NUCLEAR ENERGY LEGITIMACY CRISIS IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY FUKUSHIMA CASE STUDY

NUCLEAR ENERGY LEGITIMACY CRISIS IN INTERNATIONAL

POLITICAL ECONOMY: FUKUSHIMA CASE STUDY

Introduction

Energy needs are one of the important phenomena in the international political

economy and nuclear energy is one of the solutions in answering the country's energy needs.

In addition to meeting energy needs, the utilization of nuclear power is also developed in

various fields of activity such as industry, medicine, archeology, agriculture and others

(Ardhana 2007, 263). Japan is the country with the most nuclear reactors after France. Japan

conducted its nuclear research in 1954, spending about 230 million yen (Arauojo 2015). In

1963, Japan began building the first nuclear power plant that carried the Boiling Water

Reactor (BWR) technology. Until now, Japan has 55 nuclear power plants. The Japanese

Ministry of Energy said that Japan has the ambition to add 24 new nuclear power plants

until 2030.

On March 11, 2011 the earthquake Tohoku occurred in northeastern Japan. The 9.0

scalarichter earthquake caused Tsunami waves to hit mainland Japan. The natural disaster

then caused damage to Tokyo Electric Power Company's (TEPCO) nuclear reactor,

Fukushima Dai-ichi Nuclear Power Station in Fukushima prefecture. The Fukushima Dai-

ichi nuclear power plant (NPP) is a Boilling Water Reactor (BWR) type capable of

producing 460 MW of electrical power, with a thermal power of 1,553 MW and an assumed

thermal efficiency of 30 percent. The reactor was built in the late 1960s and became

operational in the early 1970s (McCurry 2016).

The tsunami barrier that was built with a height of 6 meters was not able to block the

tsunami waves to the Fukushima NPP. The damage to the nuclear power plant led to the

emergence of a new disaster in Japan, namely a nuclear disaster that spread radioactive

substances from the power plant Fukushima Daiichi. The disaster was caused by damage to

the reactor structure due to the earthquake and the failure of the nuclear reactor cooling

system, which led to the explosion of nuclear reactors and spread radioactive elements to the

surrounding environment within a radius of 300 kilometers from the Fukushima Daiichi

reactor. According to Greenpeace (2012), in August 2013 about 300 tons of reactor cooling

water leaked every day. About 30,000 km2 of Japan's land area was contaminated with

Iodine-131 at 511,000 terabecquerels (TBq), Caesium-134 at 13,500 TBq, and caesium-137

at 13,600 TBq (Kyoto University Graduate Schoool of Global Environment Studies 2011, 1-

4). Radioactive exposure that exceeds the safe limit will endanger health because it can

cause various health problems. Among the dangerous ones are cancer and death.

The incident certainly damaged Japan's economy. The earthquake, tsunami and nuclear

disaster damaged industrial facilities, offices and other places of economic activity in Japan.

Steven Starr (Costs and Consequences of the Fukushima Daiichi Disaster 2014) predicts the

total loss of natural disasters in terms of material is estimated to be more than US$ 309

billion or 25 trillion Yen. The March 11, 2011 natural disaster was also declared as the

natural disaster that took the largest losses in the world. This includes fisheries and trade in

Japanese fishery products, both domestically and internationally. Radioactive contamination

of local waters and the Pacific Ocean also contaminated fishery products in and around

Fukushima prefecture. The incident gained international attention as countries temporarily

suspended trade with Japan. South Korea is the main export destination for Japan's fishery

products and stopped importing Japanese fishery products due to radioactive element

contamination in Japanese fishery products.

The incident at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant was declared an accident

on a scale of 4 and soon increased to a scale of 7, which is equivalent to the Chernobyl

nuclear power plant incident in the Soviet Union. The incident at the Fukushima Daiichi

NPP forced residents around the Fukushima NPP to evacuate within a 20 km radius. More

than 80,000 residents had to move because of the location of their homes close to the nuclear

power plant (Kingston 2012, 127). Radiation hazards not only threatened the surrounding

population, but also damaged agriculture, livestock and fisheries.

The anti-nuclear movement spread more widely in Japan with the Fukushima Daiichi

nuclear power plant disaster on March 11, 2011. The legitimacy of using nuclear energy is

debated. Environmental activists strongly oppose new nuclear energy power plants in

several countries. This research focuses on the legitimacy of using nuclear energy for

peaceful purposes. To what extent does society accept nuclear energy as a reliable source of

energy in the country's economy?

Daniel Blackmore (2013) analyzed Germany's reaction to the Fukushima nuclear

disaster using a constructivism perspective. He said that there was a significant change in

Germany's policy towards nuclear energy where nuclear energy became increasingly

dangerous to use so that Germany decided to close all old nuclear power plants until 2022

and increase the contribution of renewable energy. Blackmore uses a constructivist

perspective to explain the success of the German anti-nuclear movement. In Blackmore's

research, German political parties and the Fukushima disaster became two main factors in

the transformation of Germany's nuclear energy policy. Mikha Benanta Purba (2013) also

observed the negative consequences of nuclear energy in international political economy.

With a case study of France, Purba concludes that the legitimacy of nuclear energy has

become doubtful as a reliable energy source. After the Fukushima nuclear power plant

disaster, France planned to close 20 nuclear reactors to reduce France's dependence on

nuclear energy. The realization of this policy began at the end of 2016 by closing two

Fessenheim nuclear reactors.

Despite negative reactions in France and Germany, Masatsugu Hayashi and Larry

Hughes (2013) argue that the Fukushima disaster failed to transform Japan's nuclear energy

policy. Hayashi and Hughes use the concept of energy security by evaluating the impact of

Fukushima in three components: affordability, availability, and acceptability. Hayashi and

Hughes conclude that the scarcity of global energy sources, Japan's dependence on external

energy sources and Japan's economic stagnation are factors in the return of nuclear energy

legitimacy for Japan.

Japan and Europe have become effective tools for developing countries to dictate to

developed countries. On the other hand, nuclear energy is a solution to answer energy

scarcity with efficient nuclear reactor facilities and abundant uranium availability. The

Chernobyl nuclear power plant disaster in Ukraine in 1986 and the Fukushima nuclear

power plant disaster in 2011 became a terrible impact on the use of nuclear energy. As

outlined in the paragraphs above, the emergence of anti-nuclear activists in Japan and France

has intensified the public debate on the legitimacy of nuclear energy. States face a

dilemmatic position in the use of nuclear energy. This research seeks to understand the

complexities faced by the state in legitimizing nuclear energy by focusing on the

determining aspects of legitimacy and accountability as well as the role of international

organizations in monitoring the use of nuclear energy.

Problem Formulation

The formulation of the problem raised in this article is how the state faces the dilemma

and complexity of nuclear energy legitimacy in the international political economy by using

the case study of the Fukushima nuclear reactor leak.

Purpose and Objectives

This research has the purpose and objective of providing an in-depth analysis of the

dilemmas and complexities of nuclear energy legitimacy in international political economy

using the case study of the Fukushima NPP nuclear reactor leak.

Usefulness of Research

This research has both practical and theoretical uses. The practical use is related to the

achievement of energy security from nuclear power plants while the theoretical use is related

to the development of English School thinking.

Literature Review

Energy Security

Florian Bauman (2008, 4-10) says that energy security is a multi-dimensional concept.

There are four dimensions contained in ES: the internal dimension, the economic dimension,

the security dimension and the geopolitical dimension. The internal dimension refers to the

political and economic policies of the state in increasing energy production. For example,

state intervention in the policy of state oil companies investing in building new oil refineries.

The second dimension is the economic dimension. This dimension is related to the energy

market, namely the determination of prices agreed upon by producers and consumers.

Efficiency competition among energy producers can result in prices that benefit consumers.

The geopolitical dimension relates to countries fighting for access to energy using

transnational companies. For example, Saudi Arabia stopped oil production in 1973 as a

symbol of protest against Israel's victory. The security dimension relates to the physical

security of energy sources. States must prepare military and political forces to deal with the

threat of sabotage from terrorists or hijackers.

ES becomes a crucial concept because there is no guarantee of energy availability.

There are so many threats that disrupt energy supply. Yergin (2006, 74-5) observes that

various problems such as terrorism, armed conflicts in various petroleum exporters, intense

competition for energy access have made countries formulate ES. Yergin says there are three

concepts related to ES, namely energy diversification, security margin and international

organization. Countries must diversify their energy sources, which means releasing

dependence from one type of energy and one energy producer. If there is an internal problem

in an oil-producing country, the country still has many sources of energy production and

many types of energy. Second, ES relates to security margin. Security margin is the

country's energy reserves in preparing for an energy crisis. ES is also related to international

organizations. The role of international organizations in providing energy information is

crucial. In a crisis situation, quality information can reduce panic and chaos (Yergin 2006,

76).

The role of international organizations in relation to ES was also discussed by Ann

Florini. She said that with so many problems related to ES, the discussion on global energy

governance is crucial. The problems of global warming, human exploitation and repeated

energy supply failures in various countries are the driving factors for the existence of a

global energy governance. Florini (2010, 138) notes that several international organizations

were established to solve ES problems such as the International Energy Agency, the Group

of Eight, and the Energy Charter Treaty. Florini says that the failure of these international

organizations gave rise to the idea of more powerful international organizations. For

example, in response to the oil embargo by Saudi Arabia in 1973, the United States

established the International Energy Agency (IEA) in 1974 and had a program to exchange

information on production prices, production quantities and reserves of energy sources. This

program failed to be implemented due to the Iranian revolution in 1979. Various other IEA

programs such as minimum safeguard prices and oil imports targets failed to be

implemented due to the weak commitment of petroleum producing countries.

Asia Pacific Energy Resource Center (2007) developed a very detailed measurement of

ES using four 4A indicators, namely Availability, Accessibility, Acceptability and

Affordability. Availability is the availability of energy and energy sources both from

domestic and abroad. Accessibility refers to the ability of people to access energy sources,

energy grid infrastructure, including geographic and geopolitical challenges. Affordability

covers the cost of investment in energy, ranging from exploration, production and

distribution costs, to fees charged to consumers. Acceptability concerns energy use that is

sensitive to public acceptance. APERC's approach emphasizes the combination of continuity

of energy supply and affordable prices for buyers.

Aleh Cherp and Jessica Jewell (2014) elaborated on the 4A indicators by customizing

the 4A according to ES stakeholders. For households and individual users, affordability

means lower prices relative to household income. For companies and industries,

affordability means prices that are cheaper than competitors' prices. For nation states,

affordability means that the agreed price does not make energy costs greater than the

country's income. For energy companies, affordability must ensure maximum profits for the

company.

Transnational Activism

The concept of transnational activism was first proposed by Porta and Marchetti in

their 2011 article entitled "Transnational Activism and Global Justice Movement". Sidney

Tarrow later elaborated on this concept in the book "The New Transnational Activism" in

2015. Porta and Marchett (2011, 428) define a transnational movement as a protest

movement against social problems involving international organizations and two or more

countries and a scope that crosses national borders. According to Sidney Tarrow (2015, 20),

transnational activism is built on three supporting pillars, namely domestic structures,

interactions, and interdependence transnational and international political economy.

Domestic structures are reactive to pressures from states and international organizations and

become the driving factor for transnational interactions. Through the discussion of

international political economy, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) can be developed

into actors that are equal to the state.

In the concept of transnational activism, non-governmental organizations (NGOs)

become the main actors because of the position of NGOs who are active in protest

movements with a variety of different approaches. Clarke (1998, 2-3) defines NGOs as

organizations that are oriented towards social welfare, not seeking profit and have a specific

legal character. NGOs can be classified into two categories: location category and purpose

category. Based on location categorization, NGOs can be divided into northern NGOs and

southern NGOs (Kim 2011, 20). Generally, northern NGOs are NGOs that donate financial

assistance to southern NGOs. Interactions can also be information exchange for the success

of an international movement. The interaction between northern NGOs and southern NGOs

is dynamic and flexible. Based on the categorization of objectives, NGOs can be divided

into advocacy NGOs (outsider) and operational NGOs (insider/lobbyist). Advocacy NGOs

usually use a radical approach that is at odds with the position of the state and corporations

while operational NGOs use a cooperative approach that is close to the state and

corporations.

Similar to Kim, Donatella Della Porta and Mario Diani produced a chart to explain

transnational activist strategies to influence policy. There are four positions that activists can

take, namely advising, advocacy, lobbying, and activism. Lobbying and advising are

categorized as insider while activism and advocacy are categorized as outsider. Why are

NGOs important in international political economy? First, the projects handled by NGOs are

run very efficiently and involve minimal human resources. In contrast, the state has a

bureaucratic structure with a very long flow that makes international humanitarian assistance

very vulnerable to loss or corruption. Research conducted by the UNDP in 1993 estimated

that official aid provided by governments failed to reach the poor at 20% while NGOs had a

5% chance of failure (Raffer and Singer 1996, 138). Catholic Relief Services spends only

4.78% of its total aid on staff salaries and administration. 95% of Catholic Relief Services'

aid goes directly to the beneficiaries (Kim 2011, 18).

The second characteristic is that the approach taken by NGOs is community-based.

This means that NGOs prioritize a micro approach that directly touches the community.

Raffer and Singer (1996, 138) give the term 'human-face intervention'. NGOs have a better

ability to work at the 'grassroots' level by involving the participation of local communities.

Decentralized structure and local contacts enable NGOs to do so. Micro-loans specifically

for housewives and Grameen Bank in Bangladesh are new breakthroughs to reach closer to

the poor. NGOs also have preventive action and early warning. When there is a natural

disaster that destroys so many public facilities and kills so many people, NGOs immediately

get top priority in handling humanitarian assistance.

The third specialty is the inter-national relationship that NGOs have. The branches and

networks that NGOs have can reach all countries in the world. Without having to be

bothered by sovereignty issues, NGOs can continue to receive and provide situation

information to other NGOs in other parts of the world. As illustrated below, NGOs will seek

support from other countries' NGOs by disseminating information and hoping that the

outside country's NGOs will put pressure on the country's stance and position thus putting

direct pressure on the destination country. Another scenario is that NGOs will seek support

from international organizations in the hope that these organizations will pressure the

destination country.

NGOs have become equal actors in the international political economy because of their

economic power. So many NGOs are able to fund various environmental saving projects on

a large scale. WWF-US contributed USD 12.9 million for the implementation of 407

environmental projects in 33 countries. From the 1980s to the 1990s WWF funded more

than 2,000 environmental projects around the world totaling USD 62.5 million (Princen

1994, 29). There are many other NGOs that have enormous financial power such as

Greepeace and Great Lakes United (GLU). Of course, for state institutions and local

communities, these projects are very useful.

The power of information is also the unique power of NGOs. NGOs are able to attract

the attention of the mass media. Like NGOs in other fields, the mass media is the

"backbone" of NGOs' activities. Greepeace with its local television station, WWF with its

international membership will be able to effectively publicize their activities. The ability of

NGOs to provide information and knowledge on environmental issues. Countries and

international organizations do not necessarily conduct regular research and data collection

on environmental issues. They will do the above actions in crisis-reactive conditions. NGOs

with their research capabilities are able to reach all levels so that they can. NGOs are able to

force environmental actors to provide data and information transparency. With the ability of

NGOs to present accurate and comprehensive information, the information gap that is

usually often an obstacle will be reduced. People who are often unable to access information

can now receive information symmetrically. Clarification and response to statements by

government officials government officials will facilitate the data transparency process.

Objects and Research Methods

This research methodology is interpretive and qualitative. This research seeks meaning

and the process and context of the case study. According to Denzin and Lincoln (2011: 12),

qualitative research uses more than one method and emphasizes the author's interpretation

ability. Creswell (2003: 23-25) asserts that qualitative research is a method of finding

answers to complex research questions and requires a comprehensive picture. Complex

problems refer to problems that are multi-dimensional, paradoxical, and dilemmatic. The

goal of qualitative research is to understand meaning, process, background and look for

causality and patterns.

This is in accordance with the function of theory in qualitative research as an

instrument to understand the problem. There are two purposes of theory, namely explaining

and understanding in research (Kurki and Wight, 2010: 20). Neo-realist and neo-liberalist

thinkers prioritize the simplicity of international relations phenomena into various formulas

and formulas that can be applied to further research. The purpose of theory for neo-realist

and neo-liberalists liberalism is for explaining. Theory is the tool for this simplification,

which requires knowledge of the mathematical formulas often used by physics and

chemistry scientists. ES thinkers prioritize the researcher's understanding of the significance

of meaning, symbols and values used by the state. Theory is a tool for understanding the

complexity and intricacy of reality. The purpose of theory for ES thinkers is understanding.

The use of qualitative methods is closely related to the English School theory used in

this research. As outlined in the literature review sub-chapter, the English School is a theory

that explains not only the competition for power and strength but also debates about

legitimacy, membership, recognition, equality, roles, reciprocity, agreements, customs, or

disadvantages. To explain the competition for power and the value debate, the English

School has the framework of pluralism and solidarism. The definitions of these two pillars

have been explained in the literature review. Qualitative research methods are the foundation

for this debate. Reus Smith emphasizes this debate by saying "This distinction has since

provided the basic framework for debate within the English School about the scope for, and

desirability of, moral action in international relations, a debate which itself marks the

School off from parallel trends in American thinking" (Reus-Smith. 2009: 64-

65).

Nicholas Wheeler and Robert Jackson are English School researchers who use the

dichotomy of pluralism and solidarism in their research. Wheeler's book Saving Strangers

begins with the debate between pluralism and solidarism and shows that there is a great

tendency in international society towards a solidarist scenario. Robert Jackson also uses the

dichotomy of solidarism and pluralism and finds persistent patterns of pluralism in

international society.

The interpretation methodology used by the English School is a response to neo-

realism and neo-liberalism which use positivism methodology. The positivism methodology

departs from international relations thinkers' frustration with the science of international

relations which lacks the mathematical models used by exact sciences. Positivists also

emphasize that research data can be measured precisely and in detail so that the data can be

processed into a statistical calculation that can be determined as a rule. Even Morton Kaplan

(1968: 35) said, "If you cannot measure it, your knowledge is meagre and unsatisfactory".

Positivists such as Kaplan and Martin Singer criticized classical realist thinkers regarding

the concepts of power and national interest that lack mathematical explanations and models

that can be replicated in international relations research.

English School thinkers rejected positivism methodology because it fails to see the

values and norms that motivate states to influence other states. Values, norms and beliefs are

important components of international relations that are invisible. Butterfield and Wight

emphasize this point by saying: "by contrast with those studies of state-systems which view

them as determined purely by mechanical factors such as the number of states in the system,

their relative size, the political configuration in which they stand, we place emphasis on the

norms and values that animate the system, and the institutions in which they are expressed"

(Butterfield and Wight, 1966: 17). This research was inspired by the debate of international

relations. The research methodology is tailored to the research questions related to the main

debates international relations. The normative debates that ensued required a methodology

of interpretation. There is a constant dialog on environmental issues between IR thinkers.

The researcher captured this debate through a literature review. Through various journal

articles and books written by IR thinkers, researchers can find points of thought and

categorize them in pluralism and solidarism that have been developed by English School

thinkers. Dialogue between IR thinkers became research data and was processed using

English School theory. The process of this research is to find data, categorize data, find

points of coexistence, formulate concepts based on these points of coexistence. Researchers

interpret case studies into meanings that motivate state policies and actions.

Research methods used This research is a single case study and process tracing. In

research using a case study, the researcher will conduct an in-depth examination of a

situation or event by using systematic ways of making observations, collecting data,

analyzing information, and reporting the results (Creswell, 2003: 133). As a result, an in-

depth understanding of why something happened and the scientific and academic

consequences of the phenomenon is obtained.

Porta and Keating (2008: 148) provide several reasons why single case study research

can be an effective method of theory building. The intensive dialogue between the

researcher's way of thinking and the data is an advantage of this method. The use of a case

study can open up the diversity of a case by looking at the history of the case. The

complexity of relationships between variables can be explained in detail. The explanation of

a case study is not intended to generalize to the rest of the world other cases. Theory does

not define behavior but state behavior constructs a theory. The perspective is a two-way,

ongoing dialog between empirical and theoretical approaches.

This research applies ES to a comparative case study of Clinton and Trump's foreign

policy on humanitarian intervention. This research uses the process-tracing method. This

method seeks to identify cause-and-effect processes with independent and dependent

variables. This method is elaborated intensively by Alexander George and Andrew Bennett

in the book Case Studies and Theory Development in Social Sciences. The process-tracing

method studies the sequence of events with the aim of testing certain hypotheses whether

they are consistent in the sequence of events chosen by the researcher. This research tests the

hypothesis whether the interests of the state as expressed in foreign policy are always in

conflict with humanitarian intervention?

Results and Discussion

Impact of Nuclear Disaster

The Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster in March 2011 had a serious impact on the

fishing industry in Japan. Nuclear disasters such as those that occurred in Chernobyl in mid-

1986 and in Fukushima Daiichi result in food and trade crises that inevitably harm the

country where the disaster occurred. Radioactive elements that contaminate food products

will reduce consumer interest in buying these foods because of the dangers of radioactivity

to human health. So consumers will protect their health from radioactivity by not buying

these foods or diverting to buy food from other areas that are proven to be safer for

consumption.

Related to anxiety about contamination of Japanese-produced food, especially fishery

products has caused reputational damage. The Japanese Ministry of Education, Culture,

Sports, Science and Technology defines "reputational damage" as any form of damage

caused by negative publicity that results in consumers and business associations not

purchasing products or services due to fear of radioactive contamination. Negative rumors

that result in reputational damage to Japanese fishery products will hurt the workers of the

fishing industry. Because the income of fishermen and aquaculture workers will decrease,

their products cannot enter the market, or no one wants to buy their products.

Many countries are restricting imports and increasing their scrutiny of food imported

from Japan. This is done by the United States, the European Union, Canada, Australia, New

Zealand, India, and other Asian countries such as Hong Kong, China, Indonesia, Malaysia,

Singapore, Korea and Thailand. While import bans may vary by country, seafood (both

land-based aquaculture and seafood) from prefectures affected by large-scale nuclear

disasters include Fukushima, Ibaraki, Tochigi and Gunma (The Japan Times 2015).

The Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster in March 2011 triggered a trade policy of

banning the import of fishery products from Japan for the protection of human health.

Japanese fishery products suffered reputational damage due to the nuclear disaster which

caused other countries to be unwilling to import contaminated Japanese fishery products.

South Korea, which is a large importer of Japanese fishery products, also has its own

attitude after the 2011 Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster and the leak of Fukushima

Daiichi reactor cooling water in 2013. In general, South Korea's attitude towards Japanese

fishery products is also very positive cautioned against radioactive content in Japanese

fishery products. The actions taken by South Korea are quite diverse, ranging from

surveillance to import bans from several prefectures. Since the nuclear disaster in March

2011, South Korea has banned the import of fishery products from four prefectures in Japan,

including Fukushima, Ibaraki, Tochigi, and Gunma (McCurry 2013). Since the Fukushima

Daiichi nuclear disaster the case of food safety has been discussed in Japan's trading partner

countries. In the official panel of the WTO SPS forum, Japan has urged WTO member

countries not to overreact to the spread of radiation from the exploded Fukushima Daiichi

nuclear power plant and implement "unfair" measures by imposing import bans on Japanese

food products. Because the Japanese government has already taken measures regarding the

safety of its food products.

As explained earlier, Japan continues to monitor the level of radioactive contamination

of its food products in order to prevent food safety risks. It is also working hard to provide

accurate information as soon as possible to its trading partners as well as to the WTO, FAO,

WHO, and other agencies.

Political efforts to obtain export waivers to South Korea have also been made by

Yoshihiko Noda, the new prime minister who replaced Naoto Kan who was considered not

responsive enough to the handling of nuclear disasters. At the Trilateral Summit Meeting in

May 2012, Japan through Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda also held political talks with the

South Korean president at that time, Lee Myung Bak. The meeting discussed the economy.

During the meeting, Japan asked President Lee Myung Bak to facilitate Japanese fishery

products, especially from 4 prefectures. (Fukushima, Tochigi, Gunma and Ibaraki) to ease

their entry into the South Korean market. But president Lee Myung Bak did not take Noda's

request seriously. So throughout 2012 the policy of banning imports from these four

prefectures remained unchanged. The import ban remained in place and the South Korean

government continued to monitor the progress of Fukushima Daiichi.

Failing to influence South Korea to revoke the policy, the Japanese government took

steps to resolve the issue at the WTO. This effort was made because according to the

Japanese government, the actions taken by South Korea were unfair trade practices. In the

publication of the WTO Committee on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures number

G/SPS/GEN/204/Rev.14 Japan defended that the contaminated cooling water was only

mixed in 0.3 square km within the Fukushima Daiichi area and the level of radioactive

contamination in the cooling water should not be equated with the level of radioactive

contamination in Japanese fishery products in the prefecture. Furthermore, Japan reminded

South Korea that the Sanitary and Phytosanitary Agreement prohibits trade discrimination

and other unnecessary barriers. Japan urged South Korea to provide the scientific basis of its

import ban policy or explain the incomplete scientific evidence of the Japanese

government's report (Reuters 2015).

South Korea's action on policy The ban on imports of Japanese fishery products was

extended in September 2013 in accordance with article 5.7 of the SPS agreement, which

states that there is insufficient scientific evidence and cumulative potential for radioactive

contamination to human health. The article allows countries to take trade actions if the

exporting country does not have safety information about the food products it is trading.

According to South Korea, Japan did not ensure clarity in its handling of the Fukushima

Daiichi nuclear power plant and the overall nuclear disaster. Data that is only from the

Japanese government's observations is not enough to prove the safety of its fishery products

and to reduce the South Korean people's concerns about radiation. So article 5.7 is a suitable

article to explain South Korea's stance since September 2013.

The anti-nuclear movement is spreading more and more widely in Japan with the

incident at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant on March 11, 2011. The anti-nuclear

movement has existed in Japan since 1954. The movement was carried out by housewives

who bought fish caught by the Daigo Fukuryu Maru ship which was indicated to be

radioactively contaminated due to the atomic bomb test by the United States at Bikini Atoll.

In general, there are two forms of the anti-nuclear movement that developed in Japan. The

first form is the anti-nuclear movement that uses advocacy methods. This method

emphasizes expressing opinions and lobbying energy policy makers based on science. Some

of the anti-nuclear movements that use this method are Citizens' Nuclear Information

Center, anti-nuclear activist Aileen Smith, anti-nuclear activist Tetsunari Iida, APAST

organization, etc.

The second form is the anti-nuclear movement which uses the activism method. The

activism method is carried out by organizations or groups that fight for the interests of their

groups. This second form of method is found in Japan. One example of existing activism is

the anti-nuclear movement that exists in several places where nuclear power plants are

located. The local anti-nuclear movement fights for the lives of local residents that reject the

existence of nuclear power plants. Examples of local anti-nuclear movements occur in the

Sendai area, the Rokkasho Reprocessing Plant construction area, and in Suzu. In addition,

this method of activism can also be seen in the formation of various anti-nuclear

organizations that have various forms and goals. Examples are Citizens' Committee for the

10 Million People's Petition to say Goodbye to Nuclear Power Plants, STOP-ROKKASHO,

Women from Fukushima Against Nukes, Japan Occupational Safety and Health Resource

Center, Citizens' Radioactivity Measurement Station, Beautiful Energy etc.

The anti-nuclear movement in Japan, which has existed since 1954 until now, has

emerged in various forms but with one common demand, namely the desire of the Japanese

people to reduce the use of nuclear power and get out of dependence on nuclear power plant

operations. Public opinion on the use of nuclear power after the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear

power plant incident basically developed from supporting the use of nuclear energy to

supporting the reduction of dependence on nuclear energy. In a survey conducted by NHK,

it can be seen that the percentage of respondents who support reducing the use of nuclear

power has grown from 32% in April to 47% in April 57% in June.

According to Jacinta Hin (representative of Beautiful Energy) "The anti-nuclear

protests affected the Japanese government's way of thinking in formulating energy policies."

This is quite evident, where the DPJ government, both during PM Kan and PM Noda's time,

formulated policies that hinted at stopping using nuclear power plants. During PM Noda's

term, an energy policy was adopted that was based on the demands of the people to get rid

of nuclear power expressed in deliberative polls. The announcement of the "Innovative

Energy and Environment Strategy" which includes zero operating nuclear power plants is a

bright spot in the struggle of the anti-nuclear movement in Japan.

Nuclear Energy Legitimization Crisis

The debate about the legitimacy of nuclear energy power plants resurfaced after the

leak of Japan's Fukushima nuclear reactor. Nuclear is able to answer the need for electricity

that is so large compared to other energy sources such as coal, gas, petroleum or wind. On

the other hand, the potential for natural damage caused by nuclear energy power plants is

also very large as happened in Fukushima and Chernobyl. Public demand for electricity

urged the government to sacrifice the risk of environmental damage by deciding to build

nuclear energy power plants as Japan and other developed countries did. This policy reflects

pluralist thinking that prioritizes human needs over environmental sustainability.

environment. Solidaris contrasts the pluralist hypothesis with the case study of the

Fukushima nuclear disaster. The Fukushima nuclear reactor leak has devastated Japan's

fishing industry and environment. The concept of sustainable development has become

urgent to implement, especially campaigned by transnational activists.

The question is why Japan choose to continue the use of nuclear energy with the risk of

fatal damage? Nuclear energy is cheap and Japan has limited energy sources to meet its

energy needs. The discourse built here is that the exploitation of nature is carried out to

produce the economic benefits needed by the business world. Japan became the second

largest economy after the United States after changing from an agricultural country to a

manufacturing country and now to a service country. One of the keys to Japan's progress is

the aggressiveness of Japanese manufacturing and service companies in opening up new

business sectors and of course this aggressiveness is not just a matter of business requires

enormous financial capital, availability of labor and electrical energy. Therefore, from a

business calculation, the use of nuclear energy is very profitable not only because of cheaper

production costs but also because it is able to reliably drive business sectors that are very

profitable for the country en masse.

According to Hurd (1999, p. 1), there are three factors that motivate states to comply

with international values, norms and regulations: coercion, self-interest and legitimacy. In

the international community, coercion and self-interest still dominate the determinants of

state policy. Economic globalization and advances in communication technology as well as

the emergence of humanitarian activists have raised the legitimacy factor in international

society. This research focuses on the legitimacy factor.

In the context of the use of nuclear energy, sustainable development factors and

transnational activism have been marginalized because the state prioritizes the use of nuclear

energy energy security. Currently, energy is one of the vital things for human life. The use

of energy, especially fossil energy, whose reserves are decreasing, while consumption is

increasing, over time, energy will experience scarcity. If this condition occurs, it will

threaten human life. Seen from this context, energy is a security issue today because energy

scarcity is a threat to security. Based on this perspective, the state has issued various policies

to strengthen energy security, ranging from the search for new oil fields at home and abroad,

the development of renewable energy sources, to the construction of nuclear energy power

plants.

High energy consumption but not With adequate energy sources, Japan imports about

84% of its energy needs. Japan imports everything from crude oil, coal, to natural gas. Japan

is the third largest oil consumer in the world behind the United States and China, the largest

importer of LNG in the world, and the second largest importer of coal. The occurrence of the

oil crisis in the Middle East in 1973 and 1978 made Japan's dependence on fossil fuel

imports begin to be reduced with efforts from the government and industry to meet their

own energy needs, one of which was by increasing the construction of nuclear power plants.

In March 2002, the Japanese government announced that Japan will rely on nuclear energy

to achieve the goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions in accordance with the Kyoto

Protocol. An energy plan A 10-year plan was submitted to the Ministry of Economy, Trade

and Industry in July 2001. The plan suggests increasing the use of power generation up to

30%, with power companies expected to have 9 to 12 new nuclear plants in operation by

2011. Then in 2002 a new law, the Energy Policy Law, was issued as a key principle of

energy security and a stable energy supply. The Energy Policy Law stipulates the Basic

Energy Plan, which is updated every three years. In the Basic Energy Plan, the energy mix

for Japan's energy supply is formulated. The Energy Information Administration report in

2010 shows that Japan's energy consumption is still dominated by oil, coal and natural gas.

Conclusions

The Fukushima nuclear disaster has had a devastating impact on Japanese society. The

Fukushima nuclear disaster is the worst disaster in the world after the 1986 Ukrainian

Chernobyl nuclear disaster. Of the 54 existing and operating nuclear power plants in Japan,

about 14 of them that were directly affected by the earthquake and tsunami disaster

automatically stopped operating. More than 600,000 residents of Fukushima had to evacuate

due to radiation exposure. Japan's fisheries sector also suffered after the Fukushima disaster.

Many countries restricted imports and increased their scrutiny of food imported from Japan.

This was done by the United States, the European Union, Canada, Australia, New Zealand,

India, and other Asian countries such as Hong Kong, China, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore,

Korea and Thailand.

This nuclear disaster sparked debate pluralists, solidarians, international society and

world society regarding the hierarchy of concepts in international political economy. This

research discusses three concepts: energy security, transnational activism and sustainable

development. For pluralists, energy security is the most important concept and trumps

development and transnational activism. Nuclear energy should not be stopped because

nuclear energy contributes significantly to energy security. Meanwhile, solidarians put

sustainable development and transnational activism at the top. Despite contributing to

energy security, nuclear energy is not worth continuing because the risks posed are so

dangerous for environmental sustainability. The dilemma faced by this country has actually

led to the role of superpowers and transnational corporations that restore the legitimacy

crisis of Japan's nuclear energy.

Transnational anti-nuclear activism did not succeed in becoming a turning point due to

the full support of the United States as a superpower. The US government and other

developed countries still use nuclear reactors for power generation so the United States uses

its power to quell such anti-nuclear activism by funding various research institutes to

develop more advanced safety and security standards.