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Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study
Historically, although many women across the world have run for political office,
data from 132 countries show that only 36% of local government positions are held by
women, with 130 countries having fewer than 50% of positions filled by women (UN
Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2021). At the present pace, it will take
another 4 decades for women to achieve equal representation in national government
roles globally (UN Women, 2021). Despite making up 51% of the United States
population, women occupy a disproportionately small number of elected positions within
government, holding only 24% of seats in the U.S. Senate, 27% in the House of
Representatives, 30% of state-level executive roles, 31% of seats state legislatures, and
23% of mayoralties in cities exceeding 30,000 people, with none having served as
President of the United States (Bloch, 2020; Center for American Women and Politics,
2022; Represent Women, 2022b). Some demographics are more disproportionately
affected than others. Particularly underrepresented groups include women of color,
Republican women, younger women, and those from low-income backgrounds (Center
for American Women and Politics, 2021). Additionally, women typically encounter
distinct hurdles compared to men when aspiring towards positions of influence and
authority, spanning from the local to the national stage.
However, on January 20, 2021, more than one ceiling was shattered when Kamala
D. Harris became the first female Vice President of the United States of America and the
first Black and South Asian-American woman of color to hold the most powerful office
historically held by a woman in the United Stated (Lerer & Ember, 2021). Harris’s
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success has paved the way for other women of color to run, showing that the barriers can
be overcome, and success is possible. Her influence may encourage more women to step
into the political arena, potentially boosting female candidacy numbers. With Harris as an
inspiration and beacon of hope, the time is ripe for research that provides data to support
the efforts of such women to gain political positions.
Despite some remarkable accomplishments, women’s engagement in the political
arena continues to trail considerably behind men’s involvement (Fox & Lawless, 2004).
There continues to be a lack of understanding of the barriers these women face, and this
lack of understanding is preventing more women from following in Harris’ footsteps.
Specifically, there is a lack of understanding of the role of women mentoring women in
increasing the number of African American women willing to run for political leadership
positions. Specifically, in Westchester County, a county highly typical of the general
nationwide disparity between male and female leaders in public office, showing that there
is still a lot of work to be done to improve the number of African American women
running for and achieving political office in Westchester County. The purpose of this
general qualitative study was to understand the reasons behind the mentorship gender gap
among African American women in political leadership, using those who represent cities
in Westchester County.
Background of the Study
Historically, across the world, there have been many women who ran for political
office, but data from 132 countries show that only 36% of local government positions are
held by women, with 130 countries having fewer than 50% of positions filled by women
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(UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2021). Researchers estimate that it will
be at least forty years before women reach equality within national government positions
worldwide (UN Women, 2021). Globally, women who hold leadership roles often face an
understated yet frequent backlash for exhibiting qualities like assertiveness, decisiveness,
and straightforwardness. These strong characteristics, often deemed abrasive or overly
masculine, can unfortunately lead to perceptions of being “unpleasant” (Romero, 2021).
The United States has followed a similar trajectory when it comes to the promotion of
women in office.
The historical presence of women in American politics is as extensive to that of
the nation as a whole. Even prior to the enactment of the Constitution in 1920, which
granted women the right to vote, many women made significant efforts to effect change
and achieved success. They not only shattered barriers and demonstrated women’s
capability in political roles but also played a crucial role in introducing significant
legislation and advocating for the rights of their fellow citizens. As an illustration, women
in Wyoming and Utah used their right to vote in general elections in 1870. Additionally,
during this period, women in other states also took part in school board and municipal
elections (Clio, 2023). In 1869, Julia C. Addington broke new ground as she clinched the
role of school superintendent in Iowa’s Mitchell County. Fast forward to
1887, and Susanna Salter took the helm as the inaugural female mayor within the United
States in Argonia, Kansas. Then, in 1892, Laura Eisenhuth paved the way for women in
statewide executive positions by securing the superintendent of public construction office
in North Dakota. Advancing the cause further, Jeanette Rankin shattered the
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congressional ceiling in 1916, representing Montana and marking a monumental moment
for female political representation (Clio, 2023)
During the pivotal movement for women’s voting rights, women’s political
presence surged, culminating with the adoption of the Nineteenth Amendment. Notable
events include the groundbreaking Seneca Falls Convention in 1848, which sparked the
campaign for women’s suffrage, and the founding of the National Women’s Suffrage
Association in 1869 by reformers Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton (Clio,
2023). Similarly, women of color have participated in U.S. politics, though their
involvement has been historically constrained. For instance, after women won the vote
with the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920, Civil Rights leader Mary McLeod Bethune
marshaled a group of African American women to the polls (Michals, 2015), paving the
way for more minority women to engage politically. A landmark moment came in 1966
when Barbara Charline Jordan, benefiting from court-mandated redistricting, paved the
way for minority representation and won a Texas Senate seat. Her victory against a
forward-thinking white candidate was historic; she became the first African American
state senator in Texas since 1883 and the first Black woman in the Texas state legislature
(House of Representatives Office of the Historian, 2023).
In 1968, history was made when Shirley Anita Chisholm became the first black
woman to be elected to the United States Congress. Serving the vibrant
BedfordStuyvesant neighborhood within New York’s 12th Congressional District, she
distinguished herself over seven terms from 1969 to 1983, according to the National
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Archives (2021). Additionally, Patricia Roberts Harris broke new ground in 1977 by
being appointed as the first African American woman in a presidential cabinet. She also
achieved groundbreaking firsts as an ambassador for the United States, a law school dean,
and by securing a position on the board of directors for a Fortune 500 company, as noted
by Brandis (2021).
A hundred years after the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment,
approximately half of Americans say granting women the right to vote has been the most
important milestone in advancing the position of women in the country (Mitchell, 2020).
Today, several organizations exist that support the goal of increasing the number of
women in office, such as the Westchester Black Women’s Political Caucus, The League
of Women Voters, and the National Organization for Women. Nevertheless, a majority of
U.S. adults feel that, while there has been progress in the last decade, the nation still has
significant strides to make in establishing parity in rights between women and men
(Horowitz & Igielnik, 2020). As noted, women are far from equally represented in U.S.
politics. In the middle of 2022, women constituted 28% of Congress, with 24 serving in
the Senate and 123 in the House of Representatives. Of all the statewide elected executive
positions across the nation, women hold 30%, which translates to 101 offices. In state
legislatures, out of 7,383 available seats, women occupy 2,295, amounting to just over
31%. Examining the local government landscape, women mayors preside over 25% of
1,465 cities. Additionally, women have leadership roles in 33% of the largest county
governments within each state, a total of 80 entities. Despite some gains, the quest for
equal gender representation progresses at a disappointingly slow pace in the United
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States. The parity score for 2022 stands at a mere 24.8 out of 50. This is a minimal
increase from the previous year’s 24.6 and a modest rise from 2 years prior, which was
23.8. These numbers paint a stark picture of the sluggish advancement toward gender
equality in political representation (Represent Women, 2022a). The situation is even
worse when it comes to women of color.
Current political party leaders, who play crucial roles in nominating candidates,
tend to endorse male candidates over female ones. This inclination can be attributed to a
strategic approach aimed at maximizing votes, especially if there is a perception that
voters hold biases against women candidates (Free Network, 2021; O’Brien, 2015).
Additionally, leaders may inadvertently serve as barriers to female progression in the
absence of voter prejudice (Corbett et al., 2022). The persistent gender imbalance within
political spaces may perpetuate itself; studies indicate that women participating in
predominantly male groups are less inclined to vie for leadership roles due to anticipated,
and often accurate, lack of backing from their peers (Born et al., 2018).
Despite progress in other fields, women continue to be sparse in top echelons of
leadership. This phenomenon, commonly referred to as the “glass ceiling,” describes the
subtle yet profound obstacles that women confront when aspiring to climb the corporate
ladder (Cook & Glass, 2014; Kulik & Rae, 2019). This metaphorical barrier is considered
“glass” as it symbolizes an invisible yet unbreachable limit to women’s professional
advancement—a clear barrier they can see but not surpass. Today, the dynamic has
shifted from overtly different career paths for women; instead of explicit discriminatory
policies, women face a subtler form of exclusion. Particularly evident in the realm of
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politics, women find themselves on the brink of reaching the highest ranks yet encounters
with systemic and resource-related constraints continue to hamper their progress
(Chisholm-Burns et al., 2017).
Women of color face an even more dire situation. As far back as 1988, researchers
were noticing what they called a “double disadvantage hypothesis,” whereby the
intersection of low numbers of Black individuals in politics and the low numbers of
women in politics means that Black women are doubly disadvantaged in terms of
political representation, this finding was supported by a study published in 2021, which
confirmed the existence of a “double jeopardy” situation for women of color (Chaney et
al., 2021). Today, the bulk of existing research on the glass ceiling for women of color
focuses on educational leadership, with almost no research examining women of color in
political leadership. The research that does exist suggests that women of color often
benefit from hiring and promotion only in times of crisis, when organizations hope that
they can fix the issues; the result is often failure and burnout (Ellis, 2022). Research also
suggests that women of color in leadership lack adequate mentorship from other women
of color, leading to a need for them to create their own support systems or do without
(Barron, 2019; Henderson et al., 2010). According to the dual social identity viewpoint,
the advancement of African American women into management, professional, and related
job categories has historically been incremental (Barron, 2019).
Problem Statement
Although there has been an increase in the number of women running for political
office since the turn of the century, the numbers remain disproportionate compared to
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male political leaders at the federal, state, and local levels (Pew Research, 2018). One
reason for the low number of women in political leadership is a lack of support,
particularly in mentoring (Ibarra et al., 2013). A recent study has revealed that over half
of the workforce in America has experienced the benefits of professional mentorship,
with a significant 76% acknowledging its crucial role in career advancement. However,
it’s interesting to note the gender gap within this context—82% of male employees have
been guided by male mentors, in contrast to 69% of female employees who have had the
chance to be mentored by women (Olivet Nazarene University, 2022). This general
qualitative study addressed the reasons behind the mentorship gender gap in political
leadership among African American women leaders who represent cities in Westchester
County.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the reasons behind the
mentorship gender gap in political leadership among African American women leaders
who represent cities in Westchester County. This county is highly typical of the general
nationwide disparity between male and female leaders in public office. At the same time,
in Westchester County, a recent historical ceiling was broken when Lakisha
CollinsBellamy, Esq. was elected as the first African American City Council President in
Yonkers (Yonkers Times, 2021; Westchester County Press, 2022). Three women out of
six districts held the City Council position in Yonkers in 2022, giving the democrats a 5-2
supermajority (News 12 Brooklyn, 2022), and in Pelham in 2021, four out of five city
town council positions were held by women, creating a supermajority (Steinberg, 2022).
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Nevertheless, within Westchester County as a whole, only sixteen African American
women of color hold positions in political leadership, showing that there is still a lot of
work to be done to improve the number of African American women running for and
achieving political office in Westchester County.
Mannell et al. (2018) recommended the use of narratives as one possible solution
to the lack of research about women in leadership. By exploring and exposing the
challenges and successes that real African American women face when entering
leadership positions, and their journeys and motivations, researchers can show that the
issues are shared and systemic rather than personal; narrative data can also help expose
the underlying mechanisms for either success or marginalization for these women,
making it easier to find effective solutions (Mannell, 2018). Hence, this study filled the
gap in existing research by providing an understanding of what needs to be in place to
foster positive African American woman-to-woman mentoring relationships while
increasing the engagement level among the African American political women leaders. It
did so by focusing as a case study for women who are contemplating a run for elected
office in Westchester County and beyond.
Research Questions
The research questions for this study were developed following a thorough review
of the literature and were informed by the theoretical framework; they respond directly to
the purpose of the study. The research questions were:
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• RQ1: What are the influencing factors, characteristics, and experiences that
shape the political aspirations among African American female leaders who
represent Westchester County?
• RQ2: What are the influencing factors that impact the willingness of African
American female leaders in Westchester County to mentor incoming African
American female leaders?
• RQ3: What practical resources and infrastructure would African American
female political leaders in Westchester County need to successfully mentor
other African American women to run for office?
Theoretical Foundation
This study employed feminist standpoint theory and Black feminist theory as the
theoretical foundation for the research. The feminist standpoint theory framework studies
the role that policy narratives play in the public policy process (Wood, 2012). This theory
underscores the societal beliefs that designate specific roles to females and tend to
undervalue these roles compared to those generally attributed to males. Essentially,
feminist standpoint theory contends that the conventional situations and life experiences
of women and girls aren’t inherent. Instead, they’re shaped by societal and political
influences (Wood, 2012). Overall, the barriers faced by women in leadership stem from a
lack of gender policy implementation (Mannell, 2018). Similar to Mannell (2014), this
dissertation study used feminist standpoint theory to hypothesize that understanding of
the lived experiences of women in top leadership positions can help to relieve policy
tensions related to 1) gender as an instrument for development; 2) gender as women’s
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rights and empowerment, and 3) gender as relations of power requiring personal
transformation. Data were used to support gender policy recommendations and
mentorship opportunities among female leaders. In this study, feminist standpoint theory
was used to help expose the political forces that have shaped African American female
political leaders’ experiences, political points of views, motivations, and challenges while
running for or in office.
Black feminist thought posits that the unique challenges of Black American
women stem from a societal structure that is both racist and sexist. This double bind
creates a set of experiences that diverge sharply from both Black men and White women
(Wade et al., 2022). It scrutinizes how racial factors intertwine with and exacerbate
gender disparities specifically for this group, highlighting a distinct intersectional struggle
for Black women (Wade et al., 2022). This is particularly significant in the realm of
politics. For instance, Lenear (2022) notes that although there is a rise in the
representation of Black women, this does not necessarily indicate the presence of Black
feminist theories or practices within formal political institutions. While Black women
have served as insurgent political elites within these institutions, there is still much work
to be done to separate and complicate the assumptions of Black feminist politics and
strategies from Black women. (p. 390) In this study, Black feminist theory highlighted
how the experiences of African American female leaders differed from those of other
female leaders regarding mentorship and inclusion in the political scene.
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Nature of the Study
A general qualitative research design was used to explore the common meaning
behind participants’ individual experiences as an African American female leader.
Qualitative research is often used for exploring and understanding the meaning ascribed
by individuals or groups to a social or human problem (Lima & Newell-McLymont,
2021). In qualitative research, a deep understanding of a phenomenon can be gained
through narratological methods (Sweat, 2020). However, a phenomenological inquiry has
been chosen instead to allow for a richer description of the phenomenon of African
American women seeking public office.
Focusing on the specific population of female African American leaders in
Westchester County as a case study, semi-structured interviews comprising open-ended
questions will be used to gather data concerning the lived experiences of mentorship and
leadership of this population. The goal of the interview process was to gather in-depth
content, which helped to develop the themes revealed in the data from the female political
leaders’ perspectives. Drawing on my professional networks, homogenous purposive
sampling was used to identify African American female leaders appropriate for
participation in the study according to current and past employment status. The resulting
interviews were recorded and transcribed, before being subjected to a systematic analysis
to identify similarities and differences in the barriers encountered by a mentorship
experience of African American female political leaders in Westchester County.
Definitions
The following operational definitions were applied to this study.
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BIPOC: This phrase stands for “black, indigenous, and people of color”
(Merriam-Webster, n.d.). In this dissertation, “Black” refers individuals of African
American descent.
Mentor: This term refers to a senior executive who provides career support
formally or informally to a subordinate employee (Blake-Beard et al., 2021). In this
dissertation, the term refers to a senior women or man who is or has served as a public
official and can serve as a model for others in that pursuit.
Nascent political ambition: This term refers to an individual’s consideration of
whether or not to run for political office and is developed in individuals as it evolves with
time (Fox & Lawless, 2004; 2005).
Public officer: This term refers to a person who has been legally elected or
appointed to office and who exercises governmental functions (Merriam-Webster, n.d.).
Woman: This term refers to a person belonging to a particular gender category
(Merriam-Webster, n.d.). Due to the unique challenges faced by LGBTQ+ individuals,
which fall outside the scope of this study, in this dissertation, “woman” will refer only to
individuals biologically designated female at birth; it will not include trans-gender
women. It is recommended that future studies could expand to include this additional
population.
Assumptions
In this study, it was assumed that all participants will provide a truthful account of
their experiences and perspectives as political leaders. An additional assumption is that all
participants will accurately recall the political socialization experiences that impacted
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their decisions to run for political office. Finally, it is assumed based on the existing
literature that women can benefit from being mentored by other women.
Scope and Delimitations
The scope of this study was delimited to African American female political leaders who
represented various counties within Westchester County. Men were excluded from this
study, as the study focused only on the experiences faced by women in office. The study
scope was also delimited to only women who provided, could provide, or need
mentorship; the study did not include women political leaders who did not provide, are
not interested in providing, and/or do not need or want mentorship.
Limitations
One limitation of this study was the sample size. Limiting the sample represents
an attempt on the part of the researcher to prioritize depth of understanding about and rich
detail concerning the individual experiences of participants; however, the small sample
may not be representative of the larger population of office holders and would-be office
holders. The study was also limited to a single geographic location: Westchester County,
which necessarily limits its generalizability. As previously discussed, the representative
nature of Westchester County will help to mitigate this limitation. Due to the ongoing
need for COVID-19 precautions, the interviews were conducted by Zoom rather than
face-to-face. One limitation of this design is that nonverbal communication, such as
gestures and facial expressions, were missed in some interviews. Another potential
limitation is that some individuals were reluctant to participate in the study, because of
the time required for interviews or concerns about revealing private information, even
15
though confidentiality was assured. To mitigate this potential limitation, as the researcher,
drew on personal networks to recruit participants and was transparent about the privacy
and confidentiality measures in place to protect participants’ data and identities. Due to
the fast-moving nature of politics, the accuracy of the numbers of individuals in specific
roles and positions shifted during the writing of
this dissertation, various candidates ran for another term and were unsuccessful in being
re-elected to certain positions. This impacted the sample size and thus the richness of the
data collected. As the researcher, I made every attempt to ensure the numbers and roles
described in this study were accurate as possible at the time of submission or publication.
A final potential limitation is researcher bias; as the researcher, I myself am African
American female and a past political office candidate. In order to mitigate this potential
for bias, I drew on professional contacts and outside peers to review the research plan,
help to identify any biases, and critically reflect on the data analyses.
Significance of the Study
This research will fill a gap in understanding of the mentorship and leadership
experiences of African American women in political leadership.
Significance to Practice
In terms of professional application and practice, this study is significant because
it will provide data to support incorporating a formal mentorship program in Westchester
County, to enable women within politics in this county to better mentor one another. This
study is unique, because the participants will come from various cultural backgrounds
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and will bring varied ideological perspectives to the data concerning their personal
experiences of running for office.
Significance to Theory
In her 2017 study, Baumann posits that female leaders will herald an era of
increased representation for women by reaching a ““critical mass”“ that will naturally
bring more women into leadership roles. Furthermore, evidence from various studies
points to the positive impact that women in high-level positions have on organizational
governance, ethics, problem-solving, creativity, and innovation. Lawson and colleagues
(2022) have identified the primary hurdles hindering women’s advancement into top
leadership as a trio of internal and societal challenges: a belief in one’s own abilities,
confidence, and supportive cultural transformation. The significance of this study for
existing literature, therefore, is that it will contribute to the current understanding of the
barriers that African American women face in political leadership.
Significance to Social Change
This study has significance for positive social change in that it aims to provide
new knowledge about the common experiences that have shaped future female leaders’
political aspirations and nascent political ambition, which can help other BIPOC women
who are seeking political leadership roles. Moreover, according to the women
representatives’ political ambitions, leadership identities, and experiences, the findings
may have an immediate impact on both their practices and future policies.
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Summary
Although there has been an increase in women running for political office in
recent years, the numbers remain disproportionate compared to male political leaders at
the federal, state, and local levels (Bloch, 2020). Moreover, the low number of African
American women who seek to run for political office may possibly point to a lack of
support, particularly in the area of mentoring, impacting women’s decisions about
whether to seek political office. To explore this problem further, the purpose of this
qualitative study is to understand the reasons behind the mentorship gender gap in
political leadership among African American women leaders who represent cities in
Westchester County.
Chapter 2 will present a more detailed examination of the literature relevant to the
field of nascent political ambition from works of classical and contemporary writers.
Chapter 3 will describe the nature of the study as well as the phenomenological approach
in data collection and analysis. Additionally, Chapter 3 will present the elements of the
study design that will ensure the validity and reliability of the findings.
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Chapter 2: Literature Review
Although there has been an increase in the number of women running for political
office since the turn of the century, the numbers remain disproportionate compared to
male political leaders at the federal, state, and local levels (Pew Research, 2018). One
reason for the low number of women in political leadership is a lack of support,
particularly in mentoring (Ibarra et al., 2013). A recent poll indicates that more than half
of the U.S. workforce has benefited from having a mentor at work. An even greater
percentage, 76%, agrees that having a mentor is a crucial element of one’s professional
growth. Nevertheless, gender inequities are evident in the domain of mentorships. A
significant majority of men, 82%, report having male mentors, whereas only 69% of
women report having female mentors, spotlighting an area for improvement in fostering
gender diversity in mentoring relationships (Olivet Nazarene University, 2022). This
qualitative study aims to understand the reasons behind the mentorship gender gap in
political leadership among African American women leaders who represent cities in
Westchester County.
Literature Search Strategy
An iterative literature search strategy was employed in this study using academic
research databases and online search engines, such as Walden University’s library,
University of Phoenix’s library, Yonkers Riverfront Library sources, Jacksonville Public
Library sources, and Google Scholar to perform searches of various databases, including
but not limited to Scholarly data, peer-reviewed journal articles, published dissertations,
and books acquired through ProQuest, Sage, and other document libraries. As the
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researcher, I used Google Scholar as my primary source for gathering literature and
connecting the information to the University’s library pool. This information was most
useful as I searched for historical and current contexts because I was able to dictate the
range of years for my search criteria.
Theoretical Foundation
Black feminism emerged in the United States during the 19th century, driven by
African American women’s pursuit of equality and justice. The roots of this movement
can be traced back to the philosophies of pioneer advocate Sojourner Truth, who ignited
the theory at an 1851 Ohio women’s convention, as noted by Field (2021). This
movement was a reaction to the systemic injustices that black women faced, such as
being denied voting rights and other civil liberties. It was a visionary approach to tackle
the array of struggles that black women endured, from gender-based violence and slavery
to the erasure of their identity.
In 1892, the intellectual work of Anna Julia Cooper, “A Voice from the South,”
was published, laying a critical foundation for this movement (Lengermann & Niebrugge,
2023). Cooper’s work was a fierce outcry against the layered discrimination—known as
intersectionality—that hindered black women from advancing their interests.
Fastforwarding to 1989, Kimberle Williams Crenshaw introduced the term
intersectionality to articulate the intertwined social and political dimensions that curtail
individual liberties (Johnson & Joseph, 2020). According to Black feminists, the shackles
on the freedom of black women derive from a matrix of oppression, including gender
violence, systemic racism, and their marginalization in political settings.
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During the 1800s, the oppression of African American women was so extreme
that only White females were recognized as “women,” and “black” solely referenced
African American males. These women were essentially invisible in the eyes of a society
that did not acknowledge them as equal participants in the United States (Brewer, 2020).
Political exclusion continued until 1965 when President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the
Voting Rights Act into law, dismantling the racial barriers that had historically kept
minority groups from the polls. Boosting the political presence of black women was a key
action to counteract the scorn, violence, and prejudice they faced. To combat the
intertwined oppressions of classism, racism, and sexism, the black feminist movement
emerged as a force of change (Jacobs, 2019). The early black feminists, who emerged in
the late 19th and early 20th centuries, carved out pathways for the eventual successes of
black women in politics. These trailblazers were integral to the broader women’s suffrage
movement of the late 1800s that strove to secure political representation for women in
America. Nevertheless, even following the ratification of the 19th Amendment in 1920,
black women bore the brunt of discrimination perpetrated by both white and black men,
as societal norms still relegated them to a lower status.
Existing research studies have shown that one of the main components of black
feminist theory is intellectual activism. Purposing to highlight the components of black
feminism theory, Contu (2020) established that black women used intellectual activism to
fight against social injustices that were instigated against them. Intellectual activism was
also active during the civil rights era when black women fought for social justice.
Researchers such as Muzanenhamo and Chowdhury (2023) also examined the
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components of Black feminism advancement in society and found that black women
scholars extensively use intellectual activism to speak out against intersectionality and
other social injustices. Scott (2021), who reported that Black women activists used
intellectual activism to encourage fellow women to know their rights and justice to avoid
their perennial mistreatment, also highlighted related findings. The findings of the
reviewed studies show that the major component of Black feminist theory is intellectual
activism.
Prior research has posited that self-identity by Black women was another
component of black feminist theory. Through a qualitative study, Chauhan (2023) studied
the foundations and components of black feminism and established that self-identity by
black women solidified the success of black feminism as envisioned by its proponents.
Agreeing with Chauhan (2023), McGee et al. (2019) also found that Black feminism was
based on black women defining their self-identity as equal citizens and therefore had to
speak out against oppression and discrimination. Consistent results to those of Chauhan
(2023) and McGee et al. (2019) were reported by Prescod-Weinstein (2020), who
established that black feminism fostered the self-identity of black women and thus
encouraged them to know their rights and social justice. Thus far, the evidence reviewed
shows that black feminism is composed of self-identification by black women fostering
inclusivity in society.
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Literature Review
History of Women in Politics
Before the 19th century, women in the United States had minimal political
participation. This was because women had no right to vote (Sapiro, 2020). Between
1851 and 1920, through the suffrage movement, women achieved their dream of having
full rights as citizens, with the 19th Amendment of the Constitution providing them with
equal rights. In 1848, the first women’s rights convention was conducted in Seneca Falls,
New York. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott, who pioneered the women’s
suffrage movement (Vetter, 2021), spearheaded the convention. The convention drafted a
declaration that demanded equal rights for women, including the right to vote. In 1866,
Elizabeth Cady Stanton was the first woman to run for a position in the House of
Representatives and lost while only managing 24 votes. In 1872, Victoria Woodhull was
the first woman to run for president of the United States but lost (Shone, 2019). In 1887,
Susanna Salter was the first woman to be elected mayor after winning the Kansas seat
(Glashan et al., 2019). In 1888, history was made when the entire council of Oskaloosa in
Kansas comprised women.
In 1896, Martha Hughes Cannon of the Democratic Party was elected the first
woman senator in the country and thus making a major step for women in their quest to
achieve equal rights (Madsen & Pierucci, 2020). In 1916, Jeannette Rankin became the
first woman elected into Congress on a Republican Party ticket (Joshi, 2023). The biggest
achievement for women in the United States came in 1920 after the enactment of the 19th
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Amendment of the Constitution, which gave women the right to vote. Buoyed by this turn
of events, more women started influencing the country’s political scene. In 1924, Bertha K.
Landes became the first woman mayor to lead a major city as she was elected mayor of
Seattle (Puspita, 2019). In 1925, Nellie Tayloe Ross became the first female governor of a
state after she was elected to lead the state of Wyoming (George et al., 2022; Voller & Voller,
2021). Women from minority groups also had their position in the politics of the United
States, evidenced by the appointment of Minnie Buckingham Harper as the first black
woman to be in a state legislature in Virginia.
Throughout the 20th century, more women were actively involved in politics,
motivated by the urge to fight for social justice for women and minority groups in the
country. The best achievement of the women’s suffrage movement that started in the 19th
century was the appointment of Kamala Harris as the first female vice president of the
United States, symbolizing the success of the determination of women to fight for their
voting rights. In politics, women have recently taken center stage by fighting for more
inclusivity and equal positions to ensure more women benefit from federal assistance and
fight for social injustices instigated towards minority groups.
History of Women of Color in Politics in the United States
Women of color have always had a rough time regarding politics. During the 19th
century, women of color were not recognized at all. They had no voting rights, and in
some states, they were treated as subordinates to the men. The initial processes of women
of color participating in politics began in the mid-19th century, with formerly enslaved
women joining women’s rights movements to fight for women of color suffrage and
24
identity. Women of color suffered from being isolated and ignored by black men and
white women’s suffrage movement that deemed women of color as less impactful in their
struggle for equal rights (Roumell & James‐Gallaway, 2021). In 1851, Sojourner Truth, a
Black woman activist, gave a speech to revolutionize the fight for women’s rights (van
der Hoek, 2023). However, the struggle for inclusivity in the political space by women of
color was impeded by their isolation by white women who fought for their rights.
The enactment of the 19th Amendment in 1920 signaled a victory for women in their
quest for voting rights. Women of color were still unable to vote because of numerous
barriers, such as harassment, threat of violence, and false charges to prevent them from
voting. The enactment of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 by President Lyndon B Johnson
abolished discriminatory acts that prevent people from voting (Aneja & Avenancio-Leon,
2019). In 1928, Minnie Buckingham Harper became the first black woman to be
appointed as a member of the legislature representing West Virginia. In 1930, two Latina
women, Fedelina Lucero Gallegos and Porfirria Hidalgo Saiz, were the first Hispanic
women to be elected to the House of Representatives representing New Mexico. In 1938,
Crystal Dreda Bird Fauset was the first Black woman elected to a state legislature
representing Pennsylvania (Brown & Lemi, 2020). In the 1952 presidential elections,
Charlotta Spears Bass became the first black woman to be a nominee as a vice
presidential candidate for the Progressive Party (Grant, 2021). In 1962, Patsy Takemoto
Mink became the first Asian American woman to be elected to a state legislature when
she won the seat for Hawaii (Sadhwani, 2022).
More women activists became involved in the history of politics in the United
25
States through the mid-20th century. In 1966, President Lyndon B Johnson appointed
Constance Baker Motley as the first Black woman to be a federal judge in the United
States (Meltsner, 2022). Shirley Chisholm was the most significant woman of color that
helped shape the history of women of color in politics. Shirley Chisholm was the first
Black woman to represent New York State in Congress. Shirley Chisholm also made
history as the first Black woman to be nominated as the president of the United States
(Bardhan, 2022). Shirley Chisholm is always viewed as the mother of women of color’s
involvement in modern politics in the United States. In 1969, Sophia Mitchell was
appointed mayor of Ohio, thus becoming the first woman of color to be a mayor of a
major municipality. In 1971, Ellen Walker Craig-Jones became the first black woman to
be elected as a mayor by popular vote. Doris A. Davis also became the first black woman
to be elected mayor of a metropolitan city in California. In 1975, March Fong Eu became
the first Asian American woman appointed secretary of state (Leal, 2021). In the
modern-day United States, women of color have made major progress in the history of
politics. More women are holders of executive and legislative offices. The 2020 elections
saw a historic number of women of color being elected to Congress, culminating all these
being the swearing-in of Kamala Harris as the first woman of color to serve as the vice
president of the United States. However, women of color are still underrepresented in
many top executive and legislative positions, thus calling for more action to ensure fair
representation of women of color in the political space.
Lack of Woman-to-Woman Mentorship
Earlier research works have established that the lack of mentors for African
26
American women has posed a great challenge to their political ambitions. Aiming to
understand the challenges facing African American women in politics, Michelson and
Monforti (2021) reported that Black women are likely to abandon their political
ambitions because they lack enough mentors to encourage them. Similar to Michelson
and Monforti (2021), Harbin and Greene (2022) also studied the challenges faced by
African American women in their pursuit of political leadership and found that the lack of
mentors in the political field for Black women further complicated the limited chances
that African American women have in politics. Related findings were highlighted by
Sales et al. (2020), who investigated the challenges affecting the political careers of
African American women and established that the lack of mentors escalated the
underrepresentation of black women in political positions. Thus far, the evidence
reviewed indicates that the lack of mentors has hindered the advancement of African
American women’s political careers.
More studies have also posited that the lack of mentors and mentorship programs
has impeded the political ambitions of African American women. Purposing to
comprehend the various challenges facing African American women in politics, Jackson
and Bouchard (2019) investigated the barriers African American women face in their
ambitious goals of occupying senior leadership, including political positions. It reported
that lack of mentors was one of the challenges African American women had to overcome
to occupy political positions. Other proponents of the link between the
underrepresentation of African American women in political positions and lack of
mentorship, such as Davis et al. (2022), reported that lack of mentorship among African
27
American women impeded their ambitions of becoming political leaders. Consistent
results were also reported by Monforti et al. (2020), who sought to understand the
challenges facing African American women in political positions and reported that lack of
mentorship significantly discouraged many Black women from advancing their political
careers. Based on the reviewed studies, lack of mentorship impedes African American
women’s political careers and discourages them from seeking top political positions.
The lack of women-to-women mentorship and support is a significant challenge
that women of color face when serving in political positions. For instance, Townsend
(2020) conducted a qualitative study to examine the challenges faced by African
American women serving in political positions with a sample of five African American
women in politics in the United States. The researchers outlined that politics is
maledominated and that African American women struggle to navigate the political
landscape due to the lack of role models, guidance, and support from constituents.
Additionally, the lack of support may hinder women of color from advancing their
careers, limiting their potential impact, and enabling them to feel isolated, contributing to
their burnout. Similar findings were reported by Shillcutt et al. (2019), who established
that persistent stereotypes and biases that African American women faced were attributed
to a lack of mentorship and support when serving in political positions in the United
States. The researchers outlined that the lack of such stereotypes and biases of women of
color may lead to a lack of credibility and support from colleagues that may negatively
influence their access to resources and opportunities in their career advancement. The
researchers indicated biases could lead to a lack of inclusion and recognition for African
28
American women, making it harder for them to build the relationships and networks
needed for mentorship and support contesting and serving in political positions.
In conclusion, a significant challenge that African American women confront
when serving in political posts is a lack of women-to-women mentorship and support.
The underrepresentation of women of color in leadership positions and entrenched
preconceptions and biases all contribute to this difficulty. A comprehensive approach is
required to address the shortage of women-to-women mentorship and support for African
American women serving in political positions, including increased representation, fair
policies and practices, and targeted mentorship and support programs.
Issues of Gender and Race Representation
Existing research studies have shown that racial discrimination towards African
American women has impeded their ambitions to serve in political positions. Through a
qualitative study, Brown and Lemi (2020) sought to comprehend African American
women’s barriers to seeking political positions in the Democratic Party. They established
that racial prejudice was the main hindrance to African American women’s ascent to
political positions. In agreement with Brown and Lemi (2020), Clayton et al. (2021) also
examined the challenges faced by African American women in their quest to occupy top
political positions. They reported that animosity and racial hatred towards African
American women discouraged them from seeking occupancy of top political positions.
Other researchers, such as Ford (2022), found that Black women were discouraged from
seeking top political positions by the workplace racial discrimination propagated against
29
them. Combining the evidence reviewed, it is clear that racial segregation and
discrimination against Black women are challenging in their quest to seek top political
positions.
Racial discrimination has, over the years, impeded African American women’s
ambitions to serve in political positions. Researchers such as Smith (2022) investigated
the challenges faced by successful African American women occupying political
positions and reported that the women faced numerous challenges, particularly racial
discrimination by White supremacists. Agreeing with Smith, Simons et al. (2021) also
examined the barriers to African American women’s ascension to political positions.
They found that many African American women were subjected to racial profiling and
discrimination, significantly affecting their goals of becoming political leaders. Lemi and
Brown (2019), who studied the voter trends in voting for particular candidates and
established that many voters overlooked and underestimated the capabilities of African
American women candidates based on the color of their skin, reported corresponding
results. As per the findings, racial discrimination impedes African American women’s
quest to occupy top political positions.
Additional studies have also shown that racial discrimination has hampered
African American women’s representation in political positions. Proponents such as
Bleich et al. (2019) investigated the causal factors in the underrepresentation of African
American women in political positions and found that racial discrimination by their peers
discouraged many of them from advancing their political careers. Alluding to the findings
by Bleich et al., Gershon et al. (2019) also reported that racial profiling of political
30
candidates has affected the quest of African American women to occupy top political
positions. Reiterating the findings by Bleich et al., Gershon et al., and Allen et al. (2019)
investigated the effects of racial discrimination on African Americans. They found that
black women suffer the most from racial prejudice, which hinders their career
advancement into top political positions. Based on the evidence reviewed, racial
discrimination negatively affects African American women serving in top political
positions.
Gender Stereotyping
Prior research studies have shown that workplace gender stereotyping has
hindered many black women from seeking top political positions. Bracic et al. (2019)
examined the challenges African American women faced in their quest to serve in
political positions through a qualitative study. They reported that many people viewed
politics as a career best suited for men, thus discouraging Black women from seeking top
political positions. Showing consensus with Bracic et al., Schneider and Bos (2019) also
established that favored masculinity in politics led many Black women and girls to
believe that politics is best fit for men only, thus escalating their underrepresentation in
political positions. Atkinson arrived at similar results to those of Bracic et al., Schneider
and Bos (2019), and Atkinson and Windett (2019), who studied the challenges, faced by
African American women on the campaign trail and found that Africana American
women face unique challenges such as gender stereotyping and racial prejudice that
negatively affect their political ambitions. Putting together the reviewed evidence
31
indicates that gender stereotyping of African American women has impeded their
successful occupation of political positions.
Additional studies have also illustrated that gender stereotyping of African
American women is a main challenge that barricades Black women from political
positions. In an empirical study, Schmitt and Brant (2019) aimed at highlighting the
challenges facing African American women in congress leadership positions and found
that gender stereotyping, through advancing masculinity politics, significantly
discouraged Black women from advancing their political careers. Emphasizing the
findings by Schmitt and Brant, Sweet-Cushman (2022) reported that gender stereotyping
in evaluating African American women candidates in political positions derailed the goals
of Black women intending to occupy top political positions. In addition, Bauer (2019)
investigated the effects of gender stereotyping on African American women’s political
ambitions and reported that relating political leadership to masculinity significantly
hampered the rise of African American women into top leadership positions. Gender
stereotyping of African American women has long been challenging in their quest to
occupy top political positions. Researchers such as Geus et al. (2021) investigated the
effects of voters’ perceptions of male and female politicians. They found that many voters
perceived male politicians to be high performers than female politicians, further affecting
the ambitions of African American women in their quest to serve in political positions.
Other researchers, such as Courtemanche and Connor (2020), also established that gender
stereotyping impeded African American women from occupying political positions due to
voters’ reservations about being led by Black women. In agreement with Geus et al., and
32
Courtemanche and Connor, Bauer (2020) also reported that the perceptions of voters that
male politicians are more qualified and suitable for political office than female politicians
negatively impacted the representation of Black women in political positions. The
evidence reviewed in the literature studies indicates that gender stereotyping has
negatively impacted the representation of African American women in political positions.
Sexual Harassment
Past research has shown that sexual harassment of African American women
poses a challenge to their successful holding of political positions. Through a qualitative
study, Krook and Sanín (2020) sought to understand the barriers affecting African
American women’s occupation of political positions and found that sexual harassment
and psychological violence against women in workplaces hindered their successful quest
of occupying political positions. In a similar study, SteelFisher et al. (2019) also found
that sexual harassment and assault against women have hindered political participation by
African American women, thus hindering their service through top political positions. In
agreement, Willie and Kershaw (2019) studied the effects of gender and sexual violence
among African American women and reported that sexual harassment of female
candidates significantly hampered their ambitions to serve in political positions. As per
the findings of the reviewed studies, it is important to note that sexual harassment of
African American women prevents them from seeking political leadership because of the
psychological distress brought by sexual violence.
Sexual harassment of women has been associated with the underrepresentation of
33
African American women in political positions. Aiming to highlight the challenges facing
African American women in their quest to seek political leadership, Schermerhorn et al.
(2022) established that sexual harassment was prominent in federal politics, characterized
by the discouragement of African American women in their ambition to serve in political
positions. Agreeing with Schermerhorn et al. (2022), Seal and Seal (2022) established
that sexual harassment towards African American women propagated by proponents of
masculinity politics impeded Black women from occupying top political positions. Other
researchers, such as Musgrave et al. (2022), also sought to establish the impacts of sexual
harassment on African American women and found that sexual violence and harassment
negatively affected the quest by African American women to seek top political positions,
which also escalated their underrepresentation in political positions. Thus far, the
reviewed evidence indicates that sexual harassment impedes African American women’s
goals to occupy top political positions.
Gender and racial bias have been a concern that African American women face
when serving in political positions in the United States. Previous researchers have
investigated ways through which gender and racial bias, including negative stereotypes,
discrimination, and limited opportunities for the advancement of African American
women serving in political positions in the United States. For instance, Schneider and
Bos (2019) examined the challenges African American women experience when serving
in politics in the United States. The researcher reported that African American women are
subjected to unfavorable preconceptions that can be exploited to cast doubt on their
credentials or qualifications, general ability, and experience serving in politics in the
34
United States. The discrimination of African American women leaders serving in politics
in the United States is often gendered and racialized. African American women are often
angry and overly aggressive. However, the researcher also noted that the negative
perceptions towards African American women leaders in politics might lead to limited
support from their constituents, limited access to resources, and experiencing difficulties
in advancing in their political careers. Corroborating with Schneider and Bos, Fine et al.
(2020) established that both justice-based and organizational benefits of a workplace of
gender diversity are mostly informed by evidence regarding sex differences and the
relationship with vocational behavior and outcomes among African American women.
According to Fine et al., African American women are often subject to a “double bind” in
politics with the essence that they are expected to be both assertive and likable even
though such traits are considered mutually exclusive. The researchers asserted that with
such expectations, African American women in politics find it challenging to carry out
their roles under such circumstances, placing them in a difficult situation that may result
in their being ignored or overlooked for leadership roles even though they might be
highly qualified or skilled for such roles.
Discrimination is also attributed to gender and racial bias that African American
women experience when serving in politics. A study by Allen et al. (2019) examined a
superwoman schema using a multidimensional culture-specific framework that
characterized the psychological stress African American women leaders in politics
experienced upon discrimination. The researchers used a purposive sampling method to
recruit women participants aged 30-50 in the study from San Francisco. Upon conducting
35
the data analysis, the researchers elucidated that African American women in politics are
more often subjected to gender and racial discrimination than their White counterparts,
making it difficult to navigate the political landscape. Similar findings to Allen et al. were
reported by Hobbs and Lajevardi (2019) in a qualitative study to examine the challenges
African American women leaders face in their political positions in the United States.
Gender and race intersectionality also play an integral role in the political issues that
African American women encounter. For instance, Hobbs and Lajevardi established that
African American women face prejudice and racial prejudice due to their intersectional
identities. For example, individuals may encounter unique obstacles linked to their
grooming standards based on Eurocentric aesthetic conventions, making full participation
in political spaces difficult.
Benefits of Mentorship Programs for Minority Women in Elected Positions
Improve Leadership Skill Development
Earlier research studies have shown that mentoring minority women in elected
positions enhance their leadership skills. Researchers such as Jackson and Bouchard
(2019) examined the benefits of mentoring programs for minority women and established
that mentoring enhanced the leadership skills possessed by minority women holding
elected positions. Agreeing with Jackson and Bouchard, Dean and Perrett (2020) also
established that mentoring women from minority groups in elected positions were
associated with developing the leadership skills that helped them advance their careers.
Other researchers, such as Jenichen (2020), also investigated the benefits of mentorship
programs for women minorities in legislative positions and found that the women
36
benefited by enhancing their leadership skills to advance their careers and inspire other
women. As per the findings of the reviewed studies, mentorship programs aimed at
minority women help them to advance their leadership skills effectively.
Other researchers have also studied the influence of mentorship programs on the
leadership skills of minority women. Through a qualitative study, Pierucci et al. (2021)
purposed to establish the influence of mentorship programs on elected minority women
and reported that mentorship programs enhanced their leadership skills by learning from
seasoned leaders and other established minority women. Supporting the findings by
Pierucci et al., Diggs (2022) studied the advantages of mentorship of women in elected
positions and found that mentoring programs helped women to overcome
intersectionality in the political space and thus promoted their leadership skills. French
and Eskridge (2021), who reported that mentoring helped minority women have
selfconfidence and understand their job profiles and responsibilities, effectively
enhancing their leadership skills, also highlighted related findings. Combining the
evidence reviewed, mentorship programs are significant in helping minority women to
advance their leadership skills.
Prior studies have also shown that mentorship programs enhance leadership skills
among elected minority women. To expound on this, Wineinger and Nugent (2020)
studied the benefits of mentoring minority women in political party positions and found
that mentorship programs improved women’s association with politics and enhanced their
representation and leadership capabilities within the parties. In a similar study, Bejarano
and Smooth (2022) investigated the factors in the success of women of color in elections.
37
They found that the initiation of mentorship programs was one of the factors that
encouraged more minority women to seek elective positions and enhance their leadership
skills. Corresponding results to those of Wineinger and Nugent and Bejarano and Smooth
were reported by Carson (2022), who established an increase in the number of mentoring
programs has subsequently increased minority women’s representation in elective
positions and thus has also enhanced their leadership capabilities and skills. Based on the
reviewed studies, mentoring programs are renowned for helping minority women to
enhance their leadership skills.
Professional Networking
Existing research has posited that mentoring minority women in elected positions
are important in forming professional networks to benefit other women. Aiming to
understand the importance of mentoring programs for women, Denmark et al. (2022)
found that mentoring young women by older and experienced minority women in elected
positions significantly helped them form professional networks to enhance their
employability. In agreement with Denmark et al., Smith-Adams (2022), through a
systematic literature review, studied the benefits of mentoring programs for minority
women and established that mentorship fostered professional networking through the
development of strategies and supported systems to assist more women to be elected in
political positions. Identical results were also established by Kalbarczyk et al. (2022),
who reported that minority women’s career development was fostered through
professional networking achieved through mentoring programs. Putting together the
38
evidence reviewed in the studies, it is clear that mentoring programs boost minority
women’s development in elected positions through professional networking.
Additional studies have also indicated that mentorship programs for minority
women foster their professional networking. Purposing to comprehend the influence of
mentorship programs on minority women, Burnier (2021) established that minority
women improved their representation in elective positions and formed professional
networks to motivate and encourage more women to seek top political positions. Like
Burnier, Smith-Adams et al. (2022) examined the benefits of mentorship programs for
minority women. They found that women in mentoring programs developed professional
networks that helped them to advance their careers and motivate other minority women to
seek elective posts. Other researchers, such as King and Upadhyay (2022), reported
similar results, further emphasizing that mentorship programs help women create
professional networks to advance their careers. The reviewed studies emphasize that
mentorship programs for minority women are significant in their professional networking
to advance their careers.
Mentorship programs are imperative for minority women’s development through
the formation of professional networks. Researchers such as Śliwa et al. (2022) studied
the importance of mentorship programs for minority women and found that they
encouraged women to form professional networks associated with their career
advancement and motivation for other minority women. Reiterating the findings by Śliwa
et al., Jefferson (2023) also sought to understand the benefits of mentorship programs. It
reported that minority women in top elected positions had access to formal professional
39
networks that helped them strategize and advance their careers while motivating other
minority women to seek elected positions. Showing consensus with Śliwa et al. and
Jefferson, Mahoney (2022) also reported that mentorship programs exposed
minorityelected women to professional organizations that helped them to enhance their
leadership skills and advance their political careers. Thus far, the evidence reviewed
shows that mentorship programs help minority women develop and advance their careers
through professional networking.
Mentoring programs can help them build social capital to enable them to complete
their work and promote their career development in organizations. Saw (2021) conducted
a quantitative study to explore leveraging social capital to broaden participation in STEM
among women in the United States. After analysis, the researcher revealed that as women
move up the organizational structure and into leadership positions, it becomes more
important to gain more skills and knowledge to boost their social capital to enable them
to perform their roles well (Saw, 2021). This calls for women-to-women mentorship
programs to help them sharpen their skills and knowledge (Saw, 2021). Klingler-Vidra
and Liu (2020), in agreement with Saw, noted that building the social capital necessary
for success and advancement could be challenging for women without undergoing
mentorship in organizations, especially in settings where men predominate. Being a
facilitator for forming these vital ties is one duty of a mentor (Klingler-Vidra & Liu,
2020). Given the findings, it is evident that women-to-women mentorship programs can
help women build social capital to enable them to complete their work and career
development in organizations.
40
Women might require formal professional mentoring to help them build social
capital more than men might, even if males can build their social capital more formally
(Klingler-Vidra & Liu, 2020). In agreement with Klingler-Vidra and Liu (2020), Sánchez
et al. (2022) investigated how mentorship among women contributes to Latinx female
adolescents’ social capital in the sciences in the United States. The researcher revealed
that women-to-women mentorship programs promote social capital among women,
providing them with key skills and knowledge as leverage in their science courses and job
performance (Sánchez et al., 2022). Comparable results to Sánchez et al. were reported in
a quantitative study conducted by Mishra (2020) to investigate social networks, social
capital, social support among women in organizations, and their academic success in
higher education in the United States. The findings revealed that women-to-women
mentorship improves their skills, self-esteem, and social capital in their academics and
career growth in organizations. The studies discussed above agree that mentoring
programs can help them build social capital to enable them to complete their work and
promote their career development in organizations.
Further research has indicated that mentoring programs could assist women in
building social capital to enable them to complete their work and promote their career
development in organizations. To support this assertion, Smith et al. (2021) conducted a
quantitative study to examine social capital from professional engineering organizations
and the persistence of women and underrepresented minority undergraduates through
mentorship programs in the United States. Smith et al. found that women who engage in
women-to-women mentorship programs have a high level of social capital compared to
41
those who do not engage in women-to-women mentorship programs in organizations. In
contrast, Giraldo-García et al. (2019) conceptualized leveraging minority women
students’ social capital and employment opportunities through mentorship and technology
in organizations. They found that women-to-women mentoring programs promote the
building of social capital among women to gain key skills and knowledge for
employment opportunities in organizations. Together, studies reviewed reveal that
mentoring programs could assist women in building social capital to enable them to
complete their work and promote their career development in organizations in the United
States.
Diversity Achievement
Earlier research has shown that mentorship programs help more minority women
to seek top political positions, thus achieving diversity in leadership. Through a
qualitative study, Siemiatycki (2019) examined the benefits of mentorship programs for
minority women and reported that mentoring was associated with motivation and
encouraging more minority women to seek top positions, thus achieving gender and racial
diversity in leadership. Agreeing with Siemiatycki, Mershon (2023) also investigated the
importance of mentorship programs for minority women and established that more
women expressed interest in elected positions, thus helping society to achieve diversity in
leadership positions. Other researchers, such as Beramendi et al. (2022), also examined
the benefits of mentorship programs for minority women and established that
encouraging and motivating more minority women to seek political positions was an
important strategy to increase diversity and representation in leadership. Per the findings
42
of the reviewed studies, it is clear that mentorship programs are crucial in achieving
diversity in leadership.
Mentorship programs motivate minority women to develop in their political
careers and seek political positions. Purposing to comprehend the advantages of
mentorship programs, Pandey et al. (2023) found that mentorship of young minority
women motivated them to be more proactive in politics and seeking elected positions,
thus increasing the probability of achieving diversity in leadership. Alluding to the
findings by Pandey et al., Swartz et al. (2019) also examined the benefits of mentorship
programs for women from ethnic minority groups and found that mentorship fostered
inclusivity and diversity in top positions for women. In addition, Delgado and Ozuna
(2019) also investigated the advantages of mentorship programs. They found that
mentorship helped more women to achieve top administrative and political positions and
thus helped to narrow the diversity gap in representation in top leadership elected
positions. Based on the reviewed studies, it is clear that mentorship of minority women
helps society to achieve diversity in leadership.
Earlier research has established that mentorship programs help minority women to
achieve diversity and representation in leadership positions. Intending to understand the
benefits of mentorship on minority women, Stuckey et al. (2019) established that
mentorship programs served as strategies to increase the gender and racial diversities in
elected positions. In agreement with Stuckey et al., Reis and Grady (2020) examined the
impacts of mentorship programs on minority women leaders in elected positions. They
found that mentorship fostered diversity in leadership by encouraging more women to
43
participate in elective politics. Related findings were reported by Goerisch et al. (2019),
who reported that formal mentorship programs designed for young minority women
helped to form the political foundation for more women to seek elected posts and thus
improve the diversity in race and gender in top elected positions.
Mentorship Provides Feedback Women Need for Career Development
Studies indicate that women perceive that women-to-women mentoring helps
women access the feedback they need for their professional development in organizations
(Klingler-Vidra & Liu, 2020). Banwell et al. (2021), in agreement with Klingler-Vidra
and Liu (2020), conducted a quantitative study to investigate the benefits of female coach
mentorship programs on women coaches’ development in the United States. Banwell et
al. reported that although women request feedback just as frequently as their male
counterparts do, they are less likely to receive it. As a result, women-to-women
mentorship programs could give them access to feedback from their mentors to help them
get the information they need to develop their careers (Banwell et al., 2021). Stuckey et
al. (2019) investigated the benefits of the formal mentoring program among women and
its effect on organizational feedback access. They found that the women-to-women
mentorship program enables women to receive advice and feedback on their requests
regarding their professional development in organizations. The articles discussed
demonstrate that women-to-women mentoring helps women access the feedback they
need for their professional development.
Access to the feedback women need for their professional development is
attributed to women’s mentorship programs in organizations. According to Cross et al.
44
(2019), women-to-women mentoring increases access to feedback among women for
their professional development. Through a quantitative study to investigate the benefits
and enablers of mentoring female health academics in the United States, Cross et al.
revealed that when women do receive feedback, it is frequently unspecific and unhelpful
because men believe that by going easy on women, they are assisting them, or they are
frightened of upsetting the women. In the long run, this hurts women since it deprives
them of the knowledge they need to advance. By giving mentees constructive criticism,
mentors can close this important knowledge gap through women-to-women mentorship
programs by providing mentees with needed knowledge regarding their development
(Cross et al., 2019). The articles reviewed reveal that access to the feedback women need
for their professional development is attributed to women’s mentorship programs in
organizations in the United States.
Whereas studies reviewed indicated the relationship between access to feedback
among women mentees and women-to-women mentorship programs, some articles
revealed conflicting results. As a result, Banwell et al. (2021) opined that while women
request feedback just as recurrently as their male counterparts do, they are less likely to
receive it. In this regard, women-to-women mentorship programs may result in their
access to the feedback they need from their mentors to help them get the information they
need to develop their careers. Cross and colleagues (2019), while acknowledging
previous research, challenged the conclusions drawn by Banwell and co-researchers.
They suggested that mentorship programs geared toward women might enhance their
opportunities to receive professional feedback. Although Cross and team expanded upon
45
prior studies, they stopped short of broad application of their findings due to the
homogeneous nature of their sample and the study’s limited scope within a singular
region. Their examination into how women-to-women mentorships affect feedback
access was also from a broad viewpoint. Therefore, Cross et al. highlighted the necessity
for future research to be performed across various locations and with a more diverse
group of participants, specifically regarding attributes such as gender, in order to provide
a more comprehensive and generalizable set of conclusions.
Different Types of Mentoring Programs
Dyad Mentoring
A single senior mentor works with a single junior mentee in dyad mentoring. The
mentor and mentee have a mutual relationship that benefits both. Dyad mentoring is the
most common type utilized in different sectors such as academics, politics, and
professional settings (Williams et al., 2019). Dyad mentorship programs could either be
formal, where the mentee gets to work with a mentor chosen by an organization, or
informal, where the mentee gets to choose a mentor (Daniel et al., 2019). In most dyad
mentoring programs, the mentor works as an advisor, career coach, and work-life balance
mentor (Marsiglio et al., 2021). Mentoring is done through face-to-face meetings,
telephone calls, or electronic media. Dyad mentoring has proven to be an effective form
of mentoring over the years because of the attention paid to details by both the mentor
and mentee for effective results. Dyad mentoring has proved effective in academia, where
research students are assigned a senior mentor who guides them on their research projects
for effective results. Dyad mentoring is famed for creating strong relationships between
46
mentors and mentees, a crucial mentorship component for effective results. However, in
some cases, dyad mentoring fails to work because of the failure of mentees to be matched
with the correct mentors. Some mentors may lack expertise in their field, thus affecting
the quality of guidance and advice.
Multiple Dyads Mentoring
Multiple dyad mentoring involves several senior mentors working with a single
junior mentee (Marsiglio et al., 2021). The mentors work on different aspects of the
mentees’ life, including career mentorship, life skills coaching, academics, and work-life
balance mentor. Multiple dyad mentoring is the best form because the mentee benefits the
most from various mentors. Group dynamics play an important role in multiple dyads
mentoring when all mentors meet with the mentee to discuss their progress (Williams et
al., 2019). Like dyad mentoring, multiple dyads mentoring could be either formal or
informal, where the mentees could be assigned mentors, or the mentee could choose
mentors of their own. Multiple dyad mentoring is based on the relationship between the
mentee and their mentors, emphasizing the mentee’s wellbeing. Effective mentorship in
multiple dyads involves the provision of emotional, physical, and skill development,
confidence boost, and role modeling support from the mentors to the mentee to ensure
they fully get the help they need (Leeder & Sawiuk, 2021). According to Orland-Barak
(2023), having multiple mentors can prevent the issue of misplaced mentors, who may
provide advice and expertise in areas where they lack qualifications.
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Peer Mentorship
Peer mentorship is a mentoring program where mentors and mentees are of the
same age group, working group, or academia (McConnell et al., 2019). Peer mentorship
is characterized by improving the mentees’ self-efficacy and curbing feelings of isolation
among students, workmates, and age mates. Peer mentorship is important as it helps
mentors and mentees to have a feeling of self-identity. Peer mentoring can be one-on-one
meetings or can be experienced in a group. The experience level in the mentorship group
determines the efficiency of peer mentoring. Members more experienced in the group
will act like mentors with knowledge passed from one group to another (Hillier et al.,
2019). Peer mentorship programs are dynamic and mutual, with knowledge passed
between the mentor and mentee. Peer mentorship develops from professional trust
relationships, which solidify the effectiveness of the peer groups in achieving their set
goals and objectives (Harrison et al., 2021). Peer mentorship also enhances interpersonal
comfort since the mentors and mentees feel comfortable discussing problems with their
peers, thus getting professional and life advice. However, peer mentorship programs face
several challenges, such as egoistical peer mentors, lack of a clear program for effective
mentoring, and peers lacking commitment to the mentorship program.
Online Mentorship
Online mentorship or e-mentorship is a form of mentoring remotely through
electronic media (Kumar & Johnson, 2019). Online mentorship has been widely used in
recent years because of technological advancement. Other factors influencing many
people to use online mentoring include the breakout of the COVID-19 pandemic, where
48
organizations resorted to having their employees work remotely. Online mentoring has
also found immense applications in academia, where tutors give advice and mentoring to
students via electronic media. Online mentoring benefits mentors and mentees by letting
more individuals be mentored virtually simultaneously; there is a higher likelihood of
mentor-mentee effective matching, which is also beneficial for flash mentoring
(Goodrich, 2021). Online mentoring has also been proven cost-effective and timesaving,
with members avoiding time-consuming meeting arrangements. However, opposers of
online mentoring have cited that it fails to motivate the mentee to commit to the entire
process, fails to have suitable matching between mentors and mentees, and there is the
problem of technology failure that will hinder full mentorship sessions. Other drawbacks
of online mentoring include the perception of mentees missing face-to-face contact
(Gobec et al., 2022).
Flash Mentoring
Flash mentoring is a one-time meeting that includes professionals in various
fields, mentors, and mentees. Normally in flash mentoring, one keynote speaker acts as a
mentor and explains various aspects of professional life in their fields (Forbes & Roberts,
2021). Flash mentoring is usually a short interaction with mentors and mentees required
to maximize the advice and guidance the keynote speaker gives. In flash mentoring, there
are no long-term relationships, and it has been viewed as an important strategy to have
busy executives have valuable interactions with their employees. Flash mentoring is
important in organizations as it helps less experienced employees gain valuable
experience from more experienced workers while having little or no long-term
49
relationships. Flash mentoring also helps employees to customize their professional
experiences by having mentors from different fields, giving them guidance and advice
(Xu & Hickey, 2022). However, research has shown that flash mentoring is limited in its
application as mentees may have unrealistic expectations from the mentors and get
disappointed, there may also be the aspect of mismatch between the mentors and mentees
with mentees feeling unsatisfied with their mentors, and meetings may consume much
time to be initiated (Lau et al., 2022).
Reverse Mentoring
Reverse mentoring is where a junior person mentors a senior person. Reverse
mentoring is a rare phenomenon in the field of mentorship, as the standard procedure is
always the senior person mentoring a junior person (Pizzolato & Dierickx, 2022).
Reverse mentoring programs can serve as strategies to gauge how effective mentorship
programs have been to mentees. Mentors are required to assess whether advice and
guidance given to junior mentees is useful or not. Reverse mentoring fosters a mutual
professional relationship in which both the mentor and mentee can gain valuable
experiences (Gadomska-Lila, 2020). Reverse mentoring has also been shown to promote
inclusivity in mentorship programs by encouraging more junior persons to participate;
reverse mentoring also fosters trust and transparency in mentorship programs and, most
importantly, boosts employee engagement. Reverse mentoring has also been described as
the best strategy to close the skills gap in an organization’s workforce by having junior
employees have more senior duties than their experienced seniors. This helps the junior
employees to gain valuable experience in their jobs. However, reverse mentoring has also
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been shown to have several drawbacks, such as the unwillingness of senior persons to
accept guidance from junior mentors, there may also be a lack of commitment to the
program by both the mentors and mentees alike (Clarke et al., 2019).
Women-to-Women Mentorship Barriers in Women of Color for Political Positions
Unconscious Biases
Several researchers have revealed that unconscious biases negatively impact
African American women’s engagement in political leadership positions. Through a
cross-sectional study, Sales et al. (2020) examined the effect of unconscious biases on
women of color’s desire to participate in political positions. They found that perceived
biases present a hard hurdle for women to ascend to political leadership positions. Crown
et al. (2021) also conducted a cross-sectional study with 181 participants to examine the
effect of unconscious biases. They revealed that doubting female capabilities to deliver
on their leadership roles hinders subsequent mentorship plans for women, especially
African American women. Further findings by Erskine et al. (2021) revealed that
discrimination against Black women in the workplace discourages their desire to
participate in leadership positions. Equally, Shi et al. (2021) also linked unconscious
biases to low rates of African American women’s involvement in political positions.
Couture et al. (2020), through a survey with 40 participants, reported an insignificant
impact of unconscious biases on the role of Black women in political leadership
positions. Specifically, Carter and Craig (2022) reported that discrimination is not the
only factor hindering women of color from participating in political leadership positions,
as other factors, such as the availability of mentors, have a significant influence.
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Although some studies have revealed the insignificant impact of unconscious biases on
African American women’s participation in political leadership, several studies have
demonstrated a significant impact. The inconsistency in findings calls for future research
on the topic.
Overlooking female contributions in the workplace leads to the low representation
of African American women in political leadership positions. Lemi and Brown (2019)
conducted a qualitative study to examine how gender discrimination influences African
American women’s participation in political leadership positions. They established that
the turnover rate increases when women of color feel undervalued and marginalized in
the workplace, leading to low representation in top management levels (Spates et al.,
2020). Other scholars, such as Patton and Njoku (2019), examined the link between
unconscious bias and female involvement in leadership positions and established that the
perceived feeling that men can handle hard tasks better than women can demotivate
women from going for high positions that are solution oriented. Patton and Njoku further
reported that African American women are afraid of taking up political leadership
positions because they feel they do not belong to an organization that does not value their
contribution to decision-making compared to their male counterparts. Related findings by
Shillcutt et al. (2019) highlighted a discrepancy between female and male representation
in top management, arguing that more men were entrusted to senior political positions
than women because of the perception that men can work well in stressful situations as
compared to women who may break down emotionally. Thus far, there is consistent
52
evidence across existing literature that stereotyping and biases harm women’s
representation in top leadership positions.
Gender-Based Harassment
Gender-based harassment is prevalent in the workplace, especially in management
for African American women in political leadership positions. In a qualitative study,
Marín-Spiotta et al. (2020) examined how gender-based harassment affects women of
color’s promotion to political leadership positions and established that deserving women
may lose leadership positions because of refusing sexual favors from their supervisors.
Concurring with Marín-Spiotta et al., Eke et al. (2021) also reported that sexual hostility
inflicts fear among Black women who desire to be part of political leadership positions.
Davis et al. (2022) and Shen et al. (2022) linked reducing the number of Black women in
leadership positions to increasing cases of sexual harassment. African American women
who encounter unwelcome physical touch from their seniors are likelier to quit their jobs
because they feel insecure (Shen et al., 2022). Maccombs and Bhat (2020) revealed that
Black women are more likely to reduce their working hours in order to handle the
harassment, and this will lead to poor results, especially when in management positions.
Sexual harassment reduces African American women’s career advancement, thus limiting
their exposure to exciting career opportunities (Kalet et al., 2022). Combining the
evidence reviewed thus far, one can conclude that sexual and gender-based harassment
reduces African American women’s productivity and career advancement.
Studies suggest that gender-based harassment has a deterring effect on the
willingness of African American women to pursue positions of political leadership.
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Dickens et al. (2019) explored how sexual harassment impacts African American
women’s perceptions of their effectiveness in the workplace, finding a correlation
between sexual harassment and a lower presence of Black women in leadership roles.
The research revealed a link between sexual harassment and heightened stress levels for
African American individuals, thereby reducing their motivation to participate in
leadership. Smith and Garrett‐Scott (2021), through a qualitative study, noted a similar
trend connecting the scarcity of Black women in leadership roles to instances of
genderbased harassment. Subjection to unwanted sexual attention, and particularly from
superiors, was associated with psychological conditions such as depression and anxiety,
which in turn led to the higher likelihood of African American women considering
leaving their jobs (Simien et al., 2019). However, contradicting the conclusions drawn by
Dickens et al. and Simien et al. (2019), Sales et al. (2020) warned against overly broad
assumptions about the impact of sexual harassment on African American women’s
participation in political leadership. This research posited that factors like educational
attainment and societal exposure played a more significant role in securing leadership
positions, suggesting that sexual harassment alone might not be the determining factor
deterring African American women from leadership roles. Furthermore, the study by
Sales et al. pointed out that the fear induced by sexual violence could discourage women
from asserting themselves in leadership and fulfilling their societal roles.
Lack of Flexibility
Women’s participation in political leadership positions presents great value to an
organization despite various challenges, such as a perceived lack of flexibility.
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Researchers such as Shillcutt et al. (2019) examined challenges facing African women in
political leadership positions using a cross-sectional study with 1221 participants and
established that family responsibilities are very demanding, thus hindering Black
women’s commitment to leadership positions. In their qualitative meta-analysis study,
Corneille et al. (2019) also investigated the barriers to mentorship for African American
women in political leadership positions. They found that mentorship sessions require
consistency in order to attain positive results. However, due to other responsibilities such
as home chores, Black women may not be able to complete the process, limiting
ascension to political positions. Agreeing with Shillcutt et al. and Corneille et al., Murrell
et al. (2021) also reported that a perceived lack of flexibility in mentorship programs
negatively affects women of color’s willingness to enroll and participate in political
leadership programs that allow them to be part of the leadership team. The existing
literature reviewed demonstrates that the lack of perceived flexibility in mentorship
programs to accommodate personal programs of Black women negatively influences their
participation in political leadership positions.
Strategies to Increase Minority Women’s Representation in Politics
Promoting Gender Equality Through Legislation
It is crucial to have women’s representation in politics as they assist in pushing
the agenda of the minority group, and this can be achieved through legislation on gender
equality. Researchers such as Lokot and Bhatia (2020) examined strategies to increase
minority women’s representation in politics and established legislation that should be
enacted to ensure that women get equal opportunities with men without any
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discrimination. Coe et al. (2019) also revealed that gender equality ensures that women
are given slots equally to their men counterparts leading to increased women’s
representation in politics. Additional findings by Heymann et al. (2019) highlighted that
enacting legislation that protects women against gender-based discrimination allows
women to contribute to matters that are generally beneficial to society. Agreeing with
previous researchers such as Coe et al. and Heymann et al., Barnes and Holman (2020)
reported that to promote women’s active engagement in politics, states should ensure that
they protect minority women’s interests through the appointment of females through
enacted legislations. Related findings by Kantola and Lombardo (2019) established that
women could be encouraged to share their views on minority interests and engage in
political agendas that protect their needs through strengthening legislation of gender
equality policies. Combined, the evidence reviewed thus far seems to suggest that
enacting laws and policies that promote gender equality enhances minority women’s
representation in politics without any discrimination.
Providing Training and Mentorship Programs
Minority women’s engagement in politics is enhanced through training and
mentorship programs. Shah et al. (2019) conducted a qualitative study examining ways of
enhancing women’s political representation. Training women to participate in leadership
roles from a tender age improves their confidence and self-esteem when appointed to
political positions. Training minority women on the expectations of political office
holders fosters their awareness, thus increasing their desire for representation in political
positions (Mügge et al., 2019). Similar discoveries by Espino and Zambrana (2019)
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revealed that recruiting minority women into leadership training programs improves their
willingness and desire to be part of the needed change, increasing women’s political
representation. Other scholars have linked the availability of training programs to
increased minority women’s representation in politics (Harris & Lee, 2019). Specifically,
Harris and Lee (2019) highlighted that training equips women with skills essential for
service delivery in the political field.
Concurring with Shah et al. (2019) and Mügge et al. (2019), Eke et al. (2021)
reported that training programs raise women’s profile in society to enable them to
participate in leadership roles in a political capacity. Equally, Waltz and Schippers (2021)
conducted a meta-analysis study investigating ways minority women can be engaged in
political positions. They found that training sessions enlighten women on their
democratic rights and constitutional requirements leading to an increased desire to be part
of political leadership. Combining the evidence reviewed thus far, one can conclude that
training is crucial in increasing minority women’s political representation because it
enlightens the female gender on the constitutional requirement.
Researchers have demonstrated a significant relationship between mentorship
programs and minority women’s political representation. Through a qualitative study,
Gooden et al. (2020) investigated the link between mentorship programs and women’s
representation in politics and found that mentors provide the required professional
support necessary for undertaking political positions. Other scholars have linked the
availability of mentorship programs to increased minority women’s representation in
political positions (Petersen et al., 2020). Ruzycki et al. (2021) revealed that the
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availability of mentors in the political field plays a crucial role in promoting minority
women’s representation in politics by ensuring that they explain and guide minority
women on how to navigate various political challenges in their assigned duties. Similar
findings to Petersen et al. (2020) and Ruzycki et al. were reported by Nelson and Piatak
(2021), who revealed that mentorship programs create a networking opportunity for
mentees to explore new opportunities in the political field, thus increasing the number of
women with the desire in political position.
Other researchers, such as Barabino et al. (2020), reported a direct link between
mentorship programs and increased women’s representation in the political class.
Inconsistent with previous researchers such as Gooden et al. (2020) and Petersen et al.
(2020), Skorge (2021) reported that leadership skills are inborn and mentorship programs
may not necessarily increase the interest in political positions if the feeling of being part
of the team is not from within an individual. Although some studies have demonstrated an
insignificant link between mentorship programs and women’s political representation,
several studies have revealed a significant link. The inconsistency in findings calls for
future research on the topic.
Encourage Women Friendly Culture
Minority women thrive well in political positions, especially if the work culture is
accommodative. Kantola and Lombardo (2019) conducted a qualitative study to find out
how work culture increased minority women’s representation in politics and established
that creating a friendly work culture boosts women’s confidence in participating in
politics. Hessami and da Fonseca (2020) reported that given the prevalence of sexual and
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gender-based violence that hinder service delivery among women thus, encouraging
women-friendly culture increases minority women’s representation in political positions.
Women encounter various challenges, such as unwelcomed sexual actions, especially in
politics, which calls for a women-friendly work culture that assures women of their safety
in the workplace (O’Brien & Piscopo, 2019). Park and Liang (2021) also reported that
women should be allowed to work freely and interact with their peers to foster their
selfawareness and confidence in executing their assignments. Sian et al. (2020) also
conducted an online survey to determine the strategies to increase minority women’s
political representation and reported that encouraging a women-friendly culture enhances
women’s engagement in politics. Gurrieri and Drenten (2021) further reported that
women-friendly culture that allows flexibility at work improves women’s political
representation. An additional study by Dobson and Kanai (2019) highlighted that
encouraging women-friendly cultures, such as paid maternity leave, health insurance, and
opportunity for career advancement, increases minority women’s representation in
politics. Thus far, there is consistent evidence across the existing literature that
encouraging women-friendly work culture may increase minority women’s political
engagement.
Women-friendly culture is one of the strategies that increase underrepresented
women in politics. Encouraging women-friendly culture in politics by offering equal pay
and allowing women to express their opinions freely motivates increased political
representation (Schulz, 2020). Lieu et al. (2020) also examined the connection between
women-friendly culture and their representation in politics and found that promoting a
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culture that accommodates women’s needs reduces work-related stress, thus enhancing
productivity at work. Other researchers reported that governance positions require
flexibility in balancing personal and work life, guaranteed by women-friendly culture
(Corrington et al., 2020). Unlike previous researchers such as Schulz (2020), who used
qualitative study, Gurrieri and Drenten (2021) used a systematic literature review to
examine strategies to increase minority women’s political representation and reported
promoting minority women’s involvement in politics can be achieved through enhancing
a women-friendly culture. Existing literature has demonstrated a link between
workfriendly culture and increased minority women’s political representation.
Reserve Some Seats for Women
Women may not compete fairly with men, given society’s perception that women
are weaker than men may call for reserving some seats for women. Wingfield (2019)
investigated ways of increasing women’s political representation and found that political
institutions should reserve some seats mainly for women. Abott and Magazinnik’s (2020)
findings established that institutions should reserve some positions for women because
Karekurve‐Ramachandra and Lee (2020) also reported that due to gender inequality,
some political positions should be designated for women to promote equality and
increased representation in leadership capacities. Martin and Blinder (2021) reported that
women have equal opportunity to represent their society by participating in parliamentary
discussions, which can be achieved through seat reservations. Equally, Belschner and
Garcia de Paredes (2021) also established that political reservations foster minority
women’s engagement in politics by increasing the chances of women being part of
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legislative processes, thus promoting the interest of minority teams. Reserving political
positions, particularly for women, increases their political representation.
Advocate Women’s Inclusion in Transitional Institutions
One of the strategies to increase minority women’s representation in politics is by
advocating for the inclusion of females in transitional institutions. Allen et al. (2019)
reported that women should demand inclusion in transition institutions for sufficient
political representation. Women’s inclusion in transitional institutions is key to increasing
minority women’s political representation (Wray-Lake et al., 2020; Griffin, 2019).
Researchers such as Kim (2019) and Yang (2020) also examined the benefits of women’s
inclusion in transitional institutions. They found that women being involved in various
transitional institutions gives females a higher chance to negotiate for the interest of the
minority group in the government. Skorge (2021) also reported that transitional
institutions could fight against gender stereotyping by providing female roles to minority
women to enhance their involvement in political space. Bjarnegård (2020) also reported
that women’s participation in governance is a democratic right and a basis of gender
equity that transitional institutions should uphold and respect; this is important to include
women in their leadership positions. Women’s inclusion in transitional institutions is a
key strategy in promoting female political participation.
Support Constitutional Provisions
Most constitutions require the application of gender rules that promote gender
equality. Through an online interview, Adeney and Swenden (2019) examined methods of
promoting minority women’s involvement in politics and established that society should
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support constitutional provisions that ensure that both genders are represented
proportionally. Lowndes (2019) also conducted a longitudinal study to examine strategies
for increasing minority women’s participation in politics and established that minorities
should fight for constitutional reforms that encourage women to be involved in political
space. Supporting constitutional provisions that encourage the appointment of women to
various political positions increases their participation in politics (Ndinga-Kanga et al.,
2020; Piscopo & Kenny, 2020). Agreeing with previous researchers such as Lowndes
(2020) and Ndinga-Kanga et al. (2020), Yadav et al. (2021) also reported that one of the
ways of increasing minority women’s engagement in political positions is by drafting
laws and regulations that mandate various government institutions to work with females.
Constitutional reforms are crucial in promoting gender equality; ensuring women are not
left behind in political positions.
Create Societal Awareness About Women’s Leadership
Educating society on the roles and benefits of women’s leadership contributes to
the increase in the number of women willing to participate in political positions. Dickens
et al. (2021) investigated the benefits of societal awareness about women’s leadership and
found that social awareness plays an important role in assisting society to embrace
women in political positions. Hessami and da Fonseca (2020) also reported that
awareness of women’s leadership helps women to develop confidence in their leadership
capabilities and self-confidence leading to increased representation in political space.
Societal awareness about women’s leadership is significantly linked to increasing
women’s desire to be involved in politics without fear of discrimination and prejudice
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(Banks, 2020). Latkin et al. (2021) also reported that creating awareness of women’s role
in politics helps correct the wrong perception in society that politics is meant for men.
Findings reviewed thus far suggest that educating society on the benefits of women’s
leadership is part of women’s empowerment on their importance to society, thus an
increased desire to participate in politics.
Prior researchers have established a significant link between societal awareness of
women’s leadership and increased women’s political representation. Researchers such as
Abdelgadir and Fouka (2020) examined how societal awareness of women’s leadership
influences women’s political representation and reported that creating awareness enables
the community to identify with female leaders. Hochwarter et al. (2020) also reported that
social awareness enables women leaders to develop a friendly rapport with their subjects,
making their service delivery easy and satisfactory. Other scholars have revealed a
positive effect of educating society on women’s leadership and the representation of
minorities in the political arena (Beresford, 2019; Bjork‐James, 2020; Davis, 2019).
Specifically, Bjork‐James (2020) and Davis (2019) reported that an effective strategy for
increasing women’s engagement in politics is taking politics to the grassroots by
educating society on the importance of having women at the decisionmaking table within
the government. Additional studies by Heymann et al. (2019) revealed that it is important
to inform society about the role of women in society apart from the normal house chores
associated with women. Notably, societal awareness of the benefits of women’s
leadership may enhance minority representation in politics because society can
differentiate the roles of women and men.
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Research Gap
Across the studies reviewed, African American women have significant
challenges while serving in political roles due to gender and racial prejudice. Researchers
Hine (2007) and Showunmi (2021) reported that African American women may struggle
to contribute substantially to their communities due to negative perceptions,
discrimination, and restricted prospects for success. Considerable research has been
conducted on mentorship among women of color in education. However, limited research
has been conducted to address the challenges that women leaders face or experience
when serving in their political positions. Therefore, there is a need for additional
qualitative empirical research to explore the barriers to mentorship that women of color
encounter in politics to address this issue. A holistic strategy is also required, including
expanding representation, developing fair policies and practices, and fighting gender and
racial stereotypes.
Summary and Conclusions
This qualitative study aims to understand the reasons behind the mentorship
gender gap in political leadership among African American women leaders who represent
cities in Westchester County. The chapter presented information on types of mentorships,
benefits, and disadvantages of mentorship, barriers to women-to-women mentorship
programs, the enablers or success factors for women-to-women mentorship programs,
and women’s perceptions regarding women-to-women mentorship programs. Chapter 3
presents the research methods that were used to conduct the study.
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Chapter 3: Research Method
The central concept of this study was understanding the reasons behind the
mentorship gap in political leadership among African American leaders. Although there
has been an increase in the number of women running for political office since the turn of
the century, the numbers remain disproportionate compared to male political leaders at
the federal, state, and local levels (Pew Research, 2018). African American women
continue to face a lack of mentorship, which may limit their political aspiration, skills,
confidence, and visibility and reduces their chances of attaining political leadership
positions. Previous researchers have found disparities regarding what African American
women have faced when running for national, state, and local offices (Brown, 2017;
Brown & Lemi, 2021; Sanbonmatsu, 2020).
Research has indicated that women of color in leadership lack adequate
mentorship from other women of color, leading to a need for them to create their own
support systems or do without (Barron, 2019; Henderson et al., 2010). Today, the bulk of
existing research on the glass ceiling for women of color focuses on educational
leadership, with almost no research examining women of color in political leadership.
Therefore, the purpose of this general qualitative study was to understand the reasons
behind the mentorship gender gap among African American women in political
leadership, using those who represent cities in Westchester County as a general
qualitative study. In this chapter, I present an overview of the study’s research design and
rationale. In addition, it includes my role as the researcher, methodology, and
65
instrumentation. This chapter concludes with a discussion of the data analysis plan, issues
of trustworthiness, and a comprehensive summary.
Research Design and Rationale
The following overarching questions were used to guide this study:
• RQ1: What are the influencing factors, characteristics, and experiences that
shape the political aspirations among African American female leaders who
represent Westchester County?
• RQ2: What are the influencing factors that impact the willingness of African
American female leaders in Westchester County to mentor incoming African
American female leaders?
• RQ3: What practical resources and infrastructure would African American
female political leaders in Westchester County need to successfully mentor
other African American women to run for office?
This study was guided by a general qualitative research approach. This approach
is particularly valuable when exploring complex subjects within their natural contexts,
drawing from the direct experiences, thoughts, perceptions, and feelings of individuals
involved (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Patton (2014) observed that qualitative researchers
convert observed phenomena into representations that can be examined interpretively,
offering a lens through which to view reality.
The choice of a general qualitative methodology for this study was fitting due to
the research goal, which was to uncover the underlying factors that contribute to the
scarcity of mentorship for African American women in political leadership roles. By
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focusing on a qualitative framework, this investigation strived to capture the real-life
experiences of African American women leaders. Unravelling this phenomenon through
the lived experiences of the individuals was a principal characteristic of qualitative
research (Merriam & Grenier, 2019), making it the most suitable method for this inquiry.
Researchers such as Sales et al. (2020) have successfully used qualitative research
methods to examine the inadequate representation of African American women in
political leadership. Sergent and Stajkovic (2020) also adopted a qualitative research
method to investigate women’s leadership in the United States. Stajkovic (2020)
successfully used the general qualitative research method and found that women have
limited opportunities in leadership. The evidence presented thus far indicates that
qualitative research method is appropriate for this study.
The study explored alternative methodologies, ultimately setting aside
quantitative and mixed-methods approaches. Quantitative methodology, which is geared
towards hypothesis testing and quantifying variable relationships through numerical data
as summarized by Merriam and Tisdell (2015), as well as by Creswell and Creswell
(2018) and Yazan (2015), was deemed unsuitable. This inappropriateness arises from the
study’s focus not to quantify African Americans’ experiences but to deeply comprehend
the subjective narratives of this demographic.
Similarly, the mixed-methods strategy—whereby researchers blend qualitative
and quantitative techniques for a more comprehensive examination of a subject, as
outlined by Creswell & Creswell (2018) and Yazan (2015)—was also dismissed. This
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rejection stems from the study’s aim which does not require concurrent qualitative and
quantitative data collection.
For this investigation, a general qualitative research design has been selected—a
design Langdridge (2007) posits permits a deep exploration of a phenomenon through the
lens of participant experiences. Specifically, this approach will reveal the intricacies
surrounding the gender mentorship gap among African American women leaders in
Westchester County’s urban spheres. The methodology hinges on understanding these
women’s lived experiences in the milieu of political leadership.
Adopting a general qualitative design, according to Moustakas (1994), researchers
immerse themselves in the participant’s everyday engagements with the issue at hand. It
relies on the detailed depiction of these interactions and the associated meanings to
unravel the nuances of the phenomenon being studied. This approach aligns with
arguments from Aagaard (2017), who asserts that phenomenology seeks to comprehend a
phenomenon through the fabric of participants’ experiences and their ingrained
understanding fostered over time.
The literature underpins the rationale for selecting a general qualitative design,
which aims to elucidate the shared experiences regarding African American women in
politics. This method emphasizes the intrinsic manner individuals perceive and make
sense of their surroundings drawn from their own reality, as supported by the
philosophical underpinnings of Husserl and Gibson (1983). Such research positions the
experiences and the subjects’ interpretation of their reality at the forefront of
understanding phenomena.
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Further contemplation was given to other designs, including a case study
method—characterized by an in-depth focused inquiry into a specific issue or context, as
described by Yin (2015). However, given the lessened relevance of the political
leadership context compared to participant experiences, the case study route was
determined to be ineffective for this research.
Ethnographic design was another contender, primarily used for cultural immersion
and unearthing the beliefs, norms, and values within a specific cultural setting, as Fusch
et al. (2017) delineate. Nonetheless, since this research did not aim to immerse in culture
over lengthy periods but rather seeks to investigate the entrenched perspectives and
experiences of African American women in political contexts, an ethnographic approach
did not align with the study’s objectives.
Role of the Researcher
In this, as in any study, I served as the primary means of data collection. I
observed and documented the experiences of seven African American women leaders
who represent cities in Westchester County and analyzed the data collected to understand
the reasons behind the mentorship gender gap in political leadership. I have no personal
relationships with the participants in this study. During this study I served in the capacity
as the researcher and interviewer. In terms of ethical issues, I ensured that the study was
conducted in accordance with the ethical guidelines set forth by the American
Psychological Association. In addition, I provided informed consent forms to all the
participants before the study commenced and ensured the participants were aware of the
contents of the consent form.
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This study allowed the participants to discuss their experiences as political leaders
as African American women. Since the research study focused on African American
women as political leadership, my racial and gender background and familiarity with
working in an environment where African American women are underrepresented,
provided me with a unique perspective. However, I recognized that this could possibly
interfere with my ability to see participants as having distinctive experiences. To address
any potential bias, I implemented a process of reflection. To provide transparency and
bring awareness to any unconscious influences that may not show as detectable in the
data, I used journaling as a tool of reflection. I bracketed any personal beliefs to reduce
bias that may potentially affect the research process. This approach allowed me to share
my research practices and experiences throughout the research process. As an executive
function coach by profession and leader in the community I can observe and engage in
active listening. Moreover, my training involves having the ability to be non-judgmental
and unbiased. And as a leader, I have built a rapport by demonstrating empathy and
respecting anonymity. In my daily life, I practice these skills daily while continuing to
promote a trusting and open interview setting. Finally, I ensured that the study was
conducted in an environment that was free from conflicts of interest or power
differentials.
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Methodology
Participant Selection
The population of this study was African American women leaders who
represented cities in Westchester County. The participants of this study included seven
African American women leaders in politics who meet the above criteria. In a general
qualitative research design, the selection of population is made to ensure that the study
will be successful with the inclusion of interviewing as many participants until data
saturation is met. The participants were selected until data saturation was reached at
seven participants. Data saturation is a point at which the research notices a repetition in
data as reported by Braun and Clark (2021).
I employed purposive sampling to carefully choose participants who display the
specific characteristics necessary for this research. The primary goal of employing this
method of targeted selection was to engage individuals who embodied the traits or
possessed the relevant experience pivotal for an in-depth exploration (Flick, 2019). This
thoughtful approach to participant selection, known as purposive sampling, empowered
me to effectively address the questions posed by the investigation, drawing from the
knowledge and qualities of well-suited individuals (Flick, 2019). Unlike random
sampling, which may not yield contributors with direct insight into the subject matter,
purposive sampling intentionally seeks out individuals who are well-informed about the
central theme under review (Flick, 2019). By adopting this strategy, researchers are better
positioned to ensure the inclusion of people equipped with firsthand understanding of the
phenomena in question (Flick, 2019). By leveraging my professional circles, I was able to
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incorporate African American female leaders who aligned with the study’s criteria,
considering their current or past professional roles.
The first step in the study included obtaining permission to conduct the study
from the IRB board. Upon approval, the second step in the recruitment process was to
recruit the intended number of participants. Participant’s recruitment process included the
use of my professional networks to select the intended participants. Additionally,
snowball sampling, a non-probability method, was employed to identify and recruit
additional participants. This technique involved asking participants to refer others who
meet the eligibility criteria for the study. By leveraging their social networks, the goal
was to reach a representative sample of African American women leaders in political
leadership across cities in Westchester County. The flyers (see Appendix A) were sent to
participants via email and included the requirements to participate in the study, explained
the study purpose, and outlined all research activities. Using information contained on the
flyers, interested participants were required to respond via email for consideration. The
third step was to select the participants. Potential participants who met the recruitment
requirements were informed via email (see Appendix B) of the decision to be included in
the study, including those who did not meet the requirements (see Appendix C). The
selection process was based on the inclusion criteria. To be selected for the study
participants had to: Be an African American woman and practice actively as a political
leader, be an African American women living and practicing in political office in
Westchester County and be an African American woman leader with at least 1 year of
experience in political office. Participants were not selected if: they were not an African
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American woman, they were not an African American women living and practicing
political office in Westchester County and were not an African American political leader
with at least 1 year of experience in political office in Westchester County.
Instrumentation
This study employed a single research instrument: a semi-structured interview
protocol (see Appendix F), which I, as the researcher, developed. For a list of initial semi-
structured interview questions see Appendix E. These interviews were conducted by a
protocol that contained open-ended questions and served as the primary source of
information for this study. The participants were given the opportunity to fully tell their
story using unscripted follow-up questions. At the same time, a protocol was used to
ensure that the data collected was comparable across participants (Creswell & Creswell,
2018). The semi-structured interview instrument was derived from the research questions
and the interview questions were constructed by the researcher. Prior to conducting the
initial study, the validity of the research instrument was tested by constructing interview
questions and conducting pilot test using three participants. This process helped identify
potential issues and areas that require clarification and correction.
Validation of the semi-structured research methodology will be achieved through
member checking. Before beginning the data collection process, I had professors, and an
advisory team look over the interview procedure that was employed for this study. One of
the scientific methods that was used to validate the research instrument was triangulation.
Triangulation involves using multiple methods including databases and sources to address
the research question (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). In this study, I conducted a field test
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of the qualitative interview protocol to check that it successfully captured all the
information that it was intended to collect. The field test was accomplished through the
semi-structured interview procedure, and the interviews were conducted with two people
who matched the criteria for the study. Following the completion of each interview with
the participants in the field test, that person’s comments were collected on how the
instrument could be made more effective.
Procedures for Recruitment, Participation, and Data Collection
The Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval was required before I began
collecting data. I sought site approval only once the study itself was given the go-ahead
for approval. This research was carried out by utilizing groups on LinkedIn and Facebook
that are made up of participants who are currently practicing in political office in
Westchester County. At least 20 African American women practicing in political office in
Westchester County were included in the study’s sample. Due to the limited availability
of African American women who are in office as political leaders in Westchester County,
the sample size for this study was restricted to 16 participants who met the inclusion
criteria. However, only seven participants agreed to be interviewed. This sample size was
justified by the rarity and specificity of this population group, which made it difficult to
find and recruit more participants. These participants were chosen through purposive
sampling and snowball sampling strategies, which aimed at selecting individuals who
could offer rich and meaningful data about the research topic.
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Despite this, data were collected until a point of complete data saturation was reached. I
got in touch with the administrators of the female political leaders via email or via phone
to inquire about the study details and possible participation.
When this permission had been granted, the next step was the completion of the
consent form, which required an “I consent” response via email. I sent a consent form to
the selected individuals to take part in the study for signing via email. The informed
consent email included information related to the researcher, research, data collection
techniques, as well as time requirements. The primary purpose of a consent form was to
ensure that the investigator complies with ethical guidelines governing social research. In
addition, the informed consent form included a detailed description of the study’s
procedures, possible risks, strategies to mitigate risks, potential benefits, and steps
required to ensure participants’ privacy. All participants received a copy of the consent
form before scheduling interviews. I sought consent from participants for each interview
to ensure that they are familiar with the contents of the consent form. However, I also
reviewed the contents of the consent form before the study commences.
Participants who were interested in participating in the study were invited to make
direct contact with the researcher via email or phone. I evaluated each potential
participant’s eligibility and then provided the informed consent form to everyone who
met the requirements. After I confirmed receipt of the form, I scheduled a time for a
Zoom. Conference call interviews were also provided as another option due to the rise of
COVID-19.
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However, even though interviews performed through Zoom are preferred due to
the video capabilities of Zoom, telephone interviews were also conducted if the
participant preferred this method or is uneasy using Zoom technology. During the coding
process, I identified standard codes for different repetitive phrases or patterns from the
data set. Step two involved generating initial codes. In this step, I identified common
phrases or repetitive terms and attach codes to them. Qualitative data analysis software
such as Delve was used to code data to achieve this. The first step required being
familiarized with the data. Data familiarization is the initial step in data analysis. The
objective was to gain an overview of how the participants responded to interview
questions. Step 2 was to generate initial codes. In this step, I once again identified
common phrases or repetitive terms and attach codes to them. Step 3 was to search for
themes. To search for themes, I investigated all codes identified in step two and
categorized them, and similar codes will be grouped. In Step 4, I reviewed themes. To
review potential themes for the study, categories were grouped to form themes. The
process helped identify emerging themes and how they related to the study, research
questions, and problems. Minor themes were identified and grouped to form significant
themes.
Step 5 was to name themes following the successful identification of themes in
Step 4. Attaching names to themes promotes easy retrieval and reference. Themes were
named based on the data collected. For the final step, I discussed and interpreted study
findings within the research gap, problem, purpose, and statement. In addition, I
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discussed research findings in reference to the theoretical framework utilized to frame the
study.
Regarding Zoom recordings, every interview was audio collected; however, the
video component of the interview was erased as soon as it finished. However, before all
videos were erased notes were documented on any questions to cues concerning physical
body language. All interviews were reviewed multiple times to ensure all shown body
language from the participants that may indicate certain reactions were documented
accordingly. I ensured permission was given by all participants before beginning the
recording. If participants did not allow their voices to be recorded their participation in
the study would have been terminated, and they would have been thanked for their time.
Qualitative data analysis software such as Delve was used to code data to achieve this.
The content of each audio recording was transcribed after each interview was conducted.
The transcription of each audio recording was achieved by utilizing the Voice Recorder
application. Each transcription was reviewed for accuracy. After that, I provided the
participant with a copy of the summarized transcript so that the individual could verify
their membership. The interview was recorded and transcribed; as the researcher I moved
on to the project’s next step: data analysis. The gathering of data and its subsequent
analysis took place simultaneously. After the interview was concluded, each transcript
was analyzed, and if possible, it was done before moving on to the subsequent
participant. The method known as sequential interviewing is when each subject is
questioned in turn, with the previous interview’s findings being analyzed before moving
on to the next participant (Creswell & Poth, 2016). This is a common practice in
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qualitative interviewing, as it gives the researcher the opportunity to modify the study
protocol based on the results of the prior interview. This results in a protocol informed by
the participants, leading to more thorough descriptions (Creswell & Poth, 2016).
Data Analysis Plan
Once the participant reviews were completed, transcription data was uploaded
into the Delve qualitative software for categorization. Harnessing the thematic analysis
methodology by Braun and Clarke (2019), I meticulously evaluated data. The process
involved an in-depth, inductive review to spot and group emerging patterns within the
data through iterative comparisons.
The analysis process unfolded across several phases:
1. Initially, data were scrutinized through multiple readings to establish
familiarity.
2. Following that, the establishment of preliminary codes occurred, based on
identified data patterns.
3. These initial codes were then categorized into broader themes.
4. Next, theme refinement took place, evaluating their coherence and
substantiation within the data.
5. Each theme was consequently named and defined, emphasizing its importance
in response to the research questions.
6. Finally, I compiled and presented the findings coherently.
During the initial phase, the entire data set, comprising transcripts, was read
multiple times to foster a deep understanding of the content and began to identify
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significant elements (Braun & Clark, 2019). Phase 2 consisted of distilling the data into
tentative codes, breaking down the content into more manageable segments of meaning
(Braun & Clark, 2019). These initial interpretations informed and shaped these codes.
The third step included combining these initial codes into overarching themes,
each representing a key piece of the data narrative (Braun & Clark, 2019). Step 4
involved critically evaluating these themes for consistency and alignment with the data,
merging or dividing them as needed, and discarding any unsupported themes (Braun &
Clark, 2019).
In the fifth phase, the focus shifted to encapsulating the essence of each theme,
defining its nuances, and understanding how subthemes relate to the main topic. This
process helped in clarifying their connection to the research inquiry (Braun & Clark,
2019).
The sixth and final stage presented the results in a structured report, marking the
culmination of coding (Braun & Clark, 2019). As the researcher, I considered data
collection and analysis to be completed when no new themes emerged from the analysis
of the seven participants’ interviews, and the examination of data from the last two
participants contributes no additional insights. This point of ”data saturation” indicates
thorough coverage of the research terrain.
Thematic Analysis
The process of thematic analysis started by dissecting the information into the
minutest units of significance, which was called initial, inductive codes. I then sifted
through these fragments to form preliminary themes—essentially, broader strokes of
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meaning—or what some might refer to as the overarching discoveries within the data, as
Clarke & Braun (2014) noted. Validation of each theme was meticulously crossreferenced
with the collected data, ensuring that these patterns genuinely reflected the essence of
participant input.
Continuing this rigorous examination, each theme was compared to one another
for uniqueness, retaining only those that stand clearly distinguished for their individual
presentation. The themes were scrutinized to confirm their coherence, opting to split any
that served better as a series of narrower themes rather than a single, broader concept.
In naming these themes, I peered into the data they encompassed, gauged by their
importance against our research goals, and recognized that this step played a pivotal role
in constructing a final report that delineated the findings beneath each designated theme.
Issues of Trustworthiness
The concept of trustworthiness in qualitative research, as discussed by Curtin and
Fossey (2007), serves as a yardstick for capturing genuine insights into individuals’
experiences or the essence of the studied phenomena. To ensure the integrity and
reliability of this research, I implemented a thoroughly vetted research design.
Additionally, this study focused on strengthening core aspects of trustworthiness such as
credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability throughout our
methodology.
Credibility
In this qualitative inquiry into the underlying factors of the mentorship gender gap
in political leadership among African American female leaders in Westchester County,
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upholding credibility is crucial for validating the research outcomes. According to
Creswell and Poth (2018), employing credible data sources is vital for creating
trustworthy and compelling findings. I also engaged in member checking, asking
participants to verify the findings, further solidifying the study’s authenticity.
I further deployed credible research tools in this study to uncover the driving
forces behind the mentorship disparity in political leadership among African American
women in Westchester County. Accurate data documentation from a representative
participant pool and the utilization of correct data analysis techniques were essential in
my approach. This precision ensured the findings accurately represented the collected
data.
Transferability
Creswell and Poth (2018) described transferability as the applicability of research
findings across various contexts. However, due to the specific demographic and limited
participant scope in this study of mentorship gaps among African American women
leaders in Westchester County, full transferability may not be attainable. I provided
detailed depictions of the research context and participant demographics, offered a clear
view of how and by whom the data was gathered, coded, and analyzed. Discussing these
limitations was crucial as it shed light on the study’s scope and informed the validity of
any potential generalizations, and guided future research designs.
Dependability
Braun and Clarke (2019) defined dependability as the research’s reproducibility to
yield consistent results. In the study on understanding the reasons behind the mentorship
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gender gap in political leadership among African American women leaders representing
cities in Westchester County, I sought to include a group of African American women
leaders from cities in Westchester County to represent the entire population of the study
using valid and reliable measures. This meant selecting measures that accurately captured
the construct of interest and employing a method of data collection free from error and
bias.
Confirmability
Confirmability reflects the impartiality of research findings according to Braun
and Clarke (2019), emphasizing the participants’ perspectives over researcher-induced
biases. I established confirmability through methodologies such as audit trails and data
triangulation, while exercising reflexivity during the process to avoid personal bias.
Comprehensive records were maintained of all research data, and all documents were
kept securely to ensure transparency. This approach included diligent safeguarding of
interview transcripts, field notes, and additional evidence, ensuring they remain available
and intact for review and validation. Throughout, as the researcher I remained vigilant to
minimize the researcher’s own belief systems from clouding the study’s results.
Ethical Procedures
Adhabi and Anozie (2017) highlighted the necessity of four critical ethical
measures in scholarly research, which include (1) diminishing the likelihood of potential
harm, (2) safeguarding interview data confidentiality, (3) clearly conveying the
interview’s intent and scope to participants, and (4) minimizing any chances of
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participant exploitation. Central to these measures is the acquisition of informed consent
from all involved parties.
Informed consent served as a protective shield for participant rights within
research contexts. This process involved thoroughly briefing the participants about the
study’s aims, methodologies, associated risks, and benefits, in addition to underscoring
the participant’s freedom to disengage from the research without consequences.
Furthermore, Creswell and Poth (2018) stressed the importance of maintaining individual
privacy and confidentiality. This encompassed a commitment to not disclose personal
identifying information without expressed permission from the participant and to secure
the data through anonymization or pseudonyms—it was vital to protect data rigorously,
either by encrypting digital files or deploying physical safeguards like locked storage for
any printed material (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). All research-generated information
shall remain protected on password-secured computers or inside locked filing cabinets.
Summary
Chapter 3 described the methods that were used in the study as well as the tools
that assessed the participants’ responses to the interview questions. In this chapter, the
purpose of this qualitative study was to understand the reasons behind the mentorship
gender gap among African American women in political leadership, using those who
represent cities in Westchester County as a general qualitative study through
semistructured interviews. This chapter provided an in-depth overview of this study’s
methodology and research questions and provided the selected research design and
rationale. This chapter further revealed the study’s population and sampling procedures,
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data collection methods, and the study’s procedures. The chapter concluded with a
discussion of the data analysis plan and the ethical assurances that will help to protect
human participants. I collected data in a succinct manner that did not reveal the identity
of participants but provided information useful for myself and future researchers. The
results of the data analysis and a summary of the study’s findings will be presented in
Chapter 4.
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Chapter 4: Results
Introduction
By undertaking this study, the purpose was to address the mentorship gap in
political leadership among African-American women leaders who represent cities in
Westchester County. However, the number of women running for political office in the
United States has generally increased since the dawn of the 21st century. However, the
number of such women remains disproportionately lower than that of men vying for
similar political offices at state, federal, and local levels. The numbers are even much
lower for African-American women, mainly due to a lack of proper mentorship. Without
proper mentorship, most African-American become limited in their political aspirations
and fail to develop the necessary skills and confidence to vie for political office. Thus,
lack of proper mentorship ultimately reduces the chances of African-American women
attaining political leadership positions (Barron, 2019). While many studies have been
conducted on the glass ceiling for women of color, most of these studies focus on
leadership within the educational context, with almost no study examining the mentorship
gap for women of color within the political leadership context. Therefore, the aim of this
general qualitative study was to explore the reasons behind the mentorship gap among
African-American women in political leadership.
In the previous chapter, I discussed the methods that I used to gather and analyze
data to answer this study’s research questions. In this chapter, I present the findings I
obtained after gathering and analyzing the qualitative data. The chapter begins with a
discussion of the setting for this study and the demographics of participants who took part
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in the study. The chapter also includes a discussion of the methods that were used to
gather and analyze the data and how issues of trustworthiness were addressed to present
the findings obtained. The largest and most important section in this chapter includes a
presentation of the findings obtained. The chapter will conclude with a summary of the
key findings and how the research questions were answered, and a transition to the next
chapter.
Setting
This study was conducted within a county in the State of New York, specifically
focusing on the African-American women leaders representing cities in Westchester
County. The study participants comprised seven African-American women who
represented cities in Westchester County. These women have faced unique but similar
challenges which may have influenced their experiences during the study.
All participants seemed to provide a truthful account of their experiences and
perspectives as political leaders. In addition, all participants recalled their political
socialization experiences that impacted their decisions to run for political office. Finally,
they offered insight into how women can benefit from being mentored by other women.
Potential participants were recruited through Facebook, LinkedIn, and email,
through which I employed purposeful and snowballing sampling methodologies.
Respondents expressed their interest in the study, and an informed consent process was
initiated, confirming their agreement to the interview terms. Interviews were scheduled
via Calendly for the participants to choose when an interview is most convenient for them
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and conducted via Zoom, with audio recordings employed to capture participants’
narratives.
Prior to starting the Zoom interviews, I reminded the selected participants that our
interview would be audio recorded, and they would need to turn off their cameras. I also
explained that their participation was voluntary and that they could stop at any time. All
interviews took place in the privacy of my home or personal car via Zoom.
The research setting was also shaped by the aftermath of the 2024 national
election and the heightened political climate surrounding it, which may influence
participants’ perspectives and experiences in political leadership roles. Additionally, the
demanding nature of their leadership positions and the hesitancy to participate in research
during such a politically charged period further underscore the complexities of gathering
insights from these participants.
Demographics
The participants in this study were all African-American women who held
political leadership in Westchester County. These roles encompassed a wide range of
responsibilities and levels of influence, reflecting the diverse nature of political
leadership. To ensure the confidentiality of the participants, specific details about their
positions or affiliations have been withheld. The participants represented a variety of
backgrounds, contributing to the richness of the study. They varied in age, with some
bringing decades of experience to their roles while others were emerging leaders with
fresh perspectives. This diversity in age allowed for a comprehensive exploration of
leadership experiences across different stages of professional development.
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Ethnic and cultural diversity was another significant aspect of the participant
group. Women from multiple ethnicities and cultural backgrounds participated, offering
insights into how these factors intersect with political leadership. This diversity enriched
the study by highlighting the unique challenges and opportunities faced by leaders from
different communities.
Given the small sample size and the potential for identifying participants, detailed
demographic data has been aggregated and generalized. This approach ensures the
participants’ privacy while maintaining the research’s integrity. The focus remains on the
collective experiences and themes that emerged rather than on individual characteristics.
All participants were African American and political leaders.
Data Collection
After seeking IRB approval and successfully identifying and recruiting
participants, informed consent was obtained to ensure participation was voluntary. I
emailed a copy of the consent form to each participant via email. All the participants
responded “I consent” via email or verbally accepted prior to the start of their scheduled
interview. I then scheduled a time for Zoom interviews via the Calendarly tool, depending
on the personal preference of each participant. All interviews were audiotaped to ensure
as many details as possible are captured for further review and analysis. Each audiotaped
interview took approximately 30-45 minutes to complete. Interview transcripts and audio-
files were stored on a password-protected computer using a pseudonym.
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Data Analysis
The data analysis process began with first transcribing each audiotaped interview.
Each transcript was sent back to its respective participant for member-checking. The
purpose of member-checking was to allow participants to verify or correct the
information in the transcripts. This step ensured that the data and subsequent
interpretations aligned with the participants’ perspectives and experiences. After member-
checking, the transcripts were uploaded to Delve software for qualitative analysis. The
thematic analysis methodology outlined by Braun and Clarke (2019) was followed when
performing deductive qualitative analysis of the data. The methodology comprised six
steps, including familiarization, preliminary coding, generation of initial themes,
refinement of initial themes, naming of themes, and compilation and presentation of the
findings.
During the familiarization phase, I read each transcript multiple times to not only
gain a deeper understanding of the data but also to become immersed in the data itself.
This step is crucial as it served as a foundation for the subsequent coding theme
generation phases.
The second phase involved breaking down the qualitative data into more
manageable segments by distilling the data into tentative codes. During this phase, I read
through each interview transcript carefully and identified text segments and pieces of
information closely related to the study’s purpose and research questions. I also assigned
a name to each of these text segments. For instance, the following piece of text was
assigned the name “Friend as mentor” to reflect the mentorship role a friend played in the
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political journey of one of the participants: “When I came into the political arena, I guess,
my colleague was, who was my friend was also, we came in kind of together. So again,
this was a relationship that we’d established outside of politics that we brought into our
respective roles and continue as you know” (Participant 7). The initial coding process
yielded 168 focused codes. Table 1 shows a sample of the initial codes developed during
the coding process.
Table 1
Sample of Codes and Texts Segments Developed During Coding
Code name
Text segment
Participant
Group of friends as
mentors
I have to keep the core group of friends
outside of politics because then when I get
around and I’m around them. I just I don’t
have to worry about, you know, just thinking
about work and thinking about, you know,
all that comes along with government and
politics, I can just completely. Outside of
that right, and we hike, we bike, we kayak
and nature together, and it’s a beautiful way
for me to de-stress.
Participant 6
Group of friends as
I have to keep the core group of friends
Participant 6
Had advisors
I wasn’t really mentored at all the people
Participant 1
Has never been
endorsed
I’ve never been endorsed by an
AfricanAmerican elected official in. I said,
no, that’s a lie. That’s a lie, one African-
American did endorse me time and time
again, my colleague and he and that I mean,
he’s been great, but outside of that there are
so many others that husbands who are more
influential and powerful.
Participant 6
Jesus as a way of
coping with stress and
pressure
Jesus first and I don’t say that lightly, you
know I’m a minister. So Jesus first secondly
Participant 5
Keeping people
You have to keep the people who want
Participant 5
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Lacks mentorship
experience
And seeing what they did, I’m just learning
so I don’t know, but I guess I didn’t really
Participant 1
have a mentor so I guess my experience is
0.
Libra mentality and
It’s been tough to collaborate with other
Participant 6
Mentors from different
And then I and then I, you know, have
Participant 5
No previous
And I haven’t heard much. I’ve had to learn
Participant 6
White man as mentor
It’s always been men and white men and
sadly, I mean, and I can’t even say it. I think it
shaped my experience because there are times
when they just don’t get it, they don’t
understand the purview that I have because
they’re not Black right? And so when issues
that directly affect the African-American
community comes up, and I’m the only
person that can speak to it.
Participant 6
Betrayal from close
I never want anybody to second-guess their
Participant 2
Elected leaders not
seeing eye-to-eye
Elected leaders in Westchester and in Yonkers
and we do not collaborate nearly enough upon
issues that matter to our community, we do
not see eye to eye.
Participant 6
Fights among African-
We fight amongst ourselves more than
Participant 6
Being aggressive
So we kind of have to always you know,
Participant 4
The third step involved categorizing the focused codes into broader themes. Codes
that shared a common meaning were grouped together and assigned a name. I ensured the
name assigned to each theme captured the meaning and essence of all underlying codes
and text segments. For instance, the following codes were collapsed into a category called
“Political survival over mentorship” since they focused on the idea that most African-
American women in political leadership prioritize their own political survival rather than
mentoring other upcoming African-American female leaders:
• Power retention over mentorship
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• Age gap as barrier
• Fear of political retaliation
• Political survival priority
• No need to mentor
• Playing the political game
• African-American women refuse mentorship
The fourth step involved refining the themes to ensure their relevance and
coherence. In terms of coherence, I reviewed each theme to ensure all underlying codes
and text segments conveyed the same meaning. I also reviewed all themes to ensure there
was no overlap among them. In some cases, I merged themes to form even broader
themes. For instance, two initial themes named “Aggressiveness and self-advocacy” and
“Ability to overcome gender and racial stereotypes through character and actions” were
collapsed into a single theme named “10 Theme 2 - Resilience to overcome Stereotypes
and Self-Advocacy Shape the Political Aspirations of African-American Female
Leaders.” The fifth step involved refining the names assigned to themes. Each theme was
assigned a name that captured the essence and meaning of all underlying codes,
categories, and text segments. Finally, a report of the findings, with themes categorized
by research questions, was written. Table 2 shows the final themes obtained as organized
by each of the three primary research questions:
Table 2
Final Themes and Codes Organized by Research Question
Research question and emergent themes
No. of participants
Frequency
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RQ1 - Factors that shaped the political aspiration of African- American female leaders in
Westchester County
7
30
Theme 1 - Role of mentorship in shaping political aspirations
7
12
Mentorship from different people
7
12
Theme 2 - Resilience to overcome stereotypes and Self-Advocacy Shape the Political
Aspirations of African-American Female Leaders
6
12
Ability to overcome gender and racial stereotypes through character and actions
5
7
Aggressiveness and self-advocacy
5
5
Theme 3 - Support from Family and Friends
4
6
Family as Support System
4
4
Support from friends
1
2
RQ2 - Factors that impact the willingness of African-American female leaders in
Westchester County to mentor incoming African-American female leaders
6
28
Theme 4 - Fights, divisions, and competition among African-American women undermine
willingness to mentor
4
11
Competition and internal divisions among African-American female leaders
2
4
Political survival over mentorship
3
7
Theme 5 - Lack of mentorship culture and experience among established African-American
female leaders affects willingness to mentor
4
11
Lack of mentorship culture where existing African-American female leaders do not usually mentor
other African-American women
3
4
Lack of previous mentorship experience
3
5
Older African-American women’s unwillingness to relinquish power
1
2
Theme 6 - Difficulty finding time & bandwidth to mentor others
3
6
Difficulty finding time to mentor others
1
2
Lack of bandwidth to mentor the many African-American women seeking mentorship
2
4
RQ3 - Practical resources and infrastructure would African-American female 7 29 political leaders in
Westchester County need to successfully mentor other African-
American women to run for office
Theme 7 - Need to expand the political awareness of African-American women
2
7
Need for greater exposure of African-American women to politics in order to spar their interest
2
4
Youths not aware of available seats they can clinch
2
3
Theme 8 - Need for mentees to establish long-standing political relationships with potential
mentors rather than rely goodwill alone
4
9
Long-standing political relationships
4
9
Theme 9 - Need for Formal mentorship programs
3
3
Internship programs for African-American women aspiring to become leaders
1
1
Need for a formal mentorship program
1
1
Need for formal mentorship programs in place
1
1
Theme 10 - Need for collaboration among African-American women
6
Collaboration among African-American women
6
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Evidence of Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness is important in qualitative research for several reasons.
Researchers including Creswell and Poth (2018) asserted that trustworthiness ensures
reliability, validity, and credibility of the qualitative research findings. Credible and
reliable findings build confidence in the research findings and their social, theoretical,
and practical implications (Ahmed, 2024). Ahmed (2024) further noted that because
qualitative researchers explore a phenomenon intricate detail, trustworthiness establishes
the credibility and reliability of qualitative results. The validity and reliability of
qualitative findings may be established through the elements of credibility, transferability,
and dependability (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Thus, because of its role in enhancing the
value of qualitative research findings, data triangulation, detailed and comprehensive
description of the research processes, audit trails, member checking, reflexive journalling,
and peer debriefing may be used to ensure trustworthiness (Braun & Clarke, 2019).
In the current qualitative research, credibility was evidenced by using credible
sources to establish the research problem and qualified participants to gather detailed and
quality data to answer the research questions. Moreover, performing member checking
before thematic analysis of the interview data ensured that the information I analyzed was
valid and accurately documented. Member checking was also vital in establishing
neutrality or ensuring the reported findings were impartial and only included the
participant’s perceptions, opinions, and experiences with the research phenomenon. The
impartiality of the research findings was maintained through reflexivity to address
instances of researcher bias and secure storage of electronic and paper data for reference
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within the specified period. In addition to member-checking and reflexivity, dependability
and transferability were achieved through a detailed description of the research process
and creation of an audit trail. Detailing the steps taken to recruit participants for the study,
as well as collecting and analyzing the research data, will enhance the replicability and
applicability of this study’s findings to other contexts.
Discussion of Themes
RQ1: What are the influencing factors, characteristics, and experiences that shape
the political aspirations among African-American female leaders who represent
Westchester County?
Three themes emerged from the data to address this research question. The three
themes include: Role of mentorship in shaping the political aspirations of
AfricanAmerican female leaders who represent Westchester County; Resilience to
Overcome
Stereotypes and Self-Advocacy Shape the Political Aspirations of African-American
Female Leaders; and Support from Family and Friends.
Theme 1: Role of mentorship in shaping the political aspirations of African-American
female leaders who represent Westchester County
Seven participants contributed to this theme. All participants agreed that
mentorship plays a crucial role in shaping the political aspirations of African-American
female leaders in Westchester County, either by providing guidance and strategic support
or, when absent, forcing self-reliance and informal learning. Initiation of mentorship
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programs was one of the factors that encouraged more minority women to seek elective
positions. Participants also reported that the lack of mentors in the political field for
Black women further complicated the limited chances that African-American women
have in politics, killing their political aspirations. Mentorship improves the leadership
skills possessed by minority women holding elected positions and this helped these
women advance their careers and inspire other women. Thus, mentoring programs helped
women to overcome intersectionality in the political space and thus promoted their
leadership skills and their ability to lead. Participants also noted having mentors through
various stages of their lives helped them understand how to feel when another person
such as a mayor owns your desired leadership position.
Participant 1 noted that although mentorship shaped African-American women’s
political aspirations, she did not have a mentor. According to Participant 1, she depends
on who she is and carries on without a mentor by making sure she is conscious of herself,
indicating that she was never mentored because she did not have a specific mentor to
mentor her or guide her:
I wasn’t mentored at all by the people that I did speak to they either gave me good
advice before or they gave me bad advice. And, of course, it depended on what
their motive was or their intent. So, I didn’t have a specific mentor. There wasn’t
anyone who guided me.
Mentorship inspired women in political leadership as some participants indicated
that they were hand mentors as they moved into various ranks from the town clerk and
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eventually moving over to a county legislator. Participant 2 noted that one of the women
mentored her to become a county legislator, acknowledging the importance of having a
mentor, who inspires one to become a leader, especially or the African-American women,
‘‘Correct, I could say, well, it was a man. And believe it or not, it was not a man of color.
One of the people women.” Similar response was provided by Participant 3, who also
revealed that she had a mentor who guided her through elections and how to navigate
various challenges to become a politician and a leader in the county in which she also
began as a town clerk up to becoming a county legislator, “So it was a it was a couple
people, actually, it was a Black female who was one of my mentors who has been in
Greenberg for a number of years.” As highlighted by Participant 3, mentorship can be the
best practice to shape political aspirations among African-American women:
The best practices. I think, really, really being open and very deep communicative
to all of the new elections that’s coming in. I think, I think, especially in this time
you know, we don’t know what we’re going to be faced with, you know, with I’m
not supposed to talk about, I promise no politics on Thanksgiving, but especially
in the light of everything that’s happening and how we’re going to see a wave of
change.
Some participants indicated that mentors can also endorse their mentees for
political positions. Participant 4 reported having been endorsed for a political seat by an
African-American woman, “Um them well, my colleague endorsed me that was a young
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Black African-American female.” Female mentors were available to mentor and inspire
Participant 4’s political ambitions and this helped her continue pursuing her dreams of
becoming a political leader as this woman was at the forefront of her mentorship:
My colleague you know, how she did things? And then even still to this day. It’s
like, all right, well, we did it this way and at my colleague’s office, do I want to
continue to do it that way? So, I want to add my own. She was really at the
forefront of my mentorship because she’s the one I had. You know how she
wanted to do this and that, and I learned how to do this and that from her mainly.
Having different mentors from diverse parts of one’s life can be inspiring for
African-American women who aspire to become political leaders. As reported by some
participants, mentors can range from family members to friends, as Participant 5 reported
that she had mentors from parts of her life including her sister cycle of prayer warriors
who prayed for her. Additionally, Participant 5 indicated she has had mentors who
mentored her through various stages of her life from who she can call and get political
advice, especially another mayor who owns and understands her position:
I have mentors from different parts of my life. You know, I have my sister circle
of prayer warriors. Then I have, you know mentors who’ve been mentoring me
through various stages of my life who I’m able to call and get advice from and um
and in my network of mayors across the country. Because sometime the only
person who understands how you feel is another mayor someone who owns your
position absolutely.
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Participant 6 stated that friends can also help in mentorship by simply getting
around them outside politics, away from government and politics, to stop thinking about
work and politics and have time to de-stress. This helps in making informed political
decisions with limited stress: “I have to keep the core group of friends outside of politics
because then when I get around and I’m around them. I just don’t have to worry about,
you know, just thinking about work and thinking about.” As per Participant 6, her
mentors are Black men and white men who shaped her political aspirations and
experience as it was challenging for African-American woman from Black community to
have such a political position:
It’s always been men and white men and sadly, I mean, and I can’t even say it. I
think it shaped my experience because there are times when they just don’t get it,
they don’t understand the view that I have because they’re not Black right? And
so when issues that directly affect the African-American community comes up,
I’m the only person that can speak to it.
A similar notion to Participant 6 was also reported by Participant 7 who indicated that her
friend was her mentor from a relationship they established outside of politics. Such
friendship brought them into their current roles, and they continue mentoring each other
through their political aspirations and ambitions: “When I came into the political arena, I
guess, My colleague was, who was my friend was also, we came in kind of together.”
Participant 7 added that she had a wonderful teacher and mentor who she always relied
on and that she also had good examples in government who she looked at who were not
African-American women:
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I got a little more into politics, but she was a wonderful mentor wonderful teacher
and somebody who you could always rely on and I did have examples of women
in government who know I also looked at who are not African-American women.
Theme 2: Resilience to Overcome Stereotypes and Self-Advocacy Shape the Political
Aspirations of African-American Female Leaders
Five participants contributed to this theme. Participants who responded to
resilience to overcome, reported that the resilience to overcome stereotypes and
selfadvocacy shapes the political aspirations of African-American female leaders.
Participants noted that as African-American women, they are subjected to unfavorable
preconceptions that can be exploited to cast doubt on their credentials or qualifications,
general ability, and experience serving in politics in the United States. So, this needs
aggressiveness and self-advocacy to overcome such negative preconceptions about them.
Further, as African-American women, they are often subject to a double bind in politics
with the essence that they are expected to be both assertive and likeable even though such
traits are considered mutually exclusive. In this case, they also need the ability to
overcome such gender and racial stereotypes through character and actions. Thus,
African-American women in politics find it challenging to carry out their roles under
such circumstances, placing them in a difficult situation that may result in their being
ignored or overlooked for leadership roles even though they might be highly qualified or
skilled for such political roles, calling for resilience to overcome them. Therefore, there is
a need for those women to be resilient and challenge such stereotypes by taking action
through being aggressive.
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Five participants highlighted the need for African-American women to have the
ability to overcome gender and racial stereotypes through character and actions.
Participant 1 reported the need to challenge such gender and racial stereotypes by not
letting them persist with such negative treatments despite the inability to change their
minds: “I challenge them. But I also make sure that I don’t let them (stereotypes and
biases) define me. I can’t, at least verbally change someone’s mind.” Participant 1 also
noted that through actions through ignoring such as biases, she can carry on her roles
instead of thinking about it by making sure she is conscious of herself and that her actions
do not show any sign of being scared or demeaned at all:
But through my actions and the way I carry myself, I could. So, I try not to think
about it as far as daily, but the way I carry myself the way I trust the way I speak.
I’m kind, depending on who I’m around as well, I make sure I’m conscious of
myself, and I’m perceived, or could be perceived, because sometimes it’s not
something I’m going to be able to help, if other people have their own bias
preconceived notions.
Participant 4 revealed that there is a need to have a strong personality and
character speak for itself when coming into the game of politics. Participant 4 claims that
people may have different preconceived mindsets about African-American women in
politics but it should not get into one as such stereotypes are normal in politics as they
expect one to speak and act in a certain way as a politician. However, according to
Participant 4, letting that distract one’s mind may be an end game to their political career,
thus the need to have a strong character and take actions against such as stereotypes: “I
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let my personality and my character speak for myself. I already feel like coming into this
game. People have an up, you know, almost like a stereotype of what they think
politicians are supposed to look like.” A corresponding response to Participant 4 was
reported by Participant 5 who claimed that she was expected to speak well and that she
was a little, however, she did not let that microaggression get into her as she leaned into
some of the stereotypes of the strong Black woman right again, way before she got to this
political position, “So, I’ve been told since I was a little girl I speak well, you’re so
articulate, and you learn how to not let those micro aggressions get to you.” Participant 6
suggested the need to just live through and stand out to speak against stereotypes and
focus on a political career, “which is sad, but when there are times when you do need to
stand out and stand up and speak up and stand on things as you know, a minority as a
Black.” Similarly, Participant 7 noted that one should not come in with preconceived
notions about their preconceived notions concerning African-American women in
political positions: “uh, as African-American normal human being, as they are, so I don’t
come in with preconceived notions.”
Five participants also shared the need for aggressiveness and self-advocacy for
African-American women to overcome gender and racial stereotypes and shape their
political aspirations. Participant 1 reported that as an African-American woman, she had
to be aggressive and carry herself in a standard that she would be proud of by
selfadvocating for her political ambitions and aspirations, “But I make sure that at least I
carry myself to a certain standard. That I would be proud of.” Participant 2 also suggested
the need to be aggressive and advocate for oneself by ensuring many people know who
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she was and what her ambitions for them are when given the mandate as their leader in
political positions, “So I’m advocate you for myself for that, because I was done wrong.
The only good thing about that is because I was a community person to before well, it is,
do people know who I am.”
Aggressiveness and self-advocacy were also suggested by Participant 4 who
acknowledged that they need to be aggressive when getting into a room to advocate for
their political aspirations for people to understand them, otherwise, they may not give
them the political level, “So we kind of have to always you know, when we step in the
room, we gotta step in like we understand because otherwise, they’re not going to give us
leverage.” However, Participant 5 indicated that Black woman excellence can be obtained
through sacrifice involving stretching through self-neglect and exhaustion in self-
advocacy, “But Black woman excellence is only obtained through sacrifice through
exhaustion, they’re stretching through purging through self-neglect and very rarely
selfcare.” Participant 6 highlighted that African-American women with political
aspirations have to be lone lions of their time to get the respect they need from Black
elected leaders who were against them and this can be achieved through being aggressive
and selfadvocacy:
I had to be a lone lion a lot of the times in order to get the respect from those
Black elected leaders that were against me, and in order to now be able to sit at
the table with them and say, let’s work on this and that together.
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Theme 3: Support from Family and Friends
Only three participants commented on this theme. The participants reported that
support from family and friends can help in shaping the political aspirations among
African-American female leaders who represent Westchester County. Participants
revealed families and friends can be a center for support for African-American women in
political positions who aspire to lead. Family can offer emotional, financial and physical
support during campaigns for political positions and this may help shape the political
aspirations of African-American women who represent Westchester County. According to
the participants, they need strong support from family members who are their lone source
of care and support including advice from their husbands and parents as well as receiving
financial resources required to conduct political campaigns for self-advocacy.
Similarly, participants noted that friends can offer financial and emotional support for
African-American women’s political aspirations.
Participant 2 highlighted that while their positions in politics were stressful, they
sought emotional support from their husbands, their mothers, and children by letting them
know about the challenges they face, “It is stressful. But I talk to my husband I talk to my
mother, I talk to my children and I just let them know, like you know, I could give up at
any time.” Additionally, Participant 3 added to Participant 2’s response by stating that
loved ones are a source of support including family members. As indicated by Participant
3, family members can be an important source of financial resources to help their political
career including funding campaigns for self-advocacy to let people know of their
ambitions as their future leaders. Participant 3 noted that emotional support can also
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emanate from family members for African-American women with political aspirations
including husbands, parents and children “So with that, you have to figure out how you
navigate through all of that. In addition to your full-time job, your family, if you have a
significant other.” Family support was also highlighted by Participant 4 who
acknowledged the importance of her parents who offered emotional support by shaping
their knowledge and character in politics:
I feel like it’s kind of a few. There are certain people I can attribute some of my
knowledge to my character, basically my parents on that and my faith that I’ll
bring it, but in the actual political realm.
Participant 5 stressed on the importance of husbands and family in shaping
political aspirations of African-American women in politics. Similar, to Participant 4,
Participant 5 noted that husbands play vital role in shaping African-American women’s
career as they do prepare them to go back out and fight every day, “my husband and
family, you know, and I had to explain him to be like Cocoa butter to my solo he
bandages me up every night when I come home and he prepares me to go back out.”
Other than her husband, her daughter, her mother, and her father, Participant 5
acknowledged the important role friends play in shaping their political aspirations
through endorsements and financial support: “Endorsements, but I did have some quiet
private support, my Black male colleague couldn’t endorse me because again I was
running against the party, but I had his fundraiser.”
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RQ2: What are the influencing factors that impact the willingness of
AfricanAmerican female leaders in Westchester County to mentor incoming
AfricanAmerican female leaders?
Although the number of women running for political office has increased since
the turn of the century, the number remains disproportionately low compared to male
political leaders at the local, state, and federal levels (Pew Research, 2018). This second
research question was designed to help me identify the factors influencing the willingness
of already elected African-American female leaders to mentor incoming AfricanAmerican
female leaders in Westchester County. Three themes emerged from data analysis to
address this research question. The two themes include: (Theme 4) Fights, divisions, and
competition among African-American women undermine willingness to mentor, (Theme
5) Lack of mentorship culture and experience among established
African-American female leaders affects willingness to mentor, and (Theme 6) Difficulty
Finding Time and Bandwidth to Mentor Others. Each of these three themes has been
discussed in greater detail below:
Theme 4: Fights, divisions, and competition among African-American women
undermine willingness to mentor
Four participants contributed to this theme. Participants indicated that the
willingness of African-American female leaders in Westchester County to mentor
incoming African-American female leaders is undermined by the fights, divisions, and
competition among African-American women. These participants said they are their won
enemies as some African-American women fear competition and the internal divisions
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among African-American female leaders undermine their ability to mentor each other. It
is tough to collaborate with other African-American women on all levels of all ages
because of the mentality that African-American people have concerning competitions as
they do not want other Black people to compete in leadership positions, thus making
them decline to support their fellow Black people to rise to top political leadership. Other
than the fear of competition and internal divisions among African-American women in
leadership, participants also highlighted the need for political survival over mentorship as
some African-American women leaders prefer or prioritize their political survival over
mentoring other Black women with political aspirations that older African-American
women do not want to give up power to other younger African-American women with
political aspirations.
Two participants highlighted that competition and internal divisions among
African-American female leaders have undermined the willingness of African-American
women leaders to mentor other African-American women with political aspirations.
Participant 2 noted that most African-American female leaders ran against each other, and
they found it difficult to mentor their competitors causing internal division within the
Black community. Although there are relationships among these leaders, the majority
played both sides of the fence as colleagues and thus could not help other women with
political aspirations:
I never want anybody to second-guess their vote when they vote for me. So when
I was re-elected, I made so many relationships, and they found another purpose to
try to run against me. And people played both sides of the fence colleagues and
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all.
Participant 6 said that it is challenging to collaborate among African-American
female leaders as elected leaders in Westchester in Yonkers do not collaborate nearly
enough upon issues that matter to the Black community, “Elected leaders in Westchester
in Yonkers and we do not collaborate nearly enough upon issues that matter to our
community, we do not see eye to eye.” African-American women fight among themselves
and compete for political positions and this makes it difficult to mentor and shape the
political aspirations of other African-American female leaders, “We fight amongst
ourselves more than anything else. And I’ve so my thing is, I try to get away from that
like whenever I find myself in situations because it’s happened to me and for my career.”
Theme 5 - Lack of mentorship culture and experience among established African-
American female leaders affects willingness to mentor
Four participants commented on this theme. All the participants highlighted that
African-American female leaders lack the culture of mentorship which affects their
willingness to mentor others. Thus, the lack of mentorship culture and experience among
established African-American female leaders affects their willingness to mentor.
According to the participants, factors such as older African-American women’s
unwillingness to relinquish power, the lack of mentorship culture existing in
AfricanAmerican female leaders that makes them not mentor other African-American
women, and the lack of previous mentorship experience hindered the culture of
mentorship and experience among African-American female leaders that in turn affects
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their willingness to mentor other African-American women leaders with political
aspirations.
Three participants highlighted the lack of mentorship culture existing in
AfricanAmerican female leaders that makes them not mentor other African-American
women as a barrier to established African-American women leaders offering mentorship
services to other Black women with political aspirations. Participant 1 noted the lack of
mentors as
African-American female leaders did not want to mentor others due to a lack of a culture of
mentorship, ‘‘ And that person has to want to see, everyone wins has to be able to or want
to provide their knowledge and experience and do and be humble about it, and I think that’s
lacking in that arena.’’ Participant 5 added that the belief that a Black woman must struggle
and climb up the ranks without necessarily getting help and the existing African-American
female leaders who hold onto this belief are less likely to mentor other upcoming African-
American female leaders as they believe that the upcoming leaders must struggle just the
same way they struggled up the ranks, affecting their willingness to mentor other African-
American females with political aspirations:
But Black woman excellence is only obtained through sacrifice through
exhaustion, they’re stretching through purging through self-neglect and very
rarely self-care [This statement is attributed to the absence of a mentorship culture
- the belief that a Black woman must struggle and climb up the ranks without
necessarily getting help. If existing African-American women leaders hold onto
this belief, then they are less likely to mentor other upcoming African-American
109
female leaders. For, the upcoming leaders must struggle just the same way they
struggled up the ranks.
Despite being in leadership positions in the county, some older African-American women
leaders do not engage in mentoring other African-American women leaders to take up
political positions, as reported by Participant 6. According to Participant 6, if there is an
African-American person who is the leader of the state senate, and she has not, and she’s
an older person who has not mentored any African-Americans, it shows an increased
unwillingness to mentor others, “An African-American person that is the leader of the
state senate, and she has not, and she’s an older person that has not mentored any African-
Americans.” Participant 6 revealed that it was very difficult to get that mentorship from
other African-American female leaders:
And it’s hard because if we have a public official woman who she hasn’t mentored
anybody, and it’s just no matter how much you kiss someone’s butt to give them their
accolades, and you be respectful and you try to engage with them for whatever reason it’s
just been very difficult to get that mentorship. I’ve recently asked another older African
between. I mean, this is very interesting. Three participants stated that a lack of
previous mentorship experience may lead to an unwillingness to mentor other African-
American female leaders with political aspirations. Participant 1 indicated that she was
never mentored because there were no mentors or leaders who had mentorship experience
and that she did not have a specific mentor, “And seeing what they did, I’m just learning
so I don’t know, but I guess I didn’t have a mentor so I guess my experience is 0.”
Participant 1 also stated that she was never mentored because most available leaders
110
lacked expertise in mentorship, ‘‘I wasn’t mentored at all the people that I did speak to
they either gave me good advice before or they gave me bad advice.” Participant 4 also
responded that she lacks mentorship,
“Female. My colleague you know, how did she do things? And then even still to this day.
It’s like, all right, well, we did it this way and my colleague’s office, do I want to
continue to do it that way.” Participant 6 stated that even the most powerful people had no
experience mentoring African-American women in political leadership as there was an
older person that has not mentored any African-Americans:
And I haven’t heard much. I’ve had to learn on my own a lot of the hard lessons.
And it’s hard, because if we have a powerful person in leadership and she has not
mentored any African-Americans.
The unwillingness of older African-American women to relinquish power to other
African-American women leaders also affects the willingness of African-American
female leaders to shape the political aspirations of these women. Participant 6 revealed
that most older African-American female leaders may not want to have over power to the
relevant young women leaders: “Part of the reason why it’s been so challenging too. The
battery is like the age gap. I think a lot of times when older African-American leaders
don’t want to give up power, it’s like.” According to the response by Participant 6,
African-American female leaders are a generation that does not give up power and this
may hinder their ability to mentor other African-American female leaders: “But when at
that point, they want to die in office. Honestly, I don’t think they want to pass it. So yeah,
it’s just that generation that wants to continue to hold onto power.”
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Theme 6: Difficulty Finding Time and Bandwidth to Mentor Others
The analysis of the semi-structured interview data revealed a consensus among
three interviewees that many African-American female leaders in a political office rarely
sought mentors when running for a political office hence the difficulties mentoring
incoming female leaders. During the interviews, Participant 1 explained that because she
did not look for mentors when starting, she and others in her category “could not see
themselves being a mentor” because they did not want to become mentors. The
participant further reported that because of their lack of mentors, they lacked the energy
and the mental capacity to serve as mentors and adequately meet their mentee’s needs.
Unlike Participant 1, Participant 2 stated that the many calls she received to be a mentor
were overwhelming and she could not continue with mentorships.
According to Participant 2, although many were pushed into mentorships because
of gender stereotypes, she was ready to mentor others provided “they see me as a
person.” It could be argued that Participant 2 engaged in mentorship practices if people
stopped approaching her because of gender but rather as someone who could be “My
Sister’s Keeper” or with the ability to help “a girl that’s going through some bullying
within Gorton High School.” The unavailability of mentors because of busy schedules
was reiterated by Participant 3 who noted that in addition to their assigned duties or
fulltime jobs, they had families, children, and partners to look after. According to
Participant
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3, her availability as a mentor was anchored on their ability to manage family and work.
While she could offer internship opportunities to incoming African-American female
leaders, her busy schedule made it difficult to mentor and bond with incoming leaders.
Therefore, this theme answers the second research question indicating that
AfricanAmerican female leaders already in office would be willing to mentor and guide
incoming leaders. However, busy schedules and challenges bonding with the incoming
leaders negatively influenced their willingness to mentor incoming African-American
leaders in Westchester County.
RQ3: What practical resources and infrastructure would African-American female
political leaders in Westchester County need to successfully mentor other African-
American women to run for office?
The purpose of this qualitative research was to understand the reasons behind the
mentorship gender gap in political leadership among African-American women leaders
who represent cities in Westchester County. Different from the second research question,
this third research question was designed to investigate the practical resources and
infrastructure African-American female political leaders in Westchester County needed to
mentor other African-American women running for political office. The extensive
analysis of the interview data revealed four themes directly answering this research
question.
Theme 7: Need to Expand the Political Awareness of African-American Women
The inability of African-American women to mentor others in the political field
could be explained by their limited knowledge and awareness of local, state, and
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federallevel politics. However, to successfully mentor other African-American women
running for political office, expanding their political awareness was crucial as evidenced
by two participants. Explaining the significance of increased political awareness,
Participant 1 asserted that while guiding someone running for political office was
significant, their success depended on their exposure and awareness of the world of
politics. Participant 1 hoped that Black people running for political office could be
“exposed to the world of politics.” The participant argued that in general, “the people in
general aren’t exposed” to the world of politics making it hard for those already in office
to mentor incoming female leaders. Individuals running for elective office should know
about politics including how to campaign, interact, and communicate with constituents.
However, given the skills needed for the political world, less exposure, and less
mentorship results in fewer potential candidates.
Mentorship enhances the political awareness of incoming African-American
political leaders. However, the lack of mentors as reported in question two affects the
ability of incoming female leaders to run for political office. Responding to the
significance of expanding African-American women’s political awareness, Participant 4
stated “The lack of mentorship definitely affects our population, because again, some of
these kids and some of these youths they don’t even know that this seat is available to
them.” According to Interviewer 4, because of a lack of awareness and mentorship, many
African-American women were discouraged from vying for political seats because they
assumed that because they were young and Black, no one would elect them.
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This participant argued that many of the female aspirants had some knowledge of
what the job entailed but “potential mentees do not come out to exploit available
mentorship opportunities.” Therefore, beginning voter education early by visiting
schools, speaking to young Black voters, and encouraging them to register as voters
would increase awareness and potential to run for office after graduating. Additionally,
talking to young voters by visiting them in their schools will ensure that “they’re
informed and we know that Hey, every 4 years you can run for the seat.” This theme
answers the second research question by demonstrating that African-American female
leaders in political office may help incoming female leaders by increasing their political
awareness through mentorship and early voter education.
Theme 8: Need for Mentees to Establish Long-standing Political Relationships with
Potential Mentors Rather Than Rely on Goodwill Alone
In addition to expanding African-American women’s political awareness, the
qualitative analysis of the data revealed that to mentor other African-American women
running for political office successfully, African-American female political leaders could
form long-standing political relationships with potential mentees instead of relying on
goodwill. Four participants contributed to this theme, Interviews 3, 4, 5, and 7. A
preliminary review of the participants’ responses revealed that building long-standing
relationships with African-American women’s political leaders increased the chances of
other African-American women securing a political seat. For instance, Participant 3 stated
that to mentor other African-American women to run for office, building reliable
relationships was key. According to this participant, interacting with other people at
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events and meetings helped the leaders already in office to converse with potential
leaders, and gauge their understanding of politics, and what they think about running for
office. Thus, open and deep communications about the new election, what to expect, and
the anticipated waves of change may help cement relationships and potential alliances.
To form long-standing relationships within the political field, open and deep
communication with heavy players in the political arena would prove crucial in helping
African-American women run for office. Comparable to Participant 3, Participant 4
encouraged African-American women seeking political office not to select relationships
but rather “get to know everybody and utilize all those relationships to the follows.”
Participant 4 emphasized that asking questions, seeking clarifications, and consistently
interacting with “the heavy hitters and the parent power players in the room” were crucial
for political success. In politics, Participant 4 opined that it is “really not what you know
all the time is who you know and we know that.” Therefore, understanding this rule in
politics may get a newbie African-American woman to run for office.
The importance of relationships in politics surpasses mentee-mentor interactions.
While Participant 4 emphasized utilizing connections with “heavy hitters” and “power
players” to get things done, Participant 5 asserted that, “it’s very hard for there to be good
mentorship, if you don’t have authentic relationships.” Building stronger and more
resilient relationships are anchored on the abilities of African-American women seeking
political office utilizing opportunities presented to them at events and meetings to engage
with influential figures in politics. According to Participant 5, asking questions and
developing authentic relationships may help African-American women overcome
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obstacles when running for political office. Nonetheless, good mentorship is difficult
without authentic relationships. Similar to Participant 4, Participant 5 reiterated that “you
can’t just want to get connected to somebody in elected office because they’re in elected.”
However, for better mentorship, African-American women running for political
office should have authentic relationships before showing an “interest in elected office”
as evidenced by Participant 7 who asserted that her relationship with my colleague was
established before joining politics. Thus, based on the responses of the four women
elected to office, other women can run for office provided they build authentic
relationships within and outside the political arena. These participants concur that
stronger mentor-mentee relationships are based on their ability to connect, engage, and
communicate with people regardless of their position in the political field. However,
interacting with political “heavy hitters” and “power players” to develop authentic
relationships might get other African-American women elected into political office
because it is not about what you and how you know that gets you elected but rather who
you know.
Theme 9: Need for Formal Mentorship Programs
To successfully mentor other African-American women to run for political office,
already elected female leaders may push for formal mentorship programs. Exploring
earlier responses, interviewed participants have consistently acknowledged the role
mentors and mentorship opportunities play in encouraging women to run for political
office. Whereas busy schedules and lack of bandwidth have discouraged
AfricanAmerican women political leaders from mentoring incoming leaders, they all
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agree that formal mentorship programs may equip African-American women with
knowledge about politics and connect them with influential figures in the political arena.
Contributing to this theme, Participant 3 reported consistently pushing for Black Dems to
create formal mentorship programs to help newly elected officials. According to
Participant 3, “you need to have a mentorship in place with a simple fact that you have no
clue what you’re walking into. It’s all great.”
Comparably, Participant 5 reported that formal mentorship programs were crucial
in that they could be used to match women who were willing to run for political office
with “someone who would be willing to walk you through that process.” Participant 7
further established that formal mentorship programs encouraged elected leaders to create
internship opportunities for incoming leaders, including the “youth advisory council,”
which may create an opportunity for government appointment in case of a vacancy. It
could be argued that while some African-American women may be interested in running
for office, some may be afraid to express their interest or even ask for help running a
campaign or meeting with key power players. However, with formal mentorship and
internship programs, African-American women may ask for mentorship and guidance on
navigating the challenging political environment and overcoming the fear of running for a
political office.
Theme 10: Need for Collaboration Among African-American Women
Collaboration among African-American female leaders may positively influence
their ability and willingness to mentor others seeking to run for office. The
AfricanAmerican female political leaders who contributed to this theme argued that while
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evaluating all collaborations equally is vital, working together may help them address the
challenges they experience when running for office and, in so doing, increase the number
of African-American women elected in a political office. Participant 1 stated that she used
every opportunity to collaborate with other African-American women, “I don’t shy away
from it, but I do still evaluate it with the same lens.” Similarly, Participant 2 informed her
colleagues that they needed to work together because they were all elected for the same
purpose, which, arguably is to serve and improve the well-being of their community
members. As a leader, Participant 2 had no qualms working with other Black American
women to support incoming leaders. Both Participants 1 and 2 agreed that evaluating all
collaborations with the same lens helped them weed out “the ones that are here for a
purpose, and the others who want themselves as a purpose.”
Therefore, when looking to collaborate with others, “look at someone’s work
ethic.” (Participant 2). Instead of blindly collaborating with people who do not share your
agenda, African-American female political leaders should examine a person’s drive and
passion. The focus should be on “what they do want for their community.” According to
Participant 2, evaluating relationships and collaborations will allow African-American
female political leaders to determine whether the actions of those seeking collaboration
are genuine and whether they have elevated others or have used the opportunity to elevate
themselves. However, Participant 2 proposed the need for platforms that would encourage
women of color to engage and educate each other about what their community needs and
how collaboration may help achieve these needs.
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Other participants who contributed to this theme agreed that experienced and
seasoned leaders needed to work together to help others. In her response to the
semistructured interview questions, Participant 3 reported that in politics, there is no
manual and as a result, season elected officials should collaborate and guide those
seeking to run for office. Accordingly, while acknowledging the uniqueness of different
municipalities, Participant 3 asserted that “but there is the same you can follow some of
the same values of some of the same things by just listening to experiences.” To build
collaboration among stakeholders, consensus building is important. Participant 5 stated
that consensus building is “by trying to find out what brought people to the table. And
how can we address some of their concerns.” Additionally, building collaborations and
being a collaborator presents African-American female leaders with an opportunity to
learn and increase their knowledge of the community they serve. Despite the role of
collaboration in consensus, partnership, and network building, African-American female
leaders supporting other African-American women running for political office must not
lose their integrity.
The need for collaboration was supported by Participant 6 responses who asserted
that she found fulfillment in places where people worked and moved together to navigate
“all the craziness happening nationally.” According to Participant 6, the challenges in the
political arena have resulted in women and African-American female political leaders
realizing that working together is beneficial. Using the Hispanic community as an
example, Participant 6 stated that compared to Black communities, the Hispanic
community’s unity and active participation in the chambers of commerce created
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opportunities for government jobs and political success. Black communities are lagging
in government jobs and political positions because they lack unity and support. As a
collaborator, Participant 7 acknowledged the role it played in helping others but
suggested that more could be done to intensify collaboration between African-American
female political leaders and get more incoming leaders to interact and collaborate with
seasoned female leaders in elected office.
Concerning the third research question, the practical resources and infrastructure
that African-American female political leaders will need to mentor other
AfricanAmerican women to run for office successfully include formal mentorship
programs, collaboration, and authentic relationships between mentors and mentees.
According to the participants’ information that answered this question, there was a
consensus that these leaders that expanding political awareness through mentorship and
voter education in schools equipped women with knowledge about politics and an
encouragement to run for office. Similarly, political awareness could be enhanced through
authentic relationships with heavy hitters and power players in politics.
The participants established that engaging and interacting with power players in
the political arena offered African-American women seeking to run for political office to
know major players in the field because it was about who you know and not what you
know that may get you elected into office. In addition to long-standing authentic
relationships, formal mentorship programs were reported to help African-American
female political leaders pair new leaders with seasoned officials who will guide them in
their new offices or help them start their campaigns. Furthermore, collaboration between
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seasoned elected officials would create opportunities to work with aspiring and new
African-American female leaders. Therefore, expanding political awareness through
collaboration, formal mentorship programs, and long-standing authentic political
relationships has helped African-American female leaders to mentor other African-
American female leaders vying for political office in Westchester County.
Summary
The aim of this general qualitative study is to explore the reasons behind the
mentorship gap among African-American women in political leadership in Westchester
County. Findings from the study indicate several factors that shape the political
aspirations, willingness to mentor, and resources and strategies needed to bridge the
mentorship gap among African-American women in political leadership in Westchester
County. There were three research questions this study sought to answer. The first
research question focused on the factors that have shaped the political aspirations of
African-American female political leaders in Westchester County. As per the findings
obtained, mentorship, support from family, resilience, self-advocacy, and the ability to
overcome racial and gender stereotypes play a key role in shaping their political
aspirations.
The second research question focused on the factors that influence
African-
American women political leaders’ willingness to mentor other upcoming
AfricanAmerican female leaders. Findings revealed several factors influence the
willingness, including internal competition and fights among African-American female
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leaders, desire for political survival over mentorship, lack of mentorship culture and
experience among established African-American female leaders affects willingness to
mentor, and difficulty finding time and bandwidth to mentor others. The last research
question focused on the practical resources and infrastructure that African-American
female political leaders in Westchester County need to successfully mentor other African-
American women to run for office. Findings revealed several factors, including the need
to expand the political awareness of African-American women, implementation of formal
mentorship programs, the need for mentees to establish long-standing political
relationships with potential mentors rather than relying on goodwill alone, and the need
for collaboration among all
African-American women to support each other. The next chapter focuses on a
discussion of these findings the literature, theory, and their practical and scholarly
implications.
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Chapter 5: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations
The purpose of this qualitative study was to understand the reasons behind the
mentorship gender gap in political leadership among African American women leaders
who represent cities in Westchester County. Using phenomenological epistemology, the
study aimed to identify the challenges that these women encounter in their political
activities. The research focused on women because female minorities face many
challenges in terms of mentorship that hinder their political progress (Corbett et al.,
2022). The necessity of mentors to comprehend the current state of affairs is why the
study examined the connection between African American women’s lack of mentorship
and their political commitment and leadership development.
The study identified key factors that motivate African American women leaders to
engage in politics. Mentorship emerged as a key component that significantly influenced
the political aspirations of African American women. Mentors provide crucial guidance
and support, while the absence of mentoring relationships acts as a barrier to political
advancement (Corbett et al., 2022). Black women often receive psychological and
financial support from their families and friends for their political journey. However,
these women have significant barriers to overcome when it comes to career mentoring.
Therefore, this study demonstrates how the concept of mentorship, combined with
community support, fosters resilience, leading to the development of political leadership
among African American women.
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Interpretation of the Findings
The following section analyzes the study results in relation to the research
questions and connects discovered themes to supporting literature and theoretical
foundations. The section analyzes previous research to provide insights into mentorship
challenges African American women face in their political positions in Westchester
County.
RQ1: What are the influencing factors, characteristics, and experiences that shape the
political aspirations among African American female leaders who represent
Westchester County?
The findings addressing Research Question 1 revealed three major themes, each
highlighting distinct factors that shape the political aspirations of African American
female leaders.
Theme 1: Role of mentorship in shaping the political aspirations of African-American
female leaders who represent Westchester County
Research findings revealed that mentorship serves as a fundamental element that
shapes African American women’s political objectives. Mentors provide African
American women politicians with the necessary guidance, including strategic backing
and motivational support for navigating the challenging political environments. Mentors
help African American women develop professionally by increasing their self-assurance
and equipping them with effective leadership principles. The lack of mentors creates
social isolation, forcing these women to work independently, which limits their political
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success. The research findings show that African American women need specialized
professional mentorship programs to help them attain maximum leadership abilities.
Findings from the current study are consistent with existing literature on the role
of mentorship programs in increasing the involvement of minority groups, such as Black
women, in the political arena. For example, Ibarra et al. (2013) demonstrated that
professional mentoring supports the development of women’s careers, particularly in
male-dominated fields, such as politics. In another similar study, Harbin and Greene
(2022) stipulated that African American women face major barriers to achieving their
political goals due to the lack of qualified mentors. Women face multiple political
obstacles requiring strong mentor-based support networks that align with the principles of
Black feminist thought. Research data reinforces the theoretical premise that Westchester
County requires immediate mentorship programs.
Theme 2: Resilience to Overcome Stereotypes and Self-advocacy Shape the Political
Aspirations of African-American Female Leaders
The study revealed that African American female political leaders need resilience
and self-advocacy to cope with combined racial and gender stereotypes. Participants
emphasized the development of resilience when facing biases because this resilience
helped them maintain their political careers despite barriers. African-American female
leaders needed to fight for their rights within male-dominated political groups that were
mainly White to receive acceptance and move forward. Participants noted that their
ability to handle these obstacles developed their leadership abilities and fortified their
commitment to political work.
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Consistently, Field (2021) noted that self-advocacy abilities with resilience enable
African American women to handle systematic hindrances and advance their political
careers. Similarly, Allen et al. (2019) suggested that seizing opportunities in transition
institutions can help Black women obtain adequate political representation, which serves
as their path to success. Considering the systematic barriers and challenges that African
American women deal with, as highlighted by the intersectionality theory, using
resilience and actively advocating for themselves can lead to success (Crenshaw, 1989).
Bjarnegård (2020) argued that women need to demand their democratic governance
rights, and transitional institutions should support equal access to these positions. Black
feminist theory establishes that female African Americans need to defeat both racial
prejudice and gender barriers to achieve leadership roles in politics (Field, 2021).
Theme 3: Support from Family and Friends
African American women often obtain support from their family members and
friends for political leadership progress. Family members provide emotional and financial
support, allowing African American women to navigate personal and professional issues
they encounter in their political careers. Moreover, families are more important during
challenges, ensuring political scheduling requirements are well handled. In the current
study, African American women emphasize how their personal support network is a
critical base for achieving a balance between official political responsibilities and
personal healthcare needs.
In line with this study, Denmark et al. (2022) confirmed that leadership success of
Black women requires both professional networking, family, and friend peer support.
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Women seeking advancement in male-dominated fields, such as politics, require
emotional and financial support from professional networks and peer relationships. With
similar findings, McConnell et al. (2019) asserted that professional networks serve as
sources of support, providing strategic guidance and shared resources that enable Black
women to handle the complexities of political leadership. Peer support networks develop
unity among members, equipping African American women with confidence to address
the shared obstacles. Therefore, professional and peer networks and support from family
members and friends play a crucial role in promoting the success of African-American
women’s political leadership.
RQ2: What are the influencing factors that impact the willingness of AfricanAmerican
female leaders in Westchester County to mentor incoming African-American female
leaders?
The second research question identified the factors influencing the willingness of
already elected African American female leaders to mentor incoming African American
female leaders in Westchester County. Three themes emerged from data analysis to
address this research question.
Theme 4: Fights, divisions, and competition among African-American women
undermine willingness to mentor
The findings indicate that internal competition and divisions among
AfricanAmerican female political leaders in Westchester County often undermine their
ability to collaborate and provide mentorship effectively. Participants shared that the
scarcity of political positions and the intense desire to maintain power created an
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environment where rivalry and mistrust flourish. The already elected women are reluctant
to offer mentorship or strategic support to upcoming women leaders for fear of losing
their political power. Many women expressed that while there was a collective desire for
progress, internal competition sometimes hindered the creation of strong, supportive
networks. The internal conflicts were particularly prominent when seeking political
endorsements or campaigning for leadership roles. The academic field lacks sufficient
research about how African American women in political leadership positions interact
through competition and inter-organizational divisions, specifically in mentorship roles.
The theme demonstrates the need for additional scientific inquiry to address the intricate
nature of rivalry effects among African American female political leaders.
Theme 5 - Lack of mentorship culture and experience among established African-
American female leaders affects willingness to mentor
The current findings showed that African American female political leaders need
stronger mentorship programs established throughout the Black community to address the
mentoring issues. The research participants value mentorship programs despite facing
barriers to finding experienced mentors to share strategic and political understanding. The
lack of mentorship largely affects new female political representatives pursuing
professional growth. Experienced political mentors are out of reach for these women,
who consequently experienced a strong sense of loneliness when trying to understand
political challenges.
In line with the current findings, Michelson and Monforti (2021) stated that a lack
of proper mentoring creates difficulties for African American women seeking political
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advancement. Mentoring is an important process for Black women political leaders as it
ensures that the leaders have the skills and confidence needed to represent their
communities effectively. Consistently, Harbin and Greene (2022) noted that Black women
have limited political ambitions due to the lack of role models who can provide the much-
needed motivation for career progression. A lack of available mentors is a challenge for
African-American women who wish to enter political careers. The lack of mentor
support, according to Sales et al. (2020), diminishes the political participation of minority
groups, including African-American women.
Theme 6: Difficulty Finding Time and Bandwidth to Mentor Others
The demanding nature of their occupational duties restricts African-American
female political leaders from mentoring new political Black female professionals.
Already elected African American female political leaders focus more on meeting
obligations, campaign work, and constituency duties, limiting their ability to mentor new
political leaders. The occupational commitments of African American female political
leaders create professional boundaries, making it challenging to provide mentorship due
to its time-demanding nature. Time restrictions faced by the already elected politicians
make it difficult for them to provide proper guidance to the next generation of female
political aspirants.
The research findings support previous research demonstrating the leadership
dilemmas women face between home responsibilities and work responsibilities. Family
obligations exert much stress, which interrupts African American women leaders’
dedication to leadership roles and mentorship work (Shillcutt et al., 2019). Home
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responsibilities make it difficult to provide mentorship, reducing access to mentorship
opportunities among upcoming Black female politicians (Corneille et al., 2019). The
inflexible nature of many mentorship programs reduces the ability of political leaders to
be involved in leadership development programs.
RQ3: What practical resources and infrastructure would African-American female
political leaders in Westchester County need to mentor other African-American women
to run for office successfully?
The third research question was designed to investigate the practical resources and
infrastructure African-American female political leaders in Westchester County needed to
mentor other African-American women running for political office. The question revealed
four themes directly answering this research question.
Theme 7: Need to Expand the Political Awareness of African-American Women
The current study indicated the need for full-scale social education and political
awareness about women’s leadership to encourage more African-American women to
engage in politics. Participants observed that social attitudes prevent women from
participating in political activities by viewing leadership positions exclusively for males,
including African-American females. A broad-based awareness campaign about women’s
leadership abilities will aid both the information campaign and the empowerment of
women to become future politicians. A more aware society represents an essential
element for creating an inclusive environment that permits the successful political
participation of African-American women.
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These findings are consistent with past studies, which demonstrate that societal
consciousness significantly drives more women to become political leaders. According to
Dickens et al. (2021), awareness about women’s political leadership increases community
acceptance of female leadership and strengthens their chances of receiving public
support. Hessami and da Fonseca (2020) documented that higher political awareness
helps women believe in their leadership abilities, subsequently leading them toward
confident political leadership. Societal awareness campaigns reduce discrimination
against Black women and increase their political involvement (Banks, 2020). There is a
need to educate the public about the important role African American women play in the
country’s politics, including representing the voices of the marginalized groups (Latkin et
al., 2021). The findings connect strongly with Black feminist theory by highlighting the
racial factors that affect African-American women’s political experiences (Contu, 2020).
Theme 8: Need for Mentees to Establish Long-Standing Political Relationships With
Potential Mentors Rather Than Rely on Goodwill Alone
This study found that African-American women need to develop political
connections to accomplish their political objectives effectively. With proper political
networks, African-American women can secure the necessary support to build their
political careers. The ability to establish reliable partnerships leads to success in gaining
endorsements based on strategic guidance. Existing political networks provide access to
experienced and well-informed political associates who help address intricate political
matters effectively.
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African American women political leaders get more engaged through mentorship
programs. In support, Shah et al. (2019) opined that creating political awareness in the
early stages of Black female political careers produces positive outcomes that enhance
their leadership capacity, confidence, and self-esteem levels. The training programs
described by Mügge et al. (2019) inform Black women politically by highlighting the
political values and constitutional provisions that should be upheld. Leadership training
programs encourage African American women to pursue political careers to help improve
their community’s well-being (Espino & Zambrana, 2019). The long-lasting mentorship
and training of African-American women with political leaders empower them to gain the
necessary confidence needed for their political leadership.
Theme 9: Need for Formal Mentorship Programs
The findings indicate that structured systems of mentorship are a critical approach
to supporting African-American women who seek political careers. Although African
American female political leaders are limited by their busy schedules, they understand the
importance of mentoring new leaders to improve their community. The findings suggest
that formal mentorship programs provide valuable tools to help African American women
who aim to improve their political careers. Through mentorship,
African American women enjoy access to political knowledge and support.
In support of this study, Klingler-Vidra and Liu (2020) and Banwell et al. (2021)
noted that Black women gain significant advantages by participating in women-towomen
mentorship programs, as the programs provide valuable feedback for career development.
Furthermore, Banwell et al. (2021) found that although both female and male politicians
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seek feedback in equal measure, female politicians receive little feedback, which affects
their political progression. Mentorship programs play a crucial role in providing the
needed support to bridge this gap. Formal mentoring allows women to get guidance on
the specific aspects to improve and enhance their political careers
(Stuckey et al., 2019).
Theme 10: Need for Collaboration Among African American Women
This study revealed that African American women’s political leaders should foster
political collaboration because it creates mentoring opportunities and increases the
number of African American women in politics. Assessing collaborative relationships
helps political supporters address career issues by extending support to new leaders.
African American female representatives can enjoy more political success through
collaboration with other elected leaders.
The studies support this finding that mentorship programs assist African American
women politicians in building professional connections and collaboration. For example,
Denmark et al. (2022) and Smith-Adams (2022) showed how the system of mentorship
helps Black women navigate and build useful political networks, which creates more
career opportunities and political stability. Through mentorship programs, elected Black
women acquire leadership and professional skills to help other women pursue political
careers. Similarly, Kalbarczyk et al. (2022) indicated that the relationships mentors build
with political leaders are useful in establishing other networks, which help minority
women gain professional development.
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Limitations of the Study
A limitation of this study was that the sample size was relatively small. While the
study focused on providing detailed information, it may not give a broad perspective of
the wider population. Although the study was limited to Westchester County, the diversity
of the county’s population minimized this limitation. Zoom interviews might not have
captured some facial cues that are essential during the interviews. Some participants were
reluctant to participate due to time constraints or privacy issues; however, this was
addressed through word-of-mouth contact and an assurance of anonymity. The political
positions are dynamic; hence, politicians change from time to time. This might have
affected the study’s sample period, necessitating the need to constantly monitor the
sample and ensure it remained intact at the time of publication. Potential social bias
originating from the researcher’s role as an African American woman who was a political
candidate was mitigated through peer review, systematic bias detection, and critical self-
reflection throughout the interpretation process.
Recommendations
Based on the findings reported in this study, several recommendations are made.
The first recommendation is that further research should be conducted, including
participants from other counties, instead of limiting the research sample to Westchester
County. Increasing the target population will increase the generalizability of the findings
to the wider population. The second recommendation is that future studies should include
follow-up research on the political career paths of African American female politicians,
which would reveal the long-term effects of the mentorship program, which this study
135
was unable to identify. The third recommendation is that internal competition, which was
identified in the current study, is a theme that has not been explored much in the literature
and should be further investigated in the context of African American female politicians.
There is a lack of formal mentorship program models devised for African American
women in politics, and their impact should be assessed using quantitative methods. The
integration of qualitative interviews with structured political representation data
collection may increase the robustness of the research findings.
Implications
The study has the potential to positively impact social change at individual,
community, and societal levels. On an individual level, the idea of conducting formal
mentorship programs could help equip aspiring African American female politicians with
important tools and support against gender and race prejudice. At an organizational level,
political parties and civil society could develop formal mentorship programs to address
the fragmentation of women political leaders. At the societal level, better opportunities
for African American women in terms of political mentorship would mean a more
inclusive composition of policy-making bodies and more effective achievement of policy
goals to benefit the concerned community. From a methodological standpoint, the general
qualitative framework helps to analyze the experiences of marginalized populations in
politics. Conceptually, findings contribute to Black feminist theory by demonstrating how
intersectionality influences political mentorship relationships.
136
Conclusion
The research provides insights into how gender parity in mentorship plays a
critical role in determining African American women’s political leadership advancement.
The study shows that there are both enablers and barriers to political progression, with
mentorship being the key enabler. Though resilience, self-advocacy, and family support
help in nurturing political aspirations, internal competition, time management, and a lack
of positive mentorship culture are some of the significant challenges. Thus, this research
contributes to Black feminist theory by offering an analysis of how intersectionality
applies to political mentorship relationships. The way forward is to embrace the creation
of structured mentorship initiatives, the fostering of networks among African American
women leaders, and an increase in political education to foster the pipeline.
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