page provides an online Participant Information Form, and a Consent Form. The
information sheet presents the research purposes, benefits, and outcomes. The Consent
Form outlines the possible risks that might occur during the survey, and includes the
information informing the participants that they can withdraw or change their minds at any
time, and that there will be no harm to them as a result. The survey is voluntary, and will
not collect the names of the participants and specific home addresses. However, it does
contain their gender, the province they live in, their age, academic education, and
employment.
The questionnaire will be used to obtain information from the collected sample on
the relationship between masculinity and VAW in Nepal. The collected information will
then be analysed to generate a demographic profile of men. It will explore the processes of
masculinity construction, its impact on violence against women, and the strategies that may
be engaged to reduce VAW by the society’s men. To conclude, a descriptive methodology
enables the attainment of the research objective, which has been a previously unexplored
phenomenon; that is, how the masculinities have been constructed in Nepal. It also helps to
distil the collected datasets into meaningful dimensions to uncover the genuine reasons for
VAW, and inform and improve the strategies that might be used to mitigate this social
issue.
Data Collection Tools
The quantitative methodology underlying this research necessitates the selection of
a structured data collection tool. Thus, participants must be given a set of questions to
answer in a planned order with prepared response options by limiting their responses. This
structured approach's data are quantifiable, making statistical analysis easier to satisfy the
study's goals (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). In addition, a high level of objectivity is
employed to obtain the answers to the research questions, thereby reducing the likelihood
of subjective evaluation by the researcher (Loeb et al., 2017).
The data will be collected using a self-report approach to obtain honest responses
from the participants (Goertzen, 2017). Self-administered questionnaires are most
appropriate for a structured self-report data collection approach (Kumar, 1996).
Selfadministered questionnaire selection depends on several factors:
•Questionnaires that can be easily administered to collect data in a timely
and cost-effective manner from a geographically dispersed audience during
the COVID-19 pandemic and the border closure to Nepal.
•Self-administered questionnaires, with a significant number of closed-ended
questions, are quick and reduce respondent burden (Goertzen, 2017).
•The anonymity of the participants eliminates the possibility of interviewer
bias; anonymity also protects against the fear of identity disclosure (Roopa
& Rani, 2012).
While the questionnaires for this study (Appendix A) are distinct, they are informed
by prior questionnaires, the masculine behaviour scale, and measures for assessing
dimensions of VAW (Flood, 2008). The questionnaire in this study consists of 36
questions; 6 being demographic questions, 25 close-ended questions intended to answer
research questions one and two, and five open-ended questions intended to answer research
question three.
The questionnaires in this study will be administered using Qualtrics, a web-based
application. The questionnaire design does not allow respondents to skip questions; the
only option is to exit the survey. Participants can only complete the questionnaire once; if
they attempt to submit it again, access will be denied. The Participant Information Form
(PIF) is included within the questionnaire, providing participants with an explanation of the
study's purpose and addressing ethical concerns. Further details on ethical considerations
will be discussed in-depth in the subsequent section dedicated to ethical considerations
within this chapter. Additionally, the survey will provide guidelines on how to complete the
questionnaire effectively.
Reliability and Validity
Two essential criteria for evaluating a data collection instrument are considered in
the development of the questionnaire: reliability and validity (Roopa & Rani, 2012).
According to Roopa and Rani (2012), reliability refers to the consistency, dependability,
and precision with which an instrument measures an attribute across different settings. It
guarantees that the instrument produces consistent results when utilised repeatedly under
identical conditions The validity, on the other hand, refers to the accuracy with which the
results acquired from the study participants reflect the true characteristics or phenomena
being measured among similar individuals outside the study. Validity ensures that the
instrument effectively measures what it intends to measure and provides meaningful and
accurate findings. Both reliability and validity are important considerations in ensuring the
quality and credibility of the data collected through the questionnaire.
A reliable instrument measures quality across locations, and with repeated use by
different people (Creswell & Creswell, 2018); if a device is unreliable, the study’s validity
is undermined (Kumar, 1996). As a significant portion of the questionnaire is based on
previously published studies (Tourangeau, 2020), it is acknowledged that these sections
have already been assessed for reliability and validity by previous authors. In this study,
however, the questionnaires were reviewed by the University of Technology Sydney's
Ethics Committee and research supervisors (UTS). The university ensured that the
questions were clear, unambiguous, and worded to reduce the possibility of response bias
(Kumar, 1996). The test's reliability was determined by estimating the consistency of the
results across different items measuring the same construct (Kumar, 1996). The reliability
was determined using the statistical test developed by the Australian Bureau of Statistics
(abs), which is acceptable if the value is at least 99% or above.
Data Collection Process
Due to the COVID-19 pandemic border closure, it was determined that Internet-based
electronic data collection is the most efficient. Therefore, It was determined that this
method was the most cost- and time-efficient means of disseminating the survey
instrument; it also had the added advantage of returning data in electronic format, thereby
reducing the risk of data input errors (Kaplowitz, Hadlock, & Levine, 2004). Furthermore,
as there was a pandemic and everyone in Nepal was quarantined, it was hoped that using
this medium would maximise the response rates. Therefore, the researcher collaborated
with Troll Nepal, a Nepali Facebook page commonly used by Nepali youth. Troll Nepal
advertised the survey using the researcher’s advertisement information and invited
participants to fill in the Qualtrics survey developed by the researcher.
The survey’s first page provided online Participant Information and a Consent
Form. The information sheet comprises the research’s purposes, benefits, and outcomes,
while the Consent Form outlines the possible risk that might have occurred during the
survey. It also included the information that the participants can withdraw or change their
minds at any time, and there will not be any harm to them. The survey was voluntary. Any
personally identifiable information was not collected to protect the privacy and
confidentiality of the survey responses. Nonetheless, it included their gender, province,
age, academic education, and occupation. All of the information was collected in Nepali.
Data Analysis
The primary purpose of this stage of the research procedure is to construct a statistical
portrait or description of the male participants from Nepal. This description includes the
men’s backgrounds, views on masculine behaviour, and society’s perceptions of
masculinity. Additionally, the objective is to provide statistical data on VAW and strategies
in order to reduce it. Ninety-one thousand seven hundred and forty-one people reach the
link on the Facebook page Troll Nepal where reactions, comments and shares are total
twenty-one hundred and fifty-two. That is enough representation of the people of Nepal to
get data. After the two hundred data records, the survey ends, as the aim of the data
collection sample size is only two hundred men.
Following the completion of data collection, Excel will be used to consolidate and
cleanse the data in preparation for data analysis. This data consolidation process involves
manually combining the survey participant data (200 in total). The extracted file from
Qualtrics will be translated into English and then cleaned. There were two women and one
gender not identified who participated in the survey. Thus, after deleting three people, the
total number of participants whose data will be used for analysis is 197. The cleaned data
will then be transformed for analysis in the Statistical Product and Service Solutions
(SPSS) software. It is then coded into numbers, and based on the types of the questions,
variable types (Numeric, string, dot, comma) and measurements (Ordinal, scale, nominal)
are given and made ready for analysis. The numerical data have been summarised using
frequency and percentage measures of Descriptive Statistics (Landau & Everitt, 2004).
Ethical Considerations
The research meets the ethical standards and guidelines established by the University of
Technology Sydney (UTS). As this research involves human respondents, it abides by the
UTS human resource moral code. Permission was granted by the Human Resource Ethics
Committee (HREC) after outlining all the relevant information and before approaching
human participants to ensure the safety of the participants and the researchers. The
researcher also fulfilled the ethical requirements, such as communicating information,
requesting consent, and other necessary research protocols required for the integrity of the
research (Appendices B, C, D, & E).
The PIF and Consent Form address ethical considerations regarding individual
participants (Appendix B). The initial sections of the online survey include the PIF) and the
Informed Consent Form (ICF), which provide participants with comprehensive information
to make an informed decision about their participation. These forms outline essential
details such as the study's objective, the types of data that will be collected, the procedures
for data collection and analysis, the level of commitment required, the process of
participant selection, potential risks and benefits, the assurance of anonymity, the voluntary
nature of participation, and contact information for any inquiries or concerns (Farrimond,
2013). It was made clear to participants in the PIF that completing the questionnaire
indicated their willingness to participate in the study (Israel & Hay, 2006).
Individual participants are additionally safeguarded by anonymity, the most reliable
method of maintaining confidentiality (Farrimond, 2013). There is anonymity when there
is no link between participants and their data. Throughout all phases of the study, the
anonymity of all participants is protected with great care. Similarly, no information will be
collected from participants whose identities could be revealed. All efforts will be made to
ensure that the study's collected data are stored securely. The captured electronic data will
be encrypted and stored on UTS's eResearch storage site. Only the researcher and research
supervisors have access to the collected data at any time.
Chapter Summary
This chapter began with a discussion of the epistemology of this research. It then discussed
the appropriateness of the quantitative research method used. It also described the data
collection setting and processes. The framework for analysing the data, reliability and
validity of the research were discussed. Finally, the chapter concluded with a discussion of
ethical considerations. Following the methodological framework presented, the next
chapter will explore the formation of masculinity and its relationship to violence against
women.
Chapter Four: Formation of Masculinity and Attitude Towards Women
Introduction
This chapter explores the development of masculinity and its correlation with violence
against women. It delves into the existing literature that examines the construction of
masculinity on a broader scale, the specific construction of South Asian masculinity, and
the manifestation of masculinity in the context of Nepal. Furthermore, it highlights the link
between violence-supportive beliefs and the perpetration of violence against women. The
chapter also examines masculine norms and the acceptance of rape myths, contributing to
blaming women for their victimization. Finally, the chapter discusses various initiatives
and approaches to engage men in preventing violence against women.
Masculinity
Masculinity theory relates to men’s treatment of power (Carrigan, Connell & Lee, 1985;
Connell, 1995) and how they demonstrate the power through their behaviours, language,
and practices towards women in a specific social, cultural, and organisational setting
(Connell, 1995). It also pertains to their treatment of other men and those of the lesbian,
gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, queer/questioning, and asexual plus (LGBTIQA+)
gender who are viewed as subordinate (Connell, 1995). A significant masculinity example
dates to the late 18th-century British colonial period. Hinchy (2014) describes how the
British tried to eliminate transgender (hijras) as a visible social category and gender
identity from public spaces by prohibiting performances and transvestism. Hijras'
performances and transvestism were perceived as moral and sexual dangers to Indian men
and colonial public spaces. His research revealed the attempt by British colonial
masculinity to discipline the Hijra gender, which was fundamental to British ideologies in
ruling India. British men were portrayed as the masculine ideal, with a manly physical
appearance and a protective yet inclusive attitude towards their women. They occupied
their time with manly pursuits such as hunting, sports, and enlightened rule of the
Subcontinent, thus obscuring the violence of colonialism (Hinchy, 2014).
Similarly, in 1968, just a week before the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr,
the fight for financial justice by the workers of colour (as part of the civil rights movement)
used the slogan ‘I am a man,” stressing all men should be equal (Berger, Wallis & Watson,
2012). The slogan of the protest subtly suggested that manliness and equality are always
split by equality and the justice of race, class, gender, and sexuality. The slogan also
provided a glimpse of the creation of masculinity and the ideological, social structure of
patriarchal culture.
Masculinity is shaped by critical historical events that are constructed and
reconstructed. Throughout history, all the world’s great religions maintain their ‘God’ as a
Supreme Being, Creator, perfect in power and wisdom, and this is revealed in the form of a
man (Fichter 1972). A man was considered an individual with a high degree of courage,
strength, and vigour. Societies defined men as influential people, a synonym for strength,
perfect in every way, and supreme beings. Kimmel & Wade (2018) further contextualised
the definition of men by suggesting that men define themselves with honour, duty,
integrity, and sacrifice, which they learn from their fathers, culture, historical texts, heroic
poems, novels, and various religions. Their study finding also suggested toughness,
strength, never showing weakness, winning at all costs, and being competitive are the
characteristics men learn from fathers, coaches, male friends, and senior brothers. Kimmel
and Wade’s findings align with Baldoni (2021), who claimed that masculinity is
performative; societal institutions demand men to perform in a particular way to validate
their masculinities.
Masculinity is not equivalent to men; it concerns the position of men in the gender
order. The concept of masculinity can be defined as the patterns of behaviour and practices
in which both men and women, primarily men, embody that particular societal position
(Connell, 2005). To provide the concept of the ways of practice, Magaraggia (2012)
examined the tensions between prevailing fatherhood and hegemonic masculinity models
and adopted an interpretive approach to understand the meanings new parents give to
fatherhood and motherhood by using 40 narrative interviews with fathers and mothers aged
between 20-37 years. Her research demonstrated that the ideal ‘traditional father’ model as
a ‘good provider’ and a signifier of the maleness of masculinity arose during the Industrial
Revolution (Scanzoni, 1979). The findings suggested that men need ‘new fatherhood’,
‘intimate fatherhood’, and ‘responsible fatherhood’ to unlearn patriarchal ideologies and
learn to speak honestly and openly about who they are, about what they are feeling, and
about their experiences, whether they are good, or bad (Baldoni, 2021).
According to Kimmel & Wade (2018), masculinity is shaped and constructed
through various meaning-making practices or systems of representation in various social
contexts. Such contexts include schools, families, and other social groups in the workplace,
leisure and pleasure fields, and the state in a broader sense. These contexts and their
discourses on masculinity provide a variety of ways to be a man. For example: during a
speech in 2013 to support of White Ribbon Day, Bryan Doyle, the White Ribbon
Ambassador, and the Member for Campbelltown said in NSW Parliament, “Real men are
endowed with strength and size, but it is crucial to recognize that their physical abilities
should be used to protect women, not to perpetrate violence against them” (Doyle, 2013).
According to Macomber (2012), Bryan Doyle’s talk was intended to expand notions
of masculine strength, pacifism, and relationship protection. They also highlighted
masculine power to argue that non-violent men are more masculine than aggressive ones
(Macomber, 2012). However, Salter's (2016) article argued that identical terminology
employed in campaign slogans by other VAW organisations, such as "man up”, “stand up",
and "speak out", constructs a regressive type of self-congratulatory display of manhood
(Salter, 2016).
South Asian Masculinity
South Asian masculinities are crafted and moulded by traditional South Asian cultures and
are distinguished by their emphasis on male power and control over female sexuality
(Abraham, 1999). To comprehend South Asian masculinity, one must comprehend the
significance of women's sexuality in those cultures. According to Pandey (2018), South
Asian culture places a high value on women's chastity, particularly their pre-marital
virginity. Most South Asian women are raised to believe that losing their virginity before
marriage brings shame and disgrace to the family (Pandey, 2018). The sexual purity of a
woman is a measure of male honour within her family and kin, as it determines the purity
and legitimacy of their heirs (Pandey, 2018; Osella & Osella, 2006). Therefore, there is
intense pressure to protect women's sexuality by limiting their social engagement with
other males, as women's virginity can be preserved if they do not interact with other men
(Pandey, 2018). Osella & Osella (2006) claim that pre-marital virginity is a cultural
imperative in South Asia that displays the dominance of men to control women and
women's sexuality in South Asian civilisations.
Abraham (1999) asserts that sexual purity is viewed as the responsibility of women
for the honour of men, family, society, and nation. However, in South Asian traditions,
masculinity is associated with men's authority, sexual strength, and ability to regulate the
morality and sexuality of women (Abraham, 1999). South Asian men are raised to believe
that sexual ability is a sign of manhood and that male sexual urges are normal (Abraham,
1999). Abraham (1999) elaborated on marital rape as a male privilege that leads to sexual
abuse by limiting women's reproductive rights. A husband's belief in his capacity to control
his wife's sexuality includes the power to influence her reproductive rights and body
(Abraham, 1999). This is in line with the previous explanation of how safeguarding
women's virginity and seeing female sexuality are tied in South Asian culture to protecting
men's right to legitimate heirs. In this sense, restricting women's reproductive rights is
equivalent to restricting a woman's body by limiting her access to and options for
contraception, her decision to have children, and her right to an abortion. Therefore, South
Asian men perceive control over a woman's reproductive capacity as an entitlement as
husbands and patriarchs (Osella & Osella, 2006).
Chakraborty (2014) argues that South Asian men and masculinities have been
influenced by critical historical events and processes. These includes colonialism,
anticolonialism, state formations, civil wars, religious conflicts, and migration. Similarly,
Osella and Osella (2006) also support Chakraborty’s argument with the claim that South
Asian men and masculinities are presented in two types of literature: on historical analyses
of masculinities under colonialism and the South Asian culture of semen loss (Viryanash)
anxiety. Munoz-Laboy (2004) also examines the culture of semen preservation to prove
manhood and masculinity. The South Asian hegemonic masculine culture views the
absence of semen as a malfunction. A respected man must be sexually competent, have no
sexual disability, and fully please his female partner. Therefore, one must not waste semen.
As previously discussed, the colonial period inevitably acquired an essential place
in discussions of the construction of masculinity in South Asia. The literature on colonial
masculinities helps in uncovering domination and identity formation processes. According
to Rajan (2016), women in the colonial period were looked upon as a symbol of
sophistication for men who were expected to take care of family and household work;
however, they hardly had any decision-making powers in the family, whereas a man with
financial resources, earning capacity, had control over the wife and children (Osella &
Osella, 2006). These patriarchal values were accepted by society at large, where families
were responsible for conditioning young boys into the patriarchal structure, and women
were also expected to internalise those values (Prakash, Kar & Rao, 2014). According to
Prakash, Kar, and Rao (2014), families exhibited distinct characteristics where a mother or
mother-like figure raised children. In such families, boys would receive significant
pampering from their mother or mother figure and hold their father or father-like figure in
awe. The priest or religious guru who guided family affairs also held a patriarchal position
of authority. If the priest practiced celibacy (brahmacharya), he would be regarded with
even greater reverence due to the belief that the loss of semen diminishes patriarchal valour
(Prakash, Kar, & Rao, 2014). Women of the family also internalised the loss of semen
norms. Consequently, older women in the family controlled the bride's visits to her
husband's bedroom (Prakash, Kar, & Rao, 2014).
In understanding masculinity in the South Asian region, examining the caste-based
Hindu social hierarchies is vital. The book Homo Hierarchies: The Caste System and its
Implications by Louis Dumont (1970) contributes to a sociological analysis of the South
Asian Caste System (Newell, 1972). Dumont (1970) investigates the South Asian Caste
System and its organising principles based on its underlying ideas (Newell, 1972). The
focus is on the normative and dominant social types and stages of the life cycle indicated in
the Hindu Dharmashastra (religious text), including the 'Laws of Manu' (Hindu Law) and
'the Dharmashastra' (Hinduism's religious treatises) (Osella & Osella, 2006). The fourfold
of Brahmin (saint), Kshatriya (warrior), Vaishya (merchant), and Sudra
(labourer), along with untouchables (today's Dalits), classifies four idealised male activity
models (Osella & Osella, 2006). These four varna systems of the 'Laws of Manu' and
'Dharmashastra' are constructed patterns of masculinity in South Asia, according to Osella
& Osella (2006).
Osella & Osella (2006) further state the ideal stages of the life cycle are as follows:
celibate student (brahmacharya), householder (grihastha), forest-dweller (vanprastha), and
renouncer (sannyas). Students who are celibate are expected to avoid women.
Householders are married men with children who rules the family. The forest-dweller is
expected to provide a period of meditation for a life that has completed parental duties,
withdrawn from domestic duties, and begun to seek spiritual sustenance. In the final
moment as a renouncer, a man is supposed to abandon his wife, reject the world, and
contemplate God. According to Dumont (1970), the renouncer is significant because those
who choose this position can genuinely live above Hindu society's fundamental concerns
with impurity and pollution (1970). (Newell, 1972). According to Osella & Osella (2006),
a man who stands alone, outside of the community, and bows only to God is a profoundly
masculine heroic figure who exemplifies many of the characteristics often associated with
dominant males: independence, self-confidence, self-control, and high-mindedness.
Masculinity in Nepal
There are few scholarly works on masculinity in Nepal and the South Asian continents
(Osella & Osella, 2006), and those that do exist primarily examine the impact of Indian
British colonialism on notions of manhood (Chakraborty, 2014). More research is required
to understand the multiple masculinities in Nepal (Connell 2005; Duncanson 2013),
including its relation to caste, class, ethnicity, education, and numerous historical and
political manifestations. However, scholars such as Heidi Riley, Sanjeev Uprety, Matthew
Maycock, and Pratyoush Onta have prepared the base for further research concerning
Nepal’s masculinity.
In Riley's (2019) study, the concept of collective gender identity is utilized to
examine insurgent masculinities. This concept encompasses attitudes towards
genderspecific roles and behaviours, perceptions of acceptable conduct in male-female
interactions, and views on gender hierarchies. The existing literature on pre-conflict Nepal
demonstrates the prevalence of hegemonic masculinity, wherein men are associated with
characteristics such as bravery, warrior-like qualities, fearlessness, being the provider for
the family, and assuming the role of the household head. In contrast, women are associated
with weakness and as subordinates of men (Maycock, 2012, Yadav, 2016). Riley (2019)
claims that women’s participation during the war and their explicit demonstrations of
masculine traits and women’s equality in taking on male roles, and men taking on the tasks
that are traditionally viewed as feminine, represented a shift in masculinity in Nepal.
Onta’s (1996) work concerns constructing a brave Nepali nation in British India
creating brave masculine men to fight the colonisation attempt of British India in Nepal,
though it does not directly deal with masculinities. The history of British India in Nepal
provides the backdrop necessary to comprehend how they may have contributed to the
formation of masculinities in Nepal. Uprety’s (2011) also studied the constructions of
masculinity of Gurkha soldiers in British representations and compared such structures
with representations of the masculinities of the two most potent and influential Rana Prime
Ministers, Jung Bahadur Rana, and Chandra Shumsher, who visited England, in 1850-51
and 1908, respectively. Uprety’s (2011) study has demonstrated how the masculinity of
ordinary Gorkhali soldiers was represented as lower-class British masculinity with the
qualities of physical bravery, courage, impulsiveness, and lack of rational control. Their
research shows that the Gorkhali soldiers’ masculinity was different to British
representations of the masculinity of the Rana Prime Minister, Jung Bahadur Rana, with
the stories surrounding his hyper-masculine courage. He was associated with taming wild
animals, battling flooded rivers and fires, subduing a buffalo that had escaped from a
fighting arena, indulging in drinking, and womanising vices.
By contrast, Chandra Shumsher’s British representation of his masculinity was tied
to his art of exercising authority to his benefit and objectives. His adoption of Western
attire, combined with his traditional royal gems and stones, symbolised both cultural and
political power, reaffirming his position of mastery and masculinity (Uprety, 2011). His
strict regulations of Hindu caste rules protected him from the charges that masculinity was
compromised due to Western imitation (Uprety, 2011). Additionally, Chandra Shumsher's
adherence to strict Hindu caste regulations acted as a protective measure against
accusations that his masculinity was compromised by Western influence (Uprety, 2011).
The contrasting analysis of the masculinities of Jung Bahadur Rana and Chandra Shumsher
depicts the cultural shifts that have shaped the constructions of Nepali masculinities in the
first half of the 20th century (Uprety, 2011).
Uprety (2016) explores three interconnected dimensions of patriarchy in Nepal that
contribute to the shaping and reinforcement of masculinity and violence against women.
These dimensions include social norms, social structures, and the legal system. Uprety's
findings indicate that sociocultural and legal institutions are influenced by the circulation
of patriarchal social norms that prescribe specific expectations for masculinity and
femininity. These norms perpetuate the belief that men are naturally inclined to be
aggressive, engage in polygamy, possess rationality, and possess superior breadwinning
abilities compared to women. Furthermore, men's greater representation in leadership
positions within public institutions such as the police, courts, and media, which play
significant roles in the law and justice mechanisms, perpetuates patriarchal norms and
practices.
Similarly, Maycock’s (2012) study explores various aspects of Kamaiya (former
bonded labourer) masculinities after being freed from being a bonded labourer in far West
Nepal. It also provides a thorough glimpse of Brahmin masculinity as hegemonic
masculinity subordinating Kamaiyas as bonded labourers. In this study, Maycock (2017)
examines the migration of Kamaiya (former bonded labour) masculinities and argues that
transnationally enacted migrant masculinities are both subservient and hegemonic across
geographically different contexts. He adds that Kamaiya enforces hegemonic masculinity
at home and reduces modern slavery to subalterns overseas, using Ram as an example.
Men’s Attitude Towards Violence Against Women
VAW is widespread and surpasses various societal, economic, religious, and cultural
barriers. One of the most common types of VAW seen around the globe is women being
abused by their spouses or other close male companions. According to a study done in
Northwest Ethiopia by Yigzaw, Berhane, Deyessa, and Kaba (2010), the societal
expectation that marriage problems are inevitable makes it challenging for society to reject
violence. They assert that VAW in Ethiopia reflects inappropriate behaviour according to
prevailing societal and gender norms, since there is no justification for the act and it causes
great suffering (Yigzaw et al, 2010). There is a fair bit of tolerance for violent acts when
they are not viewed as unlawful, when there is a prosocial assumption, and when the
repercussions are judged to be minimal (Yigzaw et al., 2010). There is less willingness to
denounce marital rape because of a lack of understanding of the crime (Yigzaw et al.,
2010).
Pease and Flood (2008) argue that men's adherence to derogatory, patriarchal, and
sexually aggressive beliefs correlates with their use of violence against women. Their study
highlights the correlation between the perpetration of violent behaviour, both at the
individual and community levels, and attitudes and beliefs that support violence (Pease &
Flood, 2008). Heise (1998) further emphasizes the relationship between antagonistic and
negative sexual attitudes towards women, identification with hegemonic masculinity, male
entitlement, and the likelihood of sexual assault among men. Similarly, O'Neil and Harway
(1997) discovered that men with more traditional, restrictive, and discriminatory
genderrole attitudes are more likely to engage in domestic violence. These findings are
supported by a recent meta-analysis by Murnen et al. (2002), which examined the
relationship between masculine ideology and sexual aggression. They discovered a
significant correlation between male concepts and acts of violence against women.
Acceptance of social norms that justify violence against women is prevalent in
communities with a disproportionately high incidence of violence against women (Murnen
et al., 2002). These studies collectively emphasize the role of attitudes, beliefs, and societal
norms in shaping violent behaviour towards women and underscore the need to challenge
and transform these harmful ideologies to address violence against women effectively.
Burt's (1980) research examines the link between attitudes towards women and
violence against women. The results of a regression analysis of interview data reveal that a
respondent's acceptance of VAW increases with the level of sex-role stereotyping,
adversarial sexual beliefs, and acceptance of interpersonal violence. However, Burt reveals
that younger and more educated individuals exhibit fewer stereotypical, less aggressive,
and pro-violence views. Burt draws a conclusion from the research by asserting that the
attitudes and beliefs of individuals and communities are components of a pervasive
ideology that, in practice, condones or provides an explanation for violence against
women.
Similarly, Wigglesworth et al. (2015) investigate the attitudes and beliefs of 500
young males in post-conflict Timor-Leste about gender relations and female violence.
Focus group and interview data acquired for this study reveal that East Timorese have a
prevalent culture of hierarchical and patriarchal gender roles and relationships. They
discovered that men are often referred to as Chefe Familia (stronger than women) and are
expected to be smart and devoted to their families (Wigglesworth et al., 2015). Women are
supposed to serve their families as decent, responsible wives and mothers (Wigglesworth et
al., 2015). This study indicates that physical abuse such as screaming, shoving, hitting, and
hurling stones is prevalent among young males, who do not consider these actions to be
violent (urban areas, 21–31% and rural areas, 30–36%). However, 52% of young males in
rural areas disagree that verbal sexual harassment of women in public is unacceptable,
compared to 40% of young men in urban areas. Similarly, 31% of young men do not
consider forced sex to be an act of violence, and 42% think a woman cannot refuse to have
sex with her spouse; if she refuses, males have the right to compel her (Wigglesworth et al.,
2015).
Flood (2010) interviewed academics, policy experts, and service providers on the
topic 'where men stand: men's roles in ending violence against women.' The study
discovered that traditional male attitudes are associated with a higher endorsement of VAW
and these attitudes are influenced by larger gender and sexuality norms. Men are more
inclined to accept, excuse, or rationalise violence on the grounds that they should be
dominant at home and have the right to exercise their dominance and sexual access rights
over their wives or girlfriends (Flood, 2010). This perspective adds to the fact that males
are typically the aggressors in family conflicts.
Similarly, Ahmad, Riaz, Barata, & Stewart (2004) investigated the impact of
traditional gender norms and patriarchal values on South Asian immigrants in Canada. The
study discovered that immigrants with greater patriarchal beliefs are less likely to view
domestic violence as abuse (Ahmad et al., 2004). Only 17% consider forced sex by a
husband to be potentially violent. Accordingly, Ahmad, Smylie, Omand, Cyriac, &
O'Campo (2017) investigated the multi-ethnic perceptions of South Asian immigrant men
and women about partner violence. According to their study men’s perceptions of women
and violence vary based on women’s multi-ethnic concept (Ahmad et al., 2017).
Sociocultural norms and values are more likely to influence perspectives on violence
against women. For instance: Most South Asian men and women believe men have rights
to sexual access and pleasure, even if it is by force, compared to white men and women
(Klein, Campbell, Soler, & Ghez 1997, as cited in Ahmad et al. 2017).
Rape Myth and Victim-blaming
Victims of VAW are often blamed for their victimisation. Victim-blame for victimisation is
the result of the acceptance of rape myths. These were defined in Burt’s (1980) seminal
work of cultural myths and support for rape as biased, conventional, or inaccurate beliefs
about rape, rape victims, and rapists in creating a negative atmosphere for rape victims.
Recently, victim-blaming, and other negative attitudes towards victims have received
considerable attention in studying individuals' attitudes towards the victim of abuse.
Therefore, Hockett, Saucier & Badke (2016) attribute the need for this kind of research to
analyse the fact that women are still partially liable for their violence. However,
perceptions of women who have been assaulted differ among individuals. Research
findings consistently indicate that, overall, men demonstrate a higher tendency to embrace
rape myths and engage in victim-blaming culture compared to women (Burt 1980;
Lonsway & Fitzgerald 1995; Davies, Gilston & Rogers 2012; Hockett, Saucier & Badke
2016), and they do so because men tend to endorse hostile attitudes towards women (Burt
1980, Lonsway & Fitzgerald 1995). Moreover, individuals who adhere to inflexible gender
role stereotypes are more prone to endorsing the idea of men naturally dominating women
and harbouring negative attitudes towards female victims (Burt, 1980; Davies et al., 2012;
Hockett et al., 2016). Therefore, Hockett et al.’s (2016) research outcome suggests that
men’s social dominance supports keeping victims in a debased social position, blaming the
victim, and accepting rape myths.
One of Hockett, Smith, Klausing & Saucier's (2016) research findings suggests that
the narrow concept of mythic beliefs and sexual violence outside of the victim stereotype is
perceived as an incident that happened by a combination of victim characteristics. Such
characteristics are defined based on what the victim did, said or wore if she was out late at
night and drunk (Hockett et al., 2016; Yapp & Quayle 2018). This suggests it most likely
happened because the victim secretly wanted to engage in sexual behaviour. Therefore,
these types of violence are not perceived as ‘real’ violence (Hockett et al., 2016). Similarly,
Stephens et al.’s (2016) study on rape myth acceptance among 637 college students
conducted in three countries, namely the United States, Japan, and India have slightly
different findings from Hockett et al.’s (2016) results. Stephens et al. (2016) claim that rape
myth acceptance varies by country and varies whether participants were aware of the help-
seeking organisation or that they can seek help. They claim that no-help-seeking directly
links with the rape myth acceptance of blaming the victim. The U.S. participants were less
likely to believe the rape myth than Japan and India because U.S. participants from grade
school to college receive education and protection from sexual discrimination, which was
lacking in Japan and India.
Similarly, Kosloski, Diamond-Welch, and Mann's (2018) study on the presence of
rape myths in the virtual world represent a breakthrough in rape myth culture. It identifies
a novel method of victim-blaming utilising social media platforms. Their study examines
newspaper coverage of sexual assault cases in Steubenville, Ohio, focusing on social
media content. It suggests that rape fallacies are widespread and perpetuated by social
media users responding to the issues as they discover them on the social media wall
painted by the comments; it is as if the assault was irrelevant (Freedman, 2002). Many
victim-blaming remarks were made, particularly regarding victims' alcohol consumption
(Peterson & Muehlenhard, 2004) and how perpetrators were not responsible/should not
have their lives destroyed for this one-time error (Burt, 1980). Therefore, Kosloski,
Diamond-Weiland, and Mann (2018) assert that individuals with no difficulty assigning
blame on the shoulders of unconscious girls are recreating rape myths in online dialogues.
Le, Pekosz, and Iwamoto (2020) investigate the association between multiple
masculine norms (playboy, violence, authority over women, and contempt for homosexual
men) and approval of the rape myth among 251 university men in the United States. The
findings indicate that the masculine norms of control over women and contempt for
homosexual men are significantly associated with the rape myth belief. This research is
comparable to previous studies on masculine ideals and misconceptions regarding rape
acceptance. Locke and Mahalik (2005) found that rape myth acceptance is associated with
masculine norms such as sexual promiscuity, the subjugation of women, aggression,
recklessness, and bias against homosexual males.
Hegemonic masculinity best explains why support for rape myths is inextricably
linked to the norms of power over women and contempt for homosexual men. Hegemonic
masculinity is the belief that being a male means being dominant in society and that
women must be subservient to maintain power (Mankowski & Maton, 2010). The findings
of Le, Pekosz, and Iwamoto's (2020) study corresponded closely with the antecedent
definition, which argues that power over women and disdain for homosexual men increases
the likelihood of dominance and supports hegemonic masculinity.
Men’s Engagement to Prevent Violence Against Women
Murphy (2004) argues that men supporting women in their rights is not a new
phenomenon; it was widely discussed in the academic community, and men had written
several significant works since late fourth and early fifth century Greece when
Aristophanes wrote his play Lysistrata (411 BCE), and Plato wrote the Republic (380
BCE). Both of these works suggest that women are equal to men. However, Sawyer
(2004), argues that cultural and societal preconceptions of sex roles exist in our culture and
encourage men to be dominant and women to be submissive and tolerant of the
stereotypical behaviours that men exhibit when engaging in sexual activity with them.
Flood (2011) reviews various initiatives that engage men to prevent violence
against women. He mentions that the feminist rationale for addressing men in ending VAW
has three key elements. First, efforts to prevent VAW must include men because, primarily,
men perpetrate violence (Flood, 2011). For instance: Hirachan & Limbu (2016) examined
55 cases of sexual assault in two hospitals in Nepal from 2012 to 2016, where all the
victims were female, and perpetrators were male. Second, constructions of masculinity
play a pivotal role in shaping VAW at multiple levels, including the individual, family and
relatives, as well as the broader communities and societies (Flood, 2011). For instance,
Pandey's (2018) research among male prisoners concludes that male prisoners’ masculine
attitudes and dominance are the primary cause of violence against women. Hence, to
eradicate violence against women, it is essential to modify men's mindsets, actions,
selfperceptions, and interactions. Third, although men receive a patriarchal advantage from
gendered structures of inequality, they can be motivated to use these advantages to advance
the elimination of VAW (Flood, 2011). These privileges include personal wellbeing,
relational interests, collective and community interests, and men’s values (Flood, 2011).
Seymour's (2018) article critically examines the key elements of the White Ribbon
Campaign (WRC), which plays a significant role in ddressing violence against women. The
researcher references Australian Parliamentarian statements that highlight the WRC as an
exemplary demonstration of men supporting women (Commonwealth of Australia 2016b,
cited in Seymour 2018) and as evidence of societal progress (Commonwealth of Australia
2015, cited in Seymour 2018) to make a crucial difference in our societies. However, the
article argues that the WRC’s reliance on a binary perspective of gender and its focus on
the attitudes and acts of individual men contribute to overlooking the collective advantages
men enjoy. Seymour (2018) blames WRC talks on social change, but predominately
focuses on a personal level in terms of attitudes and behaviour. It encourages men to
review their attitudes and behaviours and live non-violent and respectful relationships with
women and other men (WRA 2016c, cited in Seymour 2018). However, according to
Seymour (2018), “focusing on one individual’s attitudes diverts attention away from
structural power relations, as if the real issue is in men’s minds and all that is needed is
convincing them” (Pease 2008, p.11). This explanation oversimplifies an individual's
attitude. Targets for change should therefore include institutional systems of privilege and
inequality, including not only gender and race but also ethnicity, social class, caste, and
sexual orientation.
Minerson, Carolo, Dinner, and Jones (2011) investigate the underlying causes of
men's socialisation, dominance, patriarchy, various forms of masculinity, gender inequality,
and their relationship to violence against women in their 2011 study. This study focuses on
potential strategies, best practices, and effective frameworks for involving men and boys to
reduce and prevent gender-based violence. By examining these factors, the study sheds
light on how to engage men and boys effectively in addressing and combating violence
against women. This research examines four types of barriers that WRC identified for
engaging men in preventing and reducing violence against women. They are accountability
barriers, awareness barriers, privilege barriers and men’s silence. Research suggests that
accountability barriers are articulated through the comments like: “I do not force sex on my
wife”. The comment demonstrates that men think they are not part of the problem, and the
idea of not forcing a wife supports their claim of being a good guy. Another finding of the
WRC barrier was awareness barriers. This means that many men do not think VAW is a
severe issue in their community.
Men are socially, culturally, and experientially conditioned to assume that violence
is a part of women's existence (Minerson, Carolo, Dinner & Jones, 2011). Therefore,
Minerson et al. (2011) conclude that working with men to reduce VAW must not only
challenge the detrimental aspects of masculinities, patriarchy and men’s privilege, but also
promote enlightened self-interest motivations. This is because VAW is neither exclusively a
women’s nor men’s issue, but it is an issue of society (Minerson et al., 2011). In a way, it is
about women’s empowerment, support, reclaiming safe spaces and intervention for women
(Minerson et al., 2011). Alternatively, it is also about deconstructing masculinity,
dismantling men’s privilege, and providing education, awareness, and prevention for men
(Minerson et al., 2011). Therefore, while engaging men on VAW, it is important to address
the fact that men are not just a part of the problem, but part of the solution. They need to be
invited and challenged to critically reflect on patriarchy’s existence, male power, and
privilege to analyse the impacts on women and girls.
Engaging males has become an integral part of extensive international initiatives to
prevent sexual assault against women, with a focus on men's behaviours, attitudes, and
social structure. However, WRC Canada faces challenges in engaging men and overcoming
men’s created barriers in that country’s engagement (White Ribbon Canada, 2014). In
contrast, Chakraborty, Osrin & Daruwalla (2018) are tremendously positive regarding
men’s engagement in the Violence Against Women and Girls (VAWG) prevention program
in Mumbai, India. They demonstrate that a barrier to men's participation in anti-violence
activity is their incapacity to surpass and critique the publicprivate division and perceive
VAWG as a public issue (Chakraborty et al., 2018). Therefore, Chakraborty et al. (2018),
confidently claim that men’s engagement programs allow them to acquire ‘knowledge’ and
‘awareness’ through intervention.
Chapter Summary
This chapter reviewed the literature to understand the formation of masculinity and how it
relates to attitudes towards women. It was discovered that masculinity is constructed
through a variety of meaning-making practises or systems of representation in various
social contexts. Such contexts include schools, families, and other social groups in the
workplace, leisure and pleasure fields, and the state in a broader sense. It was evidenced
through men’s explanations of their attitudes towards violence against women, rape myths,
and a victim-blaming culture. The next chapter discusses the analytical steps taken to
analyse Nepalese masculinity and violence against women.
Chapter Five: Nepalese Masculinity and Violence Against Women
Introduction
This chapter presents the research findings from survey data collected from 197 male
participants. Different variables are considered as to how age, marital status, education,
occupation, and geographic location contribute to the construction of masculinity in Nepal,
as well as how these variables affect the construction of masculinity attitudes towards
women, and masculinity and victim-blaming. Bar charts, figures, graphs, tables, and pie
charts highlight the key results.
Demographic Profile
The demographic information profile gathered the participants' age, gender, marital status,
Province, highest educational qualification, and employment. Table 1 below shows the
demographic characteristics of participants by their primary societal group. In the
beginning, the sample of 200 participants comprised 197 males, two females, and one
gender not-mentioned (two females and one gender not-mentioned were not included in
this research). Therefore, this demography contains only information about 197 male
participants. The most significant proportion of the respondents (47.2%) were 20-25 years
old; this was the participants' largest age group. The next largest age group was 26-30
(31%), drastically dropping the 31-35 age group to (12.2%). The lowest percentage age
group was 36-39 (3.6%), and the second lowest was the over-40-age group (6.0%).
The most significant proportion of participants (65%) were unmarried, and (35%)
were married. Most participants were found to reside in Province 3 (42.1%), followed by
17.3% in Province 1. There are significantly fewer differences between the participants
living in Province 1 (17.3%) and Province 4 (16.2%). The participants between Provinces 2
and 7 have very subtle differences, with 6.6% and 5.1%.
Table 1: Demographic Variables
Variable Frequency Percentage
Age
20-25 93 47.2%
26-30 61 31.0%
31-35 24 12.2%
36-39 7 3.6%
Over 40 12 6.0%
Gender
Male 197 100.0%
Female 0 0.0%
Marital Status
Married 69 35.0%
Unmarried 128 65.0%
Reside In
Province 1 34 17.3%
Province 2 13 6.6%
Province 3 83 42.1%
Province 4 32 16.2%
Province 5 20 10.2%
Province 6 5 2.5%
Province 7 10 5.1%
Highest Level of Education
No Formal Education 3 1.5%
Secondary Education1 20 10.2%
Higher Secondary Education2
57 28.9%
Bachelor of Education 91 46.2%
Master of Education 24 12.2%
Over Master of Education 2 1.0%
Employment
Student 42 21.3%
1 Formal school education comprised of grade 9 and 10 is secondary school education.
2 Formal school education comprised of grade 11 and 11 is higher secondary school
education.
Unemployed 20 10.2%
Business 22 11.2%
Labourer2 19 9.6%
Service3 45 22.8%
Professional Employment4 49 24.9%
Most participants studied for a Bachelor of Education (46.2%), followed by Higher
Secondary Education (28.9%). The participants' ratio from Higher Secondary Education to
Master of Education dropped to more than half (12.2%). There were 10.2% of Secondary
Education participants, whereas only 1.5 % presented with No Formal Education, and only
1% were studying for a PhD.
Most of the participants, 24.9%, were involved in a professional job, whereas only
9.6 % were engaged in labouring. Similarly, participants involved in service sectors, such
as military service, government service, and police, with the percentage (22.9%) had a
subtle difference from the students (21.3%). Likewise, there was a slight difference
between participants involved in business (11.2%) and the unemployed (10.2%).
To summarise, the most significant proportions of participants were as follows:
•19-25 years old (47.2%)
•unmarried 65%
•Province 3 residents (42.1%)
•Bachelor of Education qualification (46.2%)
•professional employment (24.9%)
In contrast, the lowest proportion of the participants were:
•36-39 years old (3.6%)
•married (35%)
•Province 6 residents (2.5%)
2 People involved in physical work especially an unskilled work is labourer.
3 People involved in government jobs such as military service, police, and civil services.
4 People involved in other skilled jobs such as teaching, employ of private companies,
NGOs and INGOs.
•completed Over Master of Education (1%)
•manual labour employment (9.6%)
Age: Masculinity as a Social Construct
Having outlined the demographic details above, this research analysed online survey
questionnaires, comparing the data with demographic information to explore the
construction of masculinity in Nepal. This research began the analysis by comparing the
survey questionnaire results with the age variable to understand how different age groups
contribute to constructing masculinity in Nepal and what kinds of masculinities are
constructed in different age groups.
Figure 1: Respect of Men with Age Variables
Crosstabulation of the statement that people do not respect men who frequently talk about problems with
age variable.
Agree Slightly agree Slightly disagree Disagree
20-25 26-30 31-35 36-39 OVER 40
The cluster chart above shows that 19.3 % of the people aged 20-25 agree, and
16.8% of the people slightly agree that people do not respect men who frequently talk
about problems. Similarly, 10.7% and 12.7 % agree and slightly agree with the statement
mentioned above by the 26-30 years old group. The data shows that the percentage
decreases when the age of the men increases. For example, only 1.5 % and 2% of men
aged 36-39 and over 40 agreed with the above statement.
19.3
%
16.8
%
4.1
%
6.6
%
10.7
%
12.7
%
2.5
%
5.6
%
4.6
%
3.6
%
3.0
%
1.5
%
1.5
%
2.0
%
2.0
%
2.5
%
0.5
%
0.5
%
Further, to understand how the age variable correlates with the perceptions of
masculinity, a Pearson Chi-Square test was carried out. The importance of undertaking the
test relates to the need for the two variables to comprise categorical data, which is ordinal,
and the variables containing two or more categorical independent groupings. The
distribution of the responses with age for the variable, People do not respect men who
frequently talk about problems, is depicted in the Crosstabulation Table 2 below.
Table 2: Men’s Respect with Age Crosstabulation
Age * People do not respect men who frequently talk about problems. Crosstabulation
People do not respect men who frequently talk about
problems
Total Agree
Slightly Agree Slightly
Disagree Disagree
What is your 20-25 Count 38 33 8 13 92
age 50.7% 44.6% 40.0% 46.4% 46.7%
26-30 Count 21 25 5 11 62
28.0% 33.8% 25.0% 39.3% 31.5%
31-35 Count 9 7 6 3 25
12.0% 9.5% 30.0% 10.7% 12.7%
36-39 Count 3 4 0 0 7
4.0% 5.4% 0.0% 0.0% 3.6%
Over 40 Count 4 5 1 1 11
5.3% 6.8% 5.0% 3.6% 5.6%
Total Count 75 74 20 28 197
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
The output in Table 2 above shows that the perception of masculinity rings true
among Nepalese men. Interestingly, the statistics obtained suggest that the youngest
respondents (20 -25 years) strongly support the idea that people do not respect men who
frequently speak about their problems (50.7%). That result goes against the perception that
such an idea is only found among men of the older generation (Dahal, Joshi & Swahnberg,
2022). To understand this phenomenon in detail, a review of the responses to other
questions and an analysis to correlate them with the age of the respondents was required.
Figure 2: Aggression of Men with Age Variable
Crosstabulation of the statement that strong aggression is a natural emotion for men with age variable.
Anger is a natural human emotion experienced by everyone in response to any kind
of threat. Aggression and violence are not the same, but a person can commit violence due
to aggression (Malonda-Vidal, Samper-Gracía, Llorca-Mestre, Muŋoz-Navarro, &
MestreEscrivá, 2021). Masculine aggression is derived from a traditional patriarchal
structure that believes in inherently aggressive masculine genes (Malonda-Vidal, Samper-
Gracía, Llorca-Mestre, Muŋoz-Navarro, & Mestre-Escrivá, 2021). Edward Wilson, the
sociobiologist, claims that the culture has amplified the physical and temperamental
differences between men and women into universal male dominance (Connell, 1995). The
naturalisation of male dominance as an aggressive masculine gene is one source of
masculine construction (Messerschmidt, 1993) that also works to blame the victim. Figure
2 above provides the percentages in Nepal relating to the statement that strong aggression
is a natural emotion for men. It shows that 41% of men agreed and slightly agreed that men
are aggressive by birth, whereas 21.3% of men aged 20-25 showed positive responses.
Aggression is one of the main drivers of gender-based violence, especially against
women. According to Connell (1995), aggression is an integral element of hegemonic
masculinity and is understood as a critical driver of dominance over women by utilising
one's physical strength. Hence, understanding how age correlates with the notion that
extreme aggression is an integral part of conventional masculinity was deemed to be
%
8.6
%
12.7
%
4.6
%
20.8
3.0
%
%
8.6
%
3.0
16.8
%
%
2.0
2.0
%
%
1.5
%
7.1
%
2.0
%
0.5
%
1.0
%
0.5
%
1.5
3.6
%
AGREE SLIGHTLY AGREE SLIGHTLY DISAGREE DISAGREE
20-25 26-30 31-35 36-39 Over 40
essential. The crosstabulation and Eta tables below demonstrate the association between
age and the statement that strong aggression is a natural emotion for men.
Table 3: Aggression of Men with Crosstabulation
Strong Aggression is a Natural Emotion for Men. * Age
Crosstabulation
20-25 26-30
What is your age?
31-35
36-39 Total > 40
Strong Agree Count 17 6 4 0 1 28
aggression is a
natural emotion
for men. Expected
Count
13.1 8.8 3.6 1.0 1.6 28.0
Slightly Count 25 17 4 4 3 53
Agree
Expected
Count
24.8 16.7 6.7 1.9 3.0 53.0
Slightly Count 9 6 3 1 0 19
Disagree
Expected
Count
8.9 6.0 2.4 .7 1.1 19.0
Disagree Count 41 33 14 2 7 97
Expected
Count
45.3 30.5 12.3 3.4 5.4 97.0
Total Count 92 62 25 7 11 197
Expected
Count
92.0 62.0 25.0 7.0 11.0 197.0
Table 4: Directional Measures
Directional Measures Value
Nominal by Interval Eta Strong aggression is a natural 0.126
emotion for men. Dependent
What is your age Dependent 0.106
In Table 3 above, the presence of positive discrepancies between the Actual and
Expected Counts within the upper left (20-25) column, and the presence of negative
discrepancies in the lower-left columns and vice versa, would be indicative of an
association between the two variables – age and Strong aggression is a natural emotion for
men. Considering that a difference exists, i.e. (17 and 13.1 for Count and Expected Count)
respectively, there is a possibility of a relationship.
As shown in Table 4 above, strong aggression is a natural emotion for men was
taken as the dependent variable; hence, the appropriate Eta is 0.126, which is a small effect
size. Eta squared would be 0.02, which indicates that the two variables share a 2%
common variance. Hence, Eta was employed to investigate the association between
respondents’ age and their response to the statement. The results showed that Strong
aggression is a natural emotion for men (eta = 0.126) had a small effect size. It can be
concluded, therefore, that older respondents were less likely to believe that strong
aggression is a natural emotion in men than younger respondents.
Marital Status: Masculinity as a Social Construct
Having more than one sexual partner is taboo in Nepali culture (Adhikari & Adhikari,
2017), and strong social and cultural norms in the Hindu religion prohibit young men and
women from having pre-marital sex. This study found no difference in opinion between
married and unmarried men (Agree and Slightly Agree) with this statement. Both Agreed
and Slightly Agreed somewhat (6.6% and 4.1%) in the same ratio.
Figure 3: Men’s Multiple Sexual Intercourse Comparison with Marital Status
It is OK for men to have sexual intercourse with many women: comparison with marital status variable.
Married Unmarried
DISAGREE
SLIGHTLY DISAGREE
SLIGHTLY AGREE
AGREE
However, the data above in Figure 3 shows that unmarried men (45.2%) disagree
that men cannot have sex with more than one sexual partner. Although the prevalence of
sexual intercourse with more than one partner varies by age category, 31.5% of men aged
20-25 and 22.3% of men aged 26-30 disagreed that men could not have more than one
sexual partner. This means young unmarried men studying or unemployed believe sexual
intercourse before marriage or having more than one sexual partner is inappropriate. This
analysis is associated with the attitude towards male virginity and a cultural and religious
belief that sexual intercourse with many partners and an attempt to gain sexual pleasure
before marriage is offensive. It also points towards male virginity before marriage.
There is a similar belief that women are not as intelligent as males. The notion of
the inferiority of women as a fabrication of hegemonic masculinity is supported by this
conception. Based on this, it was deemed necessary to undertake a correlation analysis to
determine how marital status may influence the tendency to hold certain hegemonic
masculinity notions. Importantly, Pearson's Correlation is the most popular approach
scholars employ to analyse correlations between variables. For Pearson's Correlation to be
22.3% 45.2%
2.0% 9.1%
4.1% 4.1%
6.6% 6.6%
used in the analysis of variables, the data within the variables must conform to certain
assumptions, such as being continuous and possessing a linear relationship with one
another. Furthermore, the data should be devoid of any outliers and follow a specific
pattern for which there is minimal variation between the data sets. In addition, the data
sample should be generally distributed because it possesses a bivariate assumption.
Notably, these assumptions do not hold for a Likert Scale Survey, such as the one used in
this study, especially in the responses to the questions.
As a result, Spearman's Rank-Order Correlation was employed owing to its
capacity for measuring both the strength and direction of association between variables
measured on an ordinal scale. For the analysis, the aim was to determine the correlation
between marital status and the perception that women are not as smart as men. The analysis
output commences with Table 5 below, which details the Descriptive Statistics. It shows
that for a sample size of 197 respondents, the means for marital status and women not as
smart as men were 1.65 and 3.47, respectively. This result indicates that most respondents
were unmarried, while most respondents slightly disagreed or disagreed with the question.
Table 5: Descriptive Statistics
Descriptive Statistics
Mean Std. Deviation N
Marital status 1.65 .478 197
Women are not as smart as
men
3.47 .972 197
The results presented in Tables 6 and 7 are an essential aspect of the analysis, as
they detail the correlations found between the variables.
Table 6: Pearson Correlation
Correlationsa
Marital Status
Women are not as
smart as men
Marital status Pearson Correlation 1 .083
Sig. (2-tailed) .245
Women are not as smart as Pearson Correlation .083 1
men. Sig. (2-tailed) .245
a. Listwise N=197
The Pearson Correlation in Table 6 above indicates that the Pearson Correlation
coefficient is.083, while the significance level is p =.245. Furthermore, in agreement with
Table 5, the sample size for the correlation is 197. Crucially, the degree of freedom for
correlations is given by (N – 2), and for this analysis, r (197) =.083, p =.245. The dataset is
thus unfit for Pearson Correlation due to its ordinal nature. The reasonable correlation for
the analysis is detailed in Table 7 below.
Table 7: Spearman's rho Correlation
Correlationsa
Marital
Status
Women are not
as smart as
men.
Spearman's Marital Status Correlation Coefficient 1.000 .069
rho Sig. (2-tailed) . .334
Women are not as
smart as men.
Correlation Coefficient .069 1.000
Sig. (2-tailed) .334 .
a. Listwise N = 197
Accordingly, a correlation was computed to determine whether there was a
statistically significant association between marital status and the response that women are
not as smart as men. Based on the nature of the variables comprising ordinal data, they
violated the assumption for continuous data, making Pearson's Correlation relevant to the
study. Spearman's rho statistic was therefore computed, with its output as depicted in Table
7 above, and was Rs (197) =.069, p =.334. The direction of the correlation was found to be
positive, but not significant, i.e., p >.05. That means there was no significant correlation
between the respondents' marital status and their perception of whether women are not as
smart as men.
Masculinity and Attitude Towards Women
The study also showed certain masculine attitudes towards women concerning sexuality
and women's role. Of the respondents, 66.0%, for example, either agreed (35%) or slightly
agreed (31%) that women have a primary role in caring for children. In comparison, only
26.9% disagreed, and 7.1% slightly disagreed with such a statement. There was also a
widely accepted stereotypical difference between men and women regarding social
expectations concerning sexual behaviour. For example, 69% of the men either agreed
(47.2%) or slightly agreed (21.8%), stating that women with many sexual partners are not
good women. Similarly, 62% of men agreed (37.1%) or slightly agreed (24.9%) with the
statement that using dirty words while speaking is more repulsive to women than men.
In contrast, only 16.2% disagreed, or 14.7% slightly disagreed with a statement
that women with many sexual partners are not good women, and only 28.4% disagreed, or
9.6% slightly disagreed with a statement using dirty words while speaking is more
repulsive to women than to men.
Figure 4: Masculinity and Attitude Towards Women
The survey shows that most men still associate with the older stereotypes of
masculinities, such as men have more leadership power than women, most women cannot
take care of themselves without the help of men, women are not as smart as men, women
do not like to take risks, and women cannot make decisions quickly. Therefore, 20.8%
agreed, and 26.9% slightly agreed that men have more leadership ability than women.
Similarly, 12.2% of men agreed, and 22.3% slightly agreed that most women could not
take care of themselves without men's help. Surprisingly, men in Nepal think gender
decides the smartness of people as seen in the 17.2% of men who agreed (8.6%) or slightly
agreed (8.6%) that women are not as smart as men.
It is unfortunate that 46.7% of males in Nepal believe women do not like to take
risks and that 36% believe women cannot make decisions quickly. It clearly showed that
while modern Nepali women try to break away from the hypothetical non-physical
attributes given to women that produce social norms and ideologies concerning gender,
their male counterparts still hold onto the same long-held beliefs and attitudes. In contrast,
only 52.3% of men disbelieved men have more leadership power than women. Similarly,
65.5% of men disagreed or slightly disagreed with a statement that most women cannot
take care of themselves without men's help. It is a progressive Nepal signal, where 82.7%
of men did not believe women are not as smart as men. However, if the entire research data
collection were from rural Nepal, the disbelieved percentage would be lower.
Approximately 53.3% of men denied a statement that women do not like to take risks, and
63.9% of men refused to say that women cannot make quick decisions.
Education is crucial for eliminating gender stereotypes and diminishing the
persistent hegemonic masculinity tendencies that are predominantly prominent in society.
As such, for the current study, it was essential to determine whether education levels can
help to facilitate a change in the respondents' perceptions regarding masculinity. In that
case, the aim was to ascertain whether there was a statistically significant difference among
the six education groups of the respondents on responses to the following statements: It is
not appropriate for men to ask for help, Men should not show sadness to others, People do
not respect men who frequently talk about problems, Men should always be brave, Men
should always be logical, Men should always be independent, Men should always be
tough, and Men need to be able to find a well-paying job. A Kruskal-Wallis test was carried
out, primarily because the dataset violated the variance assumption, which would make it
possible to utilise One-Way ANOVA.
The output from the test commences with the Ranks output as detailed in Table 8
below. The table offers the Means Ranks for eight dependent variables, i.e. It is not
appropriate for men to ask for help, Men should not show sadness to others, People do not
respect men who frequently talk about problems, Men should always be brave, Men should
always be logical, Men should always be independent, Men should always be tough, and
Men need to be able to find a well-paying job. For the analysis, the Kruskal-Wallis (K-W)
test compared the mean ranks for the six education groups of the respondents. Following
the Ranks output, Table 9 below details the Test Statistics and indicates whether there is an
overall difference among the six groups regarding the response to the eight dependent
variables.
Table 8: Ranks- Kruskal-Wallis Test
What is your highest level of education? N Mean Rank
It is not appropriate for men to ask for help. No Formal Education 3 17.33
Secondary Education 20 62.73
Higher Secondary School 57 99.33
Bachelor of Education 91 108.31
Master of Education 24 100.88
Over Master of Education 2 128.50
Total 197
Men should not show sadness to others. No Formal Education 3 42.00
Secondary Education 20 63.93
Higher Secondary School 57 90.85
Bachelor of Education 91 110.55
Master of Education 24 106.21
Over Master of Education 2 155.50
Total 197
People do not respect men who frequently No Formal Education 3 62.83
talk about problems. Secondary Education 20 88.43
Higher Secondary School 57 94.04
Bachelor of Education 91 99.90
Master of Education 24 116.65
Over Master of Education 2 148.00
Total 197
Men should always be brave. No Formal Education 3 87.67
Secondary Education 20 90.75
Higher Secondary School 57 92.24
Bachelor of Education 91 103.87
Master of Education 24 102.75
Over Master of Education 2 124.75
Total 197
Men should always be logical. No Formal Education 3 62.83
Secondary Education 20 84.08
Higher Secondary School 57 98.55
Bachelor of Education 91 103.26
Master of Education 24 94.08
Over Master of Education 2 180.50
Total 197
Men should always be independent. No Formal Education 3 48.67
Secondary Education 20 72.20
Higher Secondary School 57 102.36
Bachelor of Education 91 103.46
Master of Education 24 97.46
Over Master of Education 2 162.50
Total 197
Men should always be tough. No Formal Education 3 25.83
Secondary Education 20 71.97
Higher Secondary School 57 98.37
Bachelor of Education 91 106.89
Master of Education 24 99.21
Over Master of Education 2 135.50
Total 197
Men need to be able to find a well-paying No Formal Education 3 53.67
job. Secondary Education 20 94.00
Higher Secondary School 57 105.61
Bachelor of Education 91 96.08
Master of Education 24 103.85
Over Master of Education 2 103.50
Total 197
Table 9: Test Statistics
Test Statisticsa,b
It is not
appropriate
for men to
ask for help.
Men
should
not show
sadness
to others.
People do
not respect
men who
frequently
talk about
problems.
Men
should
always be
brave.
Men
should
always be
logical.
Men
should
always be
independe
nt.
Men
should
always be
tough.
Men
need to
be able
to find a
well-
paying
job.
Kruskal-
Wallis H
26.396 19.926 6.900 3.273 8.245 10.972 16.211 3.586
Df 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5
Asymp.
Sig.
.000 .001 .228 .658 .143 .052 .006 .610
a. Kruskal Wallis Test
b. Grouping Variable: What is your highest level of education?
Due to the fact that there were unequal variances, a Kruskal-Wallis nonparametric
test was conducted to test for statistically significant differences between respondents'
education groups in eight dependent variables, namely: It is not appropriate for men to ask
for help, Men should not show sadness to others, People do not respect men who frequently
talk about problems, Men should always be brave, Men should always be logical, Men
should always be independent, Men should always be tough. The test's output indicated
that the six respondents' education groups differed on it is not appropriate for men to ask
for help, c2 (5, N = 197) = 26.396, p <.001, with a mean rank of 17.33 for No Formal
Education, 62.73 for Secondary Education, 99.33 for Higher Secondary Education,
108.31 for Bachelor of Education, and 100.88 for Master of Education.
In addition, according to the test's output, the six respondents' education groups
differed on men should not show sadness to others c2 (5, N = 197) = 19.926, p =.001, with
a mean rank of 42.00 for No Formal Education, 63.93 for Secondary Education, 90.85 for
Higher Secondary Education, 110.55 for Bachelor of Education, 106.21 for Master of
Education, and 155.50 for Over Master of Education. The trend was also witnessed with
men should always be tough, where the six respondents' education groups differed c2 (5, N
= 197) = 16.211, p =.006, with a mean rank of 25.83 for No Formal Education, 71.97 for
Secondary Education, 98.37 for Higher Secondary Education, 106.89 for Bachelor of
Education, 99.21 for Master of Education, and 135.50 for Over Master of Education.
The outputs indicate that the three statements, i.e., it is not appropriate for men to
ask for help, men should not show sadness to others, and men should always be tough,
depicted a significant influence of respondents' education on their response. For the other
statements, the responses from the respondents were hardly affected by their education
levels. Hence, for education, the overwhelming perception would be that it helps reign in
gender stereotypes, especially in reducing the uptake of hegemonic masculinity, especially
within the younger generations. The study results indicate that Education in its current state
in Nepal does not provide such a shift in the conventional societal mindset. That is the case
since hegemonic masculinity is extensively entrenched within society, and conventional
Education is doing little to enlighten Nepalese, especially men, on how flawed their
perception of their place in society is. It is thus indicative of a need for lessons explicitly
aimed at unravelling the existing gender stereotypes and providing an avenue for a shift in
how society approaches the issue of hegemonic masculinity.
Masculinity and Attitude Towards Violence Against Women
The study also measured men's beliefs and ideologies that led to violence against women.
The survey found that many men believe women should be confined within the household
to save them from abuse or rape. Therefore, a total of 58.9% of men agreed (28.4%) or
slightly agreed (30.5%) that women should not go out alone at night as they are likely to
get abused or raped. In contrast, only 41.1% of men disagreed (32.5%) or slightly
disagreed (8.6%) with the above-mentioned statement.
Figure 5: Women should not go out alone.
Notably, there was a need to understand whether the respondent's age influenced the
perception of women being confined at home to avoid rape, i.e., the response to the
question was significantly different based on the respondent's age. Hence, the aim was to
determine whether younger and older respondents differed on whether they agreed or
disagreed with the statement that women should confine themselves to their homes to
avoid getting abused or raped. In analysing the relationship between the two variables,
there was a need to determine whether the dataset passed the requirements for utilising
Pearson Chi-Square.
The key assumption to be met when utilising the statistics was that the two
variables should comprise ordinal or nominal level data, which was the case with the two
variables, i.e., the respondent's age. The response to the statement – women should not go
out alone at night as they are likely to get abused or raped. Secondly, the two variables
should consist of two categorical independent groupings. The assumption was met by the
two variables whereby the age of respondents in the seven categorical groupings included
'Under 20', '20 – 25', '26 – 30', '31 –.35', '36 – 39', and 'Over 40'. On the other hand, the
statement response was based on a Likert scale comprising of 'Agree', 'Slightly Agree',
'Slightly Disagree', and 'Disagree.'
After conducting Chi-Square Tests to assess whether there is a statistically
significant association between the two variables, Tables 10 and 11 report the results. The
age of respondents and reaction to the statement "women should not go out alone at night
because they are likely to be abused or raped" are cross tabulated in Table 10 below. Using
the Counts and Expected Counts output, it is possible to determine that a more significant
proportion of the youngest respondents – '20 – 25' – agreed with the statement that women
should not go out alone at night because they are likely to be mistreated or raped.
Nevertheless, it is impossible to verify if the difference is systematic. In addition, in the
Crosstabulation Table, the Expected Count for the youngest respondents (20 to 25 years
old) who agreed with the statement is 26.2, but the actual Count is 32. The result of the
Chi-Square Tests in Table 11 below addresses the inconsistencies and the determination of
whether the trend between the Expected Counts and actual Counts is systematic.
Table 10: Women going out Alone with Age Crosstabulation
Women should not go out alone at night as they are likely to get abused or raped. *
What is your age Crosstabulation
20-25 26-30
What is your age
31-35
36-39 > 40 Total
Women Agree Count 32 14 6 2 2 56
should not go
out alone at
night as they
are likely to get
abused or
Expected Count 26.2 17.6 7.1 2.0 3.1 56.0
% Within What is
your age
34.8% 22.6% 24.0% 28.6% 18.2% 28.4%
Slightly Count 28 18 7 4 3 60
Agree Expected Count 28.0 18.9 7.6 2.1 3.4 60.0
raped. % Within What is
your age
30.4% 29.0% 28.0% 57.1% 27.3% 30.5%
Slightly Count 9 4 3 0 1 17
Disagree Expected Count 7.9 5.4 2.2 .6 .9 17.0
% Within What is
your age
9.8% 6.5% 12.0% 0.0% 9.1% 8.6%
Disagree Count 23 26 9 1 5 64
Expected Count 29.9 20.1 8.1 2.3 3.6 64.0
% Within What is
your age
25.0% 41.9% 36.0% 14.3% 45.5% 32.5%
Total Count 92 62 25 7 11 197
Expected Count 92.0 62.0 25.0 7.0 11.0 197.0
% Within What is
your age
100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Table 11: Chi-Square Tests
Chi-Square Tests
Value Df
Asymptotic
Significance
(2-sided) Sig.
Monte Carlo Sig. (2-sided)
99% Confidence
Interval
Sig.
Monte Carlo Sig. (1
99
Lower
Bound
-sided)
% Confidence
Interval Upper
Bound
Lower
Bound
Upper
Bound
Pearson
Chi-Square
10.483a 12 .574 .578b.566 .591
Likelihood
Ratio
10.900 12 .537 .627b.615 .640
Fisher's
Exact Test
9.923 .589b.576 .601
Linear-by-
Linear
Association
2.205c1 .138 .137b.128 .146 .072b.065 .078
N of Valid
Cases
197
a. Ten cells (45.0%) have an Expected Count of less than five. The minimum Expected Count is.60.
b. Based on 10000 sampled tables with starting seed 2000000.
From Table 11 above, there is the option of using Pearson Chi-Square or Fisher's
Exact Test, based on the nature of the data set. According to the output, the Pearson
ChiSquare output for the two variables is insignificant, i.e. (p =.574), which is indicative of
the lack of certainty on whether older or younger respondents were significantly different
on whether they agreed or did not disagree with the statement that women should not go
out alone at night as they are likely to get abused or raped. However, according to the
footnote on the Chi-Square output, ten cells (45%) have an Expected Count of less than 5,
when the minimum Expected Count is.60. Thus, the prerequisites for applying Pearson
Chi-Square were not met, and Fisher's Exact Test was employed while reading the Chi-
Square Tests table. In determining the Fisher's Exact Test, the decision to employ the
Monte Carlo method was influenced by the fact that in both the Asymptotic and Exact
options, the analysis took too long and yielded a negative result due to device memory
constraints.
A Chi-Square test was conducted to evaluate whether younger or older respondents
differed in their agreement or disagreement with the statement that women should not go
out alone at night as they are likely to be abused or raped. The test results suggested that
there is no substantial difference between younger and older respondents about whether
women should not go out alone at night. They are likely to experience sexual abuse or
exploitation (c2 = 10.483, df = 12, N = 197, p =.589). This result is relevant to the current
study because it demonstrates that the discourse of abuse and rape is still strongly biased
towards the alleged carelessness of the victim, as opposed to criticising the
overwhelmingly male perpetrators of the crime. This impression is shared by all age groups
of men, whether young or old.
Another similar statement was given, and the resultant percentages were not
different. When given the statement that women wearing revealing clothes causes problems
for themselves, 54.5% of men agreed (30.3%) and slightly agreed (24.2%) with the
statement. Only 37.9% of men disagreed, and 7.6% of men slightly disagreed with the
statement.
Figure 6: Women Wearing Revealing Clothes
Nepali society has given women the big responsibility of uniting and keeping
families together. Surprisingly, however, the women who keep the family together are not
safe. The survey statistics proved it: 37.6% of men agreed (16.8%) or slightly agreed
(20.8%) that sometimes women must endure the abuse of husbands and in-laws to keep the
family together. A large number (62.4%) of men disagreed (55.3%) or slightly disagreed
(7.1%) with the statement; however, we cannot deny the fact that 37.6% is a significant
number and women who raise their voices against abuse from husbands and in-laws might
face violence.
Figure 7: Women’s Endurance on their In-Laws and Husband’s Abuse
In Nepal, reporting violence or seeking help to end the violence is still uncommon.
The society also does not intervene if they see couples fighting. There is a famous saying
in Nepali, "Logne swasni ko jhagada paral ko aago" (fights between a couple are like a
blaze in the straw that does not last long). The survey statistics prove that the above saying
governs people's attitudes towards a couple's discord. The results here show that 62.4% of
men either agreed (41.1%) or slightly agreed (21.3%) that others should not interfere with
a fight between a husband and wife. Only 22.3% of men disagreed, and 15.2% of men
slightly disagreed with the statement.
Figure 8: Fight Between Husband and Wife
While the Government of Nepal’s research (2016) claims that most cases of VAW
were committed by someone known to the victim, the survey results found that many men
in Nepal still believe that if women stay away from unknown people, they are less likely to
get raped or abused. Around 60.9% of men agreed (34.5%) or slightly agreed (26.4%) with
the above statement. Only 30.5% of men denied the statement, and 8.6% barely rejected it.
Figure 9: Women Keeping Distance from Unknown People
The fact that most violent abuse and rape of women in Nepal is perpetrated by
someone they know, i.e., a relative, informs the need for an in-depth understanding of
men's perceptions regarding women as the majority victims of rape. That suggests the need
for, and development of a research question based on the available dataset to evaluate the
phenomenon. To that effect, the analysis of the phenomenon carried out in this study is
expressed through the following research question:
RQ: Men's age and married status appear to have a statistically significant impact
on their opinion of the need for women to avoid strangers, hence decreasing the
likelihood that they may be assaulted or raped?
From this research question, a null hypothesis can also be derived for the analysis, which is
described below:
H0: There is no correlation between the respondent's gender and marital status and
their perception of the necessity for women to avoid strangers to prevent being
harmed or abused.
Due to its usefulness in analysing a comparison of groups based on two
independent variables, each of which classifies participants based on a particular
characteristic, a Two-Way ANOVA test was employed to conduct the analysis. Each
participant was allocated to one level of each independent variable (completely crossed
design).
The output from the analysis commences with Table 12 below, which is the
Between-Subjects Factors output which displays the distribution of the value labels for the
two variables – your age and marital status. The study sample population is n = 197. That
is followed by the Descriptive Statistics output in Table 13 below, which displays the
means, standard deviations, and sample sizes for the different variables.
Table 12: Between-Subjects Factors
Between-Subjects Factors
Value Label N
What is your age 2 20-25 92
3 26-30 62
4 31-35 25
5 36-39 7
6 Over 40 11
Marital status 1 Married 69
2 Unmarried 128
Table 13: Descriptive Statistics
Descriptive Statistics
Dependent Variable: If women stay away from unknown people, they are less
likely to get raped or abused.
What is your age Marital Status Mean Std. Deviation N
20-25 Married 1.78 1.061 41
Unmarried 2.59 1.299 51
Total 2.23 1.259 92
26-30 Married 1.84 1.214 19
Unmarried 2.79 1.166 43
Total 2.50 1.251 62
31-35 Married 1.80 1.304 5
Unmarried 2.65 1.137 20
Total 2.48 1.194 25
36-39 Married 1.50 .707 2
Unmarried 2.00 1.225 5
Total 1.86 1.069 7
Over 40 Married 2.50 2.121 2
Unmarried 2.56 1.130 9
Total 2.55 1.214 11
Total Married 1.81 1.115 69
Unmarried 2.64 1.208 128
Total 2.35 1.239 197
The Test of Between-Subjects Effects in Table 14 below is a crucial output,
especially in reviewing the interaction F (Age*marital), which is not statistically
significant in this case, F (4.187) = 0.234, p =.919. Had the interaction been significant, it
would have instituted a need for caution regarding interpreting the main effects since they
could be misleading. Following a breakdown of the effects of Age*marital status, the
analysis moves to the individual variables. The insignificant F for Age indicates that
younger respondents (20-25) were not significantly different from older respondents (over
40) in their perception of whether women should stay away from unknown people as a way
of avoiding being abused or raped (M = 2.23 vs. 2.55).
Table 14: Tests of Between-Subjects Effects
Tests of Between-Subjects Effects
Dependent Variable: If women stay away from unknown people, they are less likely to get raped
or abused.
Source
Type III Sum of
Squares df Mean Square F Sig.
Partial Eta
Squared
Corrected
Model
35.240a9 3.916 2.757 .005 .117
Intercept 288.110 1 288.110 202.854 .000 .520
Marital 5.947 1 5.947 4.187 .042 .022
Age * Marital 1.327 4 .332 .234 .919 .005
Error 265.592 187 1.420
Total 1389.000 197
Corrected
Total
300.832 196
a. R Squared =.117 (Adjusted R Squared =.075)
The significant F for marital status, i.e., p = 0.042, indicates that married
respondents were more likely to agree with the assertion that if women stay away from
unknown people, they are less likely to get raped or abused than the unmarried respondents
(M = 1.81 vs. 2.64). That is an insightful finding considering that most perpetrators are
often known to the victims in perpetrating abuse and rape (Nepal police, 2019). That would
further perpetuate violence against women, as their husbands are keen to have them
restrained. The final output following the analysis is the profile plots as detailed in Figure
4 below.
Figure 10: Profile Plots
Hence, a Two-Way ANOVA was undertaken to determine whether age and marital
status seem to have a statistically significant effect on respondents' perspectives on whether
women should stay away from strangers to avoid getting abused or raped. Crucially, as
depicted by Table 14 above, there was not a significant interaction between age and marital
status on the respondents' perception of women avoiding strangers as a way of preventing
abuse or rape (p =.919).
Consequently, based on the outcome of the analysis, the null hypothesis is
confirmed. The gender and marital status of respondents does not correlate with their
perception of the need for women to avoid strangers to ensure they are not abused or
abused. Despite this, marital status influences a respondent's perspective on whether
women should avoid strangers to prevent rape and abuse, as the majority of married
respondents believed that a woman's safety from rape and abuse rests in avoiding the
company of strangers.
The statement 'sometimes, women themselves are accountable for their harassment,
abuse, and rape' was used to test victim-blaming perceptions. It was discovered that
perceptions of victim blaming in Nepal are highest among Nepali men. The results showed
that 66.8 % of men agreed (29.6 %) or somewhat agreed (37.2 %) with the statement,
while just 27.6 % slightly disagreed, and 5.6 % disagreed.
Figure 11: Women’s Responsibilities on their Harassment
Masculinity and Victim Blaming
Scholars claim that the culture of victimisation is still partially responsible for violence
against women. Table 15 below shows the data on victim-blaming in Nepal. More than half
of men (58.9%) in Nepal believe that it is women's fault if they go out alone at night and
get raped. Among them, 28.4% of men completely agreed, and 30.5% slightly agreed with
the statement above. The data unequivocally shows that males in Nepal are likely to place
responsibility on the victim when a sexual assault or other violent crime occurs after a
woman has gone out at night for whatever reason and has been victimised as a result.
Nepali men are more likely to do this since they support antagonistic attitudes towards
women (Hockett, Saucier & Badke, 2016), and scrutinise the victim's independence.
Table 15: Masculinity and Victim Blaming
Women should not go out alone at night as they are likely to get abused or raped.
Agree Slightly Agree Slightly Disagree Disagree
Reside In Province 1 6.1% 5.1% 1.5% 4.6%
Province 2 2.0% 2.5% 0.5% 1.5%
Province 3 11.2% 12.2% 3.6% 15.2%
Province 4 4.1% 7.1% 1.0% 4.1%
Province 5 2.0% 2.0% 1.5% 4.6%
Province 6 1.0% 1.0% 0.5%
Province 7 2.0% 0.5% 0.5% 2.0%
Age 20-25 16.2% 14.2% 4.6% 11.7%
26-30 7.1% 9.1% 2.0% 13.2%
31-35 3.0% 3.6% 1.5% 4.6%
36-39 1.0% 2.0% 0.5%
Over 40 1.0% 1.5% 0.5% 2.5%
Employment Student 5.1% 4.6% 3.6% 8.1%
Unemployed 3.6% 3.6% 0.5% 2.5%
Business 2.0% 5.6% 1.0% 2.5%
Labourer 2.5% 4.1% 3.0%
Service 10.2% 5.1% 1.5% 6.1%
Professional
employment 5.1% 7.6% 2.0% 10.2%
Educational
Level
No Formal
Education 1.5%
Secondary
Education 6.1% 2.5% 0.5% 1.0%
Higher
Secondary
School 9.6% 9.1% 2.5% 7.6%
Bachelor of
Education 9.6% 14.2% 3.0% 19.3%
Master of
Education 1.5% 4.6% 2.5% 3.6%
Over Master
of Education 1.0%
Marital
Status Married 16.2% 8.6% 2.5% 7.6%
Unmarried 12.2% 21.8% 6.1% 24.9%
Women who wear revealing clothes causing problems for themselves
Reside In Province 1 4.6% 4.6% 2.5% 5.6%
Province 2 1.5% 1.5% 3.6%
Province 3 10.7% 7.1% 4.6% 19.8%
Province 4 3.6% 3.0% 0.5% 9.1%
Province 5 1.0% 3.0% 2.0% 4.1%
Province 6 1.5% 0.5% 0.5%
Province 7 1.5% 0.5% 3.0%
Age 20-25 13.2% 9.1% 4.6% 19.8%
26-30 7.1% 8.6% 2.5% 13.2%
31-35 3.0% 1.5% 1.5% 6.6%
36-39 0.5% 0.5% 1.0% 1.5%
Over 40 0.5% 0.5% 0.5% 4.1%
Employment Student 6.6% 2.5% 2.5% 9.6%
Unemployed 2.0% 2.5% 1.0% 4.6%
Business 2.0% 2.5% 1.0% 5.6%
Labourer 3.0% 1.5% 1.0% 4.1%
Service 6.1% 5.6% 2.0% 9.1%
Professional
employment 4.6% 5.6% 2.5% 12.2%
Educational
Level
No Formal
Education 1.0% 0.5%
Secondary
Education 3.6% 3.0% 1.0% 2.5%
Higher
Secondary
School 7.1% 6.1% 3.0% 12.7%
Bachelor of
Education 8.6% 8.6% 5.1% 23.9%
Master of
Education 3.6% 2.0% 1.0% 5.6%
Over Master
of Education 0.5% 0.5%
Marital
Status Married 9.10% 7.10% 3.60% 15.20%
Unmarried 15.20% 13.20% 6.60% 29.90%
Essentially, men living in Province 3 responded positively (11.2% agreed and
12.2% slightly agreed) to the statement that Women should not go out alone at night as
they are likely to get abused or raped. Men residing in Province 3 have a similar
percentage of disagreement (15.2% agreed and 3.6% disagreed).
Similarly, in the age category, 30.4% (16.2% agreed and 14.2% slightly agreed) of
men aged 20-25 seemed to believe that women should not go out alone at night. Half of the
disagreement (16.3%) came from the age category 20-25, and 15.2% disagreed from the
26-30 age group.
The study found that unmarried men are more rigid, dominating, and hostile
towards women than married men. Approximately, 25.4% of married men agreed and
slightly agreed with the statement, whereas 34% of unmarried agreed (12.2%) and slightly
agreed (21.8%).
The level of education did not have much positive impact on this study. Most men
studying Higher Education and a Bachelor of Education agreed that women should not go
out alone at night. The percentage of complete agreement between Higher Education and a
Bachelor of Education is the same (9.6%). However, 9.1% of men studying Higher
Education and 14.2% of men studying for a Bachelor of Education slightly agreed with the
given statement in the survey.
The findings of this study reveal that independent men in Nepal are more likely to
hold negative attitudes towards women and place blame on the victims of crimes. The
figure of men involved in professional employment was 26.4% (15.2% agreed and 11.2%
slightly agreed). The data basically suggested that, to protect women from being raped and
harmed, 26.4 % of men supported restricting women's freedom of movement. However,
men engaged in business showed liberal opinions in this study. Only 7.6 % of men (2%
agreed and 5.6% slightly agreed) engaged in the business said women should stay within
their home boundaries to save themselves from violence.
The results of this study indicate that women should not go out alone at night to
avoid becoming victims of violence; it also highlights the important question: what is the
situation of the large numbers of women who do not feel safe at home? Sadly, the
foregoing data demonstrates that patriarchal and cultural norms in Nepal are stronger than
the amount of education and financial independence in terms of Nepali men's view of
women and violence against women. These strong cultural and patriarchal structural
standards strengthen Nepal's male norms.
Table 15 above also shows that there are very few drastic and modern opinions of
Nepali men about girls' and women's clothing. Men in Nepal still believe that the type of
women's clothing is a sign of sexual and asexual women. According to men, those ladies
who like to wear modern and fashionable clothing are teasing men and inviting them to
have sex. Province 3 recorded 17.8% of men (10.7% agreed and 7.1% slightly agreed).
Province 3 gave a positive reply to the statement that women who wear revealing clothes
cause problems for themselves, whereas most men from Provinces 5, 6, and 7 disagreed
with the statement. Likewise, men aged 20-25 and 26-30 believed women should not wear
revealing clothes to protect themselves from possible violence. By comparison, the age
categories 31-35 seemed more liberal. Only 4.5% of men (3% agreed and 1.5% slightly
agreed) aged 31-35 said women should not be wearing revealing clothes, whereas 22.3% of
men aged 20-25 and 15.7% of men aged 26-30 responded positively.
Like the response to the previous statement, men with professional employment
were found to agree more that women should not be wearing revealing clothes (21.9%).
The student participants come in second in rank in agreeing (9.1%) with the statement.
However, unlike the previous statement, 28.4 % of unmarried men agreed (15.2% agreed
and 13.2% disagreed) that women who wear revealing clothes cause problems for
themselves. This data shows that men studying Secondary Education and for a Master of
Education have the same opinion as the 3.6%. A higher percentage of positive responses
come from men studying for a Bachelor of Education (17.2%).
In total, 58.9% of men agreed (28.4% agreed and 30.5% slightly agreed) that
women should not go out alone at night as they are likely to get abused or raped, and
44.7% of men agreed (24.4% agreed and 20.3% slightly agreed) that women who wear
revealing clothes are causing problems for themselves. The data from Nepal supports the
literature mentioned above and suggests that a high degree of victim-blaming attitudes in
terms of victims' clothing sense, timing to go out of home, where, and with whom, and
victim's alcohol consumption blames the victim for their victimisation and narrates how
perpetrators were not at fault; and putting perpetrators in jail for their one- time mistake is
not justifiable.
The prevalent culture of victim-blaming in Nepal, particularly among Nepali men,
appears to be a significant factor in VAW in Nepal. With that in mind, it is essential to
determine how the various indicators of upward social mobility, especially through
education and professional development, have shaped the contemporary thinking among
men in Nepal on victim-shaming. To that effect, the first analysis involved determining
whether there are statistically significant differences among the six education groups, in
response to the following statements: Sometimes women have to endure the abuse of their
husbands and in-laws to keep the family united, others should not interfere with the fight
between a husband and wife, Sometimes, women themselves are responsible for their
harassment, abuse and rape, in addition to Women who wear revealing clothes causing
problems for themselves. Based on one of the variables, the Kruskal-Wallis’s test was
considered the most appropriate. The analysis of the variables on SPSS commences with
the Ranks output as presented in Table 16 below.
Table 16 provides the Mean Ranks for the four dependent variables: Sometimes
women must endure the abuse of their husband and in-laws to keep the family united,
others should not interfere with the fight between a husband and wife, Sometimes, women
themselves are responsible for their harassment, abuse, and rape, and Women who wear
revealing clothes causing problems for themselves. Crucially, for the current case, the
Kruskal-Wallis (K-W) test compared the Means Ranks for the six respondents' education
groups.
Following the Ranks output, Table 17 below presents the Test Statistics and seeks
to indicate whether there was an overall difference among the six groups.
Table 16: Ranks
Ranks
What is your highest level of
Education? N Mean Rank
Sometimes women have to No Formal Education 3 29.33
endure the abuse of their
husbands and in-laws to keep
the family united.
Secondary Education 20 45.30
Higher Secondary School 57 98.92
Bachelor of Education 91 112.02
Master of Education 24 99.60
Over Master of Education 2 143.00
Total 197
Others should not interfere No Formal Education 3 41.00
with the fight between a
husband and wife.
Secondary Education 20 63.68
Higher Secondary School 57 97.68
Bachelor of Education 91 104.32
Master of Education 24 112.29
Over Master of Education 2 175.50
Total 197
Sometimes, women are No Formal Education 3 29.50
responsible for their
harassment, abuse, and rape.
Secondary Education 20 66.25
Higher Secondary School 57 90.80
Bachelor of Education 91 108.71
Master of Education 24 114.81
Over Master of Education 2 133.00
Total 197
Women who wear revealing No Formal Education 3 39.17
clothes causing problems for
themselves.
Secondary Education 20 77.22
Higher Secondary School 57 97.91
Bachelor of Education 91 107.22
Master of Education 24 96.90
Over Master of Education 2 88.75
Total 197
Table 17: Test Statistics
Test Statisticsa,b
Sometimes women
have to endure the
abuse of their
husbands and inlaws
to keep the
family united.
Others should not
interfere with the
fight between a
husband and wife.
Sometimes, women
are
responsible for
their harassment,
abuse, and rape.
Women who wear
revealing clothes
causing problems
for themselves.
Kruskal-Wallis H 34.491 18.221 19.355 9.312
Df 5 5 5 5
Asymp. Sig. .000 .003 .002 .097
a. Kruskal Wallis Test
b. Grouping Variable: What is your highest level of Education?
As such, a Kruskal-Wallis nonparametric test was conducted to test for statistically
significant differences between respondents' education groups concerning their responses
to four critical statements relating to victim-shaming. The test's output indicated that the
six respondents' education groups differed on Sometimes women must endure the abuse of
their husbands and in-laws to keep the family united. c2 (5, N = 197) = 34.49, p <.001.
Notably, the mean rank of respondents who had Over Master of Education (143.00, n = 2)
was significantly higher than that of respondents with other levels of education, including
Master of Education (99.60, n = 24), Bachelor of Education (112.02, n = 91), Higher
Secondary Education (98.92, n = 57), Secondary Education (45.30, n = 20), and No Formal
Education (29.33, n = 3).
Furthermore, the test's output indicated that the six groups differed significantly on
others should not interfere with the fight between a husband and wife c2 (5, N = 197) =
18.22, p =.003. Notably, the mean rank of respondents who had Over Master of Education
(175.50, n = 2) was significantly higher than that of respondents with other levels of
education, including Master of Education (112.29, n = 24), Bachelor of Education (104.32,
n = 91), Higher Secondary Education (97.68, n = 57), Secondary Education (63.68, n =
20), and No Formal Education (41.00, n = 3).
In addition, there was a statistically significant difference in the six respondents'
education groups in Sometimes, women are responsible for their harassment, abuse, and
rape c2 (5, N = 197) = 19.36, p =.002. Crucially, the mean rank of respondents who had
Over Master of Education (133.00, n = 2) was significantly higher than that of respondents
with other levels of education, including Master of Education (114.81, n = 24), Bachelor of
Education (108.71, n = 91), Higher Secondary Education (90.80, n = 57), Secondary
Education (66.25, n = 20), and No Formal Education (29.50, n = 3).
Considering that the responses to the four questions involved a Likert scale, i.e., 1 –
4 from Agree, Slightly Agree, Slightly Disagree, and Disagree, a higher mean rank would
indicate that the responses were mainly Disagree and Strongly Disagree. Hence, for the
questions for which there was a statistically significant difference, the reactions from those
with a higher level of education presented the highest mean ranks, i.e., Bachelor of
Education, Master of Education, and Over Master of Education. To that effect, a trend can
be derived in that the negative perceptions aimed at victim-shaming, such as the notion that
Sometimes, women themselves are responsible for their harassment, abuse, and rape, seem
to be mainly held by those with lower levels of education, i.e., Secondary Education, and
No Formal education. It can thus be deduced that the attainment of high levels of education
has a positive influence of helping reign in on some of the male stereotypes associated with
victim-shaming of abuse and rape victims.
Following a determination of how education influences perceptions relating to
victim-shaming, the second analysis involved determining whether there were statistically
significant differences among the six employment groups on responses to the statements:
Sometimes, women have to endure the abuse of their husbands and in-laws to keep the
family united, others should not interfere with the fight between a husband and wife,
Sometimes, women themselves are responsible for their harassment, abuse and rape, in
addition to Women who wear revealing clothes causing problems for themselves. Based on
the nature of the variables, Kruskal-Wallis’s test is the most appropriate. The output from
the analysis of the variables on SPSS commences with the Ranks output in Table 18 below.
Table 18 below provides the mean ranks for the four dependent variables, i.e.
Sometimes women have to endure the abuse of their husband and in-laws to keep the
family united; others should not interfere with the fight between a husband and wife,
Sometimes, women themselves are responsible for their harassment, abuse, and rape, in
addition to Women who wear revealing clothes causing problems for themselves. In
addition, for the current case, the Kruskal-Wallis (K-W) test compares the mean ranks for
the six respondents' professional groups. Following the Ranks output, Table 19 below
presents the Test Statistics and seeks to indicate an overall difference among the six
groups.
Table 18: Ranks
Ranks
What job do you do? N Mean Rank
Sometimes women have to endure Student 42 112.94
the abuse of their husbands and Unemployed 20 91.85
inlaws to keep the family united.
Business 22 105.73
Labourer 19 93.21
Service 45 77.40
Professional employment 49 109.03
Total 197
Others should not interfere with the Student 42 103.06
fight between a husband and wife. Unemployed 20 100.23
Business 22 91.09
Labourer 19 80.32
Service 45 88.57
Professional employment 49 115.40
Total 197
Sometimes, women are responsible Student 42 110.96
for their harassment, abuse, and
rape.
Unemployed 20 89.25
Business 22 99.93
Labourer 19 89.97
Service 45 81.59
Professional employment 49 111.80
Total 197
Women who wear revealing clothes Student 42 96.68
causing problems for themselves. Unemployed 20 100.73
Business 22 105.48
Labourer 19 93.34
Service 45 93.23
Professional employment 49 104.87
Total 197
Table 19: Test Statistics
Test Statisticsa,b
Sometimes women
have to endure the
abuse of their
husbands and inlaws
to keep the
family united.
Others should not
interfere with the
fight between a
husband and wife.
Sometimes,
women are
responsible for
their harassment,
abuse, and rape.
Women who wear
revealing clothes
causing problems
for themselves.
Kruskal-Wallis H 13.843 9.101 10.638 1.740
Df 5 5 5 5
Asymp. Sig. .017 .105 .059 .884
a. Kruskal Wallis Test
b. Grouping Variable: What job do you do?
Thus, a Kruskal-Wallis nonparametric test was conducted to test for statistically
significant differences between respondents' professional groups' responses to four critical
statements relating to victim-blaming. The test's output indicated that the six respondents'
professional groups differed on Sometimes women must endure the abuse of their husbands
and in-laws to keep the family united. c2 (5, N = 197) = 13.84, p =.017. Importantly, the
mean rank of respondents who were students (112.94, n = 42) was significantly higher than
that of respondents within other employment groupings, including professional
employment (109.03, n = 49), business (105.73, n = 22), labourer (93.21, n = 19),
unemployed (91.85, n = 20), and service (77.40, n = 45).
The output for the other variables such as Others should not interfere with the fight
between a husband and wife, Sometimes, women themselves are responsible for their
harassment, abuse, and rape, and Women who wear revealing clothes, causing problems
for themselves, did not present a significant Kruskal-Wallis H value, thus indicating the
lack of differences in the responses to the four questions, based on the type of employment.
Hence, women having to endure the abuse of their husbands and in-laws to keep the family
united, students, and those in professional careers and businesses indicated a disagreement
with the statement. That said, the result does not present a conclusive understanding of the
influence that one's profession has on their ideologies towards victim-shaming.
Chapter Summary
This chapter presented the study's analysis based on data gathered through an online
survey. It explored how masculinities are constructed in Nepal. It compared the data with
variables such as age and marital status to determine how various age groups and marital
status construct Nepalese masculinities. This chapter also addressed the second research
question, and how the findings contributed to a better understanding of Nepalese
masculinity and its relationship to violence against women. The topics of masculinity,
attitudes towards women, and victim-blaming were thoroughly discussed. The subsequent
chapter synthesises the findings and relates them to the more extensive international
literature. Additionally, it addresses the third research question of the thesis.
Chapter Six: Discussion and Conclusion
Introduction
This concluding chapter summarises the study's key findings and discusses them in relation
to the aims and objectives stated in Chapter 1. This chapter also investigates how these
findings fit within the existing published literature, as reviewed in Chapter 4. The findings
relate to the field's broader theoretical perspectives. This chapter establishes the importance
of this study by interpreting and discussing the findings within the context of previous
research. The implications of the findings are also discussed, along with suggestions for
future research. This chapter also includes some recommendations for addressing Nepalese
masculinity and its connection to VAW in Nepal. Finally, it ends with the conclusions
drawn from this research.
This study addressed critical issues surrounding Nepalese masculinity and the
connection between masculinity and violence against women. It also sought to provide
concrete strategies for reducing VAW in Nepal by engaging men in the process of change.
In meeting its objectives, the study featured three critical research questions.
• How are masculinities constructed?
• How has masculinity impacted violence against women?
• In what ways can men engage in reducing violence against women?
The three questions were conclusively addressed using survey questionnaires involving
197 male Nepalese participants. The demographic variables among the participants
included age, marital status, level of education, and employment status.
The significant findings from the data analysis in the previous chapter suggested
that Nepalese masculinity is constructed around their behaviours, practices, values, and
perspectives shaped by society (Flood, 2002; Thompson, Grisanti & Pleck, 1985). The
participants shared the common understanding that belief systems adhering to male
supremacy have subordinated women to men. The data provided examples of the social
practices of male supremacy, such as being the breadwinners, decision-makers, and strong
individuals, while women are the homemakers who always need the protection of men
(Dahal, Joshi & Swahnberg, 2022). This unequal social positioning of men and women
created hierarchies in society, putting women in inferior positions and men in dominating
positions. This unequal positioning has also justified the violence of men towards women.
(Connell, 1995; Kaufman, 1987). Men have continued to hold on to these unequal social,
cultural, and religious norms for ages in Nepal (Uprety, 2011; Onta, 1996). Interestingly,
neither their education nor income level (employment status) appeared to influence their
perceptions of masculinity.
The reviewed data also illustrated that by holding on to such standards, which
dictate their societal roles, Nepalese men scrutinise women's freedom and seek to prevent
them from crossing the perceived divide between them (Maycock, 2017; Uprety, 2019).
The examples of the societally perceived line found in this study were that women should
not go out alone at night, not wear revealing clothes, and stay away from unknown men. If
women violate these boundaries, it serves as a catalyst for victim-blaming (Uprety, 2016).
Unfortunately, this implies that the Nepalese social structure allows perpetrators of VAW to
escape punishment while continuing to terrorise their victims (Sikweyiya et al., 2020;
Chakraborty, 2014; Osella & Osella, 2006). The following is a detailed explanation of the
study's findings, and each research question will be discussed individually.
The Construction of Masculinity
This study set out to identify the construction of masculinity in the Nepalese context. In
doing so, the survey involved multiple questions aimed at understanding the influence of
age on masculinity as a social construct. The first was the statement, ‘people do not respect
men who frequently talk about problems’. The study’s finding on the question was that
among five age groups, 20-25, 26-30, 31-35, 36-39, and over 40 years of age, the most
significant percentage agreed with the assertion that people do not respect men who talk
about their problems. This was in the 20-25, and 26-30 age groups. This finding suggests
that age does not greatly impact the “traditional ideas of masculinity” as a “provider”,
“protector”, or “smart” (Kimmel & Wade, 2018; Lawoti, 2010). Nepalese men of the
younger generation are also successfully following the tradition that aligns with the Hindu
book “Bhagavad Gita” and the history of “Bir Gorkhali” (Lawoti, 2010; Uprety, 2016; Rai,
2021). They believe men should be tough and take care of their problems quietly. It
correspondingly aligns with Kaufman (1987), who claims that masculinity comprises
certain traits valuable to men, including strength, courage, intellect, rationality, and sexual
urge.
Furthermore, after undertaking a correlation analysis of the responses from the
respondents on the issue relating to men talking about their problems, the younger
respondents supported the notion that people do not respect men who frequently speak
about their problems. That is insightful, considering it goes against the overriding
perception that such a conservative notion regarding men can only be found in
oldergeneration men (Ciabattari, 2001). This finding means that one of the critical
constructs of masculinity within Nepalese society revolves around the perception of
toughness, which would make men hesitant to share their problems (Courtenay, 2000).
Moving on from the age variable, the second variable within which the study was
undertaken was the marital status of the respondents in informing the social construct.
Crucially, Nepalese society firmly holds on to the social and cultural norms prohibiting
young men and women from pre-marital sex (Adhikari & Adhikari, 2017). Unsurprisingly,
the older generation supported the topic of sex as an offensive subject, which aligned with
the research done by Adhikari and Adhikari, who claims that the higher the age, the more
unfavourable attitude to sex. Likewise, Kimmel & Messner (2008) also believe that
masculinity, a socially constructed identity, changes with time, meaning that boys and men
can experience a transformation in how they express masculinity as they mature in their
lifetime. In addressing the social construct of masculinity within the confines of marital
status, the statement to which the respondents were asked to respond was, ‘It is ok for men
to have sexual intercourse with many women’. The study found no significant difference in
the perceptions of married and unmarried men with the need to avoid having pre-marital
sex.
A substantial portion of the unmarried men who participated in the study agreed
that men could have sex with more than one sexual partner. That notion informs Nepal’s
social construct of masculinity, which dominantly follows male sexual dominance and
preeminence over women (CARE, 2015). It is thus no wonder that the notion of a man
having multiple sexual partners is condoned to a high degree, despite being offensive as
per
Nepalese traditions.
The societal construct of masculinity is one that, by its very nature, is susceptible to
being interpreted as being driven by preconceived notions of how men and women should
behave (Adam, 2013). The key to eroding the hegemonic masculine characteristics that
tend to drive the masculinity construct is widespread among individuals with less
education (Moreno-Bella et al., 2019). Therefore, education should be a tool for eradicating
entrenched gender stereotypes and, to some extent, accelerating the erosion of the
persistent hegemonic masculinity tendencies regarded as more prominent in conventional
social conceptions (Cartier Philanthropy et al., 2019). Therefore, it was essential for the
study to investigate whether education influenced the respondents' attitudes, particularly on
masculinity. Some of the essential responses were utilised to determine reactions to the
masculinity-related statements. They included that it is not appropriate for men to ask for
help, men should always be brave and independent, men should always be tough, and men
need to find a well-paying job. A study was undertaken to determine whether there was a
statistically significant difference in the responses to the statements based on the
respondent’s education level.
The output from the study indicated that there were statements for which the
respondent’s education level did not influence their opinion; rather, the responses from the
respondents were hardly affected by their education levels. The statements are that it is not
appropriate for men to ask for help, men should not show sadness to others, and men
should always be tough. The finding was that the higher the respondent’s education level,
the less they were likely to believe that men should not ask for help, that men should not
show sadness to others, and that men should always be tough. The finding indicates that
some of the constructs of masculinity have been eroded through education. However, for
the rest of the statements, the respondent’s education level appeared to produce no change
in their opinion. The overwhelming perception is that a man must find a well-paying job
and always be independent (Halvorsen & Ljunggren, 2020). Furthermore, men should
remain logical and brave, and to gain the respect of others, men should avoid frequently
talking about their problems (Rai, 2021). These factors indicate that the social construct of
masculinity in Nepal has not been eroded by education.
This finding is in line Adam (2013), who highlighted the institutional masculinities,
imparted to men, particularly within school settings. Some of its essential characteristics
include gaining popularity through physical strength displayed in sports and battling,
denying academic success, being ignorant of emotions, emphasising heterosexuality or
sexism through interactions with girls or expressed narratives, and delivering filthy
humour. These aspects of institutional masculinities are primarily associated with the West
(Adam, 2013), but in the case of Nepal, the notions of masculinity are passed on by their
families, societies, and wider cultures (CARE, 2015).
The conception of masculinity is intricately intertwined with gender stereotypes,
whereby gender is constructed from cultural and subjective meanings, which constantly
shift and vary based on time and place (Jewkes et al., 2015). According to Courtenay
(2000), gender stereotypes are the meanings society uses in its construction of gender and
are ordinarily believed to be typical for men or women. There is a significant agreement
within the current society regarding what is considered typical feminine and masculine
tendencies. It is often the case that people are compelled to conform to stereotypical beliefs
about who they innately are. The current research indicates that men and boys tend to
experience relatively more significant social pressure than women and girls to endorse
gendered stereotypes, such as the belief that men are supposed to be self-reliant, robust,
strong, and rigid (Edwards, 2015). Men struggle with emotional expression and the
identification of coping mechanisms due to constructs of masculinity (McAllister,
Callaghan & Fellin, 2017). This idea extensively features in the present study, where there
seems to be an overwhelming agreement among the respondents that it is not appropriate
for men to ask for help and that men should not show sadness to others.
The theoretical perspective guiding this study was that masculinities are socially
constructed, whereby the societal conditions in their community inform men’s conduct. As
summarised by Thompson, Grisanti & Pleck (1985), the construction of masculinity is a
culturally-based ideology, which scripts the relations between men and women, the
structure of the male norms, and the attitudes and beliefs that men and women hold. Based
on that perspective, any social and cultural setting can result in different versions of
behaviours among men (Adam, 2013). In this research, fair numbers of respondents believe
that men must find a well-paying job and be independent. From a social constructionist
perspective, these factors indicate that men and boys are not only 'victims' of a socially
prescribed role in Nepal, but are also conditioned or socialised by their cultures to conform
to a particular approach to life (Courtenay, 2000). As a result, they stand out as active
agents in constructing the dominant norms of masculinity.
Masculinities and Violence Against Women in Nepal
One of the study's objectives was to investigate how masculinity in Nepal has impacted
VAW.
To understand the causes of VAW, the study sought to determine how men perceive
the notion that strong aggression is a natural emotion for men. One approach taken in the
study was to determine how that notion correlates with the ages of the surveyed
respondents. Eta squared was employed to investigate the association between the
respondent’s age and their response to the statement that men’s aggression is a natural
emotion. The result (eta =.126) indicates a small effect size. The younger respondents were
more likely to believe that strong aggression is a natural emotion for men as compared to
the older respondents. This finding aligns with the research of Aromäki, Haebich &
Lindman (2002), who discussed age as a strong modifier on male attitudes and behaviours
related to sexual aggression, dominance, and interpersonal violence. According to Connell
(1995), aggression is an integral element of hegemonic masculinity, where using a man’s
physical strength stands out as one of the main drivers of dominance over women. Uprety
(2019) also asserted that hegemonic masculinity could be understood as a pattern of gender
practices that allow dominance over women. Aggression is one of the main tools used to
exert that dominance. Similarly, Sadeh, Javdani, Finny & Verona (2011) also discussed the
point that anger and violence are evolved or learned socialisation processes that dictate the
use of outward violence as an appropriate masculine expression. As a result, the culture of
VAW in all its forms, particularly rape, emanates from uncontrollable lustfulness and
interest in dominating women’s bodies (Connell, 1995).
In addition, based on the finding of this research that younger respondents are more
likely to believe strong aggression is a natural emotion in men, we can suggest that the
ideology, which is a construct of hegemonic masculinity, is actively being passed on from
the older generation to the younger generation of men (Kimmel & Messner, 2008). This is
supported by Totten (2003), who argues that many young men in societies where an
aggressive form of masculinity is internalised in different forms of hostile behaviours
against women, have based this on the conduct of their fathers towards their mothers, as
well as the community. As a result, they believe that physical strength is essential to being
a man and will not hesitate to commit acts of VAW when they feel it is necessary.
Based on the study's finding that younger respondents are more likely to believe
that aggression is a natural male emotion, it can be concluded that hegemonic masculinity
surpasses age in Nepal. Therefore, one could argue that masculinity in Nepal functions by
placing men in positions of authority and transforming from one generation to generation
the next (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). Consequently, men's authoritative position is
expected to adhere to a predetermined set of masculine gender roles, which promote men's
dominance, subordination, and abuse of women (Smith et al., 2015). Therefore, men's
aggressive tendencies are viewed as normal, and their use of their biological characteristics
is defended as a means of subordinating women (Murnen, Wright & Kaluzny, 2002). The
belief that women are inferior or subordinated to men is an element of hegemonic
masculinity, and the belief could be attributed to providing the grounds for VAW (Connell,
1995).
One notion that highlights the perception of women’s inferiority is the idea that
women are not as smart as men. In this context, a descriptive analysis was conducted,
finding that 25.8% of participants agreed women are not as smart as men. Similarly, a
Spearman’s Rank-Order Correlation analysis was undertaken to ascertain the correlation
between the marital status of respondents and the notion that women are not as smart as
men. The output from the computation of Spearman’s rho statistic yielded rs (197) =.069, p
=.334, indicating that the correlation direction was positive but insignificant. Thus, there
was no significant correlation between the respondents’ marital status and their perception
of whether women are not as smart as men.
This finding is significant because it indicates that the unequal understanding between men
and women completing the same action suggests women's inferiority in Nepal is shared by
both married and unmarried men. It also indicates that Nepal's men comply with a rigid
and inequitable explanation of masculinity and femininity. According to Barker (2001), the
inequitable understanding of masculinity and femininity means men are more likely to
perpetrate multiple acts of VAW, particularly intimate partner violence (IPV). Furthermore,
the perception that women are inferior to men, determined in the study, establishes
violence as a normative expression of superiority and an effective problemsolving strategy
for men (Heise, 2011) in Nepal. Using violence is seen as a strategy to control the partner,
especially considering the accepted view within Nepalese society that women are
perceived as inferior beings.
The study also sought to determine the beliefs and ideologies in men that fuel
violence against women. In terms of the survey question findings on whether women
should be confined to their households to save themselves from rape and abuse, 59 % of
the respondents believed women should not go out alone at night, as they are likely to get
abused or raped. That argument is well reflected in a study by Perrin et al. (2019), who
sought to understand the construct of gender-based violence (GBV) from the perspective of
social norms.
Perrin et al. (2019) identified three key factors catalysing GBV in various global
contexts. One of these significant factors is the response to Sexual Violence, which
encompasses the individual, family, and community responses that tend to blame the
victims of GBV. The findings suggest that women often face blame when subjected to
GBV. This finding reflects a cultural acceptance of sexual violence and other forms of
VAW. It also normalises the norms that restrict women and girls in their movements and
actions to prevent assaults by men (Perrin et al., 2019). This victim-blaming response
perpetuates a culture that tolerates and perpetuates GBV and inhibits effective prevention
and support measures for survivors. The argument is also that once ‘tempted’, men cannot
control themselves; hence, the responsibility is on women and girls to avoid situations in
which they would ‘tempt’ the men, thus leading to violent acts.
Similarly, in Nepal, society has given the responsibility to women to care for
themselves and ensure they do not place themselves in situations where they ‘tempt’ men.
That is reflected by the overwhelming agreement of the respondents to the statement that
women should avoid going out alone at night to avoid getting raped. Furthermore, a
ChiSquare test was undertaken to understand whether the perception of the respondent's
age affects whether or not women are responsible for the violence committed against them.
The outcome of the test indicated that younger or older respondents are not significantly
different on whether they believe women should not go out alone at night or they are likely
to be abused or raped (c2 = 10.483, df = 12, N = 197, p =.589). The relevance of this study’s
outcome is that it indicates a discourse of abuse and rape which is still largely skewed
towards the purported recklessness of the victim, as opposed to slamming the perpetrators
of the crime, who are overwhelmingly male (Aromäki, Haebich & Lindman, 2002). This
perception stretches across all age groups of young or older men in Nepal.
For further understanding of the construct of hegemonic masculinity, particularly
the culture of victim shaming and how it has influenced VAW in Nepal, the survey queried
men on the perception of what women wear and how it might control violence against
them. The results suggested that 55 % of the respondents agreed that women who wear
revealing clothes are causing problems for themselves. As such, in Nepal, there is always a
burst of sympathy towards sexual predators if a victim is wearing “revealing clothes” at
that time. The victim is blamed for the incident as she “tempted” the predator. This finding
is not unique to Moor (2010), where she demonstrates the gender gap in which men
perceive a sexualised look as an indication of sexual interest and seductive intent.
On the other hand, women cite their desire to feel and appear attractive as the
primary cause, rejecting the seduction claim. She claims that victims of sexual violence
often tend to get blamed for triggering their assault, mainly through ‘provocative’ and
body-revealing styles of dressing. The crux of the rape myth is the assumption that
revealing clothing is a sign of consent for sexual approaches, making victims liable for any
sexual assaults perpetrated by men (Moor, 2010). This tendency follows from one of the
critical elements of hegemonic masculinity, which is the sexual objectification of women
(Moor, 2010). This produces a culture where women are objects for men's gazing, sexual
yearning, and desire (Moor, 2010). Furthermore, According to Moor (2010), objectifying
pictures confine women's existence to their exposed body parts, provocative appearance,
alluring behaviour, and comprehensive demeanour, implying sensuality and a desire to
acquiesce to men's sexual approaches.
The prevalent research findings show that conservative Nepali culture perceives
women who are open-minded in their dressing sense as inviting sexual relations with men.
That also speaks to the widespread sexual objectification of women in Nepalese culture,
which relays specific messages, presumably influencing expectations regarding the
interactions between men and women (Awasthi, 2017). So far, as the objectification of
women turns the female body into a consenting target for sexual lust by men, confusion
about the actual intentions of women may ensue, mainly due to the tenets instituted by a
flawed cultural perception of women as being constantly interested in sex (Muehlenkamp
& Saris-Baglama, 2002; Slater & Tiggemann, 2002). According to Moor (2010), men tend
to misconstrue sexual intent from women in multiple settings in seemingly innocuous
tendencies such as friendliness. For instance, according to Puri, Misra & Hawkes (2015),
VAW is widespread in Nepal, where a survey conducted in 2011, 4.6% of girls aged 15 –
19 years indicated they had experienced sexual violence. Furthermore, 20% of women
aged 15 – 49 years reported having experienced physical violence, and a study detailing
the scale of violence against women living with disabilities indicated that a significant
proportion of them (60%) had experienced violence from a relative (Puri et al., 2015).
With that understanding, this study sought to understand the perceptions of
Nepalese men regarding the fact that women are primarily victims of rape. A null
hypothesis guided that analysis: The gender and marital status of a respondent do not
correlate with their perception of the need for women to avoid strangers to ensure they are
not abused or abused. To that effect, a Two-Way ANOVA was undertaken to determine
whether men’s age and marital status in Nepal each significantly impact the respondent’s
perspective on whether women should stay away from strangers to avoid getting abused or
raped. The study’s findings indicated no significant interaction between age and marital
status on the respondents’ perception of women avoiding strangers as a way of escaping
getting abused or raped (p =.919). Even so, there was a statistically significant effect of
marital status on a respondent’s perspective regarding the statement that women should
keep away from strangers to avoid abuse or rape. The outcome of the analysis confirms the
null hypothesis that a respondent’s gender and marital status do not correlate with their
perception of the need for women to avoid strangers to save themselves from rape and
abuse. Therefore, the marriage status affects a respondent’s perspective on whether women
should avoid strangers to prevent rape and abuse. Most of the married respondents agreed
that a woman’s safety from abuse and rape lies in their avoidance of the company of people
they do not know. These findings speak to masculinity in Nepalese society, whereby men
hold women as inferior and unable to make informed decisions, particularly on their well-
being. Thus, it is apparently the men’s role to ensure their women’s safety. It means, for
married men, the need to exert tight control over their wives and reinforces the notion that
women’s safety can only be guaranteed by them staying at home.
The finding also speaks to the controlling nature of men within Nepalese society,
which raises the issue of violence against women. According to Pradhananga & Shrestha
(2002), women are expected to play a subordinate, submissive and more conservative
gender role in marital relationships in Nepal. That ‘submission’ is often obtained through
violence, which, according to Khatri (2021), is psychological violence; it is an act or
omission meant to damage a woman’s self-esteem, identity, or development. Pascoe &
Bridges (2016) claim that such violence is legitimised through a circulation of prevalent
social norms and the existing social cultures, including most men enjoying more power and
privilege than women. In the end, the network of social norms and structures shapes the
beliefs and practices within a community. Considering that the notion of a woman from the
perspective of hegemonic masculinity is as being inferior to men, the primary forms of
psychological violence meted against them include scolding by a partner and her in-laws
(Paudel, 2007). They are usually insulted and accused of not bringing a respectable dowry,
being unable to conceive a son, being of loose character, or even witchcraft (Paudel, 2007).
Significantly, the findings from this study, particularly on the perception of married
men towards women staying away from strangers to avoid being abused or raped, point to
the need for married men in Nepal to have complete control over their wives. According to
Paudel (2007), the control over wives sometimes extends to physical violence as a way of
purportedly ‘keeping the women in check’. The need to control the wives is one of the
constructs of masculinity within Nepal, which supports traits among men, and one key trait
that is emphasised is the sexual prowess of men. Connell (1995) asserts that the notion of
masculinity is closely linked to a man’s body, and especially their manhood. The concept
of manhood is obtained from the dominant sexuality of men, as opposed to a woman’s
passive and dependent sexuality, particularly in heterosexual relationships. As a result, one
of the most effective forms of violence against women, particularly married women in
Nepal, is sexual violence, which takes different forms, including marital rape, forced sex,
and sex during physical body weakness. Husbands are the most prevalent perpetrators of
sexual violence against most women (Paudel, 2007).
As opposed to other forms of interpersonal crimes, including robberies and
muggings, the victims of sexual violence tend to be significantly exposed to being blamed
for the attack, which brings up the issue of victim-blaming (Gordon & Riger, 1991). The
culture of victim-blaming is rampant in most societies, and particularly among men, it
appears to be a significant catalyst for escalating VAW (Gravelin et al., 2019). This study
sought to determine whether there were statistically significant differences among the
different education groups’ responses to the statements about victim-blaming. Some of the
ideas included; Sometimes women have to endure the abuse of their husbands, and in-laws
to keep the family united; Others should not interfere with the fight between a husband and
wife; Sometimes, women themselves are responsible for their harassment, abuse, and rape;
Women who wear revealing clothes causing problems for themselves.
The responses to the above four statements involved a 1 – 4 Likert scale for Agree,
Slightly Agree, Slightly Disagree, and Disagree. A high mean rank indicates that the
responses were mainly Disagree and Strongly Disagree. The statements showed a
statistically significant difference in responses. The respondents with higher levels of
education, i.e., those with a BA, an MA, and degrees above an MA, illustrated the highest
mean ranks. Hence, the negative perceptions aimed at victim-shaming, including the notion
that sometimes women are responsible for their harassment, abuse, and rape, appear to be
mainly held by those with lower education levels, i.e., secondary education and no formal
education. It can also be deduced that higher education influences positively to eradicate
the stereotypes aligned with hegemonic masculinity, and victim-shaming of abuse and rape
victims. This finding aligns with Gravelin et al. (2019), who found that the most important
and often ignored contributors to victim-shaming of sexual assault are cultural structures,
beliefs, and practices. Therefore, this study suggests an emphasis on education as a catalyst
for eradicating negative stereotypes, which are often the drivers of the victim-shaming
culture in Nepal.
Engaging Men in Reducing Violence Against Women in Nepal
Violence against women represents a worldwide epidemic, impacting approximately one in
three women during their lifetime. According to Connell (2005), it is disproportionately
perpetrated by men against women and deeply infused with men's power, control, and a
sense of entitlement (Connell, 2005). It stems from the unequal power dynamics between
men and women, with women frequently lacking power in comparison to men (Fulu et al.,
2013). It is fuelled by socially embedded norms and harmful attitudes that justify men's use
of violence, including notions of masculinity that glorify men's aggression, sexual
entitlement, and exercising control over women (Fulu et al., 2013). These harmful attitudes
emerge from childhood experiences and witnessing violence at early ages (Kimmel &
Wade, 2018). For instance, in a United Nations Development Program's (UNDP) research
project on Nepali masculinities, gender-based violence suggests that 100% of workingclass
respondents in the Kathmandu Valley and Terai region of Nepal have witnessed the men in
their locality beating or scolding women (UNDP, 2014). Studies conducted in South Asia
and the Pacific shows that 50% of men who have engaged in rape or sexual assault against
women or girls initiated such behaviour during their teenage years (The Asia Foundation,
2016). Moreover, another research indicated that men who have experienced violence,
particularly during childhood, have an elevated probability of becoming perpetrators of
violence against their future partners and children (Fulu et al.,
2013).
The preceding discussion also indicates that in Nepal, a highly conservative society,
patriarchy reinforces the constructed dichotomy of masculinity, which, according to Omar
(2011), entails the dominance of women by men. There is also the case of hegemonic
masculinity, characterised by anti-feminist tendencies. Men attempt to avoid femininity,
especially actions, thoughts, and emotions interpreted as feminine, such as appearing weak.
This requires suppressing one's emotions, presenting a tough exterior, and internalising
anti-feminine attitudes and norms which are essential for dominating interpersonal
interactions (Smith et al., 2015). A crucial aspect of hegemonic masculinity is the desire for
dominance and power, which refers to a man's desire to control and dominate others by
objectifying and dehumanising them. It may lead to men committing acts of VAW (Smith
et al., 2015).
The existing circumstances necessitate collaboration between men and boys to
address and eradicate violence against women effectively. In recent years, there has been a
notable increase in the number of articles, discussion papers, books, conferences, and
government policies advocating for greater male involvement in tackling the issue of
violence against women. The participation of men in movements aimed at preventing
violence against women has now become an established aspect of the principles and
policies of numerous international organizations (Flood, 2006). The growing emphasis on
interventions involving men and boys is driven by the recognition that men's participation
in perpetrating violence and the influence of masculinity and social norms surrounding
gender are closely interconnected with acts of violence (Jewkes, Flood, & Lang, 2015). It
is crucial to acknowledge that not all men are violent, yet every man and boy plays a
significant role in reducing violence against women. By recognizing this shared
responsibility, and promoting dialogue, education, and collective action, men and boys can
actively contribute to creating a society that is more equitable and free from violence.
In the Nepalese context, there has been an attempt to shift from focusing on men as
a perpetrator and violence as a women's issue to involving men as a primary prevention
strategy by forming the organisation called Men Engage Nepal in 2007 and Men Engage
Alliance Nepal Country Group Network in 2008. The network comprises over 60
individuals, including government officials, UN agencies, INGOs, NGOs, academic
institutions, research organisations, media outlets, multicultural leaders, and rights
activists. Since then, these networks have been particularly working on advocacy,
educating men of different occupational sectors targeting low- and middle-class income
and men's activism to act against violence against women.
The section below will discuss the thematic strategies informed by the data from
research questions one and two and the available research, published articles, discussion
papers, and progress reports on men's engagement strategies needed to end VAW in Nepal.
Men in Women's Economic Empowerment
The literature review above mentions that the leading cause of VAW is men's power,
control, and entitlement towards women (Connell, 2005). The economic power and its
impact on VAW are immense (Sleigh, Barker, Kimonyo, Ndolimana & Bannerman, 2013)
because economic stability allows women to make decisions. Sleigh, Barker, Kimonyo,
Ndolimana & Bannerman (2013) added that increased and decreased VAW depends on
women's economic dependency on men. Despite men's adverse reactions to women's
economic empowerment (Poudel, 2013; UNDP, 2014; Sleigh et al., 2013), government,
international organisations, NGOs, and INGOs have made minimal efforts to engage men
as allies and foster partnerships in women’s economic empowerment.
An article on an evaluation of a pilot project in Rwanda conducted in collaboration
with CARE Rwanda's Village Savings Loan (VSL) program provides several positive and
informative outcomes and strategies (Sleigh et al., 2013). CARE Rwanda, in collaboration
with the Rwandan Men's Resource Centre (RWAMREC), selected 30 spouses from
underprivileged families to participate in 16 weeks of group education sessions. The work
involved engaging a group of single men and couples in discussions regarding family
dynamics, such as decision-making and partner relationships, economic empowerment,
sharing the caring work, and VAW. They delivered many training sessions to men
individually and in couples. After all the training, pre-and post-training group discussions,
and individual couple discussions on alternative ways of managing their households,
Sleigh et al. (2013) discovered that men and women could learn and unlearn substitutes to
lead homes out of economic deprivation and improve the household. Their experiment
suggests the possibility of expanding men's participation as partners in women's economic
empowerment in ways that are advantageous to families. The transformation of those men
and couples was aided by training sessions that promoted the active engagement of men as
persons and as partners, thereby fostering transformation at the domestic level.
Similarly, the international rescue committee (IRC) targeted women and their
husbands in 25 VSL groups across Makamba Province in Burundi in six discussion group
series addressing household decision-making, the respective role of men and women, and
the occurrence of VAW at home more broadly (Ferrari & Iyengar, 2010). Their group
discussion curriculum enabled men and their spouses to reflect on personal attitudes and
beliefs about gender and the costs of rigid norms of masculinity and femininity, as well as
questioning traditional ideas about household decision-making and division of labour,
including childcare. In some cases, the curriculum activities focused on conflict within
marital relationships and the significance of couple communication. They claim that the
project helped men to be more accountable for equality between men and women.
Working with Men on Violence Against Women in Public Space
Many researchers have suggested that the lack of safety in public spaces places women at
high risk. According to Paudel (2013), public transport is one of the high-risk areas where
Nepali women are found vulnerable. She claims that office hours and evening times are the
most vulnerable time for violence and are considered unsafe and insecure for women due
to the heavy flow of people at that time.
Nepal has an overwhelmingly male workforce in the public transport sector.
Utilising those workforces in countering Violence Against Women and Girls will be
exemplary work that sends a positive message to the community. According to the United
Nations (UN) (2013), the Bangkok Mass Transit Authority (BMTA) is providing training
to the male workforce to better understand and address the sexual harassment of women on
public transport. It focused on VAW, women's rights to safety, ways to address incidents of
harassment on public transport, and ways to support women who have experienced such
violence (UN, 2013). Their work also involved an awareness-raising campaign to highlight
the violence faced by women and girls on public transport. Their campaign also included
educational videos which played on city buses (UN, 2013). The information about the free
hotline services is also exhibited all over the public spaces and encourages people to report
VAW (UN, 2013).
Men's Activism to Respond Violence Against Women
Public transport workers can have a significant role to play as 'active bystanders' in taking
action to respond to incidents of VAW when they witness them. This 'active bystander'
approach is especially important in engaging men as allies to challenge the normalisation
of VAW in public spaces. Central to the men as 'active bystanders' approach was the notion
that men might effectively challenge violent supportive behaviours or speech among their
male peers (Casey & Ohler, 2012; Flood, 2005). Casey & Ohler (2012) did a study that
presented descriptive findings about the bystander experiences of 27 men recently involved
in VAW. Most of the male anti-violence allies in this study reported that they intervened to
take some form of action when confronted with exploitive, offensive, or inappropriate
behaviours by men. However, the study suggests that those men needed clarification about
whether the situation was problematic enough to act. Henceforth, it is essential to provide
enough exposure and what it means to be 'active bystanders' men, such as training on
women's right to safety, and how to intervene in incidents of VAW in the street.
Working with Men on Safe Migration and Mobility
Cross-border or internal migration has affected traditional gender roles within heterosexual
couples as men's breadwinner status is threatened by migrant women's increased
opportunities for employment and higher earnings in Asia (International Organization for
Migration (IOM), 2009). The IOM has implemented self-help groups for migrant men in
Vietnam to build an awareness of gender inequality and VAW, and to encourage men to
adopt and advocate alternative non-violent models of masculinity projects. They held a
training series on gender inequalities, harmful norms of masculinity and their links with
VAW, and attitudes and practices of positive masculinities. The internal project evaluation
found changes in attitudes and behaviours among many male participants. In contrast,
female participants emphasised that the self-help groups had become a crucial source of
support and knowledge to deal with VAW. The project reached over 1000 participants,
including 255 men. The IOM claims that the project contributed to a reduction in VAW in
target communities.
Recommendations
Based on the findings of this study, the following recommendations are proposed for men's
engagement policy in reducing VAW in Nepal.
Address Social Influences Shaping Norms of Masculinity
The above discussion suggests that Nepalese masculinities are constructed around social
norms, practices, values, and perspectives. These norms are produced and perpetuated in
society by cultural, social, family, and educational structures. Therefore, to reduce violence
against women it is important to challenge and change those norms which promote harmful
forms of masculinity. The change is possible if the men's engagement program targets the
men at an individual level. Individual change can positively influence men as individuals
in their families, peer groups, and in society.
Hold Male Authority Figures Accountable for Their Public Discourse
This study reveals that men acquire damaging masculine norms through their fathers,
coaches, male friends, and older brothers. Supporting men in varied positions is an ignored
aspect of engagements with men which aim to eliminate VAW. Therefore, the method of
helping men unlearn and relearn gender-friendly behaviours and holding men accountable
for their destructive male conduct and discourses should be prioritised. Addressing this
issue could create more hospitable public environments for initiatives to end violence
against women.
Highlight Men’s Role in Homemaking
The presence of men who share domestic responsibilities has the potential to challenge
established gender norms. Additionally, in many ways it can also promote gender equality.
First, women with equal partners at home are more likely to be successful at work when
they are less anxious about how their employment might affect their household
responsibilities. Sons have a more egalitarian view of gender roles at home and work if
their fathers contribute equally to homemaking. Thirdly, some research suggests that
fathers who are actively involved in homemaking and their children's care have unlearned
patriarchal notions and have learned to speak openly and honestly about who they are,
what they are experiencing, and whether they are positive or negative attributes (Baldoni,
2021). These kinds of initiatives could therefore result in males being less violent towards
their wives.
Create Safe Spaces for Stepping out of the Gender Norms for Men and Boys
The majority of men struggle to adapt to the idealised and exaggerated gender stereotypes
for manhood, despite the fact that males have long been the dominant group. As a result,
they do not always feel safe discussing gender equality or evolving notions of manhood.
This necessitates the creation of secure environments in which men and boys can challenge
commonly accepted inequitable standards. For example, when working in a community or
school, it can be beneficial to create instructional or discussion groups that include both
men and women, or separate groups if necessary. It also indicates that activism and
educational outreach should not seek to shame and disgrace men, thus inducing
defensiveness; it should instead offer safe spaces for them to experiment with new ways of
being men under the supervision of positive male leaders and role models.
Implications for Future Research
This study has not attempted to include both male and female participants to perform a
comprehensive explanatory analysis aimed at identifying men's and women’s roles in
constructing Nepalese masculinities. While it is acknowledged that there are some
limitations related to the data-gathering sources, this study has accomplished its stated
goals. As is typical when investigating concepts linked with a more prominent topic, it is
intended that this study will serve as a foundation for developing other research hypotheses
for further research. As a result, future research can extend to both men and women to
understand society and gain more insights into women’s attitudes towards VAW and its
contribution to masculinity construction.
Further analysis involving larger sample sizes, potentially encompassing a national
scale in Nepal, is required to support or challenge the findings of this study. Future
research should focus on participation equity regarding the age, education, occupation,
gender, and the participant’s residential location. Additionally, future research should
include a diverse range of participants with broader social and cultural backgrounds to
assess the influence of societal culture on attitudes towards VAW and rape myths and
address any existing ambiguities.
Future research could employ alternative methodologies beyond the quantitative
approach used in the present study to gain a more comprehensive understanding of
Nepalese masculinity and its relationship to VAW. A qualitative or mixed-methods
approach may be advantageous for providing richer data and expanding the scope of
available insights on this topic.
Policy and Practice Implications of the Study
The findings of this study have practical and policy implications for Nepali masculinity
and its connection to VAW. It highlights that men in Nepal are following and imposing
traditional, harmful gender norms in families and society to protect masculinity. Nepali
males who accept rape myths and victim-blaming have a socially sanctioned and
normalised conventional view of women and their responsibilities. It is causing violence
against women. Therefore, a strong call should be made to direct attention towards the
need for Nepal's gender power imbalance and structural social transformation. Addressing
everyday misogynistic attitudes and behaviours helps men and women unlearn harmful
norms and adopt good values and behaviours to reduce VAW in Nepal.
The research findings for Nepal underscore the urgent need to promote
genderequitable attitudes through awareness programs, primarily targeting rural
populations where traditional gender norms are more prevalent than in urban areas.
Although there have been some recent initiatives to engage men in Nepal, these campaigns
have limited reach, as they are not large-scale national-level government initiatives.
Moreover, in the era of the internet and social media, the majority of campaigns are
restricted to a subset of the population with internet access, thereby diminishing their
impact. To address this, campaigns should be more inclusive and take into account Nepal's
socioeconomic and geographical disparities.
The research emphasizes the significance of education in combating negative
attitudes towards women, violence against women (VAW), rape myths, and victimblaming.
Therefore, it is highly recommended to incorporate comprehensive sex education modules
in schools to serve as a medium for change. Additionally, the research reveals that many
men have a sense of superiority and view women as inferior, indicating a sense of
entitlement and proprietorship over women. To address this, schools should integrate
gender education modules that promote equal partnership and challenge such beliefs into
their curriculum.
Conclusion
This study investigated significant issues pertaining to Nepalese masculinity and the
relationship between masculinity and VAW, with the aim to provide tangible solutions for
engaging men to reduce VAW in Nepal. In order to achieve its objectives, three important
research questions were posed:
1. How are masculinities constructed?
2. How has masculinity impacted VAW?
3. In what ways can men engage in reducing VAW?
The three questions were addressed using survey questionnaires delivered to 197 male
participants in Nepal within a quantitative methodological framework. The demographic
variables among the participants included age, marital status, level of education,
employment status, and residential location. The study was carried out by utilising an
online survey. The data captured were then used to answer the research questions, and the
findings represented the fulfilment of the study's aim and success in meeting its objectives.
The most important findings suggest that the country's extremely traditionalist and
patriarchal societal circumstances significantly impact men's behaviour. Men of all ages in
Nepal have similar ideas about being a man. These ideas revolve primarily around
independence, strength, bravery, and sexual dominance. Likewise, society wants them to
be courageous, stoic, and logical. They are obligated to earn the respect of others around
them and refrain from talking about the problems they face. This contributes to VAW, a
culture of rape, victim-blaming by encouraging men to repress vulnerability, rejecting the
expression of personal traumas, and to act on homophobic and misogynist attitudes.
Males of all ages in Nepal believe that intense aggression is a conventional process
for men to express emotion and sorrow. Over time, men's violence evolves towards
asserting dominance over their spouses, especially when their masculinity is threatened. As
a result, men and boys in Nepal are more likely to engage in violent behaviour towards
women. This key finding highlights the hegemonic masculine culture of Nepal, which is
characterised by the encouragement of dominance over women, and the recognition that
violence is one of the key strategies for cultivating enmity. It is common for married and
unmarried males to believe that men are superior to women and that women have lower
intelligence than men. This belief is one of the root reasons for the many forms of violence
committed against women, most notably intimate partner violence/abuse (IPV).
Additionally, it normalises violence to display their supremacy, a widespread problem.
In addition, the study found that Nepal's construct of hegemonic masculinity is such
that the discourse surrounding abuse and rape is still primarily geared towards
victimshaming rather than condemning the perpetrators of the crimes. The research came
to some intriguing conclusions, one of which was that higher levels of education positively
influence the eradication of victim-shaming beliefs linked with hegemonic masculinity.
Therefore, there is an argument for using education as a catalyst for eliminating the
harmful beliefs that serve as the underlying factors behind a culture of victim-blaming.
This can be accomplished using education as a tool to dispel negative assumptions.
This study showed the need to incorporate men in violence prevention programs for
women. Given that men are typically the perpetrators of these offences, the significance of
including men in such programs has been highlighted. Economic imbalance is also one of
the key variables that place women in exploitable positions of vulnerability. Giving women
more economic power is one of the simplest ways to promote gender equality. Males who
perceive they have lost control over women's wealth and the authority that comes with
financial status may resort to violent revenge if the emphasis is placed exclusively on
empowering women financially. In order to effectively eliminate VAW and foster
collaboration between men and women inside households, initiatives aimed at empowering
women must recruit men as allies. Young males, particularly adolescents in Nepalese
society, should be exposed to gender equality through education and awareness campaigns.
These programs are of the utmost importance to change society, because if young men can
bring a positive change in themselves and their peer groups, these long-established
conventions may be called into question.
