Self Concept
Human Relations can be defined as relations with or between people.
The study of human relations is particularly interested in how people relate
with others in workplace settings. Throughout this text, we will explore
various topics that will help us understand ourselves and how to relate with
others in personal and professional contexts.
To understand and develop strong human relations skills, you will begin
by learning more about how you view yourself. In this chapter you will explore
the question “Who am I?” as you learn about the psychological concepts of
identity, self-esteem, self-efficacy, and how they inform your overall self-
concept. This will provide you with a strong foundation to build upon in
subsequent chapters. First, you will examine your self-concept.
Undertanding the Self
Self-concept refers to the overall idea of who a person thinks he or she
is. If I said, “Tell me who you are,” your answers would be clues as to how you
see yourself, your self-concept. Each person has an overall self-concept
that might be encapsulated in a short list of overarching characteristics that
he or she finds important. But each person’s selfconcept is also influenced
by context, meaning we think differently about ourselves depending on the
situation we are in. In some situations, personal characteristics, such as our
abilities, personality, and other distinguishing features, will best describe
who we are. You might consider yourself laid back, traditional, funny, open
minded, or driven, or you might label yourself a leader or a thrill seeker. In
other situations, our self-concept may be tied to group or cultural
membership. For example, you might consider yourself a member of the
Sigma Phi Epsilon fraternity, a Southerner, or a member of the track team.
Our self-concept is also formed through our interactions with others
and their reactions to us. The concept of the looking glass self explains that
we see ourselves reflected in other people’s reactions to us and then form
our self-concept based on how we believe other people see us (Cooley,
1902). This reflective process of building our self-concept is based on what
other people have actually said, such as “You’re a good listener,” and other
people’s actions, such as coming to you for advice. These thoughts evoke
emotional responses that feed into our self-concept. For example, you may
think, “I’m glad that people can count on me to listen to their problems.”
We also develop our self-concept through comparisons to other
people. Social comparison theory states that we describe and evaluate
ourselves in terms of how we compare to other people. Social comparisons
are based on two dimensions: superiority/inferiority and
similarity/difference (Hargie, 2011). In terms of superiority and inferiority, we
evaluate characteristics like attractiveness, intelligence, athletic ability, and
so on. For example, you may judge yourself to be more intelligent than your
brother or less athletic than your best friend, and these judgments are
incorporated into your self-concept. This process of comparison and
evaluation isn’t necessarily a bad thing, but it can have negative
consequences if our reference group isn’t appropriate. Reference groups are
the groups we use for social comparison, and they typically change based
on what we are evaluating. In terms of athletic ability, many people choose
unreasonable reference groups with which to engage in social comparison.
If a man wants to get into better shape and starts an exercise routine, he may
be discouraged by his difficulty keeping up with the aerobics instructor or
running partner and judge himself as inferior, which could negatively affect
his selfconcept. Using as a reference group people who have only recently
started a fitness program but have shown progress could help maintain a
more accurate and hopefully positive self-concept.
We also engage in social comparison based on similarity and
difference. Since self-concept is context specific, similarity may be
desirable in some situations and difference more desirable in others.
Factors like age and personality may influence whether or not we want to fit
in or stand out. Although we compare ourselves to others throughout our
lives, adolescent and teen years usually bring new pressure to be similar to
or different from particular reference groups. Think of all the cliques in high
school and how people voluntarily and involuntarily broke off into groups
based on popularity, interest, culture, or grade level. Some kids in your high
school probably wanted to fit in with and be similar to other people in the
marching band but be different from the football players. Conversely,
athletes were probably more apt to compare themselves, in terms of similar
athletic ability, to other athletes rather than kids in show choir. But social
comparison can be complicated by perceptual influences. As we learned
earlier, we organize information based on similarity and difference, but these
patterns don’t always hold true. Even though students involved in athletics
and students involved in arts may seem very different, a dancer or singer
may also be very athletic, perhaps even more so than a member of the
football team. As with other aspects of perception, there are positive and
negative consequences of social comparison.
We generally want to know where we fall in terms of ability and
performance as compared to others, but what people do with this
information and how it affects self-concept varies. Not all people feel they
need to be at the top of the list, but some won’t stop until they get the high
score on the video game or set a new school record in a track-and-field
event. Some people strive to be first chair in the clarinet section of the
orchestra, while another person may be content to be second chair. The
education system promotes social comparison through grades and rewards
such as honor rolls and dean’s lists. Although education and privacy laws
prevent me from displaying each student’s grade on a test or paper for the
whole class to see, I do typically report the aggregate grades, meaning the
total number of As, Bs, Cs, and so on. This doesn’t violate anyone’s privacy
rights, but it allows students to see where they fell in the distribution. This
type of social comparison can be used as motivation. The student who was
one of only three out of twenty-three to get a D on the exam knows that most
of her classmates are performing better than she is, which may lead her to
think, “If they can do it, I can do it.” But social comparison that isn’t reasoned
can have negative effects and result in negative thoughts like “Look at how
bad I did. Man, I’m stupid!” These negative thoughts can lead to negative
behaviors, because we try to maintain internal consistency, meaning we act
in ways that match up with our self-concept. So, if the student begins to
question her academic abilities and then incorporates an assessment of
herself as a “bad student” into her self-concept, she may then behave in
ways consistent with that, which is only going to worsen her academic
performance. Additionally, a student might be comforted to learn that he
isn’t the only person who got a D and then not feel the need to try to improve,
since he has company. You can see in this example that evaluations we
place on our self-concept can lead to cycles of thinking and acting. These
cycles relate to self-esteem and self-efficacy, which are components of our
self-concept.
Self-Esteem
Self-esteem refers to the judgments and evaluations we make about
our self-concept. While self-concept is a broad description of the self, self-
esteem is a more specifically an evaluation of the self (Byrne, 1996). If I again
prompted you to “Tell me who you are,” and then asked you to evaluate (label
as good/bad, positive/negative, desirable/undesirable) each of the things
you listed about yourself, I would get clues about your self-esteem. Like self-
concept, self-esteem has general and specific elements. Generally, some
people are more likely to evaluate themselves positively while others are
more likely to evaluate themselves negatively (Brockner, 1988). More
specifically, our selfesteem varies across our life span and across contexts.
How we judge ourselves affects our communication and our behaviors,
but not every negative or positive judgment carries the same weight. The
negative evaluation of a trait that isn’t very important for our selfconcept will
likely not result in a loss of self-esteem. For example, I am not very good at
drawing. While I appreciate drawing as an art form, I don’t consider drawing
ability to be a very big part of my self-concept. If someone critiqued my
drawing ability, my self-esteem wouldn’t take a big hit. I do consider myself
a good teacher, however, and I have spent and continue to spend
considerable time and effort on improving my knowledge of teaching and my
teaching skills. If someone critiqued my teaching knowledge and/or abilities,
my self-esteem would definitely be hurt. This doesn’t mean that we can’t be
evaluated on something we find important. Even though teaching is very
important to my selfconcept, I am regularly evaluated on it. Every semester,
I am evaluated by my students, and every year, I am evaluated by my dean,
department chair, and colleagues. Most of that feedback is in the form of
constructive criticism, which can still be difficult to receive, but when taken
in the spirit of self-improvement, it is valuable and may even enhance our
self-concept and self-esteem. In fact, in professional contexts, people with
higher self-esteem are more likely to work harder based on negative
feedback, are less negatively affected by work stress, are able to handle
workplace conflict better, and are better able to work independently and
solve problems (Brockner, 1988). Self-esteem isn’t the only factor that
contributes to our self-concept; perceptions about our competence also
play a role in developing our sense of self.
Self-Efficacy
Self-Efficacy refers to the judgments people make about their ability to
perform a task within a specific context (Bandura, 1997). Judgments about
our self-efficacy influence our self-esteem, which influences our self-
concept. The following example also illustrates these interconnections.
Pedro did a good job on his first college speech. During a meeting with
his professor, Pedro indicates that he is confident going into the next speech
and thinks he will do well. This skill-based assessment is an indication that
Pedro has a high level of self-efficacy related to public speaking. If he does
well on the speech, the praise from his classmates and professor will
reinforce his self-efficacy and lead him to positively evaluate his speaking
skills, which will contribute to his self-esteem. By the end of the class, Pedro
likely thinks of himself as a good public speaker, which may then become an
important part of his self-concept. Throughout these points of connection,
it’s important to remember that self-perception affects how we
communicate, behave, and perceive other things. Pedro’s increased feeling
of self-efficacy may give him more confidence in his delivery, which will likely
result in positive feedback that reinforces his self-perception. He may start
to perceive his professor more positively since they share an interest in
public speaking, and he may begin to notice other people’s speaking skills
more during class presentations and public lectures. Over time, he may even
start to think about changing his major to communication or pursuing career
options that incorporate public speaking, which would further integrate
being “a good public speaker” into his self-concept. You can hopefully see
that these interconnections can create powerful positive or negative cycles.
While some of this process is under our control, much of it is also shaped by
the people in our lives.
The verbal and nonverbal feedback we get from people affect our
feelings of self-efficacy and our self-esteem. As we saw in Pedro’s example,
being given positive feedback can increase our self-efficacy, which may
make us more likely to engage in a similar task in the future (Hargie, 2011).
Obviously, negative feedback can lead to decreased selfefficacy and a
declining interest in engaging with the activity again. In general, people
adjust their expectations about their abilities based on feedback they get
from others. Positive feedback tends to make people raise their expectations
for themselves and negative feedback does the opposite, which ultimately
affects behaviors and creates the cycle. When feedback from others is
different from how we view ourselves, additional cycles may develop that
impact self-esteem and selfconcept.
Self-Discrepancy Theory: states that people have beliefs about and
expectations for their actual and potential selves that do not always match
up with what they actually experience (Higgins, 1987). To understand this
theory, we have to understand the different “selves” that make up our self-
concept, which are the actual, ideal, and ought selves. The actual self
consists of the attributes that you or someone else believes you actually
possess. The ideal self consists of the attributes that you or someone else
would like you to possess. The ought self consists of the attributes you or
someone else believes you should possess.
These different selves can conflict with each other in various
combinations. Discrepancies between the actual and ideal/ought selves
can be motivating in some ways and prompt people to act for self-
improvement. For example, if your ought self should volunteer more for the
local animal shelter, then your actual self may be more inclined to do so.
Discrepancies between the ideal and ought selves can be especially
stressful. For example, many professional women who are also mothers
have an ideal view of self that includes professional success and
advancement. They may also have an ought self that includes a sense of
duty and obligation to be a full-time mother. The actual self may be someone
who does OK at both but doesn’t quite live up to the expectations of either.
These discrepancies do not just create cognitive unease—they also lead to
emotional, behavioral, and communicative changes. When we compare the
actual self to the expectations of ourselves and others, we can see particular
patterns of emotional and behavioral effects. When our actual self doesn’t
match up with our own ideals of self, we are not obtaining our own desires
and hopes, which can lead to feelings of dejection including
disappointment, dissatisfaction, and frustration. For example, if your ideal
self has no credit card debt and your actual self does, you may be frustrated
with your lack of financial discipline and be motivated to stick to your budget
and pay off your credit card bills.
When our actual self doesn’t match up with other people’s ideals for us,
we may not be obtaining significant others’ desires and hopes, which can
lead to feelings of dejection including shame, embarrassment, and concern
for losing the affection or approval of others. For example, if a significant
other sees you as an “A” student and you get a 2.8 GPA your first year of
college, then you may be embarrassed to share your grades with that person.
When our actual self doesn’t match up with what we think other people
think we should obtain, we are not living up to the ought self that we think
others have constructed for us, which can lead to feelings of agitation,
feeling threatened, and fearing potential punishment. For example, if your
parents think you should follow in their footsteps and take over the family
business, but your actual self wants to go into the military, then you may be
unsure of what to do and fear being isolated from the family.
Finally, when our actual self doesn’t match up with what we think we
should obtain, we are not meeting what we see as our duties or obligations,
which can lead to feelings of agitation including guilt, weakness, and a
feeling that we have fallen short of our moral standard (Higgins, 1987). For
example, if your ought self should volunteer more for the local animal
shelter, then your actual self may be more inclined to do so due to the guilt
of reading about the increasing number of animals being housed at the
facility.
Influence on Self-Perception
We have already learned that other people influence our self-concept
and self-esteem. While interactions we have with individuals and groups are
definitely important to consider, we must also note the influence that larger,
more systemic forces have on our self-perception. Social and family
influences, culture, and the media all play a role in shaping who we think we
are and how we feel about ourselves. Although these are powerful
socializing forces, there are ways to maintain some control over our self-
perception.
Social and Family Influence
Various forces help socialize us into our respective social and cultural
groups and play a powerful role in presenting us with options about who we
can be. While we may like to think that our self-perception starts with a blank
canvas, our perceptions are limited by our experiences and various social
and cultural contexts. Parents and peers shape our self-perceptions in
positive and negative ways. Feedback that we get from significant others,
which includes close family, can lead to positive views of self (Hargie, 2011).
In the past few years, however, there has been a public discussion and
debate about how much positive reinforcement people should give to
others, especially children. The following questions have been raised: Do we
have current and upcoming generations that have been overpraised? Is the
praise given warranted? What are the positive and negative effects of praise?
What is the end goal of the praise? Let’s briefly look at this discussion and its
connection to self-perception.
Whether praise is warranted or not is very subjective and specific to
each person and context, but in general there have been questions raised
about the potential negative effects of too much praise. Motivation is the
underlying force that drives us to do things. Sometimes we are intrinsically
motivated, meaning we want to do something for the love of doing it or the
resulting internal satisfaction. Other times we are extrinsically motivated,
meaning we do something to receive a reward or avoid punishment. If you
put effort into completing a short documentary for a class because you love
filmmaking and editing, you have been largely motivated by intrinsic forces.
If you complete the documentary because you want an “A” and know that if
you fail your parents will not give you money for your spring break trip, then
you are motivated by extrinsic factors. Both can, of course, effectively
motivate us. Praise is a form of extrinsic reward, and if there is an actual
reward associated with the praise, like money or special recognition, some
people speculate that intrinsic motivation will suffer. But what’s so good
about intrinsic motivation? Intrinsic motivation is more substantial and long-
lasting than extrinsic motivation and can lead to the development of a work
ethic and sense of pride in one’s abilities. Intrinsic motivation can move
people to accomplish great things over long periods of time and be happy
despite the effort and sacrifices made. Extrinsic motivation dies when the
reward stops. Additionally, too much praise can lead people to have a
misguided sense of their abilities. College professors who are reluctant to
fail students who produce failing work may be setting those students up to
be shocked when their supervisor critiques their abilities or output once they
get into a professional context (Hargie, 2011).
There are cultural differences in the amount of praise and positive
feedback that teachers and parents give their children. For example,
teachers give less positive reinforcement in Japanese and Taiwanese
classrooms than do teachers in US classrooms. Chinese and Kenyan
parents do not regularly praise their children because they fear it may make
them too individualistic, rude, or arrogant (Wierzbicka, 2004). So, the
phenomenon of overpraising isn’t universal, and the debate over its potential
effects is not resolved.
Research has also found that communication patterns develop
between parents and children that are common to many verbally and
physically abusive relationships. Such patterns have negative effects on a
child’s self-efficacy and self-esteem (Morgan & Wilson, 2007). As you’ll
recall from our earlier discussion, attributions are links we make to identify
the cause of a behavior. In the case of aggressive or abusive parents, they
are not as able to distinguish between mistakes and intentional behaviors,
often seeing honest mistakes as intended and reacting negatively to the
child. Such parents also communicate generally negative evaluations to
their child by saying, for example, “You can’t do anything right!” or “You’re a
bad girl.” When children do exhibit positive behaviors, abusive parents are
more likely to use external attributions that diminish the achievement of the
child by saying, for example, “You only won because the other team was off
their game.” In general, abusive parents have unpredictable reactions to
their children’s positive and negative behavior, which creates an uncertain
and often scary climate for a child that can lead to lower self-esteem and
erratic or aggressive behavior. The cycles of praise and blame are just two
examples of how the family as a socializing force can influence our self-
perceptions. Culture also influences how we see ourselves.
Culture
How people perceive themselves varies across cultures. For example,
many cultures exhibit a phenomenon known as the self-enhancement bias,
meaning that we tend to emphasize our desirable qualities relative to other
people (Loughnan et al., 2011). But the degree to which people engage in
self-enhancement varies. A review of many studies in this area found that
people in Western countries such as the United States were significantly
more likely to self-enhance than people in countries such as Japan. Many
scholars explain this variation using a common measure of cultural variation
that claims people in individualistic cultures are more likely to engage in
competition and openly praise accomplishments than people in
collectivistic cultures. The difference in self-enhancement has also been
tied to economics, with scholars arguing that people in countries with
greater income inequality are more likely to view themselves as superior to
others or want to be perceived as superior to others (even if they don’t have
economic wealth) in order to conform to the country’s values and norms.
This holds true because countries with high levels of economic inequality,
like the United States, typically value competition and the right to boast
about winning or succeeding, while countries with more economic equality,
like Japan, have a cultural norm of modesty (Loughnan, 2011).
Race also plays a role in self-perception. For example, positive
selfesteem and self-efficacy tend to be higher in African American
adolescent girls than Caucasian girls (Stockton et al., 2009). In fact, more
recent studies have discounted much of the early research on race and self-
esteem that purported that African Americans of all ages have lower self-
esteem than whites. Self-perception becomes more complex when we
consider biracial individuals—more specifically those born to couples
comprising an African American and a white parent (Bowles, 1993). In such
cases, it is challenging for biracial individuals to embrace both of their
heritages, and social comparison becomes more difficult due to diverse and
sometimes conflicting reference groups. Since many biracial individuals
identify as and are considered African American by society, living and
working within a black community can help foster more positive self-
perceptions in these biracial individuals. Such a community offers a more
nurturing environment and a buffer zone from racist attitudes but
simultaneously distances biracial individuals from their white identity.
Conversely, immersion into a predominantly white community and
separation from a black community can lead biracial individuals to
internalize negative views of people of color and perhaps develop a sense of
inferiority.
Gender intersects with culture and biracial identity to create different
experiences and challenges for biracial men and women. Biracial men have
more difficulty accepting their potential occupational limits, especially if
they have white fathers, and biracial women have difficulty accepting their
black features, such as hair and facial features. All these challenges lead to
a sense of being marginalized from both ethnic groups and interfere in the
development of positive self-esteem and a stable self-concept.
There are some general differences in terms of gender and
selfperception that relate to self-concept, self-efficacy, and envisioning
ideal selves. As with any cultural differences, these are generalizations that
have been supported by research, but they do not represent all individuals
within a group. Regarding self-concept, men are more likely to describe
themselves in terms of their group membership, and women are more likely
to include references to relationships in their self-descriptions. For example,
a man may note that he is a Tarheel fan, a boat enthusiast, or a member of
the Rotary Club, and a woman may note that she is a mother of two or a loyal
friend.
Regarding self-efficacy, men tend to have higher perceptions of
selfefficacy than women (Hargie, 2011). In terms of actual and ideal selves,
men and women in a variety of countries both described their ideal self as
more masculine (Best & Thomas, 2004). As was noted earlier, gender
differences are interesting to study but are very often exaggerated beyond
the actual variations. Socialization and internalization of societal norms for
gender differences accounts for much more of our perceived differences
than do innate or natural differences between genders. These gender norms
may be explicitly stated—for example, a mother may say to her son, “Boys
don’t play with dolls”—or they may be more implicit, with girls being
encouraged to pursue historically feminine professions like teaching or
nursing without others actually stating the expectation.
Media
The representations we see in the media affect our self-perception. The
vast majority of media images include idealized representations of
attractiveness. Despite the fact that the images of people we see in glossy
magazines and on movie screens are not typically what we see when we look
at the people around us in a classroom, at work, or at the grocery store, many
of us continue to hold ourselves to an unrealistic standard of beauty and
attractiveness. Movies, magazines, and television shows are filled with
beautiful people, and less attractive actors, when they are present in the
media, are typically portrayed as the butt of jokes, villains, or only as
background extras (Patzer, 2008). Aside from overall attractiveness, the
media also offers narrow representations of acceptable body weight.
Researchers have found that only 12 percent of prime-time characters
are overweight, which is dramatically less than the national statistics for
obesity among the actual US population (Patzer, 2008). Further, an analysis
of how weight is discussed on prime-time sitcoms found that heavier female
characters were often the targets of negative comments and jokes that
audience members responded to with laughter. Conversely, positive
comments about women’s bodies were related to their thinness. In short,
the heavier the character, the more negative the comments, and the thinner
the character, the more positive the comments. The same researchers
analyzed sitcoms for content regarding male characters’ weight and found
that although comments regarding their weight were made, they were fewer
in number and not as negative, ultimately supporting the notion that
overweight male characters are more accepted in media than overweight
female characters. Much more attention has been paid in recent years to the
potential negative effects of such narrow media representations. The
following “Getting Critical” box explores the role of media in the construction
of body image.
In terms of self-concept, media representations offer us guidance on
what is acceptable or unacceptable and valued or not valued in our society.
Mediated messages, in general, reinforce cultural stereotypes related to
race, gender, age, sexual orientation, ability, and class. People from
historically marginalized groups must look much harder than those in the
dominant groups to find positive representations of their identities in media.
As a critical thinker, it is important to question media messages and to
examine who is included and who is excluded.
Advertising in particular encourages people to engage in social
comparison, regularly communicating to us that we are inferior because we
lack a certain product or that we need to change some aspect of our life to
keep up with and be similar to others. For example, for many years
advertising targeted to women instilled in them a fear of having a dirty house,
selling them products that promised to keep their house clean, make their
family happy, and impress their friends and neighbors. Now messages tell us
to fear becoming old or unattractive, selling products to keep our skin tight
and clear, which will in turn make us happy and popular.