1
Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study
As an engaging area of academic research, participation of millennials in voting is
evolving at an amazing level. Many recent studies indicated a decline in the traditional
form of political participation, especially among the millennial generation in democracies
across the world. According to many of these reports, this may result in a bleak future for
many democracies. Traditional media (radio, television, and newspaper) no longer inspire
millennials in many countries. While traditional participation in politics is declining
amongst the millennial generation, findings from other studies suggested that there is a
sudden rise in their engagement in political activities driven by the use of social media
platforms like Twitter. These new media platforms make it easy for them to access
information and interact directly with political candidates.
This study specifically focused on investigating and analyzing Twitter and the
participation of millennials in voting during elections at the national level. Voting is a
major activity for any democracy since governments are formed by securing enough
votes cast by legitimate voters during elections (Gong & Lips, 2009; The National
Conference on Citizenship, 2006; The Hansard Society, 2005). Politicians must convince
more numbers of the electorate to vote for them. The canvassing for votes during
electioneering campaigns by political parties and their candidates therefore is a critical
activity. These campaigns are often referred to as advocacy, or as marketing propaganda,
or marketing for the purpose of vote maximization (Anstead & Chadwick, 2008; Ward et
al., 2008; Hill, 2009).
2
Various studies indicated that there has been a progressive decline in these types
of political participation, particularly among the millennial generation (Andolina &
Jenkins, 2002). Over the years, scholars have shown concern by investigating the reasons
behind millennial participation or non-participation in political activities (Thun, 2014).
These concerns are more apparent in countries characterized by a decline in the
participation of millennials in political activities (Milner, 2008). As such, a study to
reveal the impact of millennial voting through Twitter during the 2015 Nigeria
nationwide elections to ascertain how it affects the entire electoral system, as well as
assess the contributions of millennials towards online voting in Nigeria, is pertinent.
Political participation includes joining civic societies and political groups,
interacting with politicians, voter’s education, mobilization of the electorate, voting,
signing online petitions, and participating in campaigns (Tang & Lee, 2013). These types
of political activities are the foundation of a successful democracy (McManimon, 2014).
Millennials, as studies have revealed, are not interested in participating in politics, are not
actively involved in democratic processes (Dahlgren, 2009), and do not trust
representative institutions and politicians (Blais & Loewen, 2009). Millennials’ declining
participation in political activities has become a serious concern to many democracies
(Skoric & Poor, 2013) and needs to be addressed.
The background of the study is provided in the first chapter. Also provided is a
summary of the significant literature and the presentation of a problem and purpose
statement. The research question, theoretical framework for the study, nature of the study,
and contributions of the study towards positive social change are also provided in the first
3
chapter. The first chapter is concluded with a summary and transition into the next
chapter.
Background of the Study
Nigeria is Africa’s largest democratic state with a population of close to 200
million people consisting of 342 tribes or ethno-linguistic groups and a democracy which
is nascent and unstable (Campbell, 2014; Olumide & Ekanade, 2011; Mahmud, 2015).
Among themany reasons for this instability are long periods of military rule, weak public
institutions, electoral malpractices, and ethno-religious crises. The regional-religious
divide creates a regional character for elections in Nigeria, pitching the so-called
Christian South against a Muslim North (Campbell, 2014). Mutual suspicion and mistrust
among the three dominant tribes, most notably the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo, has
been a major factor during and after elections (Omodia, 2012; Salawu & Hassan, 2011).
The perennial failure of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to
conduct free, fair, and credible elections has also become a major reason for political and
electoral tension in Nigeria.
From a modest 200,000 users in 2000, the internet and social media use in Nigeria
has grown significantly in 2015. There is a growing population who go online with smart
phones. The deployment of social media platforms for elections purposes initially
became noticeable in the period leading up to the 2011 Nigerian elections. There is
increasing attention given to social media for its role in educating, engaging, and
empowering the people. The internet has brought significant changes to 21st century
mass media. The internet has made it possible to access a broad scope of information at a
4
high speed and low cost. This has made information accessible to more people across a
wider demographic. As a result, there is more egalitarian access to the production and the
consumption of news (Prat & Stromberg, 2011).
The role of social media in influencing the fairness of the 2015 presidential
election of Muhammadu Buhari has been hailed internationally. The historical transfer of
power in 2015 in Nigeria was achieved though social media, which had a major influence
on the fairness of the election. Social media allowed for greater participation and
immediacy. News and information surrounding the elections were provided for the first
time in the history of Nigeria’s electoral process. Such media aided voters’ sense of
empowerment and ability to share information easily. Social media platforms
complemented the roles of traditional media to share information with the people. People
are becoming more interconnected through the internet; Facebook launched internet.org,
an initiative that provides global access to the most remote parts of society. Political
movements use social media as a recruitment tool. Rather than getting brand messages
via traditional medias’ one-way communication systems, social media allows for
recommendations in the form of re-shares, thus de-commercializing political messaging.
It is that space which uses different tools to help raise the voices of average Nigerians.
Social media played a significant role in what was arguably the most competitive election
process in Nigerian history.
The growth of information and communication technology is constantly bringing
different interactive platforms to the people. These platforms are providing opportunities
for sharing information across societies, which, in turn, have the capability to effect change
5
on an individual’s behavior, decision-making, and judgment (CES, 2012). By their very
interactive nature, social media platforms are using user-produced content to build and
maintain different kinds of relationships.
According to Eugene (2015), there is a growing popularity in the use of social
media to get news about every aspect of life. A 2014 study showed that about 62% of
internet users depend on Facebook for political news and information. This allows for
information, whether true or false, to spread quickly and easily, especially among peer
networks and across demographics. Many social media sites are enhancing participation
in political activities at different levels by uniting like-minded people while reminding
users to vote in elections and analyzing users’ political affiliation data to match cultural
similarities and differences. The impacts of social media on the creation of social and
political relationships are profound. Social media will continue to grow as a hub where
cultural perceptions and political affiliations are formed. As social media increases in
popularity and scope, its social benefits for voters cannot be underestimated as it provides
the platform for everyone to communicate and make decisions on social, cultural, and
political issues in the world today.
Social media has become a powerful medium for behavior change including
political engagement and decision-making. Social media allows for the cheap production
of, and easy access to, information from any part of the world in a very short time and
without editorial filtering (Sunstein, 2001). When disseminated properly and purposely,
political information on social media can have an immensely positive result on political
campaigns. Along with presenting political parties’ platforms and candidates, social
6
media also allows prospective voters from across demographics a space to interact with
one another. As such, open forums on social media can have positive or negative effects
in the political sphere. Some politicians have made the mistake of using open forums to
reach large audiences without considering other factors that include the fact that not
every member can be trusted with information that their political opponents could use
against them. Without control over the comments being posted, negative comments may
damage a campaign.
Today, the world has shrunk to become a global village, thanks to social media.
With the quick transfer of information, the world keeps getting smaller, acquaintances are
being built and maintained, and perceptions are changing very fast (Friedman, 2007).
Due to the easy access to social media, nearly every political party in Nigeria used it in
campaigning and advancing its plans, sending messages and manifestos to prospective
voters through advertising, fund raising, party mobilization, and campaign organizing in
all 36 states of the federation. Would-be voters were informed on Facebook, YouTube,
and Twitter in particular on each political party’s candidate’s views on national issues.
The information found in social media helped voters to understand the dynamics of
elections so that many voters who had been fixated on voting for a particular party or
candidate began to free their minds and vote for others. Information received by a
particular voter was also not static, as those who received information were quick to
share through the other platforms, even without trying to verify the source and
authenticity of the information.
7
Problem Statement
Voter apathy increased following the introduction of multi-party democracy in
Nigeria in 1999 due to failures in the electoral processes. These failures and their
consequences negatively affected the quality of political leadership. Voter turnout is
declining due to violence in Nigeria (Collier &Vicente, 2014). Available data from the
INEC showed that voter turnout is declining in Nigeria (Agaigbe, 2016).
This study filled the gap in understanding how Nigerian millennials were
mobilized to participate in the 2015 presidential elections using Twitter as a major tool.
The study was premised on the fact that Twitter shares many of Jurgen Habermas’
characterizations of the public sphere that promotes the norms and networks that
facilitate democratic actions (Habermas, 1962; Okoro & Diri, 2009).
Purpose of Study
The purpose of this qualitative research was to examine how Twitter, a social
media site that connects large numbers of people to share their views through tweets and
retweets, defined millennial participation in voting during the Nigeria’s 2015 presidential
election, thereby addressing the problem of voter apathy. The findings assisted in
developing strategies for effective campaigning, voting, and election of properly selected
productive candidates into various positions in government offices. This study has the
potential to improve the quality of elections as well as promote the victory of preferred
candidates, especially at the national level. The findings may also reduce election
malpractices such as fraud and the imposition of revolving candidates on citizens. I
applied the qualitative method to examine how Nigerian youths in the north central
8
geopolitical zone used Twitter to foster voter education and mobilization during the
presidential election of 2015.
Research Question
This basic qualitative inquiry was aimed at discovering how Twitter involved
millennials and positively affected the election process at the 2015 national elections in
Nigeria. The study was guided by the central research question: In what ways did Twitter
as a social media platform define participation of millennials in promoting voter turnout
and addressing voter apathy in Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election?
Theoretical Foundation
This study was conducted within the theoretical frameworks of the
democraticparticipant theory and the uses and gratification theory (UGT). The media,
according to the politico-media philosophy democratic-participant theory, entails
allowing equal access to all stakeholders (Johnson, D. W & Johnson, 2013). One of the
propositions of the theory, which in itself is an adaptation of the social responsibility
theory, is that the media should share information on divergent views and opinions of
individuals and political groupings irrespective of whether they align with popular
opinions of the government in power or not. The theory underpins the significance of
equality of access to the media despite the socio-economic status of citizens, while the
democratic participation theory postulates that participation in good governance and
cultural revitalization should not be the exclusive preserve of the elite, but inclusive of
grassroots
9
(Baran & Davis, 2012).
The UGT provides an in-depth explanation of the rational for using media. Media
contents do not have a universal appeal and uniform effect, hence, people mindful of
their needs selectively accept some media programs and refuse others. As a reaction to
this philosophical concept, the media, according to the hypodermic needle effect theory
of the media, has an all-powerful effect on its audience (Johnson & Johnson, 2013). The
theory provides that the consumer possesses the power to determine what media they
consume, with the assumption that the consumer has a clear intent. This contends with
the mass society theory that presents individuals as vulnerable and powerless, victims of
online networking sites that are produced by big companies and industries, and the
individual differences in perspectives that deduce intelligence and self-esteem above all,
influences people’s choice of a particular social media. My study used this theory to
show how individuals make their decisions to vote for candidates based on their personal
choices, resulting from the experiences from the election campaigns through twitter.
Nature of the Study
The study was a basic qualitative inquiry study (Elo et al., 2014). Individual
interviews were conducted for bloggers and youths that fell into the millennial category
and who participated in the 2015 presidential election process. Interviews were
conducted for students in two tertiary institutions in the north central geopolitical region
of Nigeria. Secondary data from various sources and documents from online groups,
Twitter, and relevant online archives were examined. Additionally, relevant campaign
messages online were examined. Because qualitative research is useful in exploring and
10
gaining understanding of people’s behavior, it was ideal for this study (Creswell, 2013). I
sought to establish how Twitter determined voters’ mobilization, electioneering, and
youth participation in Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election.
Definitions
Political participation: Behavior that could affect government actions through
various activities, either directly by influencing the creation or implementation of policies
or indirectly by influencing the political leaders that make those policies (Yamamato,
2014, as cited in Verba et al., 1995, p. 883).
Political Knowledge: The political information stored in one’s long-term memory
(Delli, Carpini and Keeter, 1996).
Political Efficacy: The belief that political and social change is possible and that
the individual citizen represents a pivotal part of this change (Campbell, Gurin, and
Miller, 54: 187 in Zhang and Duke, 2010:81). It encompasses two dimensions: internal
and external efficacies.
Political Discussions: Conversations with political content that take place
between the non-elite members of a political community (Schmitt-Beck, 2008 in
Valenzuela et al., 2011: 3).
Millennial: Young people of today (born in the later part of the century),
characterized as digital natives (Tapscott, 2009), wired (Sutherland & Thompson, 2003),
and technologically savvy (Huntley, 2006).
Awareness: The ability to perceive events, objects, thoughts, emotions, or sensory
patterns.
11
Election: The formal process of selecting a person for public office or of
accepting or rejecting a political proposition by voting.
Facebook: An online social networking service that enables users to share and
send pictures and other multimedia items.
General Election: An election in which all or most members of a given political
body are chosen.
Internet: An interconnected group of computer networks allowing for electronic
communication.
Social Media: Computer-mediated tools that allow people to create and exchange
information, ideas, and pictures/videos in virtual communities and online networks.
Social Network: A structure made up of a set of social actors (such as individuals
or organizations) and a set of the dyadic ties between these actors.
Twitter: An online social networking service that enables users to send and read
short 140-character messages called “tweets.”
Assumptions
The first assumption for this study relates to the bloggers on social media who
promote candidates and highlight their qualities on various online media platforms. The
assumption holds that media engagements and the promotion of political candidates
allow voters to choose their ideal candidates through images that portray positive social
change in form of pledges to reform the society (through education, training, and
provision of social benefits) if they are elected. The assumption provides the benefit for
12
voters across all levels of social status to make this decision without interferences for
stronger forces.
The second assumption relates to the online amplifiers who disseminate
information on behalf of candidates on social media by retweeting information to their
followers via tweeter handles, and through paid advertisements, to solicit for supporters
for their preferred candidates. It is assumed that decisions on who to vote for depend on
the strength of the messages being retweeted. The last assumption is that active
tweetervoting advocates work with numbers and have strategies to multiply their
followers through Twitter-based communication.
Scope and Delimitations
Delimitations develop through scope limitations and decisions made during
research designs (Simon & Goes, 2013). The first stage in the process of delimitation
consists of identifying a particular problem, not minding the several other challenges
associated with the application of online voting solicitations. Transferability was
achieved during the research design through careful restrictions of the study’s population
(Rudestam & Newton, 2014). This study focused on the strategies online bloggers and
Twitter handlers applied to gain voter support for particular candidates. The interest in
exploring this voting process is as a result of the role it plays in the inclusion of
millennials in the voting process due to its benefits to youths, as against participation of
youths before the twitter experience.
13
Limitations
Being a novice researcher, this research enabled me improve my data collection
and analysis skills with a view towards achieving good results in the data collection,
analysis, and interpretation process. A major limitation during data collection was getting
serious and intellectually driven information from online sources, as Nigerians are in the
habit of being irrational and offensive while communicating on social media. Rather than
having mature and productive discussions, most of them engage in wars of words.
Since accounts may be hacked or created by election touts to boost imaginary
followership and attract potential voters to sites that are rich in followers, information
from fake accounts may decrease the credibility of my study’s results. The level of
researcher interface with participants involved with the study may also have posed a
limitation concern. Because election opponents are usually aggressive towards each
other, and at times allow ethnic and religious differences to set in, the educational status,
psychological balance, as well as language barrier was a challenge. This issue created a
little difficulty in accessing precise details or expressions as originally intended, by the
participant. However, more effort was put in by the researcher to gain clear
understanding of the issues discussed with participants.
Though participant rapport and trust building in order to guaranty detailed and
genuine responses during data collection is important, credibility in qualitative research,
suitable researcher engagement, active observation methods, and open auditing processes
were also required. To prevent this limitation, the researcher must advance a transparent
14
audit stream to indicate steps taken in data collecting to confirm its quality using controls
measures such as committee member checking and peer review.
Significance of the Study
The significance of this study corresponds to the positive social change that can
be derived from understanding millennial participation in voting through Twitter . It is
my hope that the findings of this study will develop strategic ways of coordinating voter
support and campaigning, to provide the actual characters of candidates as well as their
election proposals to the public in a way that the voter’s choice of candidate is not
manipulated by their party or the agents of the party. This can be achieved by developing
software to independently access the verified profile of candidates through supervised
means, education, and enlightenment of voters across the country. The study was aimed
at developing ways through which the Electoral Commission may present the best
candidates for election, without interference from political touts and vendors. It was also
aimed at enabling voters to exercise their rights to vote and attract voters who had lost
interest in participating in this important national duty because of past antecedents that
brought candidates into office through elicit means (Onapajo, 2014).
Significance to Practice
Several studies on the use of social media to enhance election processes have
been carried out, but little has been done specifically on the use of Twitter by millennials
and how it enhances elections in Nigeria. West (2011) maintained that social media
application during voting changes information delivery, business, online content, news
coverage, and the manner in which prospective voters view new developments. The
15
actual and tedious part of the job is done before the day of the election. Promoters of
candidates apply various strategies to ensure massive support is gained for their
candidates to win the election.
Though current research in online voting system has focused on the motives and
benefits to voters, and has provided learning opportunities for concerned agents and
organizations to take part in the available knowledge offered by the study, this research
advanced ways to improve the development of specifically defined roles and
responsibilities for engagement, by the concerned stakeholders. The significance of this
study to practice therefore was in providing the tools for cooperation among
stakeholders and a better understanding of their specific roles and responsibilities in the
provision of decent strategies to gain voter support and transform this support
numerically to elect candidates of choice.
Significance to Theory
Notwithstanding the repercussion of electing candidates who are not credible,
political parties and touts do all they can to enable their clients to win elections. This
study was the first to explore the phenomenon of Twitter voting involving millennials
using the democratic-participant and UGT theories. I aimed to gain the interest of
millennial voters through various strategies, using Twitter and other social media
platforms to select credible voters without interference from the media or political agents.
The application of the two theories allows voters to exercise their powers to vote for
candidates of their choice based on the powers of online media, which provides privacy
and other benefits for the voter’s discretion. Other media outside online platforms allow
16
for external control such as paying for votes and voter intimidation, which has had
grievous effects on millennials and can cause citizens to discontinue participation in
political voting processes. This study, therefore, is significant to theory, as it highlights
the importance of knowledge through enlightenment and policies that back the two
theories applied.
Significance to Social Change
Conventional voting in Nigeria has had a negative effect on the entire country,
especially for millennials who are edged out of the voting process by touts and unethical
practices. Situations like this ensures that candidates with some form of influence are
voted in through any possible means that guarantees there entry into government. Many
youths and many well-meaning Nigerians decide to stay away from politics as well as the
voting itself, as the entire process has become violent. At polling centers, voters are often
pressured to cast their votes for selected candidates by political touts. In some cases,
votes are sold to the candidate with the highest bid. In such cases, the candidate with the
best intentions and experience may not be voted in.
Social media offers a somewhat discreet online campaign to solicit support for
candidates and distribute platform information. Participants willingly engage in this
cultural practice. Since youths are the most active users of social media platforms, and
they have the ability to disseminate information through their wide network of friends
and contacts, driving a positive political campaign via these means will reach out to the
millennial generation and changing their orientation towards politics, elections, and
voting. An intellectual revolution to transform the political arena in the nation can
17
therefore begin with educating the youths and empowering them with knowledge to
create positive change in society by understanding the power of the media, their rights
within the social media circle, and their collaborative power to elect credible candidates.
Summary and Transition
This study explored voting by millennials using Twitter. Its intention was to see
how it has worked for the nation and improved the quality and strength of voting through
online soliciting as well as the benefits derived from online media voting. The study
identified ways through which millennial voting can be encouraged and developed. This
will encourage voting and produce quality candidates to improve the economy and
society at large.
The findings from the study defined the specific role of stakeholders in ensuring
that online methods of voting are developed and applied to the election process in
Nigeria. It identified challenges faced by youths in the conventional election process in
Nigeria. It will suggest recommendations for further development of strategies and
operations aimed at promoting millennial participation in voting via Twitter and other
online platforms that will bring about positive social change in Nigeria. The second
chapter will comprise my literature review and justification for the use of the
democraticparticipant and UGT theories before providing details about the stakeholders’
role in the development and implementation of new strategies to encourage millennial
participation in voting via Twitter. Chapter 2 will show the problems that have mired
Nigeria from effectively tackling the challenges of election malpractices and imposing
candidates on citizens. It will also give reasons why election touting seems to be growing
18
rather than disappearing. Consequences of negative political actions on youths and the
nation at large will also be pointed out. I will be reviewing the lack of empirical research
available in the area of strategic planning and development in the online voting process,
and how the use of political touts and the powers of the government (for incumbent
office holders) have negatively affected young Nigerian voters. The chapter will end by
summarizing the role of stakeholders in managing electoral challenges through strategies.
19
Chapter 2: Literature Review
Introduction
Social media is developing at such a quick pace that those who do not catch up
quickly are left behind. It has influenced how people source information from what
seems to be growing into limitless resources. Social media links individuals who share
common interests and provides them with platforms where they can share and discuss
ideas (Stieglitz & Dang-Xuan, 2012). Social media has had major effects on nearly every
aspect of human lives. This is particularly evident in fields such as advertising, public
relations, communications, and political communication (Husain et al., 2014). Recently,
social media has been particularly effective in politics as social networking site
(Facebook) and microblogging services (Twitter). Facebook and Twitter are seen to have
greatly impacted political participation, especially among those who traditional media
could not engage in the past (Stieglitz & Dang-Xuan, 2012). The millennial generation
has been less interested in traditional media; numerous studies suggest that they are less
focused on traditional aspects of politics such as voting, donating, volunteering,
protesting, and campaigning in comparison to older citizens (Bauerlein, 2008; Mindich,
2005; Wattenberg, 2007).
The purpose of this section is to provide an overview of the current research and
theoretical concepts within the field of media use and youth participation in politics.
Following a brief description of the Nigerian presidential election of 2015, the section
discusses the role social media played and how much it influenced political participation
of the millennial (Generation Y). The section also discusses millennial political behavior
20
and factors that influence their participation. In summary, the review of existing literature
within the field of political participation formed the basis for the research paper.
In this chapter, the strategy used in searching for reviewed literature is provided
and the democratic-participant and UGT theories are outlined and applied in the case of
this study. Ten peer reviewed articles related to the study are reviewed, and the chapter
ends with a summary followed by a transition to the next chapter.
Literature Search Strategy
The literature search strategy for this study involved recent peer-reviewed articles
on online political campaigns, elections, strategies, and shortfalls. Google Scholar was
used in the identification of connected articles. The Walden University Library was also
used in retrieving articles. My search purview comprised of notable scholarly databases
like Business Source Complete, Academic Search Complete Sage Knowledge, ProQuest
Central and Walden University Dissertations. My decision to use or discard articles was
made by categorizing and saving articles of relevance in the Google Scholar library.
Articles were critically reviewed for significance, identification of research methods,
validity, reliability, data collection methods, and findings.
The article search keywords included acceptable internet usage policy
enforcement, internet filtering and monitoring, twitter, social media, and millennial
voting. In addition, keywords such as Independent National Electoral Commission ,
political parties, bloggers, political violence, vote purchase, democratic-participant
theory, and uses and gratification theory were also used. Generally, this literature review
covers research conducted on youth motivation in online communication, marketing
21
strategies applied by bloggers and social media organizations, and the benefits of online
marketing (soliciting) in election process, with a focus on millennial participation.
Theoretical Foundation
This study was carried out within the theoretical frameworks of the
democraticparticipant and UGT theories. In view of the factors that are responsible for
attracting millennials to gain political interests through media solicitation, it was critical
to apply these theories to understand the meaning, motives, and benefits of millennial
voting through social media platforms.
Democratic Participant Theory
The democratic-participant theory is a politico-media philosophy and stresses that
the media is at its best if its access to stakeholders is democratized (Johnson & Johnson,
2013). In Nigeria, military rule had been the system of government for most of its
political administration since its independence in 1960. While transiting to democratic
rule, lingering anxieties surrounding the freedom of speech and the right to be
independent in political decisions remained. Because of this, voters avoided open voting,
as opposition parties supported by the military or by violently endowed opponents may
cause physical harm. The evolution of social media in Nigeria changed politics, as
citizens could air their views and select candidates from a safe location. They can take
part in conversations regarding the benefits and weaknesses of different candidates. This
encouraged millennials to participate in the electoral process. In the past, to avoid
violence and victimization, millennial voting was minimal or completely absent. Johnson
and Johnson (2013) noted that the democratic participant theory is an adaptation of social
22
responsibility theory that posits that the media should share varying ideas and opinions of
individuals or groups regardless of their political inclinations.
Young people are no longer as interested as they were in radio, television, and
newspapers. Pre-internet forms of mass media have a weakening influence over young
people, so it is very difficult to use them to increase the interest of millennials in politics
(Dong, Toney, & Giblin, 2010). Traditional media like newspapers and radio provides
limited space that is quite expensive. Such communication forms made it difficult for
young people to express their views, share their opinions, or participate in politics. This
limitation has been largely bridged with the coming of social media that in recent years
has brought about new political interests and increased millennial participation
(Wyngarden, 2012). The proliferation of social media such as Twitter has tremendously
changed the paradigm of political participation.
The change in the paradigm of political participation underpins the significance of
unprecedented equality of access to the media, irrespective of socio-economic status or
racial background (Baran & Davis, 2012). The democratic participation theory postulates
that participation in good governance and cultural revitalization should not be exclusive
to the elite, but inclusive of grassroots (Baran & Davis, 2012). The theory is used to
advocate for the democratization of ownership of media organizations and reject the
centralistic and monopolistic nature of press ownership, which stifles dissenting voices
through rigid editorial control (McQuail, 2005). It also posits that pluralism of views and
voices are not guaranteed in a democracy where there is a monopoly in the ownership of
media organization.
23
Uses and Gratification Theory (UGT)
UGT explains the motivation that drives people to use social media. Media
programs do not have a universal appeal and uniform effects. Mindful of their needs,
people selectively accept some media programs and refuse others (Anaeto, Onabanjo, &
Osifeso, 2008). The theory evolved as a reaction to the hypodermic needle effect theory
of the media, which claims that the media has all-powerful effect on its audience
(Johnson & Johnson, 2013).
In the past, Nigerians consumed only what they were given by the media and had
very few choices. This was partly because of fear of being victimized or fear of the
unknown since one may not know who a political opponent is merely by interaction.
Officials with different political views than their superiors could be denied promotion or
even lose their jobs. Now, a citizen can sieve what the media provides, chose what he/she
wants, and decide who to vote for without having to voice an opinion.
There has been a decline in traditional forms of political participation by young
people in the developed as well as in developing countries. The traditional participation,
which is largely driven by the traditional mass media including radio, television and
newspapers, do not succeed in stimulating the millennial. However, there has been a
resurging interest in politics among these same groups of people and this is attributable to
the rise in the use of the different social media platforms that are available. These
platforms provide the millennial with information and the opportunities to interact
directly with political parties and their candidates.
24
The theory challenges previous theories which view the people as victims of large
companies, holds that the consumers have the power to determine what they consume.
This theory also challenges those that hold that intelligence and self-esteem are the
drivers of an individual’s media choice. This theory will be used to show how individuals
make their decisions to vote for candidates of their choices based on their personal
choices, resulting from the influences from the election campaigns through twitter.
According to Baran and Davis (2003), the foundation of the UGT is often credited
to Herta Herzog by establishing that Herzog’s article, “Motivations and Gratifications of
Daily Serial Listeners” was the original researcher who conducted an in-depth study of
media gratifications. According to Sweetser and Kaid (2008) the theory, which has a long
history of interrogating political information seeking motivations, has been more recently
used to determine the gratifications of entertainment media.
Blumer and McQuail (1969) found that gratifications clustered into three groups.
The first group is a cluster driven by political reason such as reinforcement or vote
guidance; the second is a cluster driven by surveillance for keeping up with issues; and
the third is the cluster driven by excitement such as seeing which political party would
win. Over time, researchers began to apply the gratification perspective while seeking for
political information online. The primary motivations, according to Kaye and Johnson
(2002) are guidance, information seeking and surveillance as well as entertainment and
social utility. These scholars attribute political attitudes to media use stating that
advanced levels of self-efficacy are linked with information seeking and surveillance and
25
higher interest in politics is associated with accessing political information online for
social utility and information seeking surveillance.”
Anaeto, Onabanjo and Osifeso (2008) are concerned primarily with what people
do with the media rather than what the media does to people. They argue that consumers
of content influence the effect of the mass media on themselves; that media consumers
are not passive but are actively involved in determining how they use the information.
Folarin (2005) holds that it is for the perceived gratifications that consumers are exposed
to and retain media messages. This is very relevant to this study because social media
users are very likely to satisfy their curiosities by meeting their information needs on
these platforms thereby participating actively in the political communication process with
the ability to connect to political activity within and outside their physical locations.
Political Trend in Nigeria
Like other countries coming out of Colonial administrations, Nigeria has gone
through many experiences since the attainment of Independence in 1960. This includes
political turbulences, which forms a major part of a nation that is unprepared for
democratic rule. After its independence was declared, Nigeria boasted of having proven
reserve of oil, which could sustain the nation and its development without dependence on
foreign powers (Onigbinde, 2014). Its ensuing history however, is one of economic
strains, political violence, and poverty.
Geddes (2010) highlights how Nigeria, one of Africa’s largest countries, has an
estimated population of 202 million people with an average annual population growth
rate of 2.60 per cent (World Population Review, 2019). He also identifies that there are
26
over 400 languages and dialects spoken, and over 250 ethnic groups in the country. The
major languages spoken include Hausa, Fulani, lgbo, Yoruba, Edo Urhobo, Efik, Ijaw,
Tiv and Kanuri. About 65 per cent of the population is made up of the Hausa-Fulani, the
Yoruba and the Igbo, and the country is also divided between the Moslem north,
estimated to be between 51 and 57 per cent of the population, and the Christian south.
These ethnic and religious divisions have had its way in determining the results of
political elections, from the first republic until the present day. Because these groupings
have their strength in numbers, it is easy to win an election if two of these groups merge
to oppose the one left out. Other factors also play significant roles in deciding which way
elections go in Nigeria. They include the ability to gather crowds of supporters for a
candidate by offering cash for their votes, at polling stations. Another factor is the effect
of touts of candidates. This applies by the number of voters these tout scare away from
voting, and the number of ballot boxes that can be snatched away from polling units
where the touts believe their opponents have an upper hand.
Until 1962, in spite of a number of rebellions and turmoil involving minority
ethnic groups in the three regions resulting from the obvious political effects of being a
minority, the federal and three regional governments, through key supporters, sustained
the political control of their respective territories. This saw the federal system setting up
national and regional politicians against each other. The 1983 elections which were the
first since the military handed over power to an elected civilian government, was marked
by high level irregularities which led to intimidation and violence which was a replay of
events of the 1964 and 1965 elections. After the military took over power in 1984, there
27
was evidence as well as anger over the corruption, violence and mismanagement that
characterized the Second Republic democracy (Danjibo & Oladeji, 2007).
A trend of corruption and violence in the political circle had begun to establish
itself, with the belief that you can only secure socio-economic benefits if you have your
'own men' in government. As such, various ethnic groups in the country closely monitor
government decisions in the siting of industries, the construction of roads, award of
scholarships, and appointments to public service positions. This explains why factions get
dirty in the political game to ensure that the gain victory and acquire these benefits.
Geddes (2010) argues that the past years have not produced a thriving multi-party
democratic nation, and that Nigeria has been bedeviled by continuous ethnic crises and
political and economic upheavals, and government domination. Even at this, the political
actors seem unaware of its negative effects on the nation and its polity, and continue to
display the same acts at every election, subsequently. Adedokun (2014) poses that, just
like other Third World nations, Nigeria has witnessed continued ethnic and religious
conflicts which are harnessed to politics, and has led to the inability of the government to
establish legitimacy and credibility among the Nigerian population, especially within the
millennial range.
Violence and Election Challenges
Kwarkye (2019) argues that elections in Nigeria present a battleground for the
control of power and the nation’s resources. He also posits that this is the foundation for
electoral and crisis before, during and after the election process. Usually, the presidential
race features more than 70 candidates but the competition is between the two major
28
parties; the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the opposition, People’s Democratic
Party (PDP). Again, a repetition of the pre and post-election violence resulting in
fatalities as seen in those of 2011 and 2015are normal occurrences in Nigeria. The
foundation for election violence is usually built on the foundation of inflammatory
comments by politicians, allegations of intimidation, partisanship by members of the
security forces, as well as favoritism on the part of the Independent National Electoral
Commission (INEC), illegal voting and results rigging. This has formed the template for
any opposition party, especially those that are more likely to be defeated.
Candidates of political parties just before elections are held and a commitment to
peace by the political actors, followers as well as their thugs often sign peace accords,
especially building up to election. Politicians have used their political thugs who develop
disparaging strategies to disrupt the process once it appears that it does not favor their
candidate. In 2011, approximately 800 cases of fatalities were recorded resulting from
post-election attacks across the country. In 2015, not less than 100 cases of fatalities were
recorded. While the commitment for peace through peace accords is important, the
foundation for violence are set for use, and guided by political parties, their agents, and
individuals (International Republican Institute, 2015).
One of the main reasons for the desperate act is the perception that the office
provides easy access to the accumulation of wealth, which the control of state resources
and the domination productive resources provides for office holders and their cronies.
Since the federal government solely administers the revenue from oil, the political class
indirectly controls most of the country’s economic activities while private sector players
29
are made to survive on political patronage. Government contracts and procurements, at
all levels form the major bulk of business and employment in Nigeria. These are funded
with oil money, so the ability to win government contracts depends almost entirely on
political influences. For most political candidates, politics is the only means they know to
improve their lifestyle and personal prestige. As such, those seeking economic gains from
these political offices see winning elections as the only option and are willing to do
anything to win at all cost even if it means fueling violence to achieve it.
Kwarkye (2019) further argues that political candidates and their financiers invest
in elections and hope to make huge economic gains when they win. The stakes are
usually high so even when peace accords are signed by all the parties to reduce the heat,
such accords are often not enough to prevent violence before, during and after the
elections. Certain primordial sentiments as well as the religious and ethno-regional
tensions, which have been established over time, add to the heat to make elections in
Nigeria a battleground for the control of resources. This battle for political supremacy
and resource control among Nigeria’s intricate ethnic groupings has always served as a
recipe for violence and disaster. The frequent usage of inflammatory rhetoric as a
campaign by candidates to cause division between different ethnic groups and religious
organizations fuels violence during elections. The safety of the citizenry is dicey as the
security and law enforcement institutions are viewed as being influenced by political
control. Since the inspector general of police, service chiefs and other heads of law
enforcement agencies are appointed by the president and can be removed at will, their
loyalty in providing safety or insecurity, depending on how it serves the interest of the
30
incumbent political party is guaranteed. This puts citizens on edge and creates fear
among those who intend to vote legitimately as security and law enforcement personnel
are viewed as being loyal to the present administration and they can therefore be used for
the intimidation of opponents.
In light of this, Kwarkye (2019) and Obasi (2015) both argue that during the
campaign season, politicians from different parties always air their distrust of the military
and law enforcement agencies, as they are accused of being partisan. This growing
distrust heightens tension as opposing sides resort to recruiting political thugs to
perpetrate violence and intimidate opponents.
Elections and Voter Apathy
Democracy has become the most accepted system of government globally. It is
characterized by citizens’ involvement and participation in civic duties and political
matters such as campaigning and voting for suitable candidates to fill political offices at
different levels. Akinyemi (2019) argues that citizen’s involvement in governance is an
instrument used to sustain a democracy, although Nigeria is far from achieving this in her
political scene.
Since the return of democracy from years of military rule in 1999, Nigeria’s
election process has been branded by voter apathy. Because of this, rather than voting
candidates by the majority of the citizens eligible to vote, candidates are voted from the
majority of the few that participate in voting. Of the 200 million populations in Nigeria,
82.3 million registered as voters in 2019. Out of this number of registered voters, 28.6
million, representing 35% of the registered voters actually voted (Independent National
31
Electoral Commission, 2019). This indicates that between the time of registration and the
time of voting, 53.7 million registered voters declined from participating in the elections.
The turnout of voters in the 2019 election, compared to that of 2015 indicates that
voter apathy had set in. Because of the corruption, reckless spending and level of
insecurity prior to, and at the time of the 2015 elections, citizens were frustrated with the
government of Goodluck Jonathan. Most citizens believed that time that change was
eminent. The social and economic atmosphere in the country at that time provided the
ingredients for voter apathy, and the result was a massive turnout of voter to ensure that
the corrupt government of Goodluck Jonathan was voted out. Although the usual political
gimmicks of corruption, rigging and truancy existed during the election, the volume of
voters against the regime was too large for election malpractice to overshadow. In this
case, one can say that voter apathy positively affected the expected result of that election
(Owen, 2015).
As the new government became more and more unpopular, voter turnout during
elections diminished. After the very poor performance of the Buhari administration in his
first term, which ended in 2019, voter turnout further diminished, and the presidential
elections recorded the lowest voter turnout since 1999. With only 35.66% of registered
voters turning out for elections, the result of the presidential election was determined,
meaning that those that failed to vote indirectly transferred their voting rights to the few
that voted, thereby empowering them to make elective decisions on their behalf
(Akinyemi, 2019).
32
Akinyemi (2019) posited that voter apathy in Nigeria is attributed to several
factors that include bad governance, religious affiliations, political violence by candidates
and their thugs and lack of trust for the government organization responsible for
elections. This has led to the government being labeled as deceitful, and being unable to
fulfill promises mostly made to the citizens by politicians, during their campaign in
preparation for election into political offices. Akinyemi (2019) stresses that this has led to
a lack of trust in elected officials who fail to perform their responsibilities due to high
levels of corruption. Religious affiliations have led to voters tilting towards candidates of
the same religious beliefs with them, believing this may bring some form of benefits or
religious freedom.
Political violence on the other hand discourages voter turnout at elections because
political thugs create unsafe environments for citizens who genuinely come out to vote.
Deaths occur, and severe injuries from stampedes that occur during snatching and
burning of ballot boxes. For youths that intend to vote, this usually, is a huge hindrance,
as parents would always prevent their wards and children from going to unsafe voting
centers. The worst of them, according to Akinyemi (2019) is rigging, as he stresses that
this act insults the citizens of a country who go under stressful and harsh conditions with
risks to their lives, for voting. After going through these tough conditions, results are
carefully and easily rigged, and the candidate who wins the rigging game is elected into
office. This has made citizens ask themselves the reason for going out to vote, and would
rather sit indoors to accept whatever result is generated at the end of the elections. Since
the conduct of electoral processes and governance in Nigeria do not provide confidence,
33
most citizens are discouraged and kept away from elections. This low turnout of voters
reflects a general lack of enthusiasm and trust for the system as well as for the
candidates, as some Nigerians are also concerned voter apathy is reflecting a growing
disillusionment with democracy.
Credible elections are fundamental to the consolidation of any democracy and
every eligible citizen has the right to vote and be voted for (Osho, 2009). Participation in
the electoral processes is a basic component of every good democracy. Agaigbe (2016)
postulate that “Since Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, electoral processes have
been characterized by high level of apathy by the electorates and this, impacts negatively
on the nation’s democracy.” Yakubu (2012) suggests that the indifference of the people to
participate in electoral processes especially voting is best described as voter apathy.
Cloud (2010) notes that, duly registered voter’s exhibit disinterest by failing to cast their
votes due to voter apathy. There are many causes of voter apathy in Nigeria. Agaigbe
(2016) suggests that voters believe that their votes will not count due to the preconceived
idea that the results of most elections are fraudulent. The phenomenon of vote and
violence is another factor why voter apathy is widespread in Nigeria (Collier and
Vicente, 2014). Agaigbe (2016) posits that superimposition of candidates and the lack of
internal democracy in political parties leads people into losing confidence in the electoral
process that leads to voter apathy.
Political Representation and Good Governance
According to Boyte (2004:114), democracy is a lifestyle that involves more
emphasis on the capacity of citizens, which include habits, skills, confidence, as well as
34
citizens' influence and rights. This means that the negation of democratic principles
hinders the power and authority of citizens to participate in government. Democracy that
is the foundation for development in any society has its emphasis on the citizens.
Prolonged periods of military rule deprived Nigerians of this benefit (Adejumobi, 2004).
Citizens in developing countries suffer from lack of direct access to government affairs
as they are denied participation in the policy-making processes as well as in the choice of
policies to be executed (Gberevbie &Olawuyi, 2006).
Badru (2005:77-101) sees democracy as an improvement in citizens' political
equality and equity in terms of their participation in the society, and argues that
democracy is a system of government that allows both the leaders and the people to be
conscious of what is required, and accomplish political, social and economic
development for the advancement of their society. Democratic societies should be
predictable in terms of expectations from its leaders on the one hand, and the citizens on
the other. It can therefore be seen as a system of government that gives the people the
opportunity to question decisions made by government, either directly or through their
elected representatives.
Democracy has some basic features, which are universal, notwithstanding where
it operates. These features include equality of voters and their votes, universal adult
suffrage, fundamental human rights, press freedom, and mechanisms that allow citizens
to influence major policies of government through the elected representatives of the
people (Gberevbie, 2010). Ihonvbere (1999); Boyte (2004); Guseh &Oritsejafor
35
(2005:121-137) point to the fact that democracy, good governance and development are
all interrelated. However, there is nothing concrete that supports the claim that any
country that operates a democratic system of government automatically enjoys
development. In other words, it is possible for a country to claim to be democratic, owing
to the fact that the people elected its leaders, yet its citizens experience bad governance
resulting in underdevelopment. While good governance may not necessarily be the result
of democracy, it is a condition for development if a good leader is in place.
Kofi Annan, a former United Nation’s Secretary General has submitted that
charities aimed at developing nations will always fail as long as good governance and the
rule of law are not in place. He also added that to legitimate power and responsive
regulations are important prerequisites for being on the path to prosperity (cited in
Adejumobi, 2004:11). Ogunjobi (2004:9) argues that good governance is aimed at
creating a capable and effective country as well as a supportive environment in which
public and private sectors play their separate roles in mutually reinforcing poverty
alleviation as well as sustainable growth and development. The condition for good
governance largely depends on the existence of democratic physiognomies, meaning that
the more democratic a society is, the more the chances of experiencing good governance.
For the society to enjoy these benefits, they must be sure that those to be voted
into political offices must have the traits and characteristics of good leaders, as earlier
described. This means a lot of background checks must be done on candidates with
detailed emphasis on their achievements in private and public spheres. This can be done
successfully through the media, especially if it is online. As there are no interferences on
36
the social media, it usually serves as a convenient medium for checks and discussions of
characters to be elected. In most cases, the true picture of candidates would have to be
gotten on self-decision, as fans as well as opponents of the candidate would have a lot to
say in support, and against the candidate.
Good governance is crucial in the election of candidates. As such, agents for the
candidates provide evidence of their competences and allow the voters to check and
decide. This only happens in the case of online campaigning where there are no political
thugs to enforce a candidate on voters. Accountability is the requirement that makes
public officials responsible for their actions and renders account of their stewardship to
the public, more especially to the constituency they seek to represent. Although
democracy stimulates good governance, the fact remains that good governance is actually
a function of sustainable leadership. According to Gberevbie (2004:224-231), meaningful
developments cannot take place in any society without good leaders. Gowon (2006:1718)
refers to viable leadership as “opportunity, situation or location that inspires, enables and
empowers the individual to exercise control, vision, direction and solution to complex or
particular situations”. He suggests that performance should reveal the quality of
leadership if governance is hinged on performance.
Election Campaigns and the Mass Media
Before and during elections, the candidates and their political parties transmit
campaign propaganda through various media platforms, to a large number of people. The
broadcasts report directly what those campaigning say through the media and space sold
to campaigners for intended offices, and highlighting their intentions if voted in. This
37
makes it possible for the political candidate to reach more intended voters quicker,
though the print and electronic media in the past were very expensive. Through these
platforms, the media transmits propaganda selectively, depending on factors such as
provision of funds by the highest bidder or government influence, if there is an
incumbent in the contest.
The media also exercises their discretion in their sales of airtime and space to
political groups, and have refused or can refuse to accept advertising by minor parties or
major opposition parties, competing against the interests of the media houses. The fact
that media personnel have the ability to determine content makes them to become
political actors as well. They transmit propaganda in conventional formats. While
newspapers present campaign propaganda as news items, in columns or as features as
well as through advertisements, and as full transcripts, the electronic media such as
television and radio broadcasts them in newscasts, standard time periods offered for sale
and interviews. The electronic media also broadcasts such messages through
documentaries, panel shows, and debates. Magazines also feature periodic summaries,
interviews and picture stories.
The materials are largely those generated and provided by these organizations
based on their opinions on who they believe should win. Their opinions on public policy
issues, campaign methods, personality of candidates as well as discussions on who, in
their opinion is winning and the reasons why they think the candidate will win are often
projected to prospective voters. The media coverage of elections creates a semblance of
importance and paints the picture of politicians listening to the pulse of the electorate. In
38
Nigeria unfortunately, though the candidates appear to be concerned about what the
voters think, the truth is that behind the scene, politicians play dirty and come up with
results that do not portray what voters think about the candidate, or if voters actually
voted the candidate of choice.
While the he elites understand that votes do not need to be sold, the less educated
or less privileged citizens appear to sell their votes publicly, for stipends, as a means of
surviving the hard times the politicians have meted on them. In Wicks (2009), Joseph
Klapper summarizes some of the findings of that research as one-sided, and argued that
conventional media was more effective in converting the poorly educated and favoring
the advocated views of such citizens in voting for leaders. Unlike the effects of the
influence of media on the attitude of people on the electoral process, the influence of the
media on voters’ choices has stirred many research interests. This may have been so
because the significance of this influence is noticed as it is determined by who wins and
who loses the elections. Under normal circumstances, a person casts votes based on party
affiliations and perceptions of the interest of the group the voter identifies with. Unlike in
many other cases, politics and elections in Nigeria do not operate that way. Media houses
choose a candidate of their choice, promote that candidate, and broadcast media attacks
on opponents. Such attacks include insults, accusations and reports on past activities of
their opponents, be it true or false (Onapajo, 2014).
The mass media plays critical roles in the electoral process. These roles are often
not limited to the impact on the attitudes of voters but it sets the narratives in favor of
political parties and spread negative information on those who do not share the same
39
ideals. Politicians have taken this seriously and they do all they can to gain access to as
many media organizations as possible, as this usually has a way of providing some form
of exposure and fame over other candidates. Using the media to generate propaganda
against other candidates, it becomes easy to prey on the weaker candidates during
elections and violently take advantage of the situation, to gain victory. To win an election,
the campaigner must appear to have an intention to make marginal changes. This is what
realistic campaigners attempt to do by trying to increase the enthusiasm of the
candidate’s supporters in an effort to increase the number of citizens that go to the polls
in his favor. In realizing these objectives, the politicians and their media houses, work to
reach out to large audiences knowing that the size of the audience they reach is important
to them as the more the audience they reach, the more likely it is to beef up the
candidate’s support base and ensure electoral victory.
The Influence of Social Media on Youth
Social media can be referred to as a program with multifunctional applications
and websites or blogs that allow people interconnect through the internet, chat, and share
content and video calls around the world. Interested users often sign up to such platforms
before they can sign in to access or share information on the same social media platform.
Some of the most widely used social media platforms include Facebook, Twitter,
WhatsApp, and Snapchat.
Social media have achieved tremendous growth and fame worldwide over the
years. Researchers now find interest in learning more about the effects of these social
media platforms on communities. Of all the users of the social media platforms, youth
40
and teenagers are the most addicted as they are found on the social network even in the
most unlikely places including classrooms and worship places (Kuss & Griffiths, 2011).
In light of this, researchers have realized that the social media sites in every society have
a significant influence on the lives young peoples. These interactions on social sites have
been influenced in both positive and negative ways, and affect the moral standards,
behavior and education of these young people.
Mageto (2017) reveals that the positive impacts of social media on young people
include updating them on global trends and events and enabling them to network and stay
connected with others around the world, without having to meet physically. He further
states that it bridges gaps between friends as they can stay in touch with each other, not
minding the distance between them. This helps in consolidating relationships amongst
classmates during and after finishing school, even if most of them relocate to different
parts of the world. Young people create groups and pages on various social media
platforms based on their professions, focus, beliefs, and political interests, leading to
more connections and more opportunities for their respective disciplines and mutual
benefits. Young people around the world have benefited immensely from this in ways,
which include employment opportunities, participation in politics and information that
lead them to make informed choices in casting their votes during elections. Social media
platforms have made life easier more efficient and more enjoyable for young people and
for many of them, it has become a lifestyle.
While it is true that social media connects people and provide them with up-
todate information, it also leads to leads to social isolation (Hobson, 2017). With the
41
increase in virtual interactions, physical (face-to-face) interactions have reduced
considerably because young people spend a lot more time online than they do on physical
basis. Research reveals that social isolation may give rise to the development of certain
issues, which may lead to some physical, emotional, mental and psychological problems,
in these youths. These problems could result in depression, anxiety and many other
challenges. Because of the commonly used abbreviations on social media, misspelling
and misuse of words and tenses may be developed by users and may create a negative
impact on students, as it may affect their language articulation and lead to low grades in
languages.
Spending long hours posting items and chatting on social media sites may
decrease youth productivity in certain areas but can be used positively in some other
areas. Though it creates opportunities for cyber theft, bullying, identity theft and many
cyber-crimes, it affords youths the privacy and opportunity to make decisions on political
issues of concern (Laroche et al., 2013). It provides a platform to discuss political
candidates, look into their history and competencies, and determine if they are good for
the job or not. As youths form a huge percentage of voters, through the social media, they
can influence the direction that politics and elections may go. Social media can
encourage the spread of correct and useful information, or wrong information and news
mainly aimed at tainting the images of people or groups of interest such as political or
religious groups, and may have serious effects on the way an election process may go.
Though
42
Mageto (2017) argued that the use of social media by youths is more detrimental to them,
Laroche et al., (2013) argued that the way social media is used might determine its
strength towards positivity. The Nigerian electoral process is an example of how useful
social media may be in youth participation in politics, and how the nation can have
elections without interferences and imposing candidates on the citizens. The social media
provides enough privacy and power to take decisions based on its content and the forces
driving the online campaign.
Youth, Social Media and Politics
The digital media has played a major role in the development of the social lives of
those born after 1994 since this was after the launch of some of the widely used social
platforms and applications. Lenhart (2015), in his research, discovered that many of
teenagers between the ages of 13 and 17 years use the internet every day. Twenty-four
percent of these numbers are reported to be online almost consistently. In addition, the
percentage of youths between the ages of 18 and 29 on social media has risen quickly in
2015 (Perrin, 2015). Social media activity is found to be changing young people’s
involvement in and with politics. Generally, the Internet now exists as the leading force
regarding how funds are raised for campaigns. The internet is also the world’s leading
source of information and social media vide various platforms provide access to
information, allows for discussion, sharing of perspectives and thought and has become
the most potent tool for mass mobilization for political action. Now, social media drive
every youth movement. Black Lives Matter and The Dreamer Movement are examples of
this (Elliot and Earl, 2018). In Nigeria, the youth participation in politics is attributable to
43
their engagement with social media. The information that comes to them instantly has
made it increasingly difficult for candidates to be imposed on them and they enjoy the
freedom to voice out their opinions in their own private space.
Boulianne (2015) discovered that current research on youth participation in
politics via the social media indicates that most of the studies examined shows that there
are positive social benefits in social media use and participation in politics. Zheng (2014)
argued that whether usage of the social media is for news or social interaction, both have
greater political participation, offline and online.
He opines that online participation revolves around an individual’s interests such
as music, sports, games, and crafts. Participation in many cases involves sharing
information, perceptions, and online content and creation of media such as blogs and
podcasts by participants in online forums or groups related to the users interest.
Social Networking Sites (SNS) are the interface that provides people from across
the world to engage with social media. This definitive social media technology is
increasingly providing more and more platforms and these platforms are increasingly
becoming the major tools for engaging with the internet. These platforms are user
friendly and user oriented. They are constantly providing users the space they need to
develop products, share products, ideas and information as well as communicate and
connect with both old and new acquaintances, allowing for a wide range of practices that
engender practices from those that empower users to those that enable creative
productions especially amongst the young people. These platforms also provide space
where activism can thrive. Some of the highly recognized SNS brands in the market
44
include sites like Facebook, Twitter, We Chat, and many more, which host millions of
users who engage their services to build connections, stay in touch, as well as find
support and answer questions, reinforce common ideas and values. These platforms also
provide opportunities for users to share information and for entertainment (Jenkins et al.,
2013; Hinton and Hjorth, 2013).
Social Networking Sites are fast becoming an intrinsic part of human identity
owing to the growing indispensability of the internet in everyday life. The changes in the
mode of communication have moved steadily from the physical to online interactions
where information travels around the world in split seconds. These interactions have
provided users space for social and political engagements and have succeeded in creating
awareness and getting people, especially the young ones, to participate in politics and
other activities that concern them (Benkler, 2006). Some scholars revealed that mutual
benefits occurred from the usage of social media and political engagement by means of
political interest (Boulianne, 2009). Conversely, the Nigerian youths’ interest for politics
is diminished based on factors like violence from political parties and thugs of candidates
before and during elections that are themselves, shared on the same social media
platforms. Election violence has caused many deaths in Nigeria and this face of Nigerian
elections is beamed across social media platforms to reach people all over the world.
Because of this, many young people are forced to stay away from participating in politics
(Human Rights Watch, 2003). Despite these challenges, social media platforms have
increased the participation of millennial in politics due to the popularity of these sites.
45
The social media space is populated by youths who provide their contributions by
making their voices heard. This has a way of either promoting a candidate or reducing the
chances of winning, in the case of a candidate that is not promoted by youths in Nigeria.
Their campaigns are done via group chats on Facebook, WhatsApp, and other platforms.
Blogs are also populated, and tweets are generated and circulated with information that
may trigger a widespread support or rejection. This has a huge impact on the way politics
and election goes because of the numbers that youths can represent in terms of votes.
Twitter Evolution and its Spread
Twitter is one of the most popular SNS platforms, an internet based social
medium with combined aspects of mass and interpersonal communication, which was
launched to the public in October 2006 (Williams, 2007). Generally, Twitter is known as
a micro-blog, a website for publishing and disseminating short messages of 140
characters or less, with others within a user’s social network (Murphy, 2008). An internet
connection or a mobile phone is all one requires connecting to twitter through text
messaging, a web browser, and a variety of mobile and desktop applications. Ease of use
perceptions are positively related to increased use of a technology (Davis, 1989; Schepers
&Wetzels, 2007; Venkatesh & Davis, 2000). Twitter is very accessible and easy to use
and these attributes are contributing to its success (Middlebrook, 2007). Between
February 2008 and February 2009, Twitter experienced extensive growth in its number of
unique web site visitors, with more than half of it occurring between December 2008 and
February 2009 (Compete, 2009). As of December 2008, great number of people are using
Twitter or similar services to share and read updates of others (Lenhart & Fox, 2009).
46
The new trend of the way people are connecting and interacting with each other
on the internet is typified by Twitter’s growth and popularity. Internet users are giving up
the use of emails in favor of social networking sites and blogs (Nielsen, 2009). At least
the potential impact of new internet mediums on society is illustrated by McLuhan’s
(1964) statement that “the medium is the message.” The consequences of the introduction
of twitter are succinctly captured in this message.
Studies have shown that despite the fact that individuals purposely use social
media to fulfill certain needs, these needs are not always met (Palmgreen, Wenner, &
Rayburn, 1980; Rayburn &Palmgreen, 1984). Satisfaction is crucial to the sustained
acceptance of any medium. Users will always seek out alternatives when they find that a
particular medium, due to their experiences, does not meet their needs (Rosengren &
Windahl, 1972). Satisfaction is the level to which users believe that their expectations are
being met.
Twitter and Millennial Participation in Elections
Twitter is now playing important roles that are often referred to as the “migration
process” where there is millennial active participation on the site with a focus on political
activities (Waller, 2013). There has been an increasing trend of the millennial using
Twitter to effect social and political change (Chan & Guo, 2013) and thus, promoting
new forms of political participation (Dhaha & Igale, 2013). These findings are raising
questions such as: What has changed the attitude of the millennial on political
participation? How is twitter influencing the young people to participate in politics? In a
47
bid to provide answers for these questions, it is important to examine certain factors
including Twitter\s features such as its usage patterns, its network structure of friend and
its interaction with political actors (Tang & Lee, 2013).
Unlike the traditional media with its cumbersome nature and outrageous political
advertisements, Twitter is open, participatory and interactive. Millennials find convenient
use new participatory skills provided by this medium to interact with candidates and their
political parties. Such interactions with politicians increases political awareness and
therefore lead to an increase in political participation (Tang & Lee, 2013).
According to UNESCO, youth (in this context millennial) is any person between
the age of 18 and 35 years. This age bracket represents the most active Twitter users
around the world. Research on this demographic with regards to twitter use is very
important as political behavior is developed at a young age.
Various scholars have recognized the role of twitter as one of the most popular
social media applications for political organizations. Twitter has been a tool for political
organizations as a means of sharing information and for interacting with their followers
online (Ihejirika et al., 2015). It has also been used to educate voters on the activities of
political parties and their candidates prior to the Nigeria's general elections in 2015. This
study will also focus on Twitter and the followership of the two major political parties in
Nigeria: the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC), and its main opposition party, the
People’s Democratic Party (PDP). My reason for focusing on the two major parties is that
most of the other parties lack infrastructure and organization, and were not visibly
present in the digital media-scape in Nigeria (Ihejirika et al., 2015).
48
Effing, Hillegersberg, and Huibers (2011) observed that political organizations
tried to keep up with the changing media and social environment by employing the use of
mobile internet to boost the use of social media in getting across to the prospective
voters. The researchers further suggest that most of the parties are struggling to
manipulate social media to their benefits. This view has greatly evolved, as political
parties are deploying different strategists to maximize all the social media potentials.
Consequently, compared to 2011, political parties were expected to encounter fewer
challenges regarding the understanding and implementation of strategies for their online
presence, in 2015.
Introduced in 2006, Twitter offers its users a platform to send short messages
(tweets) to a network of non-reciprocal followers. The platform allows users to connect
and share information with other users (Bruns & Burgess, 2012). @mention tweets
specifies a user name proceeded by the @ character as a clear address to other users,
While individual interpretations of the meaning ascribed to this as well as other uses of
Twitter vary (Driscoll & Walker, 2014; Gerodimos & Justinussen, 2014), @mentions are
generally interactions with the mentioned user. While retweets involve users,
redistributing tweets initially provided by another account, undirected messages can be
understood to be one-way communication. Beyond these three categorizations, tweets
can also contain so-called hashtags, where the # sign is employed in combination with
some keywords.
While previous studies into Twitter use during elections has approached the
subject by studying the Twitter accounts of politicians or political parties, (Svensson,
49
2011; Vergeer and Hermans, 2013; Kalsnes, Krumsvik and Storsul, 2014), this research
makes attempts at viewing it from what is referred here as the hashtag approach which
makes attempts at detailing activities of all Twitter users employing specific keywords.
(Bruns and Burgess, 2011; Jungherr, 2014).
Effects of Twitter on Elections in Nigeria
The use of internet and social media on the African continent in the past decade
has recorded some amazing growth. Social media have been applied in various situations
such as elections, natural disasters, and political crises. It is important that the use of
social media for politics be examined to identify the benefits as well as the challenges,
with a view to developing this medium for the benefit of political development in terms
of the electoral process used in voting delegates into political offices. Schreiner (2018)
discussed the content analysis of Twitter and qualitative expert interviews and found the
main use of Twitter was for political debate and mass mobilization. During elections, the
network is used by groups of active citizens and bloggers, operating as opinion leaders, to
provide information and support for those who are interested in politics, and especially
for those who are indecisive as regards picking a candidate of choice, to be voted for. A
vital finding about Twitter and elections is that while Twitter served to verify information
and throwback rumors, it was also used for disseminating false information as well as for
expressing various degrees of verbal violence.
In most cases, during elections, press freedom through conventional media
outlets decreases significantly. Conflicting parties are seen using the media as a tool for
50
propaganda. Political opponents also receive death threats while some even are
assassinated (Reporters Without Borders, 2011c). With the introduction of the Twitter
phenomenon, an online community of well informed and connected interconnected
Internet users join others with less exposure and opportunities, in airing their political
views and freely adding their voices to the electoral process, in a more conducive and
some worth free space (Brou, 2012).
According to ITU (2016), the use of the Internet and social media has grown with
tremendous speed in the past decade. Today the number of Africans that have access to
internet is higher, compared to those that had access in 2010. In 2015, Facebook
identified 120 million active users across Africa, out of which many have accessed to the
platform through their mobile devices (Shapshak, 2017). With an estimated 1.6 billion
tweets sent from Africa, in 2016, Twitter had about the largest share of social media
engagement within that period (Portland Communications, 2016). From monitoring
elections to hounding political opponents, social media have been used for political gains
around the world. While some authors point out that social media is used as a means of
spreading propaganda by political opponents, (Douai & Olorunnisola, 2013), others refer
to social media as “liberation technology” as a result of their ability to empower citizens
to confront, contain, and make decisions to vote unproductive and progressive candidates
(Diamond, 2012, p. XI).
Twitter’s global reach and public reflectivity positions is ahead of other social
networking services. With over 500 tweets sent daily with many of them originating from
mobile devices makes twitter a widespread platform for political campaigns, instant
51
reporting of breaking news during elections, and a frequently studied object during crises.
Twitter has been used for political campaigns, debates, crowdsourcing, verifying
information and providing humanitarian help to gather support in exchange for votes, to
express verbal violence, and to spread false information and rumors. This medium
provides a clue to the potentials of twitter for opinion-building, development of
democracy, and limited media freedom in regions where freedom to vote for a desired
candidate are hampered by violence. Information via twitter is much faster than on
traditional media, (Shklovski, 2008) in contrast to other social media platforms. Due to
its speed, immediacy as well as its being easy to use via hash tags, Twitter global reach
adds to these to make it the preferred social media site for a large majority of internet
users (Oh et al., 2011; Shklovski, 2008).
Twitter undoubtedly has had a tremendous impact on how information is spread
and the sharing of different opinion on a matter or subject, and has broken the restrictions
and limitations that characterized the traditional media limited, during elections. While it
played its complementary role, Twitter has almost successfully replaced traditional media
in their societal functions of information, opinion building, criticism, and watch.
Although the high number of illiterate citizens as well as the existing media use habits
that has allowed the older generation favor traditional media such as radio and television
exists, the effects of twitter in positively or negatively influencing elections has been
massive (Kruikemeier, 2014).
52
Summary and Conclusions
This study seeks to fill the gap in understanding how Twitter was used to mobilize
the millennial to participate in voting during the 2015 Nigerian Presidential Elections. It
is premised on the fact that Twitter shares many of Jurgen Habermas characterizations of
the Public Sphere. Habermas conceptualization of the Public Square is a deliberative
arena that promotes the norms and networks that facilitate democratic actions (Habermas,
1962; Okoro & Diri, 2009). Twitter has been largely successful in bridging many gaps. It
has made information availability and sharing very easy, especially among millennial.
The prevalence of Twitter, its accessibility, user-friendliness, cost-effectiveness,
immediacy of data processing and sharing, and user-generated content has changed the
dynamics of information flow to promote public debate, especially among millennial
(Lilleker & Jackson, 2010; Jungherr, 2012; Okoro & Nwafor, 2013; Ajayi & Adesote,
2015).
This study seeks to investigate the role twitter played on the turnout of millennial
during the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria. It also seeks to understand how Twitter
was used to address voter apathy among young voters in Nigeria. Chapter 2 reveals
substantial findings of relevance, connected to the reviewed literature, and creates a
direct link between the theoretical framework and the problem statement. However, the
coming of Twitter has re-kindled political participation among millennial, little or no
research has been done on how the use of twitter and the nature of network of friends on
the platform are influencing their participation in politics (Muntean, 2015).
53
This chapter provides a summary of literature related to twitter and millennial
participation in elections in Nigeria. The literature review provided detailed information
on topics such as political evolution in Nigeria, election processes from the first republic,
violence and election challenges, voter apathy and presidential elections. Others are,
election campaigns and political leadership, the role of mass media in the Nigerian
political scene, the influence of social media on youth, youth, social media and politics,
and twitter and millennial participation in elections in the 2015 presidential election in
Nigeria.
A link between the research problem, the theoretical foundation, and conceptual
framework used in the study is made, and the chapter offers the reasoning for using a
social basic qualitative inquiry, a theoretical framework that draws from
democraticparticipant and, uses and gratification theories. In the third chapter, the
research design of the general study will be discussed, and the rationale behind the
selected design approach, the role of the researcher, the participant selection process, the
data collection, instrumentation, and management processes, and the data analysis plan
will be provided.
54
Chapter 3: Research Method
Introduction
This was a qualitative phenomenological and exploratory research on Twitter and
millennial participation in voting during Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election. It aimed at
discovering how behavioral activities like tweeting and retweeting on Twitter’s virtual
platform increased millennial participation in the 2015 presidential election. It was also
aimed at discovering how this may be used to positively change the electoral system of
the nation and increase millennial participation in the electoral processes based on my
inductive analysis.
A number of factors obstructed millennial voting in Nigeria. With the introduction
of social media in politics, and the assumed strength that Twitter has in creating voter
privacy and authority, this may be a new twist in encouraging youth to vote and field a
candidate of their choice, in order to bring political change to Nigeria. As such, it is
important to gain a different perspective on the perceptions and experiences of
millennials who participated in the 2015 presidential elections in Nigeria, with a view to
multiplying voter participation by youth.
The concern for this research resulted from the lack of research literature on
Twitter and millennial participation in politics and voting, especially in Nigeria, as noted
in Chapter 2. For the focus of this study to be achieved, I developed a qualitative research
strategy that supports the exploratory reason for the research. A phenomenological
approach is used to explore an aspect of human experience not constrained by time or
55
location by using first person sources. In Chapter 3, the overall study’s research design,
basis for the design, role of the researcher, management processes, participant’s selection
process, data collection, instrumentation and data analysis plan will be discussed.
Research Design and Rationale
The use of media in influencing voters and the perceived freedom and autonomy
available for users of social media platforms involved in voting informed the use of the
chosen design. The central research question for this phenomenological exploratory
research study was: How did Twitter as a social media platform define participation of
millennial in promoting voter turnout and addressing voter apathy in Nigeria’s 2015
presidential election? The research question was intended to capture the perspectives,
experiences, and knowledge of participants connected with the study on the scope of the
problem.
The central concepts of this study examined strategies and efficacy of using social
media in political elections, as well as the involvement of millennials in the electoral
process in Nigeria, using twitter as a platform for youth mobilization. While the
democratic-participant theory is a politico-media philosophy, which asserts that when
media access is democratized, it will be at its greatest in serving public interest (Johnson
and Johnson, 2013), the UGT explains why people use the media and accept some media
programs and refuse others (Anaeto, Onabanjo, & Osifeso, 2008). For this study, a
qualitative research approach was chosen to explore the central issue surrounding Twitter
and the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria.
56
Qualitative Approach
The qualitative approach was used for this study and acted as the method of the inquiry
as it provides an effective way to discover the mental impression people have about
particular issues. Qualitative research is used to observe and describe how groups
understand a wide range of policy-related issues. Khan (2014) argued that qualitative
research methods provide a complete framework that allows for in-depth questioning of
intricate issues that relate to human behavior, perception, and lived experiences. Because
quantitative methods do not allow the researcher to gain realistic views of participants’
lived experiences and provide an all-inclusive description of the subject under
investigation, it was unfavorable to use in this study.
One of the challenges with using quantitative research method is its emphasis on
establishing the connection between variables in a population, finding the nature of the
variables, and making validations about knowledge. In addition, the quantitative method
is dependent on the use of structured processes for the collection of data, which relies on
objective rather than subjective methods of comprehending the world in which we live.
This was an exploratory study on the perceptions and lived experiences of participants
with experiences in social media involving politics and electoral processes in Nigeria.
This involved the use of flexible and non-devious processes to collect data, as techniques
practiced in the authentication of knowledge in qualitative research contains the use of
logic in expressing accurately the ideas presented, or by learning from experiences about
factual incidences (Bendassolli, 2013).
57
Phenomenological Method
Studies in qualitative research apply several methods in data collection that
include: detailed interviews, surveys, focus group interviews, use of social media, direct
observation, and document analysis (Patton, 2014). Prior to the selection of the
phenomenological process ideal for this study, research methods other than the customary
qualitative research methods were considered. Standard qualitative research methods may
serve as realistic options when the research topic does not correctly link with the
conventional qualitative research methods (Percy, Kostere, & Kostere, 2015). In
consideration of the appropriateness of phenomenological methods for topics examining
attitudes and beliefs, Percy et al. (2015) opined that the researcher should focus on the
internal rather than external scopes of reasoning processes surrounding the experience
being studied. Instead, a generic qualitative method was ideal for the subject.
Phenomenological inquiry entails genuineness and evocation as it is used to examine
intuitive understanding (Küpers, 2014). D’Angelo, Milliken, Jiménez, and Lupiáñez
(2013) recorded two classes for human attention as the slower meticulous processing and
the fast and impulsive, automatic processing. This study’s aim was to disclose human
experiences derived from perception, and did not seek to reveal shared experiences
ensuing from the human interface of participants, which is one of the fortes of descriptive
qualitative research (Willis, Sullivan-Bolyai, Knafl, & Zichi-Cohen, 2016).
To permit the narrative of one aspect of human experience not controlled by time
or location, the phenomenological method was selected. Phenomenological qualitative
research comprises of two approaches of inquiry: hermeneutical and transcendental.
58
Hermeneutical phenomenology comprises of the logical interpretation of participants’
individual experiences to divulge the impartial nature of a topic under investigation (Van
Manen, 1990). The transcendental phenomenological method trails the lived experiences
described by participants. This method was adopted for this study to reveal the meaning
ascribed by participants to their experiences (Moustakas, 1994). Through this method,
participants with political media experiences as well as conventional media practitioners
with experience in elections and politics provided genuine and specific data concerning
electoral practices in Nigeria.
Role of the Researcher
As the researcher, I directly handled the collection, collation, and analysis of data,
with a focus on gleaning the participants’ level of use and influence in relation to the
research topic. My role entailed the identification of implausible information and
evaluation of my insight of the subject. I familiarized myself with the Twitter platform to
fully comprehend its workings.
My professional background in human resources management and my penchant
for ethical standards informs the research approach for this study. My professional
background avails me the capacity for better investigation of the research topic. It helped
me get a broader picture regarding social behavior relevant to the research topic.
The typical nature of synchronous communication allows for the advantage of
social cues such as facial expressions, body language, voice tone and pitch, and
emotional signals (Opdenakker, 2006). These cues from participants offered me an
advantage of gleaning additional information from non-verbal communication. All
59
information gleaned from non-verbal communication was written down during the
interview process. In addition to open-ended questions, I utilized voice recording devices
while conducting the semi-structured interviews to prevent data loss and
misinterpretation. Furthermore, to prevent the loss of data that may occurred due to
device failure or damage I also utilized a secondary voice tape recorder.
Methodology
Participant Selection Logic
This study’s population of interest included bloggers, online media personalities,
youth that participated in the 2015 presidential elections in Nigeria via online campaigns,
and individuals that monitored the elections as either independent observers or staff of
the National Electoral Commission who are willing to grant interviews. It is a common
trend among qualitative research participants to base collection of data on the experiences
of between 5 and 25 participants (Polkinghorne (1989). For qualitative research the
actual data evolved from about half of the recommended sample size of 20 (Cleary et al.,
2014), thus I decided to use samples from 16 participants.
The research study design ensured that a sampling strategy including a possible
sampling frame that draws from the criterion-based sampling procedure was developed.
This decision is to allow applicable and prearranged criteria form the basis for the
selection of cases. This study explored how millennial participation in voting through
twitter, affected the 2015 presidential elections in Nigeria. This was a predetermined
standard for participant selection. As recommended by Patton (2014), criterion sampling
60
allowed the identification of cases having experience with the subject by first, using
standardized questionnaires, followed by thorough interviews.
Instrumentation
The phenomenological data collection method helped to induce the participant’s
description of lived experiences of the phenomenon, and for the participant to present the
data in its actual form, without insinuations, generalizing or adding anything to the
experience. For assurance of data accuracy conformation with principles of
phenomenological inquiry, the researcher avoided all assumptions about the
phenomenon. Epoche, which is a vital component of the phenomenological inquiry
technique, required the acceptance of a researcher’s attitude that avoids any
preconception on a phenomenon. To allow a neutral and accessible mind that aligns with
the reasons behind participant experiences, this process involved the averting of
suppositions on the phenomenon (Berdychevsky & Gibson, 2015; Moustakas, 1994).
Social sciences and the qualitative inquiry provide an important element of data
collection methods via interviewing (Patton, 2014), with its focus on participant’s
experiences and the meaning ascribed to these experiences (Seidman, 2013). Video and
telephone interviews were conducted with a semi-structured interview format, openended
questions and digital recording devices that aided in capturing participant’s voices. The
significance of this was to support the description and interpretation of a research process
(Onwuegbuzie & Byers, 2014). Participants were all provided with an option to be
interviewed via Skype, zoom or telephone.
61
A flexible questioning format was provided by a semi-structured interview plan to
provide the participant with freedom to express impressions, and experiences with the
phenomenon (Patton, 2014). During the interviews, a digital audio recording device was
used in documenting all discussions, to provide precise and useful extracts of the
interview for data analysis (Given, 2008; Gubrium, Holstein, & Marvasti, 2012). I also
introduced interview journaling to support the interview method and enrich the quality of
research analysis. Clarity and accountability was given through insightful journaling,
while reducing the difficulty associated with examining recorded answers on a
participant’s experiences (Janesick, 2011). Preset open-ended questions served as a guide
for the interviews, and a margin for further probe and clear responses on the phenomenon
where provided (Doody& Noonan, 2013; Moustakas, 1994).
Procedures for Recruitment, Participation, and Data Collection
Recruitment strategy for this study involved a preliminary participant screening
process for bloggers, youths and media personality involved in online participation and
monitoring of elections in Nigeria, and were recruited by direct sourcing via the internet.
After the pre-screening of potential candidates, a letter by email soliciting participation in
the study was sent out to them (see Appendix B). To ensure anonymity, audio recordings
of verbal consent were made for those who prefer telephone interviews. Some social
media platforms were also used to connect identified participants, to build a rapport prior
to the actual interviews (Lunnayet al., 2014). This promotes the facilitation of mutuality,
sharing of information, relationship building, participant engagement, and interview
scheduling for qualitative researchers. To ensure comfort of the participants with this
62
process, the objectives of the study were provided to participants by the interviewer who
also highlighted the steps to be taken in ensuring confidentiality.
Eligibility criteria for participants indicated that potential participants must have
participated in online voting or monitoring during elections in Nigeria (see Appendix D).
Once responses signifying willingness to participate were received from potential
participants, a questionnaire and the informed consent form were emailed or read out on
phone, based on the choice of communication selected by the participant. Prior to the
commencement of data collection, all participants were required to submit an informed
consent form
Options for participants to end the interview at any time of their choice was
emphasized in very clear terms, to ensure the researchers’ comfort with the data
collection process. A follow-up by telephone conversation followed the pre-screening
process to finalize the participant selection process. The data saturation concept applied
and this process assisted in identifying the point where no new information surfaced,
during data collection.
Data Analysis Plan
The data analysis plan for this study was aimed at emerging analytical findings on
the elements resulting to participation of millennial voters during the 2015 presidential
elections in Nigeria, and how twitter as a social media platform defined millennial
participation in the election processes as well as voting and results. The data analysis
process for this study drew from the modified Van Kaam method, outlined in Moustakas
63
(1994) with the researcher using hand coding for analysis, and the NVivo 11 software for
data storage and management. The Van Kaam method proved to be ideal for qualitative
phenomenological data analysis because the technique focused on revisiting an
individual’s encounter with the phenomenon before forming descriptions used in
representing the essence of the experience (Moustakas, 1994). The Van Kaam process
included grouping, reducing, thematizing, and identifying logical units of information that
previous researchers have established their criteria for its use.
Van Kaam’s method comprises of three essential processes to help in the
unraveling of knowledge. They are: (a) the Greek word epoche, which means stay away
from or refrain; (b) transcendental phenomenological reduction, which is avoiding
themes such as prejudgments and describe events as they happen; and (c) the imaginative
variation of bracketing (Moustakas, 1994). These three processes together, involve
deliberate acts to avoid judgment about issues, gather true essence about the phenomenon
based on participant’s descriptions, and different thematic variations concerning the
phenomenon. The main features of the interpretive analysis process are:
• Listing and grouping of relevant responses from participants.
• Identifying in inconsistent features of participant’s responses.
• Grouping and labelling of unchanging elements of participant responses.
• Validating unchanging elements and development of themes.
• Developing individual and bonded texture descriptions using transcendental
phenomenological reduction.
64
• Developing individual structural and bonded descriptions of meanings that
participants ascribed to their personal experiences, using ingenious variation.
• Formation of composite descriptions of meaning participants ascribe to their
experiences.
Making meaning of text-rich qualitative research data requires thorough processes
during the manual gathering and forming of the data (Hilal and Alabri, 2013). The
researcher conducted an original coding scheme that linked different terms and data units,
decisively sorted out of the large data. Coding processes related to qualitative research
involves using either manual hand coding or software coding methods. The study made
use of the manual hand-coding method through the data reduction process, to screen data
and prevent the omission of important information. It is of great importance to read and
understand the different groups of data collected during qualitative data analysis
(Maxwell, 2013).
Issues of Trustworthiness
Credibility
To establish credibility, the researcher required obtaining reliable results in the
findings of research participants. Deficient data collection methods, conceptual
frameworks, and description of results affect a study’s trustworthiness negatively (Elo,
Kääriäinen, Kanste, Pölkki, Utriainen, & Kyngäs, 2014). Focus for this study was made
on guaranteeing credibility through data triangulation, applying processes such as using
various data collection mediums which include interview transcripts, interview
journaling, and documented details of the modified Van Kaam method, for data analysis.
65
Patton (2014) suggests that credibility in a qualitative study involves researcher
proficiency, emphasis on detail and substantiation of evidence gathered from different
sources, with suitable observation, engagement, and open auditing.
Participants for this study in addition to having participated in the 2015 elections
were Nigerian Millennial active voters and journalists working with media agencies that
follow the electoral process in Nigeria. This allowed the researcher to gain several views
of the subject in focus. The different types of data collected allowed the researchers’
authentication of the data collected for accuracy, thus excluding the possibility of false
depiction. The provision of detailed documentation of all the procedures that aid the
unraveling of knowledge, using the modified Van Kaam method of data analysis shows
transparency and increases credibility.
Transferability
Recent research on voting via social media has not examined the use of twitter
particularly, and the involvement of millennial in voting with twitter usage, as well as its
effects. This study therefore focused on the significance of millennial participation in
voting through Twitter in the 2015 Nigeria presidential election. Knowledge of this
subject was a prearranged criterion for selection of participants. The population of
interest for this study included individuals that have been involved in election processes
and monitoring via social media and the conventional media. Participant recruitment was
by soliciting individuals identified from media databases and independently identified
bloggers, following all valid and approved ethical procedures.
66
Transferability can be confirmed through the researcher’s responsibility in
providing detailed descriptions of the context of the research study. Detailing the
investigation’s transferability, Burchett, Mayhew, Lavis, and Dobrow (2013) revealed that
a consideration of results, methodology, and design was irrelevant while setting, researcher
experience, simplicity of application, and adaptation of methods were important
considerations.
Dependability
Establishment of dependability in qualitative research exists when the researcher
is required to confirm the application of reliable and stable processes throughout the
entire study. Criterion-based sampling method was identified, to increase the uniformity
of measures and provide suitable selection of respondents. One-to-one semi-structured
interview was employed, digital audio recording device, and open-ended questions
helped participants describe real and lived experiences via synchronous communication.
For audit and member checking, the researcher provided detailed procedures, and
described methodological prudence for the study. The audit trail documented the entire
research work, from its developmental stages up to the presentation of investigation
outcomes. Member checking measures delivered details of the steps taken in data
collection, to permit clarification by participants, and to avoid falsification.
Methodological consistency guaranteed congruity between the research questions,
various units of data gathering as well as the analysis process. Exploring the gravity of
participant’s responses allows the researcher to check for reliable and trustworthy
answers during data collection (Aust, Diedenhofen, Ullrich, and Musch, 2013). The
67
appropriateness of sample sizing that was used in this study augmented the adequacy and
comprehensiveness of the data collected. To conceptualize the research problem, the
researcher ensured theoretical balancing to reflect helpful ways to boost dependability.
Confirmability
This process entailed satisfactory measures to ensure that results are confirmable
and can be authenticated by others. Baskerville (2014) defines Confirmability as a
confirmation process that needs suitable documentation of the different steps of an
inquiry, beginning with the knowledge advancement phase to the completion of the
research. During the inquiry, the researcher provided suitable and correct answers to
ensure that all decision-making processes met the research design standards.
Concurrently collecting data and providing its analysis during the study permitted
iterative processes connecting the technical steps used in investigating the subject with
the vital conceptualizations. Uniformity of procedures used for data collection and
analysis were ensured by using initial and follow-up interviews, as well as a reflective
journal to allow the researcher monitor evolving themes and concepts with participants.
Ethical Procedures
Safeguarding the data collection process is essential, to avoid impediment of
participant’s rights, values, and needs. The researcher was mindful of her responsibility to
ensure that adequate ethical considerations were given during the research processes.
This comprised of the solicitation of participation, developing measures for protection to
prevent the harming of participants, and treatment of data with firm confidentiality. To
prevent ethical or legal issues concerning the data collection processes, the initial steps
68
for ethical control provided for the study involved gaining authorization from the Walden
University Institutional Review Board (IRB), to guarantee compliance with institutional
and federal guidelines.
Agreements to Gain Access to Participants
Obstructions and challenges in accessing participants and gaining their consent
have some significant considerations. Jones (2014) noted that selection of participants
should be made through a well-planned selection strategy through social networks. This
study took adequate consideration of the ethical concerns regarding situations involving
challenges of access based on religious, cultural or traditional values expected in some
parts of Nigeria. Email invitations were sent out to likely participants for this study,
courteously requesting participation and preparedness to share their honest experiences.
First step towards gaining access to participants was to send letters by email,
soliciting participation in the study (see Appendix B). Sending of consent forms for
participants in the study was also be done. Steps for the documentation of participant
access, and discussions about their consents throughout the inquiry process was also be
taken. A dedicated email address was activated for all email communications between the
researcher and respondents.
Treatment of Participants
For qualitative research, a substantial role for the participant-researcher
relationship and the use of more intrusive and personal methods during the inquiry is
required. Treatment of participants during research studies delivers specific
responsibilities for researchers towards their participants. Responsibilities include
69
ensuring voluntary involvement, obtaining informed consent, and ensuring participant
confidentiality and secrecy throughout the study. Expert conduct was provided by the
researcher, and emphasis were made on the option for participants having trouble to stop
the interview and decide to end it at any time. A remarkable characteristic of this study
was fairness during participant selection and other facets of the study. As a result of the
COVID 19 pandemic which prevented participants from meeting the researcher in
person, telephone interviews and video calls were used as options for interviews.
Treatment of Data
Work experience of the researcher and knowledge in dealing with people at work
and in the field boosted participants understanding of their personal experiences in
relation to the subject of study. Following the suggestion of Jones (2014), the role of a
researcher was grounded in self-regulation concerning setting standards for ethical
behavior. As such, the researcher disclosed familiarity with the research topic and
explained the need to put aside any assumptions while collecting data. A combined usage
of manual and electronic data management systems like note cards, binders, audio
recorders, computer-recording devices were applied. The NVivo 11 software program
served as the main storage for data.
Summary
The focus of this study was to explore the use of twitter as a social media
platform, used by millennial in voting at the 2015 presidential elections in Nigeria. Its
aim was to determine the benefits of millennial participation in voting, the role of social
media in promoting millennial participation in the election processes, as well as
70
understanding millennial experiences during and after the 2015 election. Though voting
during elections is the responsibility of every eligible citizen of Nigeria, the process and
the zeal to vote are hampered by unethical behavior, which discourages voters, especially
youth. It was therefore important to gain views on the insights and experiences of the
participants, as a way to develop the Nigerian electoral system through social media
involvement in politics and elections. To validate the choice of qualitative research
strategy used for this study, Chapter 3 discusses the research design of the entire study. It
contains the rationale for the design, the role of the researcher, participant selection
process, data collection, instrumentation, the data management process, as well as the
data analysis plan.
71
Chapter 4: Results
Introduction
This study focused on exploring the centrality of Twitter in Nigeria’s media
ecology within the context of its capabilities to promote millennial participation in
voting. Because of the necessity to include the youths in the political and election
processes in Nigeria, understanding the strategies applied in the inclusion of youths in
voting through the social media enlightenment and promotion, especially through Twitter,
fills a gap in existing research on millennial online voting. To divulge the mental
impressions of participants on the subject, a qualitative research approach was used as the
primary technique for this study. The central research question for this phenomenological
research study was: in what ways did Twitter as a social media platform define
participation of millennials in promoting voter turnout and addressing voter apathy in
Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election? This chapter describes the research setting,
participant demographics, participant recruitment, data collection, data analysis process,
and methods for ensuring trustworthiness. The chapter ends with a summary of the
results and findings and is followed by an outline of Chapter 5.
Research Setting
Because of the COVID 19 pandemic affecting the free movement and interaction
of people at the time of my data collection, telephone and Zoom interviews were used for
the process of data collection. Interviews were planned for 16 participants, but only 10
interviews were conducted with those that signified interest in participating in my study.
72
This followed my initial contact of each participant through various social media
platforms and subsequent emails. By choice, three participants were interviewed via
telephone while the other seven were interviewed via Zoom. All interviews were
conducted allowing convenience and comfort for the participants as they all chose the
most convenient times for the interviews, when they were seated in private enclosures.
This setting allowed for privacy, eliminating forms of distraction and interruption.
Telephone calls, email exchanges, and Zoom meetings that enabled participant transcript
reviews and member checking of data interpretation were part of the follow-up processes.
Participant Demographics
The population of interest for this study was Nigerian millennial active voters or
journalists working with media agencies that follow the electoral process in Nigeria, as
well as political online bloggers. The 10 participants met the expected criteria of age
group, gender, and involvement with millennial voting in Nigeria. Participants cut across
different geographic locations, tribes, and religions, and included youths who were
actively involved in partisan politics in Nigeria, former political office holders who were
directly involved in policy making, and journalists, youth leaders, political scientists,
researchers, and bloggers with political interests in Nigeria.
The years of participants’ experiences ranged from 12 to 21 years. Participants
worked or had worked as politicians and media practitioners in Nigeria in reputable
media exchanges. Prior to the interview, I had no knowledge of any participant, and had
no personal or official relationship with them. The average interview time was 26
minutes, and the participant demographics are shown in Table 1 below.
73
Table 1
Demographic Table of Participants
Participants Occupation
Years
in
Role
Function
in
Nigerian
politics at
various
levels
Experience
in online
political
campaigns
and voting
process
Gender
P1
Politician
13
Yes
Yes
Female
P2
Blogger
12
Yes
Yes
Male
P3
Blogger
14
Yes
Yes
Male
P4
Journalist
20
Yes
Yes
Female
P5
Youth leader
17
Yes
Yes
Female
P6
Researcher
21
Yes
Yes
Female
P7
P8
P9
Politician
Researcher
Political
Scientist
19
12
15
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Male
Female
Male
Participant Recruitment
Approval was received from the Walden University Institutional Review Board
prior to initiating the recruitment of participants (IRB approval number 08-19-
200306553). The process for recruitment focused on enlisting participants using
Google,
LinkedIn and Facebook search engines. An initial participant screening process for
Nigerians interested in online voting and millennial participation in Nigerian politics
published online by news agencies in Nigeria, provided 16 potential participants. Contact
74
was made with all potential participants, and an invitation to participate was sent using
LinkedIn, Facebook, and email-messaging systems (see Appendix B). No pressure was
exerted to participate. I reached out to potential participants a maximum of two times to
avoid disturbing them with unwanted solicitation. Follow up emails were sent 2 days
after sending the initial invitation, and 16 potential participants responded, indicating
their interests, in response to the invitations sent via the various online messaging
platforms. A pre-participation email was sent to potential participants (see Appendix D)
to confirm suitability to participate in the study. Eligibility of participants to partake in
this study was determined based on the following standards: politicians with knowledge
in youth participation in Nigerian politics; journalists and online bloggers that have
keenly followed politics and youth participation in Nigeria; youth leaders involved in
politics; and researchers with a focus of politics or youth participation in politics in
Nigeria.
No major difficulty was met during participant selection as all except one
intending participant who responded to the eligibility email questions met the
requirements to participate. The one in question requested for financial compensation
and was consequently eliminated from the list. During the phone conversations prior to
the interviews, all the participants showed keen interest in the topic and looked forward
to participating in the study.
Data Collection
The data collection phase of this study occurred at the end of August 2020 and
lasted 2 weeks of interviews with participants. Authorized research methods used
75
included interviewing by telephone and Zoom for data collection and reflective
journaling (Chan, Fung, & Chien, 2013; DeFelice & Janesick, 2015) for bracketing
personal bias. I used this journal to record the research processes from the research
design to the research conclusion stages. To suspend personal interpretations regarding
the topic and increase my understanding of the participants, I practiced bracketing
(epoché) as prescribed in Moustakas (1994) before proceeding with the process of data
collection. To clear my thoughts of past knowledge or experience, I concentrated on the
image and sound of responding participants rather than my inner assumptions.
All participants gave their consents before the interviews commenced. Data
collection was concluded in line with the instrumentation procedures and ethics
procedures mentioned in Chapter 3, using a semi-structured interviewing plan with
openended questions and prompts designed to encourage in-depth answers from
participants. Although saturation point was reached after seven interviews, 10 interviews
took place. I used a professional voice-recording device to record interviews, and I saved
the recordings in MP4 file format.
All interview questions were linked to the central research question and were
intended to incite participant’s memories of and feelings about the subject (Jamshed,
2014; DiCicco‐Bloom & Crabtree, 2006). For the documentation of methodological
variations during data collection, a reflective journal was used. Transparency in the
research process was improved through my documentation of the data collection and
analysis processes (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Peredaryenko & Krauss, 2013).
76
After the interviews, participants were allowed to correct inaccuracies caught in
their transcripts. After the data analysis was also completed, participants were further
given the opportunity indicate perceived misconceptions of meaning ascribed to their
roles. A few amendments were made and all participants finally responded to the last
review of interview transcripts without corrections. Participants also verified and
established the exactness of the meaning each of them credited to the topic under
examination, following the completion of the data analysis. To improve the dependability
of the research results in any phenomenological research, it is significant to obtain
participant feedback about the cogency and comprehensiveness of summaries reflecting
participant experiences (Sandelowski, 1993).
Data Organization and Management
Since I carried out the data collection and analysis, I am solely responsible for
determining the suitability of participants, their recruitment, collecting their informed
consent, and endorsing the precision of the interview transcripts. As described in Chapter
3, all the data collected for this study has been securely kept with strong passwords, on
computers and other electronic devices used in filing all digital and text data. Regularly
updated anti-virus protection will be installed in computers and devices used in the
storage of digital and text data. Access to these devices would be strictly restricted to
only the researcher and data will be kept for at a five-year period, as required by Walden
University.
77
Data Analysis
The primary focus for the analysis of documented data collected for this study is
to advance methodical outputs on the lived experiences of participants recruited for this
research, and identify what helps to achieve positive outcomes. The data analysis
procedures relied upon the modified Van Kaam data analysis technique, as defined in
Moustakas (1994). This involved the use of transcribed participant responses and a
mixture of hand coding and coding, using NVivo 11 Pro software to upturn its validity.
NVivo 11 Pro software program further functions as the dominant source for data
management and storage. The data analysis methods formed two data coding cycles
while triangulating with the improved Van Kaam data analysis method.
Hand Coding
The capacity to advance understanding of the data is one benefit of applying hand
coding for data analysis, and to development a general image offered by participants
(Basit, 2003; Stuckey, 2015). Because hand coding permits the researcher to get direct
engagement with the data and push the analysis process (Klenke, 2016), I began with
hand coding for the data analysis, to highlight intricate parts of the interview transcripts.
An intense process involving reading and re-reading transcripts multiple times, to
improve understanding of the participant’s individual responses on their experience with
the subject matter.
In helping to understanding the ideas surrounded in the raw data during data
content analysis, the open coding method was applied in emerging codes (DeCuir-Gunby,
Marshall, & McCulloch, 2011). Horizontalization, making use of participant interview
78
transcripts to list and cluster relevant participant responses was used for hand coding. The
cut-and-paste method (Basit, 2003) for the horizontalization process was applied, and a
list of noteworthy participant responses were put in a table to enable extracting and
tagging. Identifying the static mechanisms in participant responses regarding experience
needed the listing and grouping of important stated accounts, and reduction or removal of
inessential statements (Moustakas, 1994, p. 120 - 121).
One hundred and ninety eight exact significant participant responses were
identified, stating invariable features of participant’s experiences. The careful
examination of significant participant’s responses to help the grouping of the static
features of participant’s experiences into themes followed. The grouping of these
responses involved a detailed method used to detect and organize ideas and perceptions
within participant responses. As opined by Moustakas’ (1994) modified Van Kaam
method, precise words and phrases to understand participant’s moods and insights
concerning their role in online and millennial voting were identified.
The final stage of the hand coding process ensured the authentication of all fixed
features and themes prior to the creation of individual textural images for each
participant. Further advancement of the different textural images using creative
disparities were made and structural descriptions for each participant mixing the
invariable elements and themes were created. Combined descriptions of meaning for
participants as a group, resulting from their experiences were created, and the
descriptions for evaluation of results from coding using software were stored.
79
Coding Using NVivo 11 Pro
In using the NVivo 11 Pro software package, the first phase in the data analysis
process involved several steps used in cleaning and rearranging the data in readiness for
uploading into the software program. The data cleaning method involved eliminating all
inessential information in the interview transcripts and creating pseudonyms for each
participant. Adu (2016) recommended that it is essential to clean transcript data when
using NVivo 11 for data analysis, to help the researcher eliminate irrelevant information,
produce new participant identities, and save the prepared transcripts before its
introduction into the software program. The research question, interview questions, and
participant responses were all studied before saving the cleaned interview data in
readiness for importation into the NVivo 11 Pro software program.
The next step was the transfer of the cleaned interview data into the NVivo 11 Pro
software program. The data was restructured into the two key storage files in the software
program; case groupings and case nodes. Case groupings permit the creation of
classification names using pseudonyms assigned to each participant with their
demographic characteristics. Case nodes were introduced as an observation element, to
code relevant information concerning each participant’s responses. After the importation
and restructuring of the data, simple queries to advance a better perception of information
contained in the data were conducted. As an example, information from the word
frequency query was used in highlighting recurrent words or concepts in the interview
transcripts (see Figure 1).
80
Figure 1
Initial Word Frequency Query for Participant Interview Transcripts
The initial coding process began with the use of the Values coding technique,
applying codes to statements reflecting the values, attitudes, and beliefs of participants as
documented in the transcripts. Values coding involves the use of codes to represent the
vital attributes, thoughts, and perceptions about individual experiences (Miles et. al.,
2013). Following the initial series of coding, fixed elements from participant’s responses
were grouped and thematized to develop the core themes of participant experiences.
Steps used to examine the codes developed in the first cycle coding process were
used to transition to the next data coding cycle using NVivo 11 Pro software program.
The second data coding process began with using the Pattern coding method to further
decrease the data into smaller and more communicative data components, identifying
patterns and relationships, before classification of the emergent themes (Miles et. al.,
2013).
81
Following the isolation of emergent patterns and labeling new emergent themes, a
description of each of the emergent themes was established. Next was the ensuing data
analysis phase. This involved verifying the data to confirm that it observed the modified
Van Kaam method of phenomenological data analysis, as defined in Moustakas (1994).
The leading cycle coding procedure accepted the horizontalization, reduction, and
elimination of varying elements from the complete participant responses, as regards to
their experiences. The next cycle coding method allowed the grouping and thematization
of same elements of participant responses concerning their experiences.
After sorting and synthesizing the data by classifying codes, emergent themes
were established from relationship, frequency, and meaning. To additionally eliminate
any irrelevancies to participant experiences resulting from a lack of clear expression or
compatibility, a verification process was used. Part of the analytical process involved
comparing descriptions established using hand coding, with descriptions created using
coding software before emerging the completed and merged descriptions of participant
experiences.
Evidence of Trustworthiness
Proof of trustworthiness in qualitative research is essential to ascertain the
internal constancies used in the establishment of accuracy in research processes, and in
the delivery of the results (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). A documentation plan was
established and used in highlighting the procedure for participant selection
(triangulation), peer debriefing (with dissertation committee), engaging the use of
conservative research methods and a firm description of topic under investigation.
82
Strength was given to the quality of my research instrument through discussions with
experienced faculty and research committee members the before the commencement of
data collection.
Fusch and Ness’s (2015) acts as data saturation guidelines for researchers without
strong experience. The exact interview questions with probing questions intended to
boost in-depth responses from participants were used for all questions. All personal
beliefs regarding the issue were put off, and my feelings to participant’s state of mind
about the issue was intensified. In addition, by applying Brod, Tesler, and Christensen’s
(2009) data saturation grid, I recognized data saturation after the first seven participant
interviews as I identified and documented the replication of information insufficient to
develop new categorizations. To confirm that no emergence of new information during
interviews occurred, two additional interviews after the first seven that indicated no new
information were conducted.
The importance of interviewer sensitivity to internal variations during research
interviews demanding the use of probing questions to clarify discrepancies in interviewee
responses. To avoid inconsistencies generating from possible misunderstanding of
interview questions, probing questions meant to gain clarification on any discrepancies
identified in participant responses were used during interviews (see Appendix E). Using
follow-up questions for qualitative interviews allows the researcher to expound initial
responses or offer additional details.
Using digital audio recording devices, all interviews were recorded before
transcribing responses from each participant. Although the initial interviews gave
83
comprehensive responses from most of the participants, some varying responses during
data analysis required additional sessions to elucidate meaning. Supplementary sessions
were therefore set with these participants immediately after completion of data analysis,
to confirm the precision of findings. During these sessions, varying interpretations arising
from the initial interviews were faced by asking more probing questions to surge further
details, and to clarify contradictory statements.
First steps taken in my data collection sequence involved a bracketing method
(epoché) as set by Moustakas (1994), to recall and disband any personal beliefs, and
upsurge my feeling to participant sensitivities regarding to the topic. I carefully recalled
personal experiences before deliberately disconnecting mental dialogs related to personal
experiences, to aid my focus on participant responses.
Credibility
Ensuring researcher transparency on the research processes, and thorough steps
that safeguards the quality of results are taken guarantee credibility in qualitative
research. These steps involve using well-established research methods, knowledge of the
participating research environments, random sampling of participants, triangulation,
ensuring internal uniformity of participant responses, discrepancy case analysis, and peer
debriefing (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Miles, Huberman, & Saldana, 2014; Shenton, 2004).
Specifics of the actual processes that allowed the unraveling of knowledge with
the use of the modified Van Kaam method for data analysis to validate transparency were
delivered. The data analysis process also involved using a balance of two theoretical
outlines to interpret and support the data. Further steps were taken to ensure credibility
84
was achieved by application of eligibility criteria designed to confirm participants’
willingness to share truthful experiences and prompts during interviews. This assisted in
clarifying participant responses with discrepancies. During data collection and analysis,
peer debriefing was carried out with guidance from dissertation committee, experienced
faculty members, and peers.
I increased my decision-making capacity by working with experienced
researchers and peers, and my research lens was enhanced through learning from shared
experiences and insights on the courses of action, development of ideas, and analysis.
Green (2014) submits that peer debriefing should be used in enhancing researcher’s
critical thinking skills and research integrity in qualitative research. Through cautious
steps taken to familiarize the researcher with the collected data, cases with
inconsistencies involving responses that were unexplainable by interpretation and
member checking were identified during data analysis. Member checking were therefore
conducted to help eliminate discrepancies in the responses of participants during the data
collection phase.
An ending part of the authentication process used for qualitative research involves
member checking to indorse the precision of interpretation (Colaizzi, 1978; Lincoln &
Guba, 1985). All participants who were interviewed accepted the follow-up member
checking periods and a copy of the interview transcripts was provided for each
participant to confirm accuracy. Sequel to this, deliberations on the clarifications that
evolved during data analysis to confirm the exactness of meaning were made. Random
selection of participants was done by reaching out to pre-screened prospective
85
participants using the LinkedIn.com, Facebook and WhatsApp messaging systems, to
send invitations to participate. All participants undertook to participate, and to add to the
improvement of new knowledge, by providing useful data.
Transferability
Showing how the results of qualitative research are applicable to wider
populations presents heavy challenges for the researcher because of the small number of
participants and research settings. Shenton (2004) suggested avoiding a concern with
transferability. He proposed a focus on providing contextual information on
particularities connected to the research environment and population. This study offers
the details of the number of participants, period of data collection, lengths of interviews,
and the demographics of interviewed participants. This information therefore, allows
readers to recognize limits of the study, and adjust transference of results.
Dependability
The use of reliable research processes that display the possibility of reproducing
the study in a comparable setting is a determinant for dependability in qualitative
research studies. Elo et al. (2014) noted that even in diverse conditions, asserting
participant selection criteria and demographics increases dependability of qualitative
research, leading to established data. This study provided the use of criterion-based
sampling method, telephone and video interviews, semi-structured interview format with
open-ended questions, and described methodological uniformities. Detailed descriptions
on modules of the research design, data collection, and analysis procedures, data
86
management and storage procedures to offer future researchers suitable information to
permit reproduction were all provided.
Confirmability
In qualitative research, suitable steps regarding confirmability are essential to
guaranty provable results that can be validated by others. Miles et al. (2013) emphasized
the fact that an important element for achieving confirmability in qualitative research is
providing meticulous accounts of methods and procedures that allow scrutiny by others.
It must also allow the safeguarding of data, which should be available on request for
reanalysis. This study established a semblance of procedures for data collection and
analysis with the documentation process using a reflective journal with analytic memos
and the NVivo 11 Pro software program in taking and recording practical steps, decision
rules, and analysis operations. An audit stream detailing all research procedures,
emphasizing on changes that emerged during the iterative research as well as the
reasoning behind such changes was made accessible.
Results: Emergent Themes
The gap identified in the participation of millennial voters in election processes,
and restrictions on online voting in Nigeria were the motivations for this study, which
focused on gathering the lived experiences of participants involved in Nigerian politics,
media and online voting, at various levels. The results presented in Chapter 4 agree with
the research question; In what ways did twitter as a social media platform define
participation of millennial in promoting voter turnout and addressing voter apathy in
87
Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election? Following the wide-ranging analysis of participant
interview transcripts, development and categorization of nodes, and the development of
the main themes summarizing the meaning of participant experience, four major themes
and seven subthemes on participant experiences surrounding their roles in millennial
participation in online voting in Nigeria were developed (see Table 2).
Table 2
Emergent Themes, Nodes, Sources, and References
Understanding millennial Millennial knowledge in local
participation and online politics
voting
Barriers to participation in millennial voting and
politics
Lack of required resources to
create positive impact
Professional enhancement for
social development
9
5
6
6
18
15
21
19
Government collaboration Creation of policies to
encourage millennial
participation in politics
6
11
Corruption youth coercion resulting from
poverty
5
16
Youth revolution The need to work with reality
5
13
The four major themes are: understanding millennial participation and online
voting, government collaboration, corruption, and youth revolution. Collectively, seven
Emergent
t
hemes
Nodes
Sources
References
88
subthemes emerged and include millennial knowledge in local politics, barriers to
participation in millennial voting and politics, lack of required resources to create
positive impact, professional enhancement for social development, creation of policies to
encourage millennial participation in politics, youth coercion resulting from poverty, and
the need to work with reality.
The applied theoretical framework combined democratic-participant and, uses
and gratification theories to enable the delivery of responses to the central research
question, by recognizing participant’s perspectives relating to the collective and strategic
grounds surrounding millennial participation and online voting in Nigeria.
Emergent Theme One: Understanding Millennial Participation and Online Voting
Theme 1 understanding millennial participation and online voting emerged as the
most substantial role activity for participants. Youths in Nigeria have in the past, been
unexposed to politics as it has been a coveted project for elders. The political scene has
been jealously guarded by elites who have spent decades of their lives as politicians and
work against having the younger generation compete against them. Modern ways to
communicate and discover information has also been scarcely available to Nigerian
youths, except for the privileged few. In the past, the internet and mobile communication
were termed luxury items and were made unreasonably expensive. This social defect
created a gap in communication, especially for the youth and kept them from knowledge
that expose them to political development and their participation via online platforms.
The major issue therefore, was the lack of knowledge and understanding that there is
power in the media and that the voices of youths (which their strength can also be drawn
89
from) can be heard. The lack of knowledge deprived them of the understanding of their
rights and benefits in participation in politics.
When asked to give account of their experience in all participants noted that the
most important factor of political participation is equipping them with effective and
adequate tools and providing significant support to give the needed knowledge,
understanding and power for role activities in realizing effective performance. As
revealed in table 1, all nine participants gave responses with 18 references. During the
interview, one participant described his feelings in the following way:
My role with millennial participation in voting online is to educate the youth and
empower them with knowledge of the rights and roles in politics, to enable them
carry out their tasks in bringing the nation out of political darkness. The problem
is the long period of military rule and the oppressive democratic experience we
have had, which relegates the youth in Nigeria to the back stage.
Another participant describing his role stated that;
My contribution is to bring the youths of this nation together. As a youth leader,
most of my colleagues depend on me to gather facts and deliver to them for
developmental purposes. This does not exclude political participation. As such, I
gather facts on the rights of youths and on the strength that we as the most active
section of the population can bring forward, to achieve a positive change in the
political scene in Nigeria.
A third participant stated;
90
My job is to disseminate information to encourage the youths to participate in
politics. Online information is the fastest and most effective means of
communication in Nigeria. It is a powerful tool that affects the nation positively
and negatively. As such, I use this tool effectively to bring youths in politics
together.
A fourth participant described his experience when he stated that;
Lack of education and exposure is a huge problem and has contributed to the lack
of understanding of the youth’s position in the politics of our nation. The youths
are focused on irrelevant subjects such as “Big Brother Nigeria” whereas the
society is falling apart. If the energy they put into irrelevant programs is invested
in their future, by understanding the role they are meant to play in politics, and by
playing the role effectively, the effects of their participation in politics will yield
fruitful results.
Another participant explained how his knowledge in tweeting and retweeting has given
him understanding on how online voting can generate millennial participants. She said;
The normal tweeting and retweeting of stories on tweeter helps to pull crowd because of
the nature of the application which has numerous followership attached to individual
accounts. This is the fastest way of doing successful campaigning and voting for the right
candidate based on what you see people write about him or her. You can make your
choice based on people's arguments and comments about such a candidate.
As participants described their experiences, they all agreed that their roles
required more prolific actions aimed at ensuring effective performance through adequate
91
dissemination of information and knowledge to enhance the massive engagement of
youths in politics, and focusing on online voting as a means to wave the barriers
encountered in the past. The data backs Ryan and Deci’s (2000) form of motivation that
requires a driving force with persons acting to fulfill the requirements of an external
source. In the case of participants who are bloggers, the ability to provide useful and
attractive information to boost the morale of Nigerian youths of voting age, serves as the
stimulus for their performance.
Some participants acknowledged that their role required active cooperation and
engagement with youths, beginning from tertiary institutions, to nurture good
performance. The fifth participant described his experience with older politicians,
through actively engaging with them in the following way;
The older politicians in Nigeria try all they can to prevent the younger generation
from becoming politicians. They prefer to oppress them, using money to control
the way they think and act. By this, it is difficult for the youths to stand up to their
own thoughts and intentions especially as the funds are not available to match up
with actions against these older politicians.
Each participant understood the facts about motivating and enlightening youths,
and the importance of their involvement in participating in politics and online voting.
This thought backs Campbell et al.’s (2016) view that leaders (which in this case are the
youth leaders) have an obligation to protect the interests of their subjects, and provide the
knowledge that they require to succeed. Unfortunately, in Nigeria, some leaders go
against this principle and work with those who destroy the democracy in the nation, for
92
financial benefits. In most cases, the youths are the ones used as political thugs and
instruments to cause mayhem during elections. For those who are educated, they are used
to recruit and entice members of the public who may have needs and seek to take
advantage of the financial rainfall that comes with accepting politicians with no concrete
objective. A sixth participant stated;
My experience with youths is that people weigh what we know versus what they
expect before presenting it to the public, especially where youths are concerned.
A simple information may be misunderstood and may cause a devastating effect
on the nation if youths decide to go on a rampage based on information they have
received from the media or any other source. The youths have their strong hold in
social media and online news platforms and this may go in either way for them. It
may go negative is the information is not passed properly, and it may go positive
if the information is passed meaningfully. In essence, the message of millennial
participation must be explained thoroughly to the youths for proper
understanding, to enable them have knowledge of how they should, why they
need to participate, and the effect of their participation especially with the online
strength, which they possess.
Participants all agreed that various means could be used to enlighten youths across
the nation on ways they can participate in politics peacefully, and how online voting can
influence their choice candidate thereby providing political strength for them.
Another participant stated,
93
The truth is that twitter has become a very powerful tool to spreading information,
be it true or false. The fact that these information can be generated and
disseminated from private sources, gives individuals enough courage to pass out
whatever information they feel like. We have had troubles come of such
publications but in Nigeria, this is not taken seriously. This means that the weight
of information passed may be week due to lack of credibility. This may affect the
way knowledge is being passed on the issue of educating youths on this subject
matter. I believe that professional and compulsory education on youth
participation in voting online should be given to our youths.
Some probing questions were asked during interviews, to further prompt clearer
descriptions to help in providing rich and brief responses to the research question of lived
experience about youths voting the conservative way, beginning with political rallies. In a
situation, I asked, ‘can you tell me how exposing you to older and crude politicians has
affected you’? To incite a deeper response, the participant answered;
In such a situation, we are at the mercy of these crude politicians. You know that
if we do our rallies online via twitter, we are safeguarded by our privacy and we
can protect ourselves from any form of danger. This is not the case with the
exposure of youths to politicians and their touts. Many emotional and physical
damages have been done to youths in that past, which make them shy away from
politics completely.
Participants expressed a level of concern regarding their preparedness and interest
in participating in politics in Nigeria in the same and usual political setting. However,
94
one participant described that based on his experience in blogging over the last nine
years; he believes that Nigerian youths are yet to fully understand how they can achieve
their political desires through the power of online media. The participant stated;
I have seen many Nigerian youths who participate in online news and blogs. Most
of them only come out to insult the government or people in politics, and that it
where it ends. A lot of them fail to realize that rather than focusing all their energy
on fighting the system and politicians online, they can generate power together, to
form the kind of government they want through their massive participation in
politics by online promotions and voting.
The results of this study support these statements, as all participants agreed that it
is essential for youths to understand politics in detail, and to understand how they can
gain strength in politics through youth participation in online campaigns and voting. All
the participants gave a detailed summary during member checking, of their feelings about
the importance of understanding, literacy and knowledge, to stir up good support and
strength for performances in their role activity.
Viewing the data from a democratic-participant theoretical perspective, a part of
the theoretical framework for this study is shaped by the provision of equal access to all
stakeholders. This is essential to provide the moral support and the technical
empowerment obtainable in political settings, to allow youths gather the strength to
effectively work towards their political choice, with the same opportunities provided to
every voter and candidate. Understanding millennial participation and online voting in
Nigerian politics is essential for effective building of political strategies towards the
95
success of millennial voters in an online voting exercise, through Twitter and online
boosting.
Drawing from the uses and gratification theoretical perspective also, the powerful
effect of the media on its audience will create a more realistic outcome in online
campaigns and elections since online media audience have full privacy of their decisions,
reactions and actions towards voting.
From these viewpoints, the conventional political styles of coercion of voters
through touting and hooliganism, supported by trading votes for money at polling
stations can be averted and replaced with online political activities that protect the voters
from exercising their rights to vote and choose an ideal candidate. Participants displayed
distrust for and fear of older politicians who they described as diabolic and evil, and feel
these politicians can do anything just to stay in power.
Emergent Theme Two: Government Collaboration
Theme 2 government collaborations supports participants belief that the Nigerian
governments closeness to youths and the positive things that they are attracted to, will
provide a machinery for the amendment of the political atmosphere in Nigeria. It will
also direct the way elections are carried out with the heavy presence of youths, voting
through online mediums to enhance the efficiency of their mitigation efforts towards
nonparticipation of Nigerian youths in the electoral process of the nation. With the
collaboration of government, an inclusion of a strategic electoral plan, the involvement of
youths, and the development of the electoral process through technological inputs
focusing on online voting, the government electoral agency can manage a successful
96
process. Rahimnia and Mazidi (2015) noted that managerial vicinity positively affects the
chances of supervisory use of verbal impact and influence. This can either be presented in
ways that will gather support of the electoral process from the youth or allow the youths
and the entire political scene distrust the system. Owing to the fact that the government
has all the tools available to create a strong political atmosphere with the support of
youths, adding online techniques to voting in Nigeria will be a positive strategy to gain
support of the youths towards this process. As government and individuals operate
Twitter accounts and information is received from both ends, it may be worthwhile for
the nation to connect its electoral machinery and procedures to the social media, to
achieve the benefits of fast, central and numerical participation across the country as well
as all eligible voting age groups.
When asked how government collaboration affected the success in their role
involving millennial voting in 2015 Nigerian election, participants stressed the fact that
government has sidelined the youths from having a say in Nigerian politics as the highest
bidder or the strongest godson to a political godfather always have their way. One
participant said,
Government has allowed the rich and powerful take over the political scene in
Nigeria. These politicians just keep rotating and coming back or bring their
children to take over from them as if political offices are owned by them. Policy
makers in this nation ignore the fact that people rely on policies to achieve
change. They ignore these changes because of their personal and selfish interests,
97
believing that the youths can be bought over with stipends. I blame the
government for these lapses because they are part of the system failing.
Another participant said,
The government is scared of anything that involves technology, which can be
accessed. The fact that online voting will be visible and accessible to the world is
enough reason for the government to discourage it. The government is brought in
through the same fraudulent electoral processes, and do all they can to protect the
system that brought them in. It is difficult for the old system and the new system
to blend. What I mean by this is the mixture of the old and new generation in
politics. If online voting is introduced in Nigeria, the old generation will have no
place in politics. As such, they will do everything possible to frustrate the effort
of youths in attempting to introduce it into politics in Nigeria.
A third participant expressed concern that only policies that do not affect
politicians are changed and upgraded. The participant stated,
Policy makers are not interested in coming up with good policies that affect the
political scene and process in Nigeria as the changes may affect their political
parties or the politicians, directly. For this reason, there are no available policies
that deal directly with the improvement of electoral processes or in upgrading the
process to involve youth participation that has less of government control.
Government, politicians and touts control the manual kind of voting while the
voters mostly control the online voting, especially if it is done through Twitter
and the entire world sees what is happening.
98
Fitzgerald et al (2016) opined that citizen and government involvement in
decision-making is important in guaranteeing effective acquiescence of policies. A
participant was also concerned about neglect of youths in Nigerian politics. The
participant stated,
If youths are completely ignored in Nigeria politics the problem it will create is
producing inexperienced politicians in future. Government should come up with
policies that support the inclusion of youths in every area of politics and should
discourage the older generation from participating in politics after a certain age. If
this is done, youths that are vibrant and full of ideas will take over the political
scene. I believe this is what the government and the older politicians are scared
of.
Similarly, another participant noted the fact that politicians neglect youth after
using him or her for political gains. She said:
The youths have also sold their birthrights to politicians. They allow themselves
to be used as touts by these older politicians, after which they are dumped and
older allies of the politicians are appointed into political offices and have no plans
for the youths other that preparing to use them for the next elections. The youths
themselves should put a stop to this, and present themselves as responsible
citizens of the nation who have a role to play in the nation’s development.
One participant acknowledged the benefits of having government collaboration
and interaction with the youths in politics. The participant described a case where things
99
in Nigeria went wrong by ignoring youths and taking decisions that were beneficial to
older politicians The participant ardently stated,
In the past, the government of Nigeria has been taken over by young men in the
military because of older politicians running down the nation’s economy and
infrastructure set up and developed by the British during the colonial era. If not
for the fact that other nations do not support the military ruling this nation, I
believe the military would have taken over again. The neglect of youths and
collaboration of government with youths affects them negatively as well. It can
clearly been seen from many decisions being taken by civilian politicians and the
military older generation. For example, the old politicians in power have kept
older military men who are supposed to have been retired over five years ago.
This decision has destroyed the careers of many young military officers who
because of this enforcement of older expired military officers, they have been
denied of producing military Service Chiefs of a new generation.
A follow-up session afforded the participant the opportunity to restate how lack of
government collaboration with youths negatively affected a large percentage of youths
that were interested in politics and nation building. Their general belief is that
government was on the side of the old politicians who brought them into power, and will
continue to dance to the music of these politicians, disregarding the importance of youth
participation in politics, and the technological development of the political scene in
Nigeria.
100
No new data was generated during member checking as all participants accepted
that the genuine and strategic collaboration of government with youths would influence
their role performance in millennial participation in politics and online voting. Observing
the data from a critical theoretical viewpoint, which forms the framework for this study,
participants came up with a deduction that the impact of lack of collaboration with youths
by the government is because of the relaxed norm in the Nigerian society, and a seeming
culture in the government and political scene of the nation. This supports Blumer (1969)
ground, which states that social interaction offers quality to the meaning that people have
about a subject.
Emergent Theme Three: Corruption
Theme 3 corruption emerged as an outgrowth of perceptual discussions through
which participants described their experiences working in a corrupt society. Participants
are all of the opinion that the Nigeria would have been a better nation if the interest of the
nation were put first, before personal interests. They all believe that as long as the
politicians and policy makers continue to think of their personal gains rather than the
benefits of the nation, development in the political scene of the country, involving youths
and technological development for the electoral process may be far cry from reality.
Participants believed that corruption of public officers, politicians and the larger
part of the society is directly responsible for the inability of policy makers to draft
policies that ensure the inclusion of youths, and the development of technology in the
election process in Nigeria. Participants also reported that a large number of youths have
also been corrupted by politicians who offer them stipends to snatch ballot boxes and
101
manipulate results during elections. All the participant’s descriptions centered on how
various levels of corrupt practices before, during and after elections, lead to the
appointment of wrong candidates into public offices. These candidates are the same who
guard their positions jealously by preventing the youths from active participation and by
thwarting genuine attempts to develop and advance the election process. As participants
reported their experiences, they signified that open and physical interactions between
government, politicians and the youth might eradicate corruption if these interactions
result in youth inclusion in politics, and the use of means to create transparency in
election processes. One participant asserted,
Politics in Nigeria is known for enriching a selected few and causing poverty to
the majority. Even the electoral process itself has these same characteristics as
politicians roll out money for their campaigns and for the elections proper. As
some individuals and groups enjoy the benefits of acquiring wealth through
touting and rigging, others are impoverished. The youths in Nigeria are divided
into two segments when it comes to election; the touts and the excluded. While
the touts are satisfied, with whatever stipends they get from older politicians, the
excluded and younger people who are interested in being included in the politics
of the nation, either to contribute in nation building or to act like the older
politicians who are known for corruption and greed.
Another participant shared online links pointing at the repercussions of corruption
in the nation, and the results of youth exclusion in politics. The participant stated, These
old politicians know what they are doing. They are the ones with the money so they know
102
how to make the youths poor, and then use their money to entice them to do things that
are beneficial to the politicians in power. The politicians do not want these young men
and women to share the nation’s wealth with them so they have kept the Nigerian youths
far away from things that can bring them to political limelight. The older generation
understand the power that
online media, marketing and voting can cause to older politicians so they will do
everything in their power to fight against policies that tend to include these
youthbased political tools.
The initial response given by this participant required another session to elucidate
meaning. The participant reiterated that his knowledge of the acts and tactics of
politicians has given him enough experience to know that without proper strategies and
formation of policies, the youth will never have place in politics. He confirmed that the
media is kept away from active youths who voice out on the issues affecting their
involvement in politics. The media is paid by politicians to distract the public from
progressive news while various acts bantering that tend to attract public attention are
being sponsor, to occupy the media space. This response aligned with UGT provides an
in-depth explanation of the rational motivation of why people use the media (Anaeto,
Onabanjo, & Osifeso, 2008). Another participant stated that corruption in Nigeria is
thickly grounded and will take very strict sanctions against perpetrators, to end the
practice. The participant stated,
Corruption is not only when public officers steal money from their Agencies.
When politicians pay votes to be counted in their favor, it is corruption. When the
103
media and press are paid to either spread news or keep news away from the
public once the act will be beneficial to their sponsors, it is also corruption. These
acts are deeply rooted in the nation and need very strict sanctions against the
perpetrators of these acts. With these negative acts in place, and no remedy
against them, the nation will only keep suffering in the hands of politicians who
have the money to ensure that it is only what they want that comes out in the
media.
One participant shared an experience involving the head of a state electoral commission
being paid millions of Naira to ensure that a candidate wins the state elections. The
participant stated,
No matter how much good publicity you put out in the media via newspaper and
television, it does not change the desires and the strategies of these older
politicians since they have the money to manipulate the stories that come out
through these media houses. It would have been different if these stories came out
online because people who do not fear the truth will come out to oppose deceitful
statements and posts that tend to mislead the public.
Another participant shared a different perspective highlighting the importance of
factoring in foreign observers that are saddled with much more responsibilities that
observing from a distance. She was of the opinion that powers should be given to foreign
observers, to participate in every electoral phase, including the disqualification of
candidates and the selection and monitoring of prospective candidates, which must
include a sizeable percentage of qualified youths. The participant stated,
104
Nigerian politicians and government will respect the opinions of foreign
observers who are empowered to carry out actions that may stop the oppression
of these corrupt politicians. This should include screening and selection of
qualified candidates, and publication of updates via online media, for opinions
and feedbacks from the public. The entire campaign and voting processes should
also be put up online for the youths to have the opportunity to vote for whom they
want without being oppressed.
Another participant stated,
The government should take out of those university professors used as election
commissioners in various states. These men seek favors from politicians and will
do anything to ensure that when these politicians come into power, they will
return their favors. Therefore, these men help the politicians to rig elections and
keep young men away from politics since they know that these young men are
more likely to ignore them if they gain political power.
Further sessions intended at gaining elucidation on interpretation did not provide
any new information. Participants believed that government should introduce other
policies that will allow the inclusion of youths, introduction of online publicity and
campaigns, and the incorporation of foreign observers saddled with powers to ensure
zero tolerance of corruption within the electoral process, beginning with the campaigning
phase. In line with the democratic-participant theory, which is a politico-media
philosophy, which stresses that the media is at its best if its access to stakeholders, is
105
democratized, participants showed that meaning acquired during the critique of political
norms, will help in developing functional strategies aimed at driving performance.
Emergent Theme Four: Youth Revolution
Theme 4 youth Revolution revealed that participants understanding of the
solutions for youth inclusion in politics and formation of policies to ensue online
participation in politics and voting, is ambiguous. Participants believed that what the
country needs to become aware of the fact that the Nigerian youths were extracted from
politics, is a revolution against the government. In their views, the government does not
accept dialog on issues regarding technological development in election processes and
the inclusion of youth in politics, for various reasons bothering on corruption and the
desire for the older politicians to hold on to power for as long as they are alive.
Participants believed that by coming together to disrupt public activities and halt
productive functions of the government, especially where revenue is generated for
government to function, they could create an avenue to bargain with government. They
also believed that they could achieve some of the things that may lead to a change in the
political scene, including youths and online processes to improve elections in Nigeria.
One participant mentioned that,
We the youths in Nigeria have been silent on our rights for too long and the older
politicians and government seem to be taking us for granted. The only language they
will understand is a revolution. The only way is to halt the activities in the nation until
the government listen to us and provide a platform where the youths can become
actively involved in politics and contribute meaningfully. Similarly, another participant
106
described how an understanding of various approaches to technological enhancement
might work in Nigeria. The participant stated, Technology and the new wave in the
society belong to the youths. We are knowledgeable and advanced in technology and
can use this in our advantage to win credible elections through voting by participants
who have all their voting rights and privileges intact. Though the older generation seem
scared of the fact
that youths will dominate the online space, voting via Twitter and other online
platforms will present many more, and genuine voters, which will in turn provide the best
candidate without a godfather that, will provide change in our society. Some participants
recognized the fact that technological advancement had changed the process of
campaigning and voting, as such, new ideas should be introduced to solve the problem of
political touts, godfathers and election fraud in Nigeria. As an example, one participant
stated,
The normal practice in Nigeria has been political oppression of candidates and
political parties that are in the opposition. In most cases, the stronger political
party in localized areas are in charge of the polling stations and the results as they
either physically assault the agents of the electoral commission or buy them over
with money. This cannot happen if an online process is introduced where
participants have the freedom, privacy and choice to select their preferred
candidate.
Participant knowledge about the subject was also based on experience as online
bloggers and media professionals. One participant recalled that,
107
Based on the experience gained from online voting done by events managers and
corporate organizations where the public votes for their choice candidate as
winners of a live game show, it is clear that the participants made the choices to
vote either by friendly negotiations or by choice. If a participant decides not to
vote for a candidate, he or she cannot be forced to. This means that the right for
every eligible voter to vote for a candidate of choice cannot be compromised.
One participant acknowledged that the Electoral Commission and the government
were prepared to commit millions of dollars to technological development towards the
electoral process in Nigeria. The participant stated,
Although it would have been a good, idea to invest into technological means to
improve elections and voting in Nigeria, this may be another opportunity for
government to divert government resources into the pockets of some particular
people. We have seen this before. The situation with the card readers bought by
the same Electoral Commission is a good example of this. Most of them did not
work but millions of dollars were paid out for this project.
Another participant stated,
In Nigeria, dialog does not result in anything progressive. We have done this too
many times. Sometimes, the government frustrates our efforts by bringing laws
that prevent us from expressing ourselves as youths. Other times, the politicians
let out their thugs with sophisticated weapons to apply deadly force on youths
that oppose their candidates. The only way out of this, and the way forward is to
revolt in numbers and take our future back in our hands finally.
108
No fresh details emerged during follow-up sessions meant to validate either
interview transcripts or themes development after data analysis. Participants voiced out
their views that a proper understanding of the framework of online voting, campaigning
and enlightenment will aid in the acceptance of more effective strategies to generate
expected results in electoral reforms through Twitter online voting
Emergent Subtheme One: Millennial Knowledge in Local Politics
The subtheme millennial knowledge in local politics emerged from participant’s
descriptions of their role performance during participation in politics and media coverage
in Nigeria. A shared perception held by the participants suggested that youths were not
given the opportunity to understand and practice politics in Nigeria, as such, they lack
experience. When asked of their inputs to the general efforts aimed at promoting youth
understanding of local politics and their participation, participants responded with the
following experiences;
Youths in Nigeria are always sidelined when it comes to politics and participation
in decisive roles concerning the electoral process. Now that technology has made
it easy for youths to learn anything online, most of us have educated ourselves to
understand that online voting and election process is the strongest and most
effective in terms of genuineness. You have the opportunity to vote for who you
want based on your findings of the candidates capabilities and intentions to
develop the nation.
Another participant acknowledged that the knowledge that the youths require for
politics is not such that must be obtained in an institution of higher learning since most of
109
the older politicians have been observed not to have attained such educational status. The
participant stated,
These older experienced politicians always make politics seems like something
that the youths cannot easily learn and understand. Although it is important to get
a formal education to be able to understand how to generate and work with
policies, it is important to note that the knowledge of politics can be gained by
experience or by research. Now, every form of knowledge is available online and
the youths are the champions of online information. This means that the youths
have more knowledge of global politics, which can be applied in the Nigerian
concept, to achieve development.
Emergent Subtheme Two: Barriers to Participation in Millennial Voting and
Politics
Subtheme two barriers to participation in millennial voting and politics emerged
as participants recounted their role in attempting to create policies that allow youths
participate freely, in politics. When asked the question about how twitter as one of the
social media platforms affected millennial in Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election,
participants stated that largely, it helped to generate support for preferred candidates but
that was the farthest it went. Responses offered captured mental discussions in the minds
of participants about their actions as individuals, and their behavior as players involved in
online politics and media.
One participant stated,
110
The best twitter involvement in the 2015 election did was to promote various
candidates to the public. In the past, it was difficult to promote candidates that
were not rich or popular, as rich and famous politicians would have bought off all
the media houses. This way, most voters do not know who other candidates are or
what they are capable of doing. This time, twitter helped to bring every candidate
out and expose him or her to the personal decisions of voters based on
information provided about them. This informed the personal choices of voters, at
least.
An interesting response was shared by one participant in response to a question
on the extent to which twitter and online participation affected millennial voter turnout
during the election. He stated,
Online participation and the physical participation are different. You may do all
your ground work online and attract voters to your candidate based on the
information you have given about him but that does not affect the turnout of
voters during the physical elections. Because youths have their online spaces to
themselves, they can decide on whom they want to vote for but that cannot help
the candidate to win an election.
The participant noted that discussions of this sort are necessary, important, and
will help readdress the focus of government, policy makers and politicians on the
electoral process in Nigeria. Finally, the last response to a probing question on what the
difference of online and live elections in Nigeria, the participant stated,
111
In Nigeria, there is nothing line online voting except for game shows. Of course
there is online campaigning for candidates but that is the limit your choice can get
to. Even if the entire youths chose a particular candidate and the number of
youths exceed the number of other voters, it does not guaranty the candidate
victory. It ends online because during the live voting; youths will be beating up,
killed and threatened so most of them would not come out to vote. Even when
voting is done, political touts take ballot boxes away. Where the ballot boxes are
left, the election officials are bribed to falsify results. These have defeated the aim
of credible elections.
In response to the question about voter apathy, a participant responded:
Online voting is the answer to the problems of rigging elections in Nigeria. Youth
voter and weaker candidates cannot be successful in electing the right candidate
in a free and fair election as long as voting is open and people are exposed to
thugs and political businesspersons. This is why many people do not come out to
vote.
Try creating a law enabling online voting and see the way voter’s turnout will
improve in Nigeria.
During member checking, participants confirmed the exactness of transcripts and
repeated concise versions of their initial responses, during the follow-up sessions. In
summary, participant believed that strong intervention efforts would positively affect the
consideration of full online voting during elections in Nigeria.
112
Emergent Subtheme Three: Lack of Required Resources to Create Positive Impact
The subtheme lack of required resources to create positive impact validates the
view that money is required to consolidate any plan, without which it will only remain a
plan on paper on in the mind. Participants understood the value of funding in promoting
a political career in Nigeria. This subtheme emerged following participants repeated
references to politicians, government and political parties having excess funds at their
disposal, to change the political game to suite themselves. Participants mentioned that
having sufficient funds to sponsor elections in Nigeria is one of the major components for
success.
One participant stated,
I have witnessed where people are lined up to vote for their choice of candidates
and that changes when politicians openly use money to buy their votes. In fact,
because of poverty, many hungry voters actually come out to sell their votes. If
the right people had, the funds required educating the youths that selling their
votes has a negative effect on their future, people would stop selling their votes
and elect the right candidates. In essence, money is required to educate and give
proper orientation to eligible voters.
For people to be in a position to give clear guidance to the youths, they must have
enough knowledge and experience. Participants agreed that finances should be set aside
to train electoral officials on online voting and electoral processes to allow voters the
exclusive right, opportunity and freedom to vote for their choice candidate. Another
participant stated emphatically,
113
What we need resources for it to set up a proper election process that involves
online voting. It is possible that it will be as successful as that of online game
shows where voting is transparent and the winner is clearly determined by the
number of votes. With this system put in place, voters cannot be coerced into
voting for candidates that are not their choice. For this to happen, a whole lot of
money is required for training, and for setting up the infrastructure to ensure the
success of millennial participation in politics, with privacy and freedom to vote
for any candidate.
Participant’s responses showed that resources are very relevant in setting
expectations to achieve success but should be achieved with proper knowledge,
experience, and understanding of the situation.
Emergent Subtheme Four: Professional Enhancement for Social Development
The emergence of this subtheme professional enhancement for social
development evolved from responses shared by participants about their role experience as
occupants of leadership positions responsible for policy formulation in Nigeria.
A participant said;
There is no way there can be any form of social development without professional
enhancement. The society can only be developed when there is an upgrade in
professional enlightenment and conduct.
Participants offered a collective commitment on the need for driving performance
and a clear understanding of their responsibilities over societal development. They agree
that vague understanding of their roles and obligations towards the society could
114
negatively affect the behavior and performance of the electorate and the voters alike. One
participant explained this during our interview,
The only way to move forward in a society is to provide professional
development. In regards to millennial participation and twitter voting, it is
imminent that various forms of development are required to step up the electoral
process. To do this the electoral commission should send their officials to
developed countries to learn and understand how things work in those countries.
Some countries have a working process for online voting for those who cannot
make the live voting process. Because the system works with well-educated
professionals, societal development will spring up.
Others noted that professionals in the field of elections and online voting should
be brought to Nigeria to study its peculiar situation, and solutions to its problems should
be proffered. One participant explained that,
Developed countries should be invited to study the political situation of this
country to analyze it properly and find solutions to the problems. Professional
enhancement cannot be over emphasized as one sure tool that is required for the
development of the Nigerian political scene, which should give rise to societal
development. There is no doubt that online voting and the inclusion of twitter in
elections is very vital. To make this work effectively, adequate training and
development is inevitable.
Participant’s with roles’ descriptions of their lived experiences revealed that
having outstanding understanding of the subject as well as a commitment to driving
115
performance, the only other tool required for success is the ability and capability to fulfill
their role performance activities. During member checking, participants who also agreed
with the interviews transcripts and themes development provided no further information.
Emergent Subtheme Five: Creation of Policies to Encourage Millennial
Participation in Politics
This subtheme creation of policies to encourage millennial participation in
politics emerged from responses participants offered, indicating that the development and
approval of policies that encourage youths to get active in politics will help them to be
more effective in their role performance. Participants expressed feelings of dissatisfaction
with the regular complaints of inability for change to occur without a new policy in place
to back the change. In agreement with UNDG (2017), theory of change provides
interventions that are expected to lead to a specific development change. Using the
available opportunities to create policies to change the electoral process and incorporate
youths into politics and development is at the peril of the policy makers who also form
part of the political parties.
A participant said,
The National Assembly is made up of members from various parties. The
problem in passing policies into law is that if a policy does not favor a particular
political party, it will be difficult for the House to accept it. The truth is that a lot
of us who are policy makers know that we need youth involved in politics. We are
also aware that online voting through twitter is a reliable, accountable, and
transparent way to vote. The problem with this is that it does not favor some
116
individuals and some political parties, as such; it will be difficult for such policies
to see the light of day.
In response to a follow-up question to clarify meaning, a participant elaborated
his point on voter apathy in the following way,
The power of online campaigns is actually stronger that the live campaigns where
you may be forced to vote for some candidate other thn yours, for particular
reasons. Online campaigns provide every voter the opportunity to know and trust
a particular candidate to deliver the promises of democracy, in the comfort of his
or her privacy. We may have to come up with policies that further protect voters
from the claws of crude politicians.
One more participant stated that,
The Electoral Commission is in charge of the technical operations of the electoral
process and may not need any law to introduce certain conditions into the
process. If the Commission introduces youth participation and online voting
mechanisms into the electoral process, I believe nobody is in the position to
oppose this decision as the Commission is empowered to carry out processes that
develop and promote the best standards of the election process.
Emergent Subtheme Six: Youth Coercion Resulting from Poverty
As poverty continues to loom in the country, it is difficult to determine how poor
voters can chose a candidate of their choice without the temptation of being offered
money in exchange for their franchise. The subtheme youth coercion resulting from
poverty emerged during participant’s responses about voting for the candidate of their
117
choice or if they are manipulated to vote for other candidates. Participants expressed
mixed feelings of frustration in having to choose a candidate who is not theirs, and
satisfaction in getting a temporary means of livelihood. One participant stated, You
cannot blame the poor for selling their votes to politicians. How else will they get money
to feed? Some of these people have no jobs and no means to even eat a meal in a day.
Selling their votes serves as a means to feed, and the government is to blame for this.
Sometimes, I think that the government is
intentionally subjecting the people to poverty so that they can be used during
elections as voting mercenaries, in exchange for money.
Another participant stated,
The masses collecting the money for their votes are not complaining about this
exchange but they are the same people that will later complain about bad
government and poverty amongst the youth. If there were active and genuine
youth empowerment programs that teach our youth’s self-empowerment it will be
very difficult to buy their votes since they will be looking at a bigger picture of
national development. The best solution to this however, is the online form of
election where nobody can be forced or coerced to vote for anyone. Since online
voting in a private affair, things will turn around in terms of the candidates that
are chosen. The fastest way I think this can happen is by including youths who
are versatile in internet operations and online activities, into politics and the
election process.
118
Emergent Subtheme Seven: The Need to Work with Reality
The subtheme the need to work with reality emerged as participants described
how Nigerians have still not realized the truth about the political situation in the nation
and how working and living in assumptions cannot move a nation forward. Some
participants felt that politicians in Nigeria have hijacked the nation and its polity, and as
such, the nation, the electoral process and the citizens will remain under their authority.
This appears to be true because the government and the politicians appear to be one body.
One participant stated,
As long as all the political appointees come from the ruling party and the
opposition parties are not strong enough, things will continue to go wrong with
the electoral system. The government is the same as the politicians and the
politicians have the masses under their control so what do you expect? It will
continue to be a revolving act except something happens to change this.
Other participants acknowledged that a drastic change in the political scene is
required as a solution to transform the voting ethics of the nation. One participant stated,
What we need in Nigeria is a revolution. That is the only way we can get the older
generation out of politics. They have failed us for 60 years, since we got our
independence. All the politicians since then have failed us as a nation. It is time to send
all of them home and allow the youths take over politics. This is the reality of the
situation. The system is so corrupt and fashioned in a way that can never change except a
drastic action is taken to recover our nation from the hands of these older politicians.
They cannot develop new policies to fight against corrupt electoral practices; nobody has
119
been convicted for election fraud, and so on. As long as these things and these people are
still in place, Nigeria has no hope when it comes to politics. We need a real revolution.
Discrepant Cases
All participants appreciatively responded to interview questions, they provided
useful details on their roles and activities regarding millennial voting and the use of
twitter in Nigerian elections. All participants were cooperative and responded to all
interview questions. During the interview records reviews, one discrepant case where the
participant response was considerably different from the responses of others was
recognized. The participant felt that he was entitled to sell his votes to make money for
himself, and did not see anything wrong with that. He insisted that if he was a politician,
he will also engage in buying votes. His point was that this is the Nigeria he met and so
he is not interested in changing anything as long as it works for him.
Responses from the other three participants to the interview questions on their
experiences and knowledge were described as either staggering or unacceptable.
Amazingly, one participant offered no precise experience even after further probing
during the interview. Her position offered her no first-hand experience in the subject,
which explained her inability to share experiences of precise instances relating to twitter
voting and millennial participation in elections.
The Essence of Participants Experience
The focus of participant’s involvement is to describe the meanings participants
ascribed resulting from actual accounts of their roles with the issue. This account offers a
mixture of the documented and physical participant descriptions regarding their
120
experiences. Participants comprised politicians, bloggers, youth leaders, media
practitioners, and political scientists and analysts shared stories related to their role
perceptions, role behaviors, and role performance within the perspective of millennial
participation in voting, using twitter as a platform.
Their beliefs, feelings, and thoughts about their role in electoral processes, good
knowledge, understanding of their role also in online voting and millennial participation
in elections were shared to help set clear expectations, identify fruitless and threatening
activities, and ensure intervention can be achieved with necessary support (Schalow et
al., 2013). Sharing their experiences therefore, will highlight most of the flaws that may
have been concealed from authorities because of fear of being attacked by political
opponents or touts. This in turn, may be addressed, resulting in positive impacts that
would be significantly enhanced, yielding increased levels of performance by the
officials of government electoral commissions across the nation.
Each participant understood that changes in the electoral process required
developing laws and passing them into law by legislative though some claim that
executive orders are sufficient to draw up guidelines for the commission to operate. In
addition, participants viewed the mitigation of electoral malpractices from a performance
perspective, combining observation with verbal persuasion. Having a personal
commitment to driving performance and an understanding of the responsibility for
controlling electoral malpractices as well as enforcing the guidelines for operation as
recommended by the electoral body, be essential for all officials assigned to this task.
121
In conclusion, participants viewed an understanding developing antidotes for
corrupt practices during elections, along with labor development and the provision of
laws as well as adequate and necessary training, as useful enhancers for performance and
effectiveness.
Summary
In Chapter 4, an account of the research setting, participant demographics,
participant recruitment, data collection, data analysis process, and evidence of methods
used to ensure trustworthiness were presented. Details of the data analysis results used to
reveal the meaning participants attributed to their roles was also provided. This chapter
also contains details of the thematic development process used to derive the essences of
participant experiences offered, and a discrepant case identified during data analysis was
discussed. In Chapter 5, details of how the results of the study contribute to the body of
knowledge is given. The chapter includes facts on the study’s limitations and its impact
on trustworthiness. Chapter 5 concludes with recommendations for future research and
implications of the study from a social change perspective.
122
Chapter 5: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations
Introduction
This chapter provides a review of the study’s purpose, methods, and results. The
theoretical framework’s effect on the interpretation method from a post-data analysis
perspective is also discussed. Details of the study’s limitations and trustworthiness are
enclosed in this chapter. The chapter is concluded with recommendations for further
research and a discussion of the influence of the study from a social change viewpoint.
Overview
This study explored the lived experiences of bloggers, media practitioners,
politicians, and political scientists to understanding how millennial participation and
Twitter voting affected the 2015 presidential elections in Nigeria. The decision to conduct
this study was informed by the need to apply other measures to enable a free and fair
election in Nigeria through youth participation. The study specifically focused on
millennial participation in elections and the impact of online voting via Twitter during the
2015 presidential elections in Nigeria.
I used a qualitative research process, applying a phenomenological method to
unravel knowledge. Qualitative research presents a comprehensive framework that allows
for detailed examination of complex issues related to a lived experience (Khan, 2014).
The quantitative method was not ideal for providing an accurate interpretation of
participants’ lived experiences and an extensive description of the issue (Yilmaz, 2013).
This study leads the research effort to discover the effects of Twitter and youth
participation in politics during 2015 presidential election in Nigeria, using theoretical
123
frameworks that pull from the democratic-participant theory and UGT. Existing research
on online election practices focused on the impact of online voting on elections. This study
stretches the knowledge on millennial participation in politics and the election process
while using Twitter as an online voting mechanism, with a goal towards developing
workable and more effective approaches for youth participation with online techniques.
Interpretation of the Findings
A descriptive phenomenologist aims at recounting the significant and meaningful
issues found within the rich textual data derived from participant responses (Giorgi,
2012). In Chapter 2, current research studies focusing largely on the impact of millennial
participation in voting via Twitter during the 2015 presidential elections in Nigeria were
discussed. Regarding the research question that focused on the ways Twitter as a social
media platform defined participation of millennial in promoting voter turnout and
addressing voter apathy, the outcomes of this study helped unfold knowledge on the roles
of all stakeholders involved in politics in Nigeria and develop workable strategies to be
used in the electoral process.
Grass-Root Level Media’s democratic-participant theory developed in the 1960s
(Bajracharya, 2018) and Elihu Katz’s UGT developed in the 1970s (Shao, 2009; Folarin,
1998). Together, they served as instruments for regulating the data collection plan and
unravelling information during data analysis. Reviewing the impact of millennial
participation on elections requires a constant process of periodic monitoring of various
elections as well as the media, continuous research and interviews with stakeholders, and
thoughtful consideration and analysis of ideas.
124
The results provide an opening through which other researchers can understand
reasons behind the neglect of youths from participation in politics, the inclusion of online
voting techniques in the Nigerian electoral process, and ways through which Twitter can
enhance voter apathy in Nigeria. This study proves that though youths may have been
involved in politics and taking part in the conventional voting process, their rights to
choose their own candidates may have been violated due to corrupt practices and forceful
coercion. It also showed that the online voting process would allow more millennial
voters participate in elections since the process is not exposed to touts, and it is easy for
voters to select their candidates in the comfort of their privacy. The participants shared
their perceptions on their roles, experiences, and performances within the context of
millennial participation in politics in Nigeria.
The main findings of this study helped identify the significance of the roles of
stakeholders involved in the Nigerian electoral process and the strategies required to
transform the political arena of the nation, including millennial participation and online
voting, especially with the aid of Twitter. Primarily, four key components resulting in the
failure of the past and present electoral process were identified. The themes summarizing
the flaws related to this include understanding millennial participation and online voting,
government collaboration, corruption, and youth revolution.
In all, seven subthemes emerged, representing the different elements of
participants’ experiences: millennial knowledge in local politics, barriers to participation
in millennial voting and politics, lack of required resources to create positive impact,
professional enhancement for social development, creation of policies to encourage
125
millennial participation in politics, youth coercion resulting from poverty, and the need to
work with reality. The findings support the view that most youths stay away from politics
and voting due to various reasons including fear of being attacked by thugs of political
opponents and fear of being forced to vote for other candidates against their wishes. It
also indicates that online voting provides privacy and confidence for voters, as well as a
right to vote for a candidate of choice.
The first theme, understanding millennial participation and online voting, was the
most significant because of the need to assess the level of understanding of the youths
regarding politics and voting online and create a link between knowledge and the need
for their participation. The results of this study highlighted the inexperience of youths
regarding politics. They also showed the benefits of introducing an online voting
platform, including larger voter turnout resulting from increased privacy. The role of
youths in politics in Nigeria involves responsibilities that warrant critical attention from
all the arms of government, with a view to revising laws for inclusion and protection of
youths in politics. The results revealed that youths had a very low sense of involvement,
as most of them believed that politics was for the wealthier and older generation.
The second theme, government collaboration, proved to be vital for the success of
national decision-making. This indicates that government is required to pull all its
resources (human and material) to intervene in and supervise the electoral process to
ensure credibility. Participants complained of government neglect and its support for
politicians. The various arms of government have their parts to play in the electoral
process. Laws have to be passed to ensure that the electoral process is strengthened by a
126
legal backing. To ensure compliance with these laws, punitive measures have to be put in
place by the government to discourage lawbreakers and miscreants from taking laws into
their hands. In addition, executives have to ensure that they appropriately prepare for
credible elections, which must include training of electoral agency permanent and
temporary staff.
The theme of corruption showed a disturbing concern that negatively affects the
electoral process. Bamidele et al. (2013) confirmed that corruption deters the
development of a society and destroys its citizens even in the midst of wealth. This study
proved that corruption by politicians, public officers, and even the youth who gladly
expose themselves to corruption because of its benefits to them, all contribute to the
deterioration in the electoral system in Nigeria. For this to change, stern measures must
be taken to discourage the youths from being corrupted, and to ensure that the wealth of
politicians and corrupt government officials have no place in the determination of
elections in Nigeria.
The theme youth revolution confirmed the thoughts of the youths in Nigeria
regarding revolting against the government to attempt to change certain situations in
Nigeria. Recently, Nigerians went on rampage on the streets, requesting for reforms.
Their actions had an image of what participants expressed during the interview,
signifying their plans to take over their place in the Nigerian political scene. While the
youths plan to take back their political positions in Nigeria, data from this study shows
that majority of the youths in Nigeria are contented with making money from the older
politicians. A few of them are bent on bringing a change in Nigeria but have a problem
127
with strategically executing their plans, as evident by the failure in the October 2020
Nigeria youth revolution carried out by youths, to address and attempt to change some
major policies that affect the youth in Nigeria directly. In engaging government with such
revolution, the youths must be equipped with sufficient knowledge and experience
through consultancy and professional training, and must hire strategists and professional
mediators to assist them with rational negotiations and operating guidelines to achieve
success.
The subtheme millennial knowledge of local politics revealed the importance of
knowledge in the Nigerian political arena and its usefulness in aiding to develop the
electoral process. Lack of understanding the political scene may hinder the provision of
solutions to mitigate the problems being encountered. The major issues with this are
knowledge that there are political godfathers who control the parties to bring out
candidates of their choice; the strongest party in terms of rigging, funding and violence
determines results. Knowledge of these will help in a strategic solution to avoid and
prevent such filthy political practices. Understanding the political scene also positions the
youth in a place where he or she may have to choose which way to go. This may either
redirect a focused youth to do the right thing or join the corrupt majority.
The subtheme barriers to participation in millennial voting and politics depicts
participant’s beliefs there are solid forces behind the prevention of youths in Nigeria from
participating in politics. Several forces who are older politicians have cabals that have
hijacked the political scene and will do everything to prevent youths from participation as
they prefer to hold on to power for as long as they live. Based on this, the authorities
128
have created a position for the youths to be impoverished, to depend on the older
politicians for means of livelihood especially in form of handouts or fees for touting
during elections.
The subthemes lack of required resources to create positive impact confirmed
findings that indicated direct expectations are required to meet specific goals. Data
collected proved that most elections are rigged with heavy financial input provided by
older politicians whereas, the youths have no resources to even provide a sane political
atmosphere conducive for modern elections using online voting. This subtheme therefore
suggests that for education of youths to develop their capacity to build a strong political
front, for modern election processes to be put in place, and for the political scene to be
void of all forms of touting and electoral malpractices, financial, human and educative
resources must be made available.
Professional enhancement for social development, one of the subthemes that
emerged during data analysis, is an important part of equipping youths to occupy the
position they crave for in the political scene. For a society to be developed, professional
enhancement is required to continue the transformation of the lives of humans with
increasing levels of integration into the day-to-day functioning. Training is needed to
build up the youths and innovations in voting need to be introduced to promote the
credibility of the electoral system. These enhancements include development and
adoption of the online voting system as a legal voting method in Nigeria, beginning from
the campaigning phase to the election proper. This will allow voters know and choose
candidates of their choices without interferences. It is the responsibility of every
129
government to engage in enhancement in this area, through strategic planning to ensure
they achieve social development through creditable elections.
The subtheme creation of policies to encourage millennial participation in politics
emerged after participant responses suggesting that policies must be put in place for any
change to occur in the election process. For there to be a legal inclusion of youths where
a percentage of youths must be included in political benefits, a law must be passed to this
effect. For online voting to be adopted as an authentic means of voting, laws must be
passed, and to ensure strict compliance of these innovations, laws must also be passed. In
summary, this subtheme implies that government, its officials and agents, legislatives,
and the judiciary must put heads together to see as an obligation to the nation, the
development of laws to provide political sanity in Nigeria.
Youth coercion resulting from poverty was the next subtheme that emerged
during data analysis. Due to poverty in Nigeria, it is easy to coerce the youths to do dirty
jobs for politicians. Where a political party is losing, the youths are sent to snatch ballot
boxes and create chaos to dislodge the election process. All these are for stipends. As
long as the youths can be positively engaged to make the offers from politicians
unattractive, and they have a vision for a society free of social decadence resulting from
their actions in fighting against election malpractices, a formidable political opening for
the youths can be created.
The last subtheme, the need to work with reality explains the political norms that
have been deeply rooted in the nation. There has to be an understanding and acceptance
of the reality before steps are taken to mitigate the effects of a corrupt society and its
130
political scene. With these facts in place, it is more convenient to proffer solutions based
on reality; otherwise, it may be difficult to understand the developments that may enable
the practical advancement of new strategies concerning the issue. In general, working
with reality presents the opportunities for a combination of active and sensitive
approaches to mitigation.
Limitations of the Study
A major limitation resulted from the sampling strategy, as the perception of
sampled participants may not represent the opinion of all online voters in Nigeria, which
may limit replicability of the study. The global pandemic situation, which resulted in the
use of telephone interviews as the primary method for data collection, resulted in a
shortfall since a lot of prompting questions to get deeper understanding was avoided
because of inability to observe facial and body language of participants. This limitation
was however addressed by triangulating data sources and merging interview data with
data from interview notes, and reflective journals.
It is important to note that all the participants have had no direct contact with me
either as friends or as colleagues in any capacity, and as such, there was no unwarranted
pressure exercised on them to influence the interviews. In my honest view, they gave true
and truthful responses, as their transcripts did not provide more positive information
when compared with those of the other participants. In addition, I did not encounter any
challenge regarding undue familiarity that may have prejudiced the neutrality of
responses during the period of my assignation with all participants. However, during the
131
pre-selection phase, two participants who indicated their interests to participate were well
known to me. These participants were however, eliminated from participation.
Recommendations
This study is focused on gaining an understanding of the effects of millennial
participation in politics and election and its effects on voter apathy, especially at the 2015
presidential elections in Nigeria. The interest in exploring the issue stemmed from the
failure of politicians and government to include youths in politics, and for the youths
themselves to establish a political frontier with workable modern strategies that register
strong voter apathy. The results of this study therefore, have provided recommendations
that can be used in Nigeria or as a template for use in other developing countries where
voters, especially the youth, are exploited.
First, it is important that the general population has an understanding of how
voting can be positively affected by certain changes and measures. A large number of
citizens have lost hope in the political system in Nigeria and prefer to sit at home rather
than participate in voting. Because of this, the government should work towards changing
this negative perspective through voter and citizen’s awareness programs aimed at
enlightening the public on the changes that are to occur in the electoral process, that
safeguard voters, protect them from political opponents and provide privacy to exercise
their franchise of voting without interference. These can be achieved by promoting
public awareness through television programs and documentaries that can be distributed
via various means of broadcasting such as the internet, journals, the radio and television.
132
Because one of the reasons why the youths are being taken advantage of is
poverty, and the youths see an opportunity in making a living through their assistance of
politician in carrying out election fraud, touting, and violence against political opponents,
it is paramount that poverty must be eliminated to avoid reoccurrences. This can be
achieved by creating youth empowerment programs to develop youths in various
vocations, and providing them with opportunities to be positively engaged so as not to be
enticed by the financial gains attached to political fraud and violence which selfish
politicians use them to accomplishing. This strategy has been tried and tested in other
parts of Nigeria and have proved to be effective.
Policies to include youth participation in active politics must be created and
passed as law. Without a law guiding this and protecting the rights of youths to
participate actively in politics, the older politicians will continue to sideline the youths.
The number of youths, their age bracket as well as the slots allocated to youths per local
government and constituency must be stated in other to ensure their inclusion. With this,
specific youths must be sort and very well prepared to occupy certain political offices, to
contribute their quota of service to their society. Of course, this will increase the number
of youth voters participating in subsequent elections, and the mode of voting can improve
through youth inputs.
The political tools used in terms of technology and work force must also be
upgraded. More modern ways of carrying out elections must be introduced to include an
online electoral process leading to voting and collation of results. This method has
proved to be effective with other events utilizing the online voting system and will
133
provide privacy and confidence for young voters. As they have previously been taken
advantage of by politicians and their touts, and have stayed away from politics because of
this, it is important that this technology, which allows youths to make their decisions, and
exercise their voting rights privately, be put in place to upgrade the election process in
Nigeria.
Quality control must also be put in place to ensure that all the changes as well as
the issues that are addressed remain in place and in top standards and conditions. In
Nigeria, quality control for projects such as election have never been taken seriously. It is
therefore strongly advised that a law enforcement body should be set up to monitor strict
compliance of all these election and electoral upgrades to maintain standards. The body
should comprise of mainly the military (a combination of the Army, Navy and Air
Force), operatives from the Department of State Service (DSS), operatives from the
Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and officials from the Independent
National Electoral Commission (INEC). These operatives must be given special
orientation on the new laws and process which they have been chosen to protect, and
must be told of the consequences involved with aiding any politician or election official
to breach the set regulations.
Strict punitive measures must also be set for defaulters of the laws governing
elections in Nigeria. Nigeria is a country where people take advantage of the government
at its laws if there are no measures to curb the citizens. It is necessary therefore, that very
strict punitive measures are taken, and the first defaulters are used as scapegoats to
discourage others from attempting to break laws governing the election process.
134
As defined in Chapter 1, the limitations of this study offer prospects for further
research, using an alternative research approach or research instrument to gain a different
viewpoint of the issue. Prospective researchers may collect data using a case study
research design to achieve deeper understanding of the issue, through interviewing and
observation. Addition of observation to the researcher’s data collection plan may raise the
identification of observable elements excluded from this study and the researcher would
be granted an opportunity to test the theoretical assumptions of this study, using a case
study design.
Another opening for future research is the use of a quantitative design to further
discover the relationships between maintaining situational awareness as regards the
performance of youths, the electoral process, and the politicians and government of
Nigeria. Quantitative research methods are dedicated to defining the link between
variables in a population, uncovering the nature of the variables, and making
justifications about knowledge.
The third opportunity for future research involves taking a closer look at the
barriers hindering the effectiveness of upgraded tools used for elections, such as online
voting and the laws created for youth inclusion, to uncover possible ways to resolve any
challenge that may be discovered to be associated with them. An ethnographic research
design may aid the engagement of the researcher within the target populations’
environment, to gain direct insight of the issue while another opportunity for future
research may involve carrying out a research to gain understanding on the related
peculiarities.
135
Implications
This study offers answers to the research question; giving the wider scope of
interest on millennial participation in politics in Nigeria, the use of online platforms,
especially twitter to build youth support as well as the overall organizational efforts
aimed at solving the problems associated with voting and politics in Nigeria, as it affects
the youths. The results provide some contributions to the research literature on the
electoral process in Nigeria, stressing the need for the government, policy makers, the
youths, and other stakeholders to think through redefining their functions. The results
further submit that all the stakeholders involved in the electoral process, along with the
youths of the nation, all have roles to play in achieving a well-developed political arena
with upgraded election machinery and youth inclusion in politics.
Significance to Practice
Until lately, elections have been focused on the conventional style of physical
presence at polling stations to cast votes and count them to generate results. This study
however focused on the effects of millennial participation in voting via twitter and voter
apathy as a whole, by weighing participant’s perceptions about their experiences. The
effect of this study is therefore significant to practice, as they illuminate various
strategies that can be useful in increasing an improved understanding of the efforts put
together to provide a well-managed and successful political society. Identifying,
assigning and applying important roles in election activities could help facilitate the
development of clearer definitions of politics in Nigeria, and can be used as a model for
other developing countries.
136
Significance to Theory
This research focused on twitter and millennial participation in voting during
Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election. Using theoretical framework, and drawing from the
democratic-participant, and uses and gratification theories heightened the novelty of the
study. Collectively, the two theories enabled a deeper understanding of the symbolic
meaning players of politics in Nigeria established about their role in adopting operative
strategies in conducting successful elections through effective electoral processes. It also
clarified the meaning they attributed to availing productive criticism and sufficient
resources for the human, technological and material development of the electoral process
and its stakeholders, and how that knowledge affects their roles.
The target population of the study was politicians, bloggers, political scientists,
youth leaders, and media practitioners, agents of the electoral commission, and policy
makers that participate in the Nigerian electoral process. Though some research is
available on politics, elections and the social media (De Wet, et al, 1974), they have
essentially been conducted on a perspective of the effects of social media on politics
rather than on twitter and millennial voting and its effects on voter apathy as their focus,
as is the case in this study.
The result of this study offers a window through which other researchers can
understand impacts, choices, and characteristics related to upgrading the electoral process
in Nigeria. Its significance to theory is based on its ability to offer new knowledge that
can help all stakeholders involved in twitter and millennial voting, generate and develop
strategies for implementation.
137
Significance to Social Change
The participants involved in this study were professionals in various fields related
to media, politics and information technology. This study offers ways through which
elections can be upgraded in Nigeria, and ways through which election malpractices can
be addressed. Deficiency in the Nigerian education system, minimized intellectual
experience, poverty and the lack of socio-economic opportunities, particularly to the
youths, are major reasons why politicians find it easy to coerce and manipulate younger
voters. The results of this study indicates that education and youth empowerment are
basic necessities required to enlighten and educate the youths to understand rudimentary
social tenets that will prevent them from being manipulated and bullied by politicians and
their thugs. Empowerment programs to positively engage the youths for self-reliance, and
to discourage them from being used as political touts as a means of livelihood is highly
significant for social change. With these, the nation will be a safer place, and the
economy will improve through local and foreign investors, promoting improvement in
the country’s socioeconomic position. My results also, should further thicken the
knowledge of stakeholders on the role each of them play in mitigating the election and
political flaws in Nigeria.
Conclusion
Nigeria has witnessed decades of political trauma since its independence in 1960.
The electoral system has passed through several transformations without visible results.
138
This has resulted to actions of electoral malpractices, touting and outright fraud being
carried out by politicians and their crony’s, which include officials of the nation’s
electoral regulatory body.
In Nigeria today, it is common to have political cabals with godfathers who assign
power to whoever they are pleased with, in other to continue generating revenue for
themselves, as a benefit for the favor offered to whomever they choose to be in power.
For this reason, these politicians do anything possible to achieve their plans. This may
result in murders and assassinations, removal of decent public officers from positions of
authority and replacement of these decent officials with corrupt public officials loyal to
the political parties and cabals. Of course, the reason is to ensure that the selected
candidates are successfully positioned in their various offices.
Although the government set up different law enforcement agencies that are
meant to monitor the operations of the electorate, there are no strict laws and
repercussions for politicians and their agents who violate political and election ethics.
This suggests that there has to be a revision and addition of existing strategies in the
electoral process, to augment existing strategies to improve its effectiveness and enhance
overall performance (Kataria, Rastogi, & Garg, 2013). It was therefore essential, to look
into the facts of why the political scene in Nigeria has been polluted. In addition, it was
necessary to know how it can be remedied with innovations in technology as well as
policies that may help in youth inclusion and in protecting the voters by providing safety
and privacy to exercise their rights to vote for candidates of their choices. Following the
findings of this study, it is okay to admit that most of the problems being faced in the
139
Nigerian political arena are caused by politicians, the government and even youths
themselves, though the government should take the largest share of the blame. Severe
corruption, lack of exposure and experience among the youths, lack of knowledge of
fundamental rights of voters, and lack of an upgrade in the electoral process are some of
the findings that this study has made regarding the failure of the Nigerian political
system.
This study explored twitter and millennial participation in voting during Nigeria’s
2015 presidential elections, and the roles as well as the experiences of stakeholders, in
achieving a credible election process. The study showed that Nigeria has great potentials
in reforming the system if the government is dedicated to these reforms, which, from
results of the study, can bring a total positive turnaround to politics in Nigeria. The results
of this study deliver several contributions to the research literature on youth, social media
and politics, supporting the need for stakeholders to reflect on redefining their attitude to
the political problem in Nigeria.
References
Adedokun, D. D. (2014). Mentoring, leadership behaviors, and career success, of
African American female faculty and administrators in higher education.
(Publication No. ED566201) [Doctoral dissertation, Capella University]. ERIC.
https://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED566201
140
Adu, P. (2016, August 8). Step-by-step process of conducting qualitative analysis using
NVivo 11. https://www.slideshare.net/kontorphilip/stepbystep-process-
ofconducting-qualitative-analysis-using-nvivo-11
Agaigbe, F. M. (2019). Voter apathy and voter turnout in the 2015 general elections: The
Benue state experience.
https://www.inecnigeria.org/wpcontent/uploads/2019/02/Conference-Paper-by-
Faeran-Agaigbe.pdf
Akinyemi, T. E. (2019). The international community and Nigeria’s 2019 elections.
Social Science Research Council. https://kujenga-
amani.ssrc.org/2019/02/15/theinternational-community-and-nigerias-2019-
elections/
Anaeto, S. G., Onabanjo, O. S., & Osifeso, J. B. (2008). Models and theories of
communication. African Renaissance Books Incorporated.
Andolina, M. W., Jenkins, K., Keeter, S., & Zukin, C. (2002). Searching for the meaning
of youth civic engagement: Notes from the field. Applied Developmental Science,
6(4), 189-195. doi: 10.1207/S1532480XADS0604_5
Anstead, N., & Chadwick, A. (2008). Parties, election campaigning, and the internet. In
A. Chadwick & P. N. Howard (Eds.), The Routledge handbook of internet politics
(pp. 56-71). Routledge.
https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9780203962541/chapters/10.4324/978020
3962541-12
141
Aust, F., Diedenhofen, B., Ullrich, S., & Musch, J. (2013). Seriousness checks are useful
to improve data validity in online research. Behavior Research Methods (Online),
45, 527-535. doi:10.3758/s13428-012-0265-2
Badru, F. A. (2005). Patriarchy and constraints of democratic political space of women in
Nigeria. Unilag Journal of Politics, 2(1), 77–101.
Bamidele, T. B., Joseph, A. I. & Oresajo, A. L. (2013). Corruption in Nigeria: An
impediment to achieving the millennium development goals. Journal of
Economics and Sustainable Development, 4(1).
Baran, S. J., & Davis, D. K. (2012). Mass communication theory: Foundations, ferment,
and future. Wadsworth.
Basit, T. (2003). Manual or electronic? The role of coding in qualitative data analysis.
Educational Research, 45(2), 143-154. doi:10.1080/0013188032000133548
Baskerville, R. (2014). Rigour. In D. Coghlan & M. Brydon-Miller (Eds.), The Sage
encyclopedia of action research (Vol. 2, pp. 691-692). Sage.
doi:10.4135/9781446294406.n305
Bauerlein, M., & Walesh, S. G. (2008). The dumbest generation: How the digital age
stupefies young Americans and jeopardizes our future. Leadership and
Management in Engineering, 9(2). doi:10.1061/(ASCE)1532-6748(2009)9:2(100)
Beckett, S. (1987). Brief dream. Journal of Beckett Studies, 1(1-2), 3.
doi:10.3366/jobs.1992.1.1-2.4 saturation
Bendassolli, P. F. (2013). Theory building in qualitative research: Reconsidering the
problem of induction. Forum: Qualitative Social Research, 14(1). doi:
10.17169/FQS-14.1.1851
142
Benkler, Y. (2006). The wealth of networks: How social production transforms markets
and freedom. Yale University Press.
Berdychevsky, L., & Gibson, H. J. (2015). Phenomenology of young women’s sexual
risk-taking in tourism. Tourism management, 46, 299-310.
doi:10.1016/j.tourman.2014.07.008
Blais, A., & Loewen, P. (2009). Youth electoral engagement in Canada. Vasa, 1–26.
http://medcontent.metapress.com/index/A65RM03P4874243N
Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Prentice-Hall.
Blumler, J. G., &Mcquail, D. (1969). Television in politics: Its uses and influence.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Boulianne, S. (2009). Does internet use affect engagement? A meta-analysis of research.
Political Communication, 26(2), 193-211, doi: 10.1080/10584600902854363
Boulianne, S. (2015). Social media use and participation: A meta-analysis of current
research. Information, Communication & Society, 18(5), 524-538, doi:
10.1080/1369118X.2015.1008542
Boyte, H. (2004). Everyday politics: Reconnecting citizens and public life. University of
Pennsylvania press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt3fj16v
Brod, M., Tesler, L. E., & Christensen, T. L. (2009). Qualitative research and content
validity: developing best practices based on science and experience. Quality of
Life Research, 18(9), 1263-1278. doi:10.1007/s11136-009-9540-9
Brou, E. Y. (2012). Twitter: The most used hashtags in Côte d’Ivoire. Edith’s web news.
http://www.lactuwebdedith.com/2012/01/twitter-les-hashtagles-lus-utilises.html
143
Bruns, A. & Burgess, J. (2012). Researching news discussion on twitter. Journalism
studies. 13(5-6), 1-14. doi:10.1080/1461670x.2012.664428.
Bruns, A, and Burgess J. (2012). Notes towards the scientific study of public
communication on Twitter.
http://snurb.info/files/2012/Notes%20towards%20the%20Scientific%20Study%2
0of%20Public%20Communication%20on%20Twitter.pdf
Burchett, H. D., Mayhew, S. H., Lavis, J. N., &Dobrow, M. J. (2013). When can research
from one setting be useful in another? Understanding perceptions of the
applicability and transferability of research.Health Promotion International, 28,
418-430. doi:10.1093/heapro/das026
Campbell, A., Gurin, D., and Miller, W.E. (1954). The voter decides. New York: Row,
Peterson, and Company.
Campbell, W.J. (2004). 1897: American Journalism’s Exceptional Year. Journalism
History, 29(4). doi: org/10.1080/00947679.2004.12062636
Campbell, M., Stylianou, A. C., & Shropshire, J. (2016). The impact of attitudinal factors
on intention to report workplace Internet abuse. Journal of Information Privacy
and Security, 12, 68-83. doi:10.1080/15536548.2016.1160677
Carpini, M., &Keeter, S. (1996). What Americans know about politics and why it
matters. New Haven, London: Yale University Press.
Chan, M., &Guo, J. (2013). The role of political efficacy on the relationship between
Facebook use and participatory behaviors: A comparative study of young
144
American and Chinese adults. Cyberpsychology.
http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2016.08.19
Chan, Z. C., Fung, Y. L., & Chien, W. T. (2013). Bracketing in phenomenology: only
undertaken in the data collection and analysis process? The Qualitative Report,
18(30), 1-9. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/tqr/vol18/iss30/1
Cleary, M., Horsfall, J., &Hayter, M. (2014). Data collection and sampling in qualitative
research: does size matter? JAN Leading Global Nursing Research. 70(3) 473-
475. doi: org/10.1111/jan.12163
Cloud, D. (2010) Voter apathy: Definitions, statistics and causes
Communication Theory/Uses and Gratifications. (2020, August 28). Wikibooks, the free
textbook project.
https://en.wikibooks.org/w/index.php?title=Communication_Theory/Uses_and_G
ratifications&oldid=3718204.
Colaizzi, P. (1978). Psychological research as a phenomenologist views It.
http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/26984/1/Morrow et al.pdf
Collier, P and Vicente, P. C (2010).Votes and violence: Evidence from a field experiment
in Nigeria. Centre for the Study of African Economies (CSAE).
doi:org/10.1111/ecoj.12109
Compete (2009). Snapshot of twitter.com. Retrieved from:
http://siteanalytics.compete.com/twitter.com/?metric=u
Creswell, J. W. (2013). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five
approaches (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.
145
doi.org/10.1177/1524839915580941
Dahlgren, P. (2009). Media and political engagement: Citizens, communication, and
democracy. New York: Cambridge University Press.
D’Angelo, M. C., Milliken, B., Jiménez, L., & Lupiáñez, J. (2013). Implementing
flexibility in automaticity: Evidence from context-specific implicit sequence
learning. Consciousness and Cognition, 22, 64-81.
doi:10.1016/j.concog.2012.11.002
Danjibo, N. & Oladeji, A. (2007). Vote buying in Nigerian elections: An assessment of
the 2007 general elections [Special Issue]. Journal of African Elections,
6(2), 180–200.
Davis, R. (1999). The web of politics: The internet’s impact on the American political
system. New York: Oxford University
DeCuir-Gunby, J., Marshall, P. & McCulloch, A. (2011). Developing and using a
codebook for the analysis of interview data: An example from a professional
development research project. Sage Journals.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1525822X10388468 .
DeFelice, D., & Janesick, V. J. (2015). Understanding the marriage of technology and
phenomenological research: From design to analysis. The Qualitative Report,
20(10), 1576-1593. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/tqr/vol20/iss10/3
De Wet, G. L., Olivier, G. C., & Nieuwoudt, C. F. (1974). The predictability of general
election trends on the basis of by‐election results in South Africa, Politikon, 1:2,
4-13, DOI: 10.1080/02589347408704666
146
Dhaha, I. S. Y., &Igale, A. B. (2013). Facebook usage among Somali youth: A test of uses
and gratifications approach. International Journal of Humanities and Social
Science, 3(3), 299–313
Diamond, A. (2012). Activities and programs that improve children’s executive functions.
Current directions in psychological science. 21(5), 335–341.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721412453722
DiCicco‐Bloom, B., & Crabtree, B. F. (2006). The qualitative research interview.
Medical Education, 40(4), 314-321. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2929.2006.02418.x
Dong, Q., Toney, J., &Giblin, P. (2010). Human communication. Pacific and Asian
Communication Association.
https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rj
a&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwjveP18PDlAhXhT98KHQODA_wQFjAAegQIBBAB
&url=https%3A%2F%2Fpdfs.semanticscholar.org%2F3c7e%2F57a0f58baedb17
30d189f6e968f33ed84213.pdf&usg=AOvVaw0EAx54uwAGPjA9KsiPpi_c
Doody, O., & Noonan, M. (2013). Preparing and conducting interviews to collect data.
Nurse Researcher, 20, 28-32. doi:10.7748/nr2013.05.20.5.28.e327
Driscoll, K. & Shawn, W. (2014). Working within a black box: Transparency in the
collection and production of big twitter data. International Journal of
Communication 8:1745Ð1764. Google scholar.
Effing, R., Van Hillegersberg, J., &Huibers, T. W. C. (2011). Social media and political
participation: Are Facebook, Twitter and YouTube democratizing our political systems?
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-23333-3_3
147
Elliott, T., & Earl, J. (2018). Online protest participation and the digital divide: Modeling
the effect of the digital divide on online petition-signing. New Media & Society,
20(2), 698–719. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444816669159
Elo, S., Kääriäinen, M., Kanste, O., Pölkki, T., Utriainen, K., &Kyngäs, H. (2014).
Qualitative content analysis. Sage Open, 4, 1-10. doi:10.1177/2158244014522633
Eugene, V. (2015). The speech integral to criminal conduct exception. University of
California, Los Angeles.
https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstractid=2696856
Fitzgerald, R. (2016). Finding and keeping a job: The value and meaning of employment
for parolees. International Journal for Offender Therapy and Comparative
Criminology. https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X14548858
Folarin, B (1998). Theories of mass communication: An introductory text. Abeokuta:
Link Publications
Folarin, B. (2005). Theories of mass communication: An introductory text. (3rd ed).
Ibadan: Bakinfol publications
Friedman, T. L. (2007). The world is flat: A brief history of the twenty-first century. New
York Times: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
https://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5&as_vis=1&q=Friedma
n%2C+T.+L.+%282005%29.+The+world+is+flat%3A+A+brief+history+of+the+
twentyfirst+century.+New+York%3A+%09Farrar%2C+Straus+and+Giroux&bt=
Friedman, J. A. (2007). Tales of Times Square: Expanded edition. Port Townsend
WA:
148
Feral House. www.locasanrai.tk
Fusch, P. I., & Ness, L. R. (2015). Are we there yet? Data saturation in qualitative
research. The Qualitative Report, 20(9), 1408-1416.
http://nsuworks.nova.edu/tqr/vol20/iss9/3
Gberevbie, D. E. I., &Olawuyi, G. (2006). Public policies and crisis of confidence: An
empirical analysis of the Nigerian state." Nigerian Journal of Management
Research. Vol. 2. January
Gberevbie, D. (2010). Democracy and the future of the Nigerian State. Journal of Social
Development in Africa. 24. 10.4314/jsda.v24i1.54269.
Gberevbie, D.E. (2014). Democracy, democratic institutions and good governance in
Nigeria. Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review 30(1), 133-152.
doi:10.1353/eas.2014.0005
Geddes, B. (2010). Political experiences in Nigeria.
http://www.pilibrary.com/articles1/political%20experiences%20in%20nigeria.ht
m
Gerodimos, R., &Justinussen, J. (2014). Obama’s 2012 Facebook campaign: Political
communication in the age of the like button. Journal of Information Technology
& Politics. 12 (2),113-132. doi: 10.1080/19331681.2014.982266
Given, L. M. (2008). The Sage encyclopedia of qualitative research methods. Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage Publications Ltd. doi:10.4135/9781412963909
Gong, H. & Lips, M. (2009). The use of new media by political parties in the 2008
national election. Victoria University of Wellington, Wellington.
http://researcharchive.vuw.ac.nz/handle/10063/1591
149
Gowon, Y. (2006). Issues of governance for nation states of Africa: Pathways for
leadership development.
http://eprints.covenantuniversity.edu.ng/9557/1/1st%20Conv.%20Ceremony%205
.pdf
Greene, M. J. (2014). On the inside looking in: Methodological insights and challenges in
conducting qualitative insider research. The Qualitative Report, 19, 1-13.
http://nsuworks.nova.edu/tqr/vol19/iss29/3
Gubrium, J. F., Holstein, J. A., Marvasti, A. B., & McKinney, K. D. (2012). The SAGE
Handbook of interview research: The complexity of the craft.
https://books.google.com.ng/books/about/The_SAGE_Handbook_of_Interview_
R esearch.html?id=VC FsZsvZdwkC&redir_esc=y
Guseh, J., &Oritsejafor, E. (2005). Democracy and economic growth in Africa: The cases
of Ghana and South Africa. Journal of Third World Studies. 22,121-137
Habermas, J. (1991). The structural transformation of the public sphere: An inquiry into a
category of bourgeois society. Cambridge, Mass. MIT Press.
https://books.google.com.ng/books?hl=en&lr=&id=e799caakIWoC&oi=fnd&pg=
PP17&dq=Habermas,+J.+(1991).+The+structural+transformation+of+the+public
+sphere:+An+inquiry+into+a+category+of+bourgeois+society&ots=5QJEjZW2y
6&sig=2Wo1FLAbpJ-
USg_OISUUB03pXG0&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=Habermas%2C%20J.%20(1
991).%20The%20structural%20transformation%20of%20the%20public%20spher
e%3A%20An%20inquiry%20into%20a%20category%20of%20bourgeois%20soc
150
iety&f=false
Hilal, A. H., &Alabri, S. S. (2013). Using NVivo for data analysis in qualitative research.
International Interdisciplinary Journal of Education, 2, 181-186.
http://www.iijoe.org/
Hill, S. (2009). World-wide webbed: The Obama campaign's masterful use of the
Internet. Social Europe Journal. 4 (2), 9 - 15.
https://books.google.com.ng/books?id=TxELcA5Bg1cC&pg=PA204&dq=Hill,+S
.+(2009).+World+wide+webbed:+The+Obama+campaign%27s+masterful+use+o
f+the+Internet.+Social+Europe+Journal&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwionN2M9
-
flAhWLTsAKHbHJBSoQ6AEIJzAA#v=onepage&q=Hill%2C%20S.%20(2009).
%20World%20wide%20webbed%3A%20The%20Obama%20campaign's%20ma
sterful%20use%20of%20the%20Internet.%20Social%20Europe%20Journal&f=f
a
lse
Hinton, S. &Hjorth, L. (2013). Understanding social media. SAGE Publications. doi:
10.4135/9781446270189
Human Rights Watch (2003). Nigeria: Renewed crackdown on freedom of expression.
https://www.hrw.org/reports/2003/nigeria1203/
Human Rights Watch, (2003), Testing Democracy: Political Violence in Nigeria, Human
Rights Watch, https://www.hrw.org/report/2003/04/10/testingdemocracy/political-
violence-nigeria
Huntley, W. L. (2006). Rebels without a cause: North Korea, Iran and the NPT.
151
International Affairs, 82 (4), 723–742. www.link.springer.com
Husain, K., Abdullah, A. N., Ishak, M., Kamarudin, M. F., Robani, A., Mohin, M., &
Hassan, S. N. (2014). A preliminary study on effects of social media in crisis
communication from public relations practitioners’ views. ScienceDirect.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.10.283
Ihejirika, W., Mbazie, S., &Ndinojuo, B. C. (2015). Use of social media by political
parties in Nigeria: An analysis of Facebook and Twitter. International Journal of
Communication. 16, 16-36
Ihonvbere, J. O. (1999). The 1999 presidential elections in Nigeria: The Unresolved
issues. doi:10.1017/S154845050000593X
Independent National Electoral Commission (2016). Nigeria national elections March 28,
2015. International Republican Institute.
http://www.iri.org/2015%20Nigeria%20Election%20Observation%20Report/1/as
sets/basic-html/page23.html
Jackson, M.O. (2010). Social and economics networks.
https://books.google.com.au/books?hl=en&lr=&id=rFzHinVAq7gC&oi=fnd&pg
=PP1&dq=Jackson,+2010&ots=vncGW0RmY&sig=Yt4ox_BBnBd1acoe9xWrg
mypyTQ#v=onepage&q=Jackson
%2C%202010&f=false
Jamshed, S. (2016). An exploratory study on the impact of recruitment process
outsourcing on employer branding of an organization. Strategic Outsourcing: An
International Journal, 9(3), pp.303-323, https://doi.org/10.1108/SO-08-2015-0020
152
Janesick, V. J. (2011). Stretching exercises for qualitative researchers (3rd ed.).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.
Jenkins-Guarnieri, M. A., Wright, S. L., & Johnson, B. (2013). Development and
validation of a social media use integration scale. Psychology of Popular Media
Culture. 2 (1), 38-50.doi:10.1037/a0030277.102
Johnson, T. J., & Kaye, B. K. (2002). Webelievability: A path model examining how
convenience and reliance predict online credibility. Journalism & Mass
Communication Quarterly. 79(3), 619–642.
https://doi.org/10.1177/107769900207900306
Johnson, David. (2013). Johnson, D. W., & Johnson, R. T. (2013). The impact of
cooperative, competitive, and individualistic learning environments on
achievement. International handbook of student achievement. 372-374. New
York: Routledge.
Johnson, D. W., & Johnson, R. T. (2013). The impact of cooperative, competitive, and
individualistic learning environments on achievement. In J. Hattie & E.
Anderman (Eds.), International handbook of student achievement (372-374). New
York: Routledge.
Johnson, J., & Johnson, W. A . (2013). Explication of theoretical foundation of
communication policy Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review.
http://www.arabianjbmr.com/pdfs/OM_VOL_3_%284%29/12.pdf
Jones, M. (2014). Getting in: Seeking and negotiating access. In Researching
organizations: The practice of organizational fieldwork (pp. 74-114). London,
153
United Kingdom: Sage Publications Ltd. doi:10.4135/9781473919723.n5
Jungherr, A. (2012) Online campaigning in Germany: The CDU online campaign for the
general election 2009 in Germany, German politics, 21:3, 317-340, doi:
10.1080/09644008.2012.716043
Jungherr, A. (2014). Twitter in politics: A comprehensive literature review. Available at
SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2865150 or
http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2402443
Kalsnes, B., Krumsvik, A., &Storsul, T. (2014). Social media as a political backchannel.
Aslib Journal of Information Management. 66(3), 313-328.
https://doi.org/10.1108/AJIM-09-2013-0093
Kataria, A., Rastogi, R., & Garg, P. (2013). Organizational effectiveness as a function of
employee engagement. South Asian Journal of Management, 20, 56-73.
http://www.sajm-amdisa.org/
Kazeniac, A. (2009). Social networks: Facebook takes over top spot, Twitter climbs.
http://blog.compete.com/2009/02/09/facebook-myspace-twitter-social-network
Khan, S. N. (2014). Qualitative research method - phenomenology. Asian Social Science,
10, 298-310. http://www.ccsenet.org/
Klenke, K. (Ed.). (2016). Qualitative research in the study of leadership (2nd ed.).
Bingley, United Kingdom: Emerald Group Publishing
Kruikemeier, S. (2014). How political candidates use Twitter and the impact on votes.
Computers in human behavior. 34, 131–139. doi:10.1016/j.chb.2014.01.025
Küpers, W. (2014). Phenomenology of the embodied organization: The contribution of
154
Merleau-Ponty for organizational studies and practice. New York, NY: Springer.
Kuss, D.J. & Griffiths, M.D. (2011). Online social networking and addiction: A Review
of the psychological literature. International Journal of Environmental Research
and Public Health, 8, 3528-3552. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph8093528
Kwarkye, S. (2019). Roots of Nigeria’s election violence. Institute for security studies.
https://issafrica.org/iss-today/roots-of-nigerias-election-violence
Laroche, M., Habibi, M. R, & Richard, M. O. (2013). To be or not to be in social media:
How brand loyalty is affected by social media? International Journal of
Information Management. 33(1), 76-82.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijinfomgt.2012.07.003
Larsson, A. O., & Moe, H. (2016). From emerging to established? A comparison of
Twitter use during Swedish election campaigns in 2010 and 2014. The Routledge
Companion to Social Media and Politics. Routledge
Lenhart, A., & Fox, S. (2009). Twitter and status updating. Pew internet & American life
project. http://www.pewinternet.org/Reports/2009/Twitter-and-
statusupdating.aspx
Lenhart, A., & Fox, S. (2009). Twitter and status updating. Pew internet & American life
project. http://www.pewinternet.org/Reports/2009/Twitter-and-
statusupdating.aspx
Lunnay, B., Borlagdan, J., McNaughton, D., & Ward, P. (2014). Ethical use of social
media to facilitate qualitative research. Qualitative Health Research, 25, 99-109.
doi:10.1177/1049732314549031
155
Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic inquiry. Newbury Park, CA: Sage
Publications.
McLuhan, M. (1964). Understanding Media: The Extension of Man (2nd ed.). New York:
Signet Books.
McManimon, S. J. (2014). Political engagement and the shifting paradigm from
traditional to social media. Indiana University of Pennsylvania.
http://knowledge.library.iup.edu/etd
McQuail, D. (2005). McQuail's mass communication theory. (5thed.). Thousand Oaks,
Calif. Sage Publications.
https://books.google.com.ng/books?hl=en&lr=&id=Nm6YP9DRJWsC&oi=fnd&
pg=PP1&dq=McQuail,+D.+(2005).+Mass+Communication+Theory.+&ots=AVn
5s1FpPF&sig=_92DJuByhbTGxxfKzPRSiYfZTaY&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=
McQuail%2C%20D.%20(2005).%20Mass%20Communication%20Theory.&f=fa
lse
Mahmud, S. S. (2015). The 2015 general elections: Voter turnout, voting behaviour and
democratic consolidation in Nigeria.
http://www.inecnigeria.org/wpcontent/uploads/2015/07/Conference-Paper-by-
Sakah-Saidu-Mahmud.pdf
Maxwell, J. A. (2013). Qualitative research design: An interactive approach (3rd ed.).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.
Merriam, S. B. (2002). Qualitative research in practice: Examples for discussion and
analysis. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
156
Middlebrook, C. (2007). Twitter Guide Part #1: What is Twitter? http://www.caroline
middlebrook.com/blog/twitter-guide-1-what-is-twitter
Miles, M. B., Huberman, A. M., & Saldana, J. (2013). Qualitative data analysis: A
methods source book (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications Inc.
Milner, H. R. (2008). Critical race theory and interest convergence as analytic tools in
teacher education policies and practices. Journal of Teacher Education, 59(4),
332–346. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022487108321884
Milner, A. (2008). Demanding the impossible: Utopia and dystopia. Melbourne; Arena
Publications. www.pewinternet.org.
Mindich, D. T. Z. (2005). The young and the restless, The Wilson Quarterly. 29(2), 48-
53. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40260964
Moustakas, C. (1994). Phenomenological research methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publications, Inc.
Muntean, A. (2015). The impact of social media use of political participation. Aarhus
University. 2357-1330 Selection and peer-review under responsibility of the
Organizing Committee 134
Murphy, J. (2008). Better practices from the field: Micro-Blogging for science &
technology libraries. Science & Technology Libraries, 28, 4
Nielsen Online (2009). Global faces and networked places: A Nielsen report on social
networking's new global footprint.
http://blog.nielsen.com/nielsenwire/nielsennews/social-networking-new-
global-footprint
157
Obasi, N., &Favour, K. (2015). Indices of access to information in Nigerian public
libraries and citizens’ political participation. http://library.ifla.org/id/eprint/1235
http://library.ifla.org/1235/1/088-obasi-en.pdf
Ogunjobi, B. (2004). Good governance: A tool for sustainable development. University
of lbadan.
http://m.covenantuniversity.edu.ng/content/download/34321/236088/file/
Okoro, N. &Diri, C. (2009). Public sphere and civic journalism: A fulcrum for effective
political communication in Nigeria. Journal of political economy. 3(1&2).
https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=V-61fA8AAAAJ&hl=en
Okoro, N., &Nwafor, K. A. (2013). Social media and political participation in Nigeria
during the 2011 general elections: The lapses and the lessons. Global Journal of
the Arts Humanities and Social Sciences. 1(3), 29-46
Olorunnisola, A., & Douai, A. (2013). New media influence on social and political
change in Africa. IGI Global. https://doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-4197-6
Olumide, E., &Ekanade, T. (2011). The first republic and the interface of ethnicity and
resource allocation in Nigeria’s first republic. Afro Asian Journal of Social
Sciences. http://onlineresearchjournals.com/aajoss/art/65.pdf
Omodia, S. M. (2012). Election, governance and the challenge of national integration in
the Nigerian fourth republic. British Journal of Arts and Social Sciences.
http://www.bjournal.co.uk/BJASS.aspx
158
Onapajo, H. (2014). Violence and votes in Nigeria: The dominance of incumbents in the
use of violence to rig elections. Africa Spectrum, 49(2), 27-51.
http://nbnresolving.org/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-4-7531
Oh, O., Eom, C., & Rao, H. R. (2015). Role of social media in social change: An analysis
of collective sense making during the 2011 Egypt revolution. 26(1), 210-223.
https://doi.org/10.1287/isre.2015.0565
Opdenakker, R. (2006). Advantages and disadvantages of four interview techniques in
qualitative research. Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung/Forum: Qualitative
Social Research, 7. http://www.qualitative-research.net/index.php/fqs
Onwuegbuzie, A. J., & Byers, V. T. (2014). An exemplar for combining the collection,
analysis, and interpretations of verbal and nonverbal data in qualitative
research. International Journal of Education, 6, 183. doi: 10.5296/ije.v6i1.4399
Owen, J. (2015). Integrative and interdisciplinary approaches to leadership development.
New directions for student leadership. https://doi.org/10.1002/yd.20123
Palmgreen, P., & Rayburn, J. D. (1985). A comparison of gratification models of media
satisfaction, communication monographs, 52(4), 334-346.
doi:10.1080/03637758509376116
Palmgreen, P., Wenner, L. A., &Rosengren, K. E. (1985). Uses and gratifications
research: The past ten years. In K. E. Rosengren, L. A. Wenner, and P. Palmgreen
(Eds.), Media gratifications research: Current perspectives.11-37. Beverly Hills,
CA: Sage
159
Patton, M. Q. (2014). Qualitative research and evaluation methods: Integrating theory
and practice (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.
Paul, C., &Pedro C. V. (2014). Votes and violence: Evidence from a field experiment in
Nigeria. The Economic Journal. 124(574), F327–F355.
https://doi.org/10.1111/ecoj.12109
Ndinojuo, B. (2015). Influence of new media theory on political parties in Nigeria: A
theoretical perspective.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/325248435_Influence_of_New_Media_
Theory-on_Political_Parties_in_Nigeria_A_Theoretical_Perspective
Percy, W. H., Kostere, K., &Kostere, S. (2015). Generic qualitative research in
psychology. The Qualitative Report, 20(2), 76-85.
http://nsuworks.nova.edu/tqr/vol20/iss2/7
Peredaryenko, M. S., & Krauss, S. E. (2013). Calibrating the human instrument:
Understanding the interviewing experience of novice qualitative researchers. The
Qualitative Report, 18(43), 1–17. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/tqr/vol18/iss43/1
Perrin, A. (2015). Social media usage: 2005-2015 65% of adults now use social
networking sites – a nearly tenfold jump in the past decade.
https://www.secretintelligenceservice.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/PI_2015-
10-08_Social-Networking-Usage-2005-2015_FINAL.pdf
Polkinghorne, D. E. (Ed.). (1989). Phenomenological research methods.
Existentialphenomenological perspectives in psychology (pp. 41-60). Boston,
MA: Springer.
Prat, A., &Stromberg, D. (2011). The Political Economy of Mass Media (February 2011).
160
CEPR Discussion Paper No. DP8246. Retriehttps://ssrn.com/abstract=1763655
Rahimnia, F., Mazidi, K. & Ahmad, R. (2015). Functions of control mechanisms in
mitigating workplace loafing; evidence from an Islamic society. Computers in
Human Behavior, 48, 671–681. doi:10.1016/j.chb.2015.02.035
Rayburn, J. D., & Palmgreen, P. (1984). Merging uses and gratifications and expectancy:
Value theory. Communication Research, 11(4), 537–562.
doi:10.1177/009365084011004005
Reinikka, R. &Svensson, J. (2011). The power of information in public services:
Evidence from education in Uganda. Journal of Public Economics, 95(7-8), 956–
966. doi:10.1016/j.jpubeco.2011.02.006
Rosengren, K. E., &Windahl, S. (1972). Mass media consumption as a functional
alternative. In D. McQuail (Ed.), Sociology of Mass Communications. 166-194.
Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin.
Rudestam, K. E., & Newton, R. R. (2015). Surviving your dissertation: A comprehensive
guide to content and process. (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
http://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/surviving-your-dissertation/book239510
Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of
intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist,
55(1), 68-78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.55.1.68
Salawu, B. & Hassan, A. O. (2011). Ethnic politics and its implications for the survival
of democracy in Nigeria. Journal of Public Administration and Policy Research.
3(2), 28-33. http://www.academicjournals.org/jpapr.
161
Sandelowski, M. (1993). Rigor or rigor mortis: the problem of rigor in qualitative
research revisited. Advances in Nursing Science, 16(2), 1-8.
Schalow, P. R., Winkler, T. J., Repschlaeger, J., & Zarnekow, R. (2013). The blurring
boundaries of work-related and personal media use: A grounded theory study on the
employee’s perspective. Paper presented at the 21st European Conference on Information
Systems. Utrecht, the Netherlands: AIS Electronic Library (AISeL)
http://aisel.aisnet.org/ecis2013_cr
Schepers, J., &Wetzels, M. (2007). A meta-analysis of the technology acceptance model:
Investigating subjective norm and moderation effects. Information &
Management. 44(1), 90-10343
Schmitt-Beck, R. (2008), Mass communication, personal communication and vote
choice: The filter hypothesis of media influence in comparative perspective.
British Journal of Political Science. 33(2), 233-59.
https://econpapers.repec.org/article/cupbjposi/v_3a33_3ay_3a2003_3ai_3a02_3ap
_3a233-259_5f00.htm
Seidman, I. (2013). Interviewing as qualitative research: A guide for researchers in
education and the social sciences. New York, NY: Teachers College Press.
Shao, G. (2009). Understanding the appeal of user‐generated media: a uses and
gratification perspective. Internet Research, 19 (1), pp. 7-
25. https://doi.org/10.1108/10662240910927795
Shapshak, T. (2017). Facebook has 170 million African users, mostly on mobile. Forbes.
162
https://www.forbes.com/sites/tobyshapshak/2017/04/05/facebook-has-
170mafrican-users-mostly-on-mobile/#49a3bf753dc2
Shenton, A. K. (2004). Strategies for ensuring trustworthiness in qualitative research
projects. Education for information, 22(2), 63–75. doi:10.3233/EFI-2004-22201
Shklovski, I., Palen, L., & Sutton, J. N. (2008).Finding community through
information and communication technology during disaster events.
https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/2591/eb42bc7f83bd7d186543037cdfe00624f724.
pdf?_ga=2.4519283.1792285278.1574023280-1265104059.1540890946
Simon, M. K., & Goes, J. (2013). Assumption, limitation, delimitation and scope of the
study.
http://www.dissertationrecipes.com/wpcontents/uploads/2011/04/Assumptions-
Limitations-Delimitations-and-Scope-ofthe-Study.pdf
Skoric, M. M., & Poor, N. (2013). Youth Engagement in Singapore: The interplay of
social and traditional media. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media,
57(2), 187–204. doi: org/10.1080/08838151.2013.787076
Stieglitz, S., & Dang-Xuan, L. (2012). Social media and political communication: A
social media analytics framework. Social Network Analysis and Mining.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s13278-012-0079-3
Stuckey, H. L. (2015). The second step in data analysis: Coding qualitative research data.
Journal of Social Health and Diabetes, 3, 710. doi:10.4103/2321-0656.140875
Sunstein, C. (2001). Republic.com. Princeton, New Jersey: The Internet's role in political
campaigns. Princeton University Press, Washington DC.
163
Sutherland, A. & Thompson, B. (2003). Kidfluence: Why kids today, UK:
www.internetworldstats.com
Sweetser, K. D., &Kaid, L. (2008). Stealth soapboxes: political information efficacy,
cynicism and uses of celebrity weblogs among readers. New Media & Society.
10(1), 67–91. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444807085322
Tang, G., & Lee, F. L. F. (2013). Facebook Use and Political Participation: The Impact of
exposure to shared political information, connections with public political actors,
and network structural heterogeneity. Social Science Computer Review, 31(6),
763–773.
Tapscott, D., & Williams, A. D. (2009).Wikinomics: How mass collaboration changes
everything. New York: Penguin.
https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rj
a&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwjzuczP_eflAhUQXsAKHUIJBpsQFjAAegQIABAC&
url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.labeee.ufsc.br%2F~luis%2Fegcec%2Flivros%2Fglob
aliz%2FWikinomics.pdf&usg=AOvVaw0xMwQxCd-e8KegYMvHNyRN
The Hansard Society (2005). An audit of political engagement. America's civic health
index: Broken engagement. Washington, DC.
https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=2
ahUKEwjohc2N_uflAhWklFwKHUuqDM8QFjAAegQIAhAC&url=http%3A%2
F%2Fdoc.ukdataservice.ac.uk%2Fdoc%2F7373%2Fmrdoc%2Fpdf%2F7373_aud
it_of_political_engagement_10_report.pdf&usg=AOvVaw3Wyz1LP2rN5ISNMw
MUJyzo
164
The National Conference on Citizenship (2006). America's civic health index: Broken
engagement. Washington, DC.
Thun, V. (2014). Youth political participation in Cambodia: Role of information and
communication technologies (ICTs). Northern Illinois University.
https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=2
ahUKEwj2qvC__uflAhVEQEEAHYv1DG0QFjAAegQIARAC&url=https%3A%
2F%2Fwww.kas.de%2Fc%2Fdocument_library%2Fget_file%3Fuuid%3Db71a25
20-4428-56c4-
c937b56948c9bde0%26groupId%3D252038&usg=AOvVaw3s9mrtGuMiexfJgM
hFW
JCP
United Nations Development Group. (2017). Theory of change: UNDAF Companion
guidance. https://undg.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/UNDG-UNDAF-
Companion-Pieces-7-Theory-of-Change.pdf
Van Manen, M. (1990). Researching lived experience: Human science for an action
sensitive pedagogy. Albany, NY: The State University of New York Press.
Van Wyngarden, K. E. (2012). New participation, new perspectives? Young adults’
political engagement using Facebook.
https://mountainscholar.org/bitstream/handle/10217/67321/VanWyngarden_colos
tate_0053N_10909.pdf?sequence=1
Valenzuela,J., Carracedo,A.M. &Saiz, C.(2011). Critical thinking motivational scale: A
contribution to the study of relationship between critical thinking and motivation
165
electronic. Journal of research in educational Psychology. 9, 823-848.
www.researchgate.net
Venkatesh, V., & Davis, F. D. (2000). A theoretical extension of the technology
acceptance model: Four longitudinal field studies. Management Science. 46 (2),
186-204
Verba, S. (1995).Voice and equality: Civic voluntarism in American politics (Abridged
Edition) Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Vergeer, M., &Hermans, L. (2013). Campaigning on Twitter: Microblogging and online
social networking as campaign tools in the 2010 general elections in the
Netherlands. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication. 18(4), 399-419. doi:
10.1111/jcc4.12023
Waller, L. G. (2013). Enhancing political participation in Jamaica: The use of Facebook
to “cure” the problem of political talk among the Jamaican youth. SAGE Open,
3(2).
Ward, S., Owen, D., Davis, R., &Taras, D. (2008). Making a difference: A comparative
view of the role of the Internet in election politics. Plymouth, UK: Lexington
Books.
West, R. L., & Turner, L. H. (2010). Uses and gratifications theory. Introducing
communication theory: Analysis and application, 392-98.
https://epublications.marquette.edu/marq_fac-book/215/
Wicks, S., Bain, N., Duttaroy, A., Hilliker, A. J., Phillips, J.P. (2009). Hypoxia rescues
early mortality conferred by superoxide dismutase deficiency. Free Radical Biol.
166
Med. 46(2), 176-181.
Williams, C. (2007). Research Methods. Journal of Business & Economics Research,
5(3), 65-72. doi:10.19030/jber.v5i3.2532
Williams, M. (2007). Avatar watching: participant observation in graphical online
environments. Qualitative research, 7(1).doi:10.1177/1468794107071408
Willis, D. G., Sullivan-Bolyai, S., Knafl, K., &Zichi-Cohen, M. (2016). Distinguishing
features and similarities between descriptive phenomenological and qualitative
description research. Western Journal of Nursing Research. 38, 1185-1204.
doi:10.1177/0193945916645499
World Population Review (2019). https://population.un.org/wpp/
Yakubu, A.Y. (2012). Democracy and political apathy in Nigeria (1999-2010). Eujournal
online. 38-48. http://www.citseerx.ist.PSU.edu.viewdoc/download?doi
Yamamoto, M., Kushin, M. J., &Dalisay, F. (2015). Social media and mobiles as political
mobilization force for youth adult: Examining the moderating role of online
political expression in political participation. New Media & Society, 2015 –
journals.sagepub.com. 17(6), 880-898. www.bec2014.ro
Yilmaz, K. (2013). Comparison of quantitative and qualitative research traditions:
Epistemological, theoretical, and methodological differences. European Journal
of Education, 48, 311–325. doi:10.1111/ejed.12014
Zhang, S., & Duke, N. K. (2010). Strategies for internet reading with different reading
purposes: A descriptive study of 12 good internet readers. Journal of Literacy
167
Research. 40(1), 128-162. www.emodeation.com/social-media fast-facts-
centraland-eastern-europe
Zheng, Y., Sheng, W., Xu, J., & Zhang, Y. (2014). Sensation seeking and error processing.
Psychophysiology, 51(9), 824-833. doi:10.1111/psyp.12240 Appendix B:
Participant Invite to Participate in Research Study
