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PHILANTHROPIC AUTOBIOGRAPHY
While pursuing my bachelor’s degree in philanthropic studies at the Indiana
University Lilly Family School of Philanthropy students are asked to write a
philanthropic autobiography that traces their engagements with philanthropy. I wrote my
first philanthropic autobiography my first semester of undergrad, another during my
senior capstone course, and another while I was in graduate school at Bay Path
University. As I complete my PhD in Leadership Studies from the University of San
Diego, it only seems fitting that I write another philanthropic autobiography to trace my
experience in community philanthropy—and share why I am so passionate about
community.
I have been given the privilege to engage in philanthropic action and activities my
entire life, and it has provided me with a particular view and affinity to community and
community philanthropy that can be seen throughout this dissertation. I believe
communities, both geographic and otherwise, can be empowered, emboldened, and
entitled to petition and create change. One of my favorite quotes is “Be the change you
wish to see in the world” by Mahatma Gandhi, and I believe, and know from the
literature, that change is often not the result of a singular person or action, but a collective
effort to demand improvement to a current situation within society. For centuries groups
of individuals, large and small, have sought to live out the definition of philanthropy
defined by Robert Payton as “Voluntary action for the public good” (Payton & Moody,
2008, p. 6)—by collectively organizing for positive change.
Historically, my unit of analysis for philanthropy has been at the community level
—examining how participatory, collective forms of philanthropy have contributed to the
quality of life of a geographic region and the nonprofit sector located within it. While I
am aware that other types of community have emerged over the years, and particularly
within the field of philanthropy, I am not yet satisfied with what we know about
community philanthropy, what its limits are, and how it can push for creative changes at a
local level. Therefore, I invite you to read my philanthropic autobiography to learn more
about my positionality within this research and why I seek to understand how community
philanthropy can continue to live up to the slogan used by many community foundations
around the country—For Good. Forever.
My Philanthropic Autobiography – How I am Here Today
For me, philanthropy is not just a hobby or something that I do on occasion – it is
part of my identity and plays a large role in my life. It is not surprising since my family
has a long history of public service and community engagement. Both of my grandfathers
served in the military, my maternal grandmother was a nurse for the veteran’s
administration and highly involved in Daughters of the American Revolution, and
paternal grandmother has always been activity involved with her church and local
community projects. My paternal grandfather is the philanthropy radical that I strive to be
as he worked hard to get names added to the local veteran’s monument, raised thousands
of dollars for Habitat for Humanity and other local organizations, served on the boards of
numerous nonprofits, and was awarded the county’s citizen of the year award. While my
maternal grandfather passed early in my lifetime, his influence and memory are
constantly shared through family stories and when his life ended I, unknowingly at the
time, was introduced to the local community foundation.
When my grandfather passed away memorials from his funeral were set to the
newly established Wolcott Park Fund at the LaGrange County Community Foundation.
My grandfather grew up in Wolcottville, Indiana (my hometown), but moved around
throughout his lifetime and he met my Grandmother in Indianapolis, fell in love, got
married, and had three children. As the universe would have it, my mother met my father
who happened to not only be from Wolcottville but was best friends with her cousin—it
is Indiana, so this happens more often than not. My grandparents were constant forces for
good in my life, and while my maternal grandparents had lived in Marion, Indiana since
1965 they spent most of the summers in Wolcottville at the family lake cottage
entertaining grandchildren.
The love of community was passed down from my grandparents to my parents.
My father is a local businessman that gives back to the community, volunteers his time as
a benefit auctioneer, and has served on the County Council for over 20 years. My mother
expresses her love of the community through her service at church, being “room mother”
for my elementary classroom, chaperoning field trips, organizing the bookfair, shuttling
me and my brother to and from community activities, and a million other things that often
went unrecognized.
My introduction to giving back came through my family as well. When I was
younger my mom would take me to church to help with different dinners, we would go
through my clothes on an annual basis and donate to the items that no longer fit or that I
did not want to a local social services agency, and I participated in other activities. These
are my early memories of being involved in community, but instead of having it be
something that I did in life, my life became it.
During the summer between my seventh and eighth grade years, I saw an article
in the local paper about a nonprofit organization that accepted donations of old
computers, refurbished them, and then gave them to students to use for educational
purposes. Living in rural Indiana, it was hard for many individuals to make it to the local
library to utilize a computer and many teachers were requiring that students type their
assignments. With getting to the local library being a challenge for some and having the
school library close shortly after the school day, students were faced with the challenge of
completing their schoolwork on time.
The newspaper article told the story of the organization and stated that they were
in need of volunteers. I reached out to the organization to express my interest in
volunteering and shared some of the skills that I thought I could bring to the organization.
As a start-up nonprofit, like most startups, resources were limited, and it relied on
volunteers to contribute time and skills in order to keep the organization running. When I
first started with the organization, I became a member of the Board of Directors and
became the organization’s first Director of Marketing/Fundraising. I was tasked with
marketing the organization, creating relationships with schools, and raising funds to assist
in purchasing computer parts for the refurbishment of the machines.
At the age of 15, after being with the organization a little over a year, I was named
the Executive Director of the organization. Granted, this is a prime illustration that my
childhood was not really “normal” in the regular sense. While kids my age were likely
playing videos games, participating in a sport, or some other age-appropriate activity—I
was running a nonprofit organization that went from serving one county in Northeast
Indiana to serving seven counties in the region upon my exit of the organization five
years later.
In high school I also worked for the local Council on Aging as a development
staff member, served on a variety of local and regional boards and committees, and
consulted with various nonprofits on effective outreach and communication. Up until my
undergraduate education I was learning by doing and conducting research online. I was
often the youngest in the room, and I usually still am, however I made it a priority to
make sure that I knew what I was doing and working to run the organization to the best of
my abilities.
Going back to community philanthropy, I was first formally introduced to
community philanthropy by participating in a local youth philanthropy group sponsored
by the LaGrange County Community Foundation and a local private foundation, the
Dekko Foundation. Each year a group of students from the county’s four school districts
would come together once a month to learn more about the nonprofit sector, participate in
service projects, and distribute approximately $20,000 a year through grants to local
organizations working to improve education and youth development.
I was fortunate to have joined this organization as it helped me solidify my
interest in working in the nonprofit sector. The Dekko Foundation had a leadership team
made up of all the youth philanthropy groups it funded (13 in total) and I was fortunate to
have been selected to participate my junior and senior years of high school and freshman
year of college. When it came time to make the biggest life choice I had been faced with
to date – selecting where to go to college and what to study, I was told my mentor, Jenna
Ott at the Dekko Foundation, that I could pursuing a degree in philanthropic studies and
make my passion for philanthropy my actual profession.
My undergraduate experience was an amazing one. Throughout my undergraduate
program I was able to work for the Indiana Philanthropy Alliance, Youth Philanthropy
Initiative of Indiana, and consult with a variety of community foundations and private
family foundations. I had always dreamed of becoming a program officer at a community
foundation so I could continue the pursuit of strengthening communities through
philanthropic action. During my undergraduate career I had amazing professors and
realized that through research, teaching, and service that these individuals were helping to
change the nonprofit and philanthropic sectors. I made a commitment to myself to one
day walk in the footsteps of those faculty members, and I decided to pursue my graduate
education.
After graduating from IUPUI in 2015, I was hired as a program officer at a
community foundation in Indiana. In addition, I started my graduate education at Bay
Path University where I decided to pursue both a master’s in nonprofit management and
philanthropy and a master’s in higher education administration with a concentration in
online teaching and program administration, since I observed that academia was
launching more online and executive format degree programs.
Working at the community foundation was a wonderful learning opportunity for
me on an individual level, but it also taught me a lot about community foundations and
how they all operate in different ways. The more I researched community philanthropy
and community foundations in my graduate programs, the more gaps I identified.
Community philanthropy, and community foundations specifically, are underrepresented
in the academic literature. Unlike most public charities, community foundations are
unique since they raise and distribute funding in the community, and unlike private
foundations there are different rules on what a community foundation can and cannot do.
In 2016, as I was reaching the end of my graduate programs, I decided to start
looking into doctoral programs. After lots of investigation, I applied to a variety of
programs and ultimately selected the University of San Diego. Over the years I have
conducted research aimed on identifying how community foundations engage with their
local nonprofit sector through capacity building efforts, locating community foundations
in the United States and where they are serving, and seeking to understand how
community foundations are framing their mission statements.
The culmination of my upbringing and previous experiences shared within this
philanthropic autobiography, as well as the many unnamed experiences due to time and
space in this dissertation, have made me the person, practitioner, and researcher that I am
today. I am a firm believer that community philanthropy can redistribute power in
communities, be a participatory force for good, and empower local individuals to pool
assets to make investments that seek to improve the quality of life of a region.
In an effort to bring my positionality in this research to the forefront, I believe that
community foundations are amazing philanthropic institutions; however, I also believe
that there is a lot of work to be done in order for these institutions to successfully deliver
on their mission statements, properly play their roles in communities, and create positive
and lasting changing in society.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Community foundations claim to play an integral role in fostering philanthropy at
a community level all across the United States. Arguably the most identifiable form of
community philanthropy (Sacks, 2014), community foundations are often the institutions
sought after when it comes to mobilizing a community's resources to meet its needs
(Mazany & Perry, 2014). In the 1990s, the Council on Foundations created a variety of
tools and resources that explored the roles, responsibilities, and benefits of community
foundations. One result of this effort to better specify the roles of community foundations
was the introduction of "community leadership" as a new framework for the relations
between a foundation and its community.
Community leadership is often the role most neglected when it comes to research
on community foundations, yet it has the potential to be the most substantial role of the
foundation. Community foundations can leverage their community knowledge,
convening capabilities, and vast connections around particular issue areas to enact
community-wide change. While remaining neutral on community issues was an option in
the past, community foundations are now operating within a competitive market (Cantor,
2018; Ragey, Masaoka, & Peters, 2005); therefore, serving as a community leader can
provide a competitive advantage in terms of fundraising, but can also catalyze groups and
organizations to enact change by leaning into their role as a community leader.
The introduction of community leadership can be understood as a form of
normative isomorphic pressure on community foundations. As the leading membership
organization for community foundations in the United States at the time, the Council's
actions provided essential guidance by including community leadership as an integral
role in the community foundation operating model, and later including community
leadership in the National Standards for US Community Foundations process. Since the
Council shared this role in 1990 and later included it within its National Standards in
2000, one should expect that its membership adopts community leadership as a new
norm.
The purpose of this study was to further define community leadership in the
context of community foundations, examine if community foundations responded to
external pressures via field professionalization, and investigate how community
foundations are claiming and practicing the role of community leadership. An exploratory
research design was utilized to examine the purpose, practice, and leadership perspectives
of community foundations via the analysis of purpose statements and mission statements,
as well as interviews, utilizing institutional theory (Scott, 2010) and normative
isomorphic change (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983) as the primary framing. The rationale for
the selection of these theories was based on the assumption that if the Council on
Foundations' recommendations to include community leadership as part of the
community foundation operating model would then illustrate community leadership as a
best practice (normative tendency) and central to the operational mission of a community
foundation—thus newer community foundations would be more likely to adopt
community leadership due to pressures from the professionalization field of community
foundations.
Community Foundation Roles
The concept of the community foundation was first conceived in 1914 by
Frederick Goff, who was instrumental in creating the first community foundation, The
Cleveland Foundation, and the concept then began to spread globally (Goff, 1919; Sacks,
2014; The Cleveland Trust Company, 1914). Community foundations are essential, local,
philanthropic institutions that can help advance various issues and causes in communities
to ensure all residents have a strong quality of life. Recent examples of community
foundation work include advancing the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals
(Community Foundations of Canada, 2020; McGill, 2020; Ross, 2018), responding to
COVID-19 (Sanford Institute, 2020; Soto et al., 2021), and taking on racial equity and
power-sharing/shifting initiatives (Community Wealth Partners, 2020; Hodson & Pond,
2018).
Community foundations are often cited as playing three district roles within their
communities: grantmakers, asset-builders (fundraisers), and community leaders. The
practitioner and academic literature often expand on these roles (See Council of Michigan
Foundations, 1992; Council on Foundations 1988; Philipp, 1999); however, within
practice, these roles are often the various categories that community foundations use to
segregate their work. To be considered a community foundation, all three roles must be at
play, illustrated as a three-legged stool (Figure 1). Without executing each category in
nearly equal measure, the stool may inadvertently lean to a specific role or may topple
altogether.
Figure 1
Roles of Community Foundations
Community foundations have claimed community leadership as part of the
foundation operating model as early as the 1990s. In a Council on Foundations (1990)
training manual for community foundations, the rationale for community foundations to
take up leadership are that (1) community foundations are created to serve the
community, (2) the board represents the community, (3) the community foundation is
impartial in political matters, (4) leadership grows out of grantmaking since the
community foundation is aware of community issues, and (5) unrestricted funds enable
the community foundation to put resources to use for new and creative community
solutions (p. 16).
CFLeads, a national network of community foundations committed to building
stronger communities through community leadership, has developed various guides,
assessments, and tools to assist community foundations in considering the community
leadership role it plays. According to CFLeads (2008), community leadership looks like
the following when it is enacted:
The community foundation is a catalyzing force that creates a better future for all
by addressing the community's most critical or persistent challenges, inclusively
uniting people, institutions and resources, and producing significant, widely
shared and lasting results (p. 2).
The above definition is focused on the outputs of implementing community leadership
and neglects to mention the inputs, activities, or outcomes. In an updated framework for
community leadership, the Council on Foundations and CFLeads (2009) stated that
community foundations could act as community leaders for the following reasons: (1)
Community foundations are nonpartisan, (2) Community foundations have wide-ranging
relationships, (3) Community foundations have convening power, (4) Community
foundations have flexible resources, (5) Community foundations can flex their
jurisdiction and tools, and (6) Community foundations have staying power. These items
are more in line with the current operating environment of community foundations;
however, it should be noted that other types of community foundations (faith-based and
identify-based) have been created over time since many community foundations were
created, due to the nature of wealth, by white individuals and are often still governed by
white individuals (BoardSource, 2018; Hamill Remaley, 2019)
While some research and practitioner reports examine the why behind community
leadership, very few offer insights into how community foundations can truly be
community leaders through various actions. Many of these reports are often single case
studies and with no generalizable, or even broad, findings. Community leadership can be
conceptualized in many different ways, which can sometimes translate into funding,
advocacy, convening, or even capacity building. The community leadership role can be
an important catalyst for community change. Additional research on this important role is
necessary for the field of community foundations to grow and develop into their
community leadership roles.
Contributions of the Study
Community leadership is a vital role for community foundations; however,
research on the topic is quite limited, and the vast majority of the literature stems from
practice. While community foundations' grantmaking and fundraising roles are often easy
to quantify or broadly measure, community leadership appears to have not had as much
attention within both practitioner and academics circles. To understand how community
foundations were conceptualizing and operationalizing community leadership, this study
sought to understand how community leadership may look differently in various
community foundations while connecting to a conceptual framework of community
leadership grounded in civic leadership, collective leadership, and community
engagement.
Community leadership, as presented in the conceptual framework, is consider a
process by which individuals and/or groups can strive to create positive community
change by collectively leading in an effort to achieve a civic outcome. Therefore, this
study has practical contributions for community foundations by providing a more detailed
description of what community leadership is for a community foundation based on both
practitioner and academic literatures. This reframing of community leadership provides
both an operational lens through which community leadership can be examined as well as
a connection to other leadership approaches that have been more thoroughly explored in
the academic literature. By providing parameters around what is and what is not
community leadership, the field can create space for evaluation to begin to occur in order
to understand what effective community leadership looks like within a particular
community context.
In terms of research, the framework for community leadership can be applied in
other contexts; however, the most noteworthy contribution for research is the research
design presented in Chapter 3 regarding the comparison of purpose statements and
mission statements of nonprofits. Upon extensive review of the literature it appears that
this methodology has not been the approach of others in the past, and it can identify
organizational value shifts over time. The methodology can be applied to other nonprofit
organizations to understand how other organizations with different missions (e.g.,
homelessness, workforce development, education) have altered their goals, priorities, or
stakeholders over time.
While the findings indicate that community foundations have continuously served
a defined geographic region to raise funds and distribute grants that seek to increase the
quality of life for a specified community—the strategies, stakeholders, and primarily
beneficiaries have appeared to change. Therefore, comparing purpose statements and
mission statement can provide insights, for both research and practice, into how
organizations may have altered or expanded from their original intentions, resulting in the
potential reframing of organizational priorities.
Design and Methodology
This study utilized an exploratory research design that employ qualitative
methods. A conceptual framework of community leadership was developed in order to fill
in a gap with the current literature. The concepts of civic leadership, collective
leadership, and community engagement were combined in order to create a framework
for what it means to be a community leader. Historically, community leadership has not
been broadly applied to institutions in the past. Therefore, the framework for community
leadership was developed in order to apply the concept at the institutional level (i.e.,
community foundations).
The initial study analyzes purposes statements and mission statements utilizing a
four-step qualitative coding method. The findings from the initial study helped establish
the selection criteria for the interviews that were conducted with community foundation
leaders to understand how community foundations were conceptualizing and
operationalizing community leadership. The interviews utilized an interview guide, were
transcribed, and then were qualitatively coded.
Organization of the Study
The purpose of this study was to explore how community foundations were
claiming the role of community leadership via purpose statements and mission statements
and understand how some were operationalizing their community leadership role. This
study utilized an exploratory sequential design that is presented over five chapters.
Chapter 2 provides context for the study by exploring the literature on community
leadership broadly defined and the literature related to community foundations and their
roles as community leaders. Various studies on community leadership are presented,
followed by a conceptual framework of community leadership developed for this study.
The chapter concludes with various examples of how a community foundation could
practice community leadership.
Chapter 3 is considered the first of two studies within the dissertation. This study
examines California community foundations' purpose statements and mission statements
to understand how they are framing their goals, stakeholders, and roles as community
foundations. The findings presented in this chapter suggest that community foundations
may have gone from community-centered institutions to more donor-centric institutions
over time by altering their mission statement to include more mentions of donors rather
than the community-at-large. Furthermore, it appears the introduction of community
leadership in the 1990s had little to no effect on newer community foundations adopting
the "best practice," which was hypothesized due to normative isomorphic change. This
finding suggests that while community leadership is part of the community foundation
operating model, some community foundations may have been quicker to claim it than
others—or include it within their mission statements at least.
Chapter 4 is the second study of the dissertation that examines how various
community foundations in California are practicing their community leadership. To
understand the findings in Chapter 3, interviews were conducted with community
foundations claiming community leadership within their mission statements. In most of
the community foundations interviewed, it appeared that community leadership either
was based on funds available at the community foundation (i.e., assets held) or is what
led the fundraising efforts of the community foundation (i.e., community leadership
agenda influenced the types of gifts the community foundation sought).
Chapter 5 summarizes both of the studies presented in Chapters 3 and 4 and
provides additional discussion around the findings and how they intersect. The
implications for future research, as well as immediate next steps, are presented, followed
by a call to action for the community foundation field for those foundations that are either
interested in engaging in community leadership for the first time or for those that are
looking to deepen their existing community leadership work.
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Community foundations are institutional forms of philanthropy designed to foster
philanthropy at a local level (Mazany & Perry, 2014). The community foundation concept
was first conceived in 1914 by Frederick Goff, who was instrumental in creating the first
community foundation, The Cleveland Foundation, and the idea began to spread globally
(Sacks, 2014). Created as an alternative to a trust company specifically designed to accept
and manage charitable contributions (The Cleveland Trust Company, 1914), the
community foundation model offered an alternative structure for individuals wishing to
make a long-lasting impact in their communities. The strength of the community
foundation model is its staying power and ability to provide "…practical, helpful
assistance for the portion of the community which at the moment stands most in need of
help" (as cited in Goff, 1919, p. 13). Historically, practitioner and academic literature has
explored the grantmaking and fundraising (asset building) roles of community
foundation, yet there has been a gap within the literature in regards to the role of
community foundation as community leaders – including how they serve as community
leaders, what it means to be a community leader, who decides the role of community
relationship, and why being a community leader is an integral role to the mission of
community foundations.
Additionally, the concept of community leadership has been explored throughout
the academic literature; however, there appears to be no consensus on whether
community leadership applies to single individuals ("Community Leader"), is a process
for which to accomplish things within a community, a collective of individuals working
together to create change (e.g., policy change, increase in quality of life), or simply the
leadership that is found within a particular community. These challenges are explored
throughout this literature review, and while there is a debate on the unit of analysis in
community leadership, it is clear that there are themes that link the varying definitions
and conceptions of what community leadership is, how it affects communities, and how it
can be a resource for community change.
This literature review and conceptual framework examines various works of
literature, both academic and practitioner, from a variety of disciplines and finds that
regardless of the framing, community leadership includes the themes of collaboration,
planning, and implementation—indicating that community leadership is not necessary a
role, but a process in which organizations must continuously participate in to the point
where it becomes an integral process that is institutionalized within the organization and
becomes an approach to leadership rather than a single incident. As community
foundations seek to deepen their engagement with their local communities, it is
imperative that a definition of community leadership be developed that can easily be
interpreted and implemented. Presently, many of the definitions of community leadership
are rather ambiguous, and a change in definition is needed to recognize that community
leadership is a collective process that should work towards a defined community goal,
rather than an individual position.
While the broad definition of community leadership is likely to continue to be
debated, the elements that make successful community leaders can be found within other
definitions of leadership within the literature, including the concepts of civic leadership,
collective leadership, and community engagement.
The following sections provide an overview of the purpose of community
foundations and their expansion, both in terms of numbers and roles within communities,
as well as conceptions of community leadership and how community foundations seek to
fill this role. The chapter concludes with a conceptual framework for community
leadership by a community foundation that incorporates the themes and findings from
previous studies on community leadership. The framework, and a resulting working
definition, presented in this chapter guides the research design utilized throughout the
dissertation.
Community Foundation Definition
The Council on Foundations (1988) defines a community foundation and its roles
as the following:
A community foundation is a publicly-supported philanthropic
institution governed by a board of private citizens chosen to be
representative of the public interest and for their knowledge of the
community.
Community foundations uniquely serve three publics: donors, the
nonprofit sector, and the community as a whole. Individual community
foundations may focus to some extent on one of these publics over the
other two (leading to considerable diversity in the field) but by structure
and by regulation the community foundation must always serve all
three.
Its purposes are to:
1. Professionally manage and distribute income, and portions of the
principal when permitted, from donors' charitable gifts and bequests
in a manner consistent with donors' specific and general interests;
2. Maintain and enhance the educational, social, cultural, health, and
civic resources of the community, through the support of qualified
nonprofit organizations, and;
3. Through the actions of board and staff, provide philanthropic
leadership and help create and promote efforts among the citizens to
improve the quality of life in the community.
(p. 3)
More concretely, community foundations are often cited as playing three distinct roles
within their communities: grantmaker, asset-builder (fundraiser), and community leader.
The practitioner and academic literature often expand on these three roles (see Council of
Michigan Foundations, 1992; Council on Foundations, 1988; Philipp, 1999) and these
roles are often the categories that community foundations use to segregate their work.
Expansion of the Community Foundation Model
According to the Community Foundation Atlas (2014), there were approximately
1,900 community foundations worldwide in the mid-2010s, referred to internationally as
"place-based foundations." These place-based foundations contribute billions in grants
annually to the global economy, each serving an average of 185,000
individuals in a specific geographic region, with nearly two-thirds established over the
past 30 years (Community Foundation Atlas, 2014).
Research focused on recounting and remapping community foundations in the
United States suggests that over 1,000 community foundations serve approximately 98
percent of the country—geographically speaking (Wu, 2019; Wu, Paarlberg, Strawser,
Ming, & Ai, 2019). These findings illustrate that what is often referred to as the
"community foundation movement" is alive and well in the United States. As the
community foundation field has evolved, so have the philanthropy support organizations
(PSOs) that provide specialized services to community foundations such as CFLeads
(Community Leadership), CFInsights (Data and Research), ProNet (Grantmaking),
AdNet (Fundraising), and CommA (Communications), among others. This growth
indicates substantial efforts toward professionalizing the field.
Conceptions of Community and the Role of Community Foundations
The word community evokes a multitude of meanings, especially in a globalized
world. Hillary (1995) describes 94 different variations of community, indicating a broad
spectrum of the concept's meaning. Wilkinson (1979, 1991) describes community as an
interactional approach where community is built on the principle that the community acts
as a whole within a social field and seeks to fulfill residents' needs. Milofsky's (2019)
various definitions include individuals who share the same profession (e.g., nurses or
teachers), seek emotional or spiritual connection (e.g., bible study or a church group),
belong to a specific user community sharing a similar product or service (e.g., video
games or a knitting circle), or elite groups of individuals (e.g., Nobel Prize winners or
UN Ambassadors). McMillian and Chavis (1986) identify four dimensions that create a
"sense of community": membership (feeling of belonging), influence (making a
difference), reinforcement (fulfilled needs), and emotional connection (sharing strong
bonds with others).
Sociologists often consider community to be bound within a geographic region,
such as neighborhoods, towns, or counties (Fisher, 1994; Kasarda & Janowitz, 1974;
Long, 1958; Sampson, 2012, 2015). While sociologists consider community to be a broad
term with multiple dimensions (McMillan & Chavis, 1986), numerous studies define it
geographically by examining various characteristics and disparities (Sampson, 2015;
Sampson, Morenoff, & Gannon-Rowley, 2002). For example, previous scholars have
examined differentiation within communities on the topics of crime (Kling, Ludwig, &
Kratz, 2005; Sampson, 1985), educational attainment (Garner & Raudenbush, 1991;
Patacchini & Zenou, 2011), poverty (Harding, 2003; South & Crowder, 1999), and health
(Larsen & Merlo, 2005; Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2003).
Much of the literature on community leadership defines community in terms of
geography, specifically focusing on neighborhoods or spaces of influence. In this
literature, the extent to which an area is defined as a single community depends on the
geographic composition of the area in question; for example, a rural community resident
in the Midwest may consider community to exist at the county level, while a New York
City resident may consider their associated community to be their neighborhood (e.g.,
Brooklyn, Manhattan, or Queens), or even special districts, such as Chelsea, Chinatown,
or Greenwich Village. While other types of communities are explored in the social
science literature, such as communities of faith, identity, and other attributes (see Franz,
Skinner, & Murphy, 2018; McMillian & Chavis, 1986; Milofsky, 2019), the
conceptualization of community within nonprofit and philanthropic studies is
predominately geographical.
Following this line of thought, community foundations have historically defined
community at the county level (Council on Foundations, 1990). In some cases, multiple
community foundations serve a particular region of a county (e.g., San Diego Foundation,
Rancho Santa Fe Foundation, Legacy Foundation, Del Mar Foundation, and San Marcos
Community Foundation all in San Diego County, California), while others serve multiple
counties (e.g., Central Valley Community Foundation serving Fresno, Kings, Tulare,
Madera, Merced, and Mariposa Counties in California). Regardless of the particular
geographic boundary, the standard definition of "community" for a community
foundation is often place-based. However, other types of organizations use the title
"community foundation" to create similarly structured organizations focusing on identity
(e.g., Latino Community Foundation) or faith (e.g., Jewish Community Foundation or
Catholic Community Foundation).
As part of their business model, community foundations claim to exercise
leadership in their service area (Council on Foundations, 1988, 1990). While it appears
community foundations have determined their operational definition of community (i.e.,
geographic), there is a lack of agreement on their definition of "leadership" and how they
utilize leadership to achieve community-level outcomes—thus creating an operational
challenge within the field resulting in having no normative clarity on how a community
foundation is to pursue the community leadership role successfully.
Community foundations are unique organizations in their duality of roles
(Harrow, Jung, & Phillips, 2016): they both raise and distribute funds. Additionally,
community foundations are tasked with supporting nonprofits' needs while
simultaneously fulfilling donors' instructions and wishes. Therefore, the operating model
of community foundations is ideal if both the funding from philanthropists and the
community's needs align. However, if funds are unavailable to support specific
community needs, the community foundation can become stagnant and unable to address
a particular need due to a lack of resources (Murphy, 2017). One possible way out of this
dilemma is for community foundations to embrace and take on the role of community
leadership.
Community Leadership
Leadership can be found in all forms of communities, regardless of whether the
community is created along the lines of geography, identity, or other socially constructed
parameters (Milofsky, 2019). Some type of leadership is necessary for a functioning
community, whether held by a city council, a group of elders or distributed amongst
everyone in the community with a specific role for each individual. Sometimes this
leadership is formal (e.g., elected offices), and sometimes it is informal (e.g., someone
naturally arises to lead a collective), making it challenging to define who is a community
leader and what it takes to be a strong community leader.
The concept of community leadership has been explored and debated in a variety
of disciplines, including leadership studies (Bono, Shen, & Snyder, 2010; Hartley, 2002;
Watt & Ziegler, 2009), community development (Apaliyah, Martin, Gasteyer, Keating, &
Pigg, 2012; Wituk, Ealey, Clark, Keiny, & Meissen, 2005), business (Aref & Ma'rof,
2009; Bonjean & Olson, 1964), public administration (Feldman, 2006; Madden, 2010;
Purdue, 2005), and sociology (Bonjean, 1963; Fanelli, 1956, Lindeman, 1921). Yet, there
is no universally agreed-upon definition of community leadership and its characteristics.
Community leadership has been defined according to particular positions (Azzam &
Riggio, 2003; Fanelli, 1956), exercising particular powers (Langone & Rohs, 1995;
Purdue, 2005), or in some cases simply as a popularity contest (Fanelli, 1956). Scholars
have also referred to the work of community leadership as "integrative leadership"
(Winston & Patterson, 2006) as it often requires individuals to work with organizations to
solve community problems (Bono, Shen, Snyder, 2010; Fanelli, 1956; Purdue, Razzaque,
Hambleton, Stewart, Huxham, & Vangen, 2000). Table 1 displays the range of scholarly
definitions of community leadership.
Table 1
Definitions of Community Leadership
Definitions Sources
Community leadership is that which involves influence, power, and
input into public decision-making over one or more spheres of
activity
Langone, 1992
Developing community leadership begins with recognizing that both
the practice of leadership and the situation in which it occurs need to
be understood. We consider leadership as a collective relational
phenomenon. This collective relational phenomena is also 'cultured,'
that is, it is a phenomenon that grows out of, and is a product of its
setting.
Kirk & Shutte,
2004, p. 235
The pursuit of community wellbeing through strategic interventions
that would not otherwise have happened.
Sullivan &
Sweeting, 2005,
p. 22
Influenced largely by servant leadership (Greenleaf, 1977),
community leadership is based on the notion that there are leaders
everywhere, including civic groups, boards of volunteer agencies,
neighborhood associations, interest groups, and self-help
organizations (Tropman, 1997).
Wituk, Ealey,
Clark, Heiny, &
Meissen, 2005,
p. 90
…community leadership emphasizes a collaborative, on-going,
influential process based on the relationships between people.
Wituk, Ealey,
Clark, Heiny, &
Meissen, 2005,
p. 90
Community leadership, common to all community development
projects, is the enabling of the relational capacity of community
members to initiate the creative and often hidden potential of the
community and turn it into initiatives driven by empowered
community members.
Nel, 2018, p.
839
A majority of the definitions of community leadership, including the ones listed in
Table 1, emphasize concepts of collaboration, influence, long-term planning, advocacy,
and mobilization as crucial characteristics of strong community leadership (Glidewell,
Kelly, Bagby, & Dickerson, 1998; Langone & Rohs, 1995; Nel, 2018; Whitney &
Trosten-Bloom, 2010). The emphases of definitions can be divided into those
highlighting how such leadership emerges and those focused on what such leadership
accomplishes. Based on the definitions listed in Table 1, community leadership is often
collective – resulting in both voluntary associations and community institutions playing
leadership roles within communities. Furthermore, the definitions indicate community
leadership is about being active in pursuing change to achieve a civic outcome—whether
the change be within the public policy arena, community development projects, or other
initiatives affecting the life of the community.
Another essential element noted in the literature on community leadership is an
argument that community leadership is not a style of leadership per se but may be more
of a context in which leadership operates (Fanelli, 1956; Kirk & Shutte, 2004; Ricketts &
Ladewig, 2008). For example, community leadership within the academic literature can
theoretically refer to leaders within a community (person) or a place within a community
where leadership is executed (e.g., an individual within a church, a principal within a
school).
The community leadership literature's overall challenge is its focus on identifying
leaders as individuals, a similar trend found in the literature in leadership studies. Yet,
many of these community leadership studies lack an overall definition of what success
looks like for a community leader and who decides who is a community leader.
Community Leadership vs. Leaders in Community
As previously mentioned, community leadership is complex and it has previously
been conceptualized as a position, an action, an individual, a group, a group of groups,
and other ways. In some instances, community leadership refers to individuals seeking to
enhance the quality of life of a community. In others, it refers to leadership within a
particular context (i.e., a "community"). While community leadership is not clearly
defined within the literature, the various definitions of community leadership have some
common themes—Working for the betterment of all and collaborating within and with
the community—all of which have been more strategically explored within the academic
and practitioner literature (e.g., community development, community engagement,
participatory action research). Therefore, the conceptions of community leadership can be
divided into two categories: (1) Community institutions seeking to create change within a
community (i.e., externally focused) and (2) individuals that enhance their leadership
skills to being competent leaders within community (i.e., internally focused)
In regard to the first category, community leadership requires action; therefore,
community foundations can serve as community leaders in a variety of ways that seek to
deliver on their overall goals and mission of enhancing the quality of life for a particular
region. Leadership requires action (or inversely, inaction may be considered poor
leadership); therefore, community foundations can serve as community leaders by
engaging in public policy, serving as resources for information within communities,
convening local organizations around a particular community issues, and a variety of
other actions that seek to create a positive change within their service region.
While developing individuals' leadership skills within communities is vital, there
is a difference between being a leader within a community and leading from within
communities. There are many programs that seek to equip individuals within a
community with leadership skills (i.e., individuals and internally focused) that can help
them become more effective leaders within their personal and professional lives. Many
community leadership programs focus on building skills needed for leadership
(Galloway, 1997), which can be necessary to create strong community leaders, yet many
of these programs are often focused on building individual capacity rather than increasing
community or organizational capacity. For example, these types of programs aid
individuals in understanding their leadership styles, instruct them on how to lead a team,
and identify ways in which individuals can be more aware of their leadership traits to be a
better leader (Galloway, 1997). What they fail to do is address leadership challenges
within the community, indicating the community leadership programs are more about
being leaders within a community, rather than leading a community forward by making a
positive societal changes.
Conceptual Definition of Community Leadership
As community foundations take on leadership roles to address some of society's
toughest challenges, it is clear that a very specific type of leadership is needed. Based on
a review of the literature and various theories related to the study of leadership and
change management, the following is a working definition of community leadership:
Community foundations act as community leaders when they engage individuals
or groups within a particular community to collectively establish goals and guide
them toward the achievement of those goals to achieve a civic outcome.
As defined in this section, community leadership is a process that a community
foundation can pursue to make positive changes in a community. Furthermore,
community leadership is also a spectrum in which all leadership expressions may not
look the same, yet the motivating principles are likely similar. For example, community
foundations with limited capacity (i.e., few staff members, limited assets) may have a
smaller leadership role in their community. In contrast, they could also be the primary
institution driving change in the community if they are the only organization in the
community providing strategic leadership. Thus, community leadership is very
contextual. As community foundations seek to enhance their community leadership role,
it is necessary to consider their leadership capacity, what they bring to the table, whom
they need to involve, and collectively decide how they wish to move forward.
Community Foundations:
Grantmaker to Community Leader
Although community foundations have existed since the early 1900s, the role of
the foundation as community leadership was first introduced in the practitioner literature
in the late 1980s and early 1990s (Council on Foundations, 1988, 1990). In a Council on
Foundations (1990) training manual for community foundations, the rationale for
community foundations to take up leadership within their communities were as follows:
(1) community foundations are created to serve the community, (2) the board represents
the community, (3) the community foundation is impartial in political matters, (4)
leadership grows out of grantmaking since the community foundation is aware of
community issues, and (5) unrestricted funds enable the community foundation to put
resources to use for new and creative community solutions (p. 18).
A report from Community Foundations of Canada (1996) established nine
community leadership principles (Table 2) that call for community leadership as an
integral role within the community foundation business model and suggest such activities
should be threaded throughout the operations of a community foundation.
Table 2
Principles of Community Leadership (Community Foundations of Canada)
1 Building Community
Capacity
We will nurture and build our community's strengths and
assets. Communities are strengthened by initiatives which
increase the capacity of organizations and individuals to
respond to challenges and opportunities, develop local
leadership, promote self-reliance, emphasize prevention
and mobilize civic participation and resources.
2 Understanding the
Changing Nature of
Our Communities
To be strategic in all our activities, we need to know our
communities well. This involved spending time in
community consultation, making ourselves available for
discussion, being active participants in the community,
monitoring local and national trends and being aware of the
impact of change in our communities.
3 Creating
Opportunities for
Dialogue
Because of our broad mandate to nurture a vital
community, we will bring together people with different
ideas and points of view to create opportunities for
respectful dialogue on issues of importance to our
communities.
4 Developing
Partnerships
Since more can be accomplished when acting together, we
will form, encourage and support partnerships among
individuals, neighbourhood and community groups,
service clubs, foundations, professional advisors,
businesses, governments, the media and others, based on
shared vision and mutual responsibility.
5 Reflecting Diversity We believe there is strength in diversity and that our
communities will be better served when we understand
different points of view and engage the broader community
in our deliberations and decision making
6 Establishing an
Effective and
Imaginative Grants
Program
We will strive to continually improve our skills as
grantmakers, making a visible and lasting difference in our
communities through a grant program that is balanced,
flexible, creative and responsive.
7 Evaluating and
Sharing Results
We will evaluate our activities to improve our skills and
knowledge and we will share key findings with others.
8 Implementing
Responsive and
Accountable Processes
We will engage in practices that are open and accessible,
fair and objective, flexible and timely with grant seekers,
donors, volunteers and others in the community. This is
essential to our role as credible and reputable stewards of
community resources.
9 Balancing Our Because our fund development, grantmaking, and
Resources community leadership activities are interdependent, we will
commit and balance our human and financial resources
among them.
(pp. 4-5)
In a Council on Michigan Foundations and Council on Foundations (1999)
training program for new community foundation trustees and staff, community leadership
was described as a unique role for community foundations. The following training
manual examples illustrate the rationale for community foundations to participate in
leadership and convening:
•The community foundation is neutral – The Foundation's program and
community advocacy activities are focus on community betterment.
•The community foundation is a bridge – The Foundation bridges the gap
between the community of affluence and the community of need.
•The community foundation does not compete with other area organization
in its fund raising activities.
•The community foundation has special insight – The Foundation's
grantmaking position allows it to understand community / organizational
capacity.
•The community foundation is isolated – Healthy isolation allows the
Community Foundation to operate free of community "politics."
Bernholz et al. (2005) state that community leadership is an important tool for
community foundations to succeed, and present three leadership tasks for community
foundations, including shifting the organizational focus from the institution to the
community, from managing financial assets to long-term leadership, and from
competitive independence to coordinated impact (p. 35).
In 2008, CFLeads released its first iteration of the Framework for Community
Leadership by a Community Foundation, with an updated version released in 2013 that
acknowledged the potential community foundations had to lead within their local
communities. According to CFLeads (2008), effective community leadership is the
following:
The community foundation is a catalyzing force that creates a better future
for all by addressing the community's most critical or persistent challenges,
inclusively uniting people, institutions, and resources, and producing
significant, widely shared, and lasting results (p. 2).
With the creation of the CFLeads framework for community leadership, the Council
on Foundations and CFLeads (2009) stated that community foundations are wellsuited
to act as community leaders as: (1) they are nonpartisan, (2) they have wideranging
relationships, (3) they have convening power, (4) they have flexible resources, (5)
they can flex their jurisdiction and tools, and (6) they have staying power. While these
points are more congruent with community foundations' current operating
environment, there is a lack of clarity on how community foundations become
community leaders since the definition is primarily focused on the result—or
"outcome."
Among the four rationales for community foundations (Table 3) to serve as
community leaders listed above, there appears to be little agreement on the reasoning
or approach for community leadership – other than many agreeing on the fact that
community foundations are neutral and/or nonpartisan. There appears to be a slight
adjustment in language over time that illustrates that community foundations may have
become more aware of their power – changing rationales around their grantmaking
being leadership and them being aware of community issues, to focusing more on
convening and taking a community-centered approach to be more responsive to
community issues. These alternations also appear within CFLeads most recently
iteration of its community leadership framework and recently publications.
Table 3
Positioning for Community Leadership
Organization Rationale
Council on Foundations (1990) Why?
•Serve the community
•Board represents community
•Impartial in political matters
•Grantmaking is leadership
•Aware of community issues
•Unrestricted funds provide
flexibility
Community Foundations of Canada
(1996) Commitments
•Building community capacity
•Understanding the changing nature
of our communities
•Creating opportunities for dialogue
•Developing partnerships
•Reflecting diversity
•Establishing an effective and
imaginative grants program
•Evaluating and sharing results
•Implementing responsive and
accountable processes
•Balancing our resources
Council of Michigan Foundations (1999)
Why?
•Community foundation is neutral
•Focus on community betterment
•Connects people with means to
issues of need
•Does not complete against other
organizations for funding
•Aware of community issues
•Operates freely from politics
Council on Foundations and CFLeads
(2009)
Why?
•Community foundations are
nonpartisan
•Expansive relationships
•Conveners
• Flexible resources
• Staying Power
Revised CFLeads Community Leadership Framework
In 2013, CFLeads issued a revised framework (Figure 2) with an updated
definition and outcome for community leadership by a community foundation that
included language to frame the community foundation as more of a partner for
bringing the community together with language that contains a more asset-based
approach to leadership and community change:
The community foundation is a community partner that creates a better future
for all by pursuing the community's greatest opportunities and addressing the
most critical challenges, inclusively uniting people, institutions, and resources
from throughout the community, and producing significant, widely shared, and
lasting results (p. 2).
In terms of defining community leadership's purpose or practice, the CFLeads
definitions lack specificity in how community leadership can be measured and
evaluated. The definition focuses on the "result" of implementing community
leadership and neglects to mention the inputs, activities, outputs, or outcomes
necessary to achieve the status of a community leader.
Figure 2
Framework for Community Leadership by a Community Foundation – Building Blocks
(CFLeads, 2013)
To assess how community foundations were approaching their community leadership
roles, CF Insights and CFLeads (2017) conducted a national survey to identify
community foundations' needs and future directions. The organizations reported five key
service need areas: (1) staff development, (2) collaboration/networking and peer
learning, (3) legal compliance and advisory services, (4) field positioning and
leadership, and (5) field knowledge. Both CF Insights and CFLeads committed to
creating metrics around community leadership, sharing information on critical
community issues, and assisting other philanthropy service organizations (PSOs) that
provide training and technical assistance.
As a result of the 2017 study conducted in collaboration with CFInsights,
CFLeads (2019) issued five elements of effective community leadership (Figure 3) that
include (1) engaging residents, (2) working across sectors, (commissioning and
disseminating local data), (4) shaping public policy, and (5) marshalling resources. While
these five competencies for the effective practice of community leadership help define
what it means for a community foundation to be a community leader, the literature
remains unclear as to how a community foundation would define or evaluate community
leadership for themselves.
Figure 3
Elements of Effective Community Leadership
The CFInsights and CFLeads (2017) report alluded that leadership within
community foundations did not quite have an evaluative component to it, which is
challenging to establish when an overall definition is lacking both potential outputs and
outcomes. Furthermore, the CFLeads framework lacks specific concepts that can be
implemented. In contrast, other frameworks for leadership, organizational change, and
community engagement such as Lewin's (1947) 3-Stage Change Model or Kotter's (1995)
8-Step Change Model provide both a specific definition for change as well as an
evaluative component that assists in ensuring a particular goal is pursued. Those pursuing
the goal are then held accountable for achieving the desired outcome.
In the CFLeads framework's (2013) current iteration, community foundations
have the opportunity to classify what they do as community leadership if it fits within one
of the five elements (engaging residents, working across sectors, commission and
disseminating local data, shaping public policy, marshalling resources); however, there
are no levels of effectiveness or impact that look at varying depths of engagement in
community leadership. For example, two community foundations could state they are
community leaders by indicating they strive to shape public policy. Community
Foundation A meets with elected officials once a year to provide them with an update on
the local nonprofit sector along with a copy of their annual report. Community
Foundation B is part of three local coalitions working to increase affordable housing,
advocates for additional funding from the state and federal government, and provides
grant dollars to help support a housing index study to supply lawmakers with additional
data. Both community foundations are engaging community leadership with public
policy, yet Community Foundation B is clearly more involved than Community
Foundation A, thus creating both an operative and evaluative dilemma for community
leadership.
When foundations are left to create their own frameworks for success it can be
somewhat arbitrary in the sense that foundations often hold the power in a grantmaking
relationship, and thus the rationale behind conducting evaluations must come from a
specific source to encourage performance measurement (Buteau et al., 2016). For
example, initial rationalizations of community leadership by a community foundation
focused on their power and connections to wealthy elites and ability to provide grants to
support causes that were identified as important community issues. However, over time
the rationale to be a community leader focused more on a community foundations ability
to bring people together to focus on community challenges. Albeit an important shift in
grantmaker power to implement more participatory practices, the community foundation
field still appears to struggle with putting parameters around community leadership and
identifying how it is implemented rather that what it looks like a result.
A Conceptual Model of Community Leadership
Contemporary community foundations are being forced to reconsider their value
proposition in a time of increased competition from both for-profit companies (e.g.,
Fidelity, Vanguard, Schwab) and nonprofit entities (Ragey, Masaoka, & Peters, 2005) that
offer lower-cost alternatives for philanthropic investments (Bernholz, Fulton, & Kasper,
2005). Community leadership is both the value-add and unique role that community
foundations can play that provide benefit to both donors (e.g., knowledge about the
community, ability to track local trends) and the community-at-large by leveraging their
position in the community to raise awareness about various community issues (Bernholz
et al., 2005; Council on Foundations, 1990; Canada Community Foundations, 1996).
Community foundations have an inherent responsibility to serve as community
leaders since they are often the philanthropic powerhouses in a community (Council on
Foundation, 1988, 1990). As institutions of philanthropy, community foundations have
opportunities to convene conversations around particular issues within communities that
are sometimes challenging for other nonprofits or entities in a community to address.
While community foundations have been around for over 100 years, a majority of
community foundations are approximately 30 years old (Sacks, 2014)—indicating that
some community foundations may be farther along as community leaders than others.
Leadership is often a response to a particular context; therefore, community leadership
for community foundations will come in different shapes and sizes depending on their
service region and other internal and external factors. Therefore, the choice for a
community foundation is not whether they want to be a leader; it is a choice of how their
leadership is expressed since it is part of their operational framework.
While the CFLeads (2008) framework on community leadership for community
foundations is promising, it omits the various activities the literature provides as
examples of community leadership such as how to convene different groups, strategies
for collective impact, and other methods of participatory action within communities—
causing there to be a gap in defining community leadership which prevents a standard for
excellence in community leadership from being established. Upon extensive review of
the literature, the theories of civic leadership and collective leadership, along with the act
of community engagement, are likely the facets of community leadership that community
foundations are often referring to in their practices (Figure 4). As the name implies,
collective leadership is focused on achieving collectively defined goals that require
collaboration, civic leadership is focused on making a difference in communities and
enhancing the quality of life, and community engagement is an encompassing term
describing how organizations are actively working within the community. The following
subsections further describe civic leadership, collective leadership, and community
engagement.
Figure 4
Conceptual Framework of Community Leadership
Civic Leadership. Civic leadership is focused on actions rather than positions or
appointments (Couto, 2014; Kibbe Reed, 1996). Kibbe Reed (1996) argues followers can
often be considered as leaders in their own right since they are part of the community
where the leadership is executed and have agency as followers that authorize them to
follow or not. Civic leadership is defined as activities focused on empowering others to
contribute to the greater good of society. Historically, most community leadership
programs focus on building the leadership capacity of individuals for civic leadership:
they are focused on fostering skills needed to lead and make change within communities
(Azzam & Riggio, 2003). In order for such community leadership programs to be
successful, "programs must come to understand leadership through collective action,
where it is not confined to the individuals or established organizations" (Kibbe Reed,
1996, p. 103). Challenging the norms of traditional leadership, civic leadership is
intentional, without position and power, and followers can often be the leaders (Couto,
2014). Couto (2014) argues that nonprofit organizations provide civic leadership in
C
L
C
L
C
L
C
E
various ways, including offering cultural enrichment, social services, and other programs
that seek to improve the human condition and the broader community. Couto's argument
aligns with the definition of civic leadership developed by Kibbe Reed (1996):
Civic Leadership is defined as the 'art and science' of leading in the public arena
where one engaged in the affairs of society through public advocacy, debate,
education, and the fostering of dialogue and group reflection. Civic leadership
promotes critical thinking in the public arena and an examination of new
alternatives and paradigms. Participatory leadership is promoted to enhance
humanistic principles which prescribe and produce positive systemic change for
the good of all society, including the world at large (p. 100).
While civic leadership is different from civic engagement, civic engagement could be the
result or process of practicing civic leadership:
Civic engagement means working to make a difference in the civic life of our
communities and developing the combination of knowledge, skills, values and
motivation to make that difference. It means promoting the quality of life in a
community, through both political and non-political processes (Ehrlich, 2000, p.
iv).
Civic leadership provides an opportunity for community foundations to not only lead but
prepare other individuals and organizations to lead as well. While a civic leadership
approach may advocate for the greater collective, it is more often focused on achieving
outcomes by creating positive change through shifting thoughts and policies (Couto,
2014; Kibbe Reed, 1996).
Collective Leadership. Sometimes referred to as shared leadership, the concept
of collective leadership posits that leadership in groups is often a collective phenomenon
(Contractor, DeChurch, Carson, Carter, & Keegan, 2012). As communities often come
together to solve social issues, this framework notes that formal institutions that seek to
help guide this change, such as nonprofit organizations, cannot single-handedly solve a
social challenge. Compared to the more instrumental civic leadership concept, which
focuses on accomplishing tasks and goals to create improvement, collective leadership is
more expressive through its drive for inclusion and ensuring that everyone is heard.
The concept of collective impact, defined as a group of actors from different
sectors gathering around a common agenda to solve a specific social problem, illustrates
collective leadership in action. According to Kania and Kramer (2011), five conditions
must be met for collective impact to move beyond simple forms of collaboration: (1) a
common agenda, (2) shared measurement, (3) mutually reinforcing activities, (4)
continuous communication, and (5) backbone support. As community foundations seek to
lead in communities, they must recognize they cannot do it alone; it takes multiple
stakeholders from all sectors to create social change (Kania & Kramer, 2011).
Community Engagement. In its simplest form, community engagement is
focused on how community foundations engage with their community. Community
engagement is often considered a physical presence within a community, yet this does not
always transition to actionable leadership. Community foundations, and foundations in
general, have been accused of focusing solely on the intentions of donors (Buchanan,
2017; Healy, 2018; Somerville, 2013); therefore, community foundations have
intentionally sought to understand the challenges from a variety of stakeholder
perspectives through various participatory methods (see, for example, Fund for Shared
Insight; Gibson, 2017, 2018). As community foundations are often viewed as knowledge
hubs, they must be deeply embedded in various aspects of community conversations and
initiatives (Council on Foundations, 1988, 1990). In the field of higher education, The
Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching's Elective Community
Engagement Classification, (n.d.) which recognizes institutions of higher education for
strong community engagement, provides a definition of community engagement that can
also be applied to the work of community foundations: "Community engagement is
shaped by relationships between those in the institution and those outside the institution
that are grounded in the qualities of reciprocity, mutual respect, shared authority, and
cocreation of goals and outcomes." As institutions consider becoming more engaged in
their communities, they must be aware of power dynamics to ensure respect and
reciprocity (National Center for Responsive Philanthropy, n.d.).
Leadership Approaches and Community Leadership
While leadership is often focused on the individual level (Burns, 2012; Heifetz &
Linsky, 2017; Walumbwa, Lawler, & Avolio, 2007), many community institutions are
collectively beginning to claim a leadership role to enhance the quality of life in their
service regions, yet there is a gap within the literature on particular definitions and
frameworks for institutional leadership. An example of this commitment is the work of
anchor institutions, defined as place-based institutions, often nonprofits, that invest in
capital and relationships within a defined area (Ehlenz, 2018; Webber & Karlstrom,
2009). According to Cantor, Englot, and Higgins (2013), anchor institutions are "…
placebased organizations that persist in communities over generations, serving as social
glue, economic engines, or both" (as cited on pg. 20). For example, many higher
education institutions have adopted an anchor framework (Birch, Perry, & Taylor, 2013;
Perry, Wiewel, & Menendez, 2009) dedicated to providing social, education, and
economic investment in the community in which the university has a physical presence.
Other institutions, such as hospitals (Norris & Howard, 2015; Reed, Göpfert, Wood,
Allwood & Warburton, 2019), public libraries (Goodman, 2013; Mersand, Gasco-
Hernandez, Udoh,
& Gil-Garcia, 2019), and community foundations (Harrow, Jung, & Phillips, 2016; Kelly
& Duncan, 2014; Mazany & Perry, 2014) have also been labeled as anchor institutions as
their endowments ensure their staying power (Bowman, 2007, 2011).
The field of leadership studies has examined leadership from a variety of angles,
including conceptualizing leadership as a process, as well as qualitative traits of
individual leaders (Bass & Avolio, 1994; Cartwright, 1965; Lipman-Bluemen, 2005;
Rost, 1991). Leadership theories can be valuable in considering how community
foundations may seek to lead in an effort to create change within communities, yet there
is an overall lack of empirical research on how nonprofit organizations serve,
institutionally, as leaders in their communities. While this trend is understandable given
that leadership theories predominately focus on one particular individual, a leader and
followers, or a group of leaders and followers, nonprofit organizations play distinct
leadership roles in communities that require further research and understanding.
Developing vs. Applying Community Leadership
Community leadership is not necessarily a theory of leadership – or at least it has
not been applied and tested empirically enough to have a solid theoretical grounding. Yet,
the act or desired outcome of community leadership can be found partially within existing
leadership theories. While not present in the current academic literature, the act of being a
community leader is most likely the amalgamation of multiple leadership theories and
frameworks to creating systemic community change; thus, a single theory is likely unable
to describe the leadership process of a community foundation seeking to improve the
quality of life for a particular region.
While useful leadership theories address what it means to be a community leader
individually, a majority of the research around community leadership analyzes
community leadership programs (for example, see Keating, 2011; Langone, 1992;
Langone & Rohs, 1995; Rohs, 1992). Community leadership programs have started for
various reasons, including efforts to bring a community together, seek to fill leadership
voids, and provide opportunities for individual leadership skill enhancement (Azzam &
Riggio, 2003). Furthermore, many community leadership programs seek to serve a
variety of individuals from the public, private, and nonprofit sectors. Thus, they may
inadequately prepare individuals for community leadership positions (Langone & Rohs,
1995; Wituk, Ealey, Clark, Heiny, & Meissen, 2005).
Particular studies around leadership programs are often single case studies or
involve examining one cohort's experience with a program on community leadership.
While some studies indicate the overall "outcome" of participation in community
leadership programming, there is a lack of evidence that completing a leadership program
helps an individual become a strong community leader. Though some of these programs
are focused on equipping individuals with leadership skills (i.e., having more leaders in
the community), the literature remains unclear about how these programs help individuals
create change within a community: leading the community rather than just being a
"leader" in a community.
Community leadership programs are often focused on developing individuals'
leadership capacity; while skill development is valuable, additional research is needed on
community leadership in an applied setting. One way to pursue this line of research is to
conceptualize community leadership as focused on building leadership in a community
through skills-based development aimed at increasing individual leadership capacity—
which is undoubtedly necessary to address leadership deficits and aid individuals in
becoming better managers, more empathic supervisors, and understanding how other
individuals work in a team environment. Another way to conceptualize community
leadership is the application of leadership skills in order to improve the community (see
Wituk et al., 2005).
Implementing Community Leadership
As community foundations seek to become more engaged in their communities
and create change at a systemic level, there needs to be a reframing around what it means
to be a community leader and how that leadership is evaluated (CFLeads & CF Insights,
2019). In responding to community needs, community foundations must be realistic
about their organizational capacities to serve in the role of a community leader.
Community foundations are unique in that they both raise and distribute funds, and
community leadership provides an opportunity for community foundations to create a
reason for individuals to donate towards specific initiatives in the community.
Community foundations' fund minimums (i.e., $10,000 to create an endowment fund)
may limit their engagement with all residents; therefore, community leadership is an
opportunity to engage the entire community in collectively creating change. In practical
terms, community leadership will look different for each community foundation;
however, adopting a community leadership mindset and strategic positioning will allow
community foundations to clearly define their value, raise their community profile, and
create positive change within their service regions. According to a report from CFLeads
(2020), 98-percent of surveyed community foundations indicated a desire to deeper or
expand their community leadership over the next few years—signaling a potential wave
of innovative approaches to community leadership and change.
Examples of Community Foundations as Community Leaders
The following three brief examples illustrate how a community foundation could
pursue the conceptual definition of community leadership presented in this chapter.
Early Childhood Education. The Community Foundation of the Sunshine Valley
has been a local champion for education since its founding in 1994. The foundation holds
numerous scholarship funds, approximately 30% of its assets, about 45% of assets are
donor-advised funds, and the remaining 25% are a blend of fields of interest and
discretionary funds that the board has oversight over. The superintendent of the local
school district, who serves on the education advisory council of this community
foundation, recently shared that there has been a drastic decrease in kindergarten
readiness at the school corporation, and something must be done. The community
foundation decides that early childhood education could be a leadership initiative in its
upcoming strategic plan, and they set the goal of increasing the number of students ready
to learn when entering school to 85% by 2025. As the foundation has limited funding
available, it works with other local funders to help support the efforts of local childcare
centers to integrate a stronger curriculum, and it works with its scholarship donors who
have historically focused on providing scholarships to college to create scholarships for
local preschool spaces for families who cannot afford to send their children to preschool.
The foundation also collaborates with local funders to create a special initiative to
educate the public, and more importantly, parents, on various milestones that young
children should meet before entering school. As a result, the community foundation
creates three task forces to support the initiative: one for parents, one for educators, and a
data collaboration comprised of local experts and funders.
Homelessness and Affordable Housing. Since the 2008 recession, River County
has seen an unprecedented spike in homelessness. While the Community Foundation of
River County has supported grants to the local homeless shelter in the past, the numbers
of people in need are only increasing. Jane Smith reached out to the community
foundation since she and her husband, John, are local business owners and have noticed a
significant increase in the number of individuals experiencing homelessness downtown
on Main Street. The Smiths have always offered food to locals, but it is just not enough.
Jane has also noticed increased housing developments downtown, but all the rents are
well over $2,000 a month for these luxury apartments. After conducting some research,
she found that local developers can simply pay a minor fine to avoid building the
statemandated number of affordable housing units, thereby selling only to individuals
who can pay the full asking price. Jane has been a donor at the community foundation for
many years, so she shared her findings and asked what could be done to address these
issues.
In response to this query, the community foundation convened all the local
homelessness and housing agencies to identify the underlying problems that caused
homelessness to increase within the community. As the community foundation expected,
one of the major issues was the developer fine that prevented the addition of affordable
housing. Another major issue was the overall lack of funding support for those at-risk of
homelessness, meaning that many agencies did not have the programs or services to help
individuals until they lost their homes. As a result of this convening, the community
foundation and other nonprofit agencies wrote a joint letter presented to the housing
commission to (1) advocate for changing the fine program and (2) illustrate how new
developments were increasing surrounding rents and not supporting all residents. After
numerous council meetings and defending property from the local upscale developers, the
county elected to keep the developer fee but agreed to raise it to generate funding for the
construction and support of a local housing development equipped with wraparound
support services.
Environment. Tourists arrive from around the world to visit the amazing nature
trails and parks in Cathedral County. The county is well known for its green space and
residents and visitors who love the outdoors. The Cathedral Community Foundation was
recently contacted by a local business owner, Nancy Jones, about creating a fund at the
community foundation. Nancy has been a lifelong lover of the outdoors and is very
concerned about climate change. Over the years, Cathedral County's population has been
increasing due to the growth of a local university and additional manufacturing
companies building factories and creating jobs. Nancy wants to do something but is
unsure how to begin. A program officer at Cathedral Community Foundation let Nancy
know that they would research meaningful ways to pursue her goals. After contacting the
local Department of Natural Resources, the program officer learned about a state grant to
support communities in purchasing land for conservation purposes, but the grant requires
matching funds. The program officer thought this could be a perfect opportunity to
leverage the support of individuals in the community, like Nancy, to support conservation
efforts so that future generations can enjoy natural spaces. Nancy created a field-
ofinterest fund to support environmental initiatives in the community, and her friends
joined to raise the required matching funds. Subsequently, the county secured a $1
million grant from the state, which was matched with $100,000 from local donors. The
community foundation then purchased 100 acres of land to be put into a land trust as a
protected green space in perpetuity. Since the community foundation is endowed and
established to be permanent, Nancy was thrilled that her investment in the community
foundation leveraged other funds to support local environmental efforts. She and her
friends are already working on fundraising ideas for the next round of state grants.
Examples Review
Each of these examples illustrates how community foundations can lead in many
ways. In the first example, the community foundation simply considered what types of
funding it had and how it could strategically position that funding to create community
change. In the second example, the community foundation elected to utilize its convening
power by bringing together a coalition of organizations around a common issue and
amplifying their voices to ensure that local elected officials and policymakers heard them.
The final example illustrates how community foundations can be local hubs of
knowledge and increase donors' impact by educating them and connecting them to the
right opportunities to make the most significant impact.
The three hypothetical examples illustrate the spectrum of community leadership for
community foundations ranging from comprehensive strategic initiatives, and in some
cases, the everyday work of a community foundation that is well connected and able to
leverage those connections to improve the quality of life in the community. Community
leadership provides an opportunity for community foundations to engage the local
community in driving community change; this transforms a community foundation from
a simple grantmaking institution to an anchor institution that genuinely enhances the
quality of life within a defined service region—which is a unique value-add for
community foundations (Mazany & Perry. 2014).
Conclusions
Community leadership is important for any community to thrive, and community
foundations are clearly in a unique position to provide leadership on a variety of issues
within communities due to their access to funds and awareness of community issues.
While community foundations claim the role of community leadership, there is still a lack
of evidence on the process of being a community leader. Many organizations such as the
Council on Foundations (1990) and CFLeads (2008, 2013) have provided a strong
rationale for why community foundations should be community leaders, and CFLeads
has shared what the result should look like, but the components necessary to be a strong
and effective community leadership have often been excluded from the conversation.
While community leadership will differ in various contexts, there must be some
approaches or underlying strategy that community foundations can enact o be effective
community leaders.
Many community foundations, likely find themselves at the tables where
decisions are being made within communities, which raises questions regarding power
dynamics, privilege, and position: Are institutions that are identified, or self-identified, as
community leaders branded as such due to their wealth, power, and prominence—or are
they rightfully seated at the table due to a proven history of community leadership? In an
effort to bridge this gap within the literature, the definition used to guide this dissertation
focuses in on civic leadership, collective leadership, and community engagement to build
upon the idea that community leadership is a collective phenomenon that seeks to work
with communities to create positive.
As community foundations consider their role as a community leader, it is crucial
to fill various knowledge gaps to better understand the rationale behind engaging in
community leadership activities. For proper assessment of community leadership to
occur, additional research surrounding the definition of community leadership, both
practical and aspirational, is necessary in order to measure it properly. As a definition is
further developed, measurements can then be applied to the work of community
leadership to ensure that community foundations are realizing intended outcomes for the
community. Moreover, additional questions regarding who assesses the impact of
community leadership (e.g., the community foundation, grant recipients, or communityat-
large) will need to be explored as well. As the literature suggests. community leadership
is one of the core operating activities of a community foundation; therefore, this
dissertation seeks to understand how community foundations conceptualize their role as
community leaders and pursue a community leadership agenda to enhance the quality of
life in their communities.
CHAPTER THREE
MISSION STATEMENT ANALYSIS
Community foundations have three operational functions include (1) fundraising,
(2) grantmaking, and (3) community leadership. Fundraising and grantmaking are
relatively basic concepts in the nonprofit sector – fundraising is often soliciting monetary
contributions from individuals, corporations, or foundations. In contrast, grantmaking is
the distribution of funds to support a particular purpose. On the other hand, community
leadership has yet to receive a clear definition within the community foundation field,
resulting in a lack of effective measures. As explored in the previous chapter, community
leadership has historically been applied at the individual level; therefore, in order to
examine the community leadership of institutions, a clearer definition had to be
introduced. Community foundations, and philanthropic institutions, are not immune for
external pressures, and this chapter examines how community foundations may have
altered their operational roles, goals, and strategies over time.
Community foundations are an institutional form of philanthropy that have
historically pooled community assets to enhance the quality of life in a particular
geographic region (Council on Foundations, 1988). As public charities independent of the
state, community foundations are public foundations funded with private money—often
with funding from wealthy individuals or families—for the public good (Goff, 1919).
With over 1,000 community foundations serving a major of the United States, community
foundations often serve as catalysts for community change.
As philanthropic institutions, community foundations are susceptible to various
institutional pressures from stakeholders. The purpose of this study is to examine how
community foundations identify their organizational values via purpose statements and
mission statements. Furthermore, the study seeks to identify community foundations’
goals, with a particular focus on community leadership, in both founding purpose and
current mission statements and how these statements have evolved.
The following sections provide an overview of additional literature on mission
statements and their various uses in practitioner and academic settings, followed by
literature related to institutional theory and isomorphism and how these theories have
been applied to nonprofit research. Next, the study’s methodology is presented, followed
by the results of a mission statement analysis of community foundations. Further
discussion of the findings appears in Chapter 5 of the dissertation.
Mission Statements
In the United States, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) requires mission
statements to be submitted in applications for charitable status as an exempt entity (i.e.,
nonprofit organization); this ensures the organization’s intended purpose is covered under
the specific provisions of the tax code for 501(c) charitable organizations. According to
the Foundation Center (n.d.), “The mission statement communicates the nonprofit’s
purpose, what groups it serves, and how it plans to do so,” noting that “…developing the
mission statement is a critical first step in defining what the organization plans to do and
what makes it different from other organizations in the same field.” If a mission statement
does not align with an exempt purpose, the IRS may deny the application for exemption
or request that alterations be made to the mission statement before approving the request
for exemption. To officially be recognized as a nonprofit entity, organizations must also,
at a minimum, register with the IRS Exempt Organizations Division by filing IRS Form
1023. This form provides the IRS with an overview of the structure and purpose of a
proposed organization. Mission statements provide a variety of insights into an
organization and they are helpful in both practitioner and research settings.
Mission Statements in Practice
Mission statements in the nonprofit sector are used both as a guide for an
organization and as an indication to society of what it seeks to accomplish: essentially,
the purpose of an organization. According to BoardSource (2016), strong mission
statements include nine characteristics: (1) bold, clear, and memorable language; (2)
explicit and implicit statement of the organization’s values; (3) emotional and rational
impact; (4) active, not passive verbs; (5) combined “why” with a “what” statements; (6)
description of the need being met in positive, not negative terms; (7) succinct mission
summary; (8) language adaptable for both marketing and development; and (9)
inspiration to act, give, join, serve, and learn more. Mission statements should be
inspirational, impactful, and memorable.
As a statement of values, mission statements can be amended over time to allow
an organization to express changes in programs, services, goals, and overall purpose.
Therefore, mission statements provide a unique understanding of organizational values
and their changes over time. For example, the March of Dimes was originally established
to find a cure for polio, and once that mission was practically achieved, the organization
shifted its focus to improving the health of mothers and babies (March of Dimes, n.d.).
Mission Statements in Nonprofit Research
Mission statements often provide a statement of what an organization was created
to do and how it plans to achieve its goals; therefore, they provide unique insights into
why an organization was created and what it seeks to accomplish (Bart, 2007; Berlan,
2018; Kirk & Nolan, 2010). Although mission statements are merely descriptive words
with no exact measurements or accountability standards, research on mission statements
indicates their potential to provide further understanding into the real purpose of an
organization, rather than only understanding organizational identity by examining the
programs or services offered. Mission statements can be utilized in a variety of strategic
ways within organizations (Desmidt, Prinzie, & Decramer, 2011) and are critical in
helping an organization to focus on specific actions to achieve goals (Drucker, 1989).
While nonprofit mission statements are often vague (Moore, 1995; Oster, 1995; Sawhill
& Williamson, 2001), they are generally more specific than the mission statements of
their for-profit counterparts (Moore, 2000). Unlike many businesses with a clearly
defined focus on a financial bottom line, nonprofits rely on mission statements to attract
supporters and justify their existence.
Researchers have investigated the link between mission statements and issues
such as formulating strategy (Brown & Iverson, 2004; Krug & Weinberg, 2004; Oster,
1995), measuring organizational performance (Kirk & Nolan, 2010; Krug & Weinberg,
2004; Pandey, Kim & Pandey, 2017), motivating employees and volunteers (Bart, Bontis,
& Tagger, 2001; Brown & Yoshioka, 2003; Handy & Srinivasan, 2005; Kim & Lee,
2007), and establishing and solidifying organizational identity (Desmidt, Prinzie, &
Decramer, 2011; Fyall, Moore, & Gugerty, 2018; Min, Shen, Berlan, & Lee, 2019;
Scherer, 2017). The following subsections further highlight the use of mission statements
in nonprofit research.
Strategic Planning. Mission statements can be utilized to define strategic
orientations, and those with strong conceptualizations can also provide strategic direction
(Brown & Iverson, 2004). Brown and Iverson (2004) observed that while some nonprofit
leaders viewed mission statements as a starting point for formulating strategy, others
believed their mission statements to be the boundaries within which the organization
must operate: “different perceptions of organizational mission statements indicate that
mission statements are not deterministic but are instead interpreted through a frame of
understanding that includes strategic orientation” (p. 395). Furthermore, Krug and
Wineberg (2004) argue that mission statements can also be used to understand the
strategic purpose of an organization, but more importantly, can clarify whom an
organization seeks to serve and what it aims to accomplish. Oster (1995) adds that
“because so many nonprofits are born out of monitoring and trust problems in hard-
toevaluate services, a clear mission is essential to create focus and trust among clients
and donors” (p. 21). Oster (1994) argues that mission statements for collective goods are
needed to attract revenue, while organizations that produce products and services require
a clear mission statement to attract staff members and volunteers (p. 21).
Performance Measurement. Mission statements can affect organizational
performance in a variety of ways. Kirk and Nolan (2010) found that mission statements
with a more geographic scope also had lower overhead ratios for the organization, while
those that identified more target client groups had significant one-year increases in
contributions. Krug and Weinberg (2004) argue that utilizing mission statements in the
evaluation of programs can help ensure that programs are an appropriate fit. Meanwhile,
Pandey, Kim, and Pandey (2017) found that listing activities within mission statements
improved the performance of both the instrumental and expressive functions of arts
organizations.
Motivating Individuals. Bart, Bontis, and Tagger (2001) found that mission
statements affect the financial performance of organizations. These researchers also
determined that more specific mission statements led to higher employee satisfaction
with the mission, and mission statements that clearly specified an ends and means led to a
greater acceptance of the organizational mission. Brown and Yoshika (2003) have argued
that mission statements can serve as a management tool to motivate employees and focus
them on organizational goals while also aiding employee retention; yet, their findings
also indicated that dissatisfaction with employee compensation tended to overshadow the
value staff derive from a mission statement. In 2007, Kim and Lee replicated the study of
Brown and Yoshika (2003) and collected similar findings, indicating that mission
statements motivate employees; however, if working conditions are not satisfactory,
employee retention may still decline. In terms of volunteers, Handy and Srinivasan
(2005) argue that mission statements can serve as a goal for volunteers and as a proxy for
organizational culture (p. 500). In their analysis of hospital mission statements, they
found that volunteers are often needed or included in strategies utilized by hospitals to
achieve their missions.
Organizational Identity. Desmidt, Prinzie, and Decramer (2011) conducted a
meta-analysis on 20 years of mission statement research and found that, while there were
small positive relationships between mission statements and organizational performance,
the positive differences in performance were associated with mission statements with no
financial goal, and which instead were short statements that identified an organization’s
values/beliefs/purpose(s), unique identity, and distinctive competence/strength (p. 478).
Utilizing machine-learning technology, Fyall, Moore, and Gugerty (2018) found mission
statements to be better at classifying organizations compared to the limited scope of
NTEE codes. Min, Shen, Berlan, and Lee (2019) explored the use of mission statements
as a tool for portraying organization identity and found that the language surrounding the
cost, quality, or unique values of hospital mission statements influenced performance
metrics and that volunteers were often included in mission statements as an integral part
to provide high-quality services.
Institutional Theory and Isomorphism
Institutional theory offers a framework to study the significance of mission
statements as indicators of institutional change. Institutions are important pillars of social,
political, and economic life, they are often products of their environments (Scott, 2010).
According to Scott (2010), “Institutions are social structures that have attained a high
degree of resilience [and are] composed of cultural-cognitive, normative, and regulative
elements that, together with associated activities and resources, provide stability and
meaning to social life” (Scott, 2010, p. 6). Institutional theory examines the resilience of
social structures and how norms, rules, and routines become embedded within social
behavior (Scott, 2005). Scott (1995) identifies three defining characteristics of
institutions: the cultural-cognitive, normative, and regulative dimensions.
Cultural-Cognitive. Socially constructed cultural elements of organizations such
as beliefs and values drive organizational behavior (Meyer & Rowan, 1977; Meyer,
Rowan, & Scott, 1983). Values, beliefs, and assumptions are interconnected with
normative prescriptions and regulative controls because an organization’s operating
environment has the potential to influence organizational behavior; thus, the legitimacy
of an institution is extracted from the cultural systems, resulting in drivers of change
being the internal values of an organization with the change being sustained via the
organization’s identity and personal desire (Palthe, 2014; Scott, 2010).
Normative. Institutions often have common-practices or “best practices” that
establish working norms or habits and emphasize the social embeddedness of political
and economic behavior (Granovetter, 1985; Scott, 2010), as well as the social obligations
created as a result of the institutional environment (Selznick, 1948). In this context,
institutions gain legitimacy via moral and ethical systems, and thus change is motivated
via moral obligations and occurs out of duty and responsibility (Palthe, 2014). Normative
elements, while constraining certain behavior (Meyer, Rowan, & Scott, 1983; Scott,
1981), often create opportunities to empower and enable change to create stronger
organizations (Palthe, 2014).
Regulative. The regulative elements of institutions include an environment
focused on policies, rules, and clear directives (Scott, 2010). Legitimacy within the
organization is derived from its regulatory system, and change is created through
obligations that affect overall systems change through fear and coercion tactics (Barnett
& Caroll, 1993; Palthe, 2014). Organizational behavior is thus regulated and constrained
in an effort to operate within particular parameters (Meyer, Rowan, & Scott, 1983; Scott,
1981). Furthermore, organizations often create means-ends relationships—implementing
the fastest solution to adequately address a problem (Meyer & Bromley, 2013).
Surveillance systems are used to maintain a regulated environment in which
organizations comply to rules and policies that inhibit or expand control (Moe, 1984;
Scott, 2010).
Institutional Theory: Pressures and Isomorphic Change
Scholars have provided theoretical explanations as to why organizational heterogeneity
exists (Popaduik, Rivera, & Bataglia, 2014), including structural contingency (Burns &
Stalker, 1961), neoclassical (Caves & Porter, 1977), organizational ecology (Hannan &
Freeman, 1977), resource dependency (Pfeffer & Salancik, 2003), and resource- and
capabilities-based approaches (Wernerfelt, 1984). Furthermore, scholars have taken on
theoretical perspectives that review the field in which organizations operate as the totality
of relevant actors, functionally specific arena, center of dialogue and discussion, arena of
power and confliction, institutional sphere of interests under dispute, and structured
network of relationships (as cited in Popaduik et al., 2014, pg. 529).
Employing the theoretical perspective that a field is the totality of relevant actors
provides an opportunity to examine the meaning and relationship elements of institutions.
This perspective describes institutions as a sum of its various parts: “Organizations that
share common meaning systems and which interact more frequently with each other than
with actors outside the field, thus making up a recognized field of institutional life” (as
cited in Popaduik et al., 2014, pg. 529). Institutional theory’s early stages focused on an
understanding of how organizations took on specific forms (Meyer & Rowan, 1977) as
well as how they were similar within particular professional fields (DiMaggio & Powell,
1983).
Institutional theory proposes that organizations pursue legitimacy by conforming
to isomorphic pressures in their environment (Ashworth, Boyne, & Delbridge, 2007);
these pressures from key stakeholders can cause organizations to homogenize and
become similar to organizations with similar purposes (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983). As a
result of these pressures, organizations conform either due to compliance or convergence
(Ashworth, Boyne, & Delbridge, 2007; Frumkin & Galaskiewicz, 2004). DiMaggio and
Powell (1983) identified three types of pressure that explain why organizations conform
to shifts within the institutional environment: coercive, mimetic, and normative
isomorphism.
Coercive Isomorphism. Regulations, and potential ramifications of not
complying with regulations, apply coercive forces to organizations. Often stemming from
governmental policy shifts, or the action of some other regulating body, organizations
may change their practices in order to conform to rules and laws, and avoid penalties
(DiMaggio & Powell, 1983). Regulators have the power to mandate organizational
change; however, institutions’ potential to advocate for particular regulations provides an
opportunity for an alteration in power relations between regulators and institutions
(DiMaggio & Powell, 1983, Ritti & Goldner, 1981).
Mimetic Isomorphism. External pressures cause organizations to copy other
organizations that appear to be more successful (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983), resulting in
organizations adopting the same or similar practices with no particular concern for the
effectiveness of such practices (Abrahamson, 1996; Ashworth, Boyne, & Delbridge,
2007). In response to ambiguity, an organization may attempt to imitate an organization
that is perceived as more legitimate or successful (Sacomano Neto, Truzzi, &
Kirschbaum, 2013); hence, new organizations may establish practices based on the
practices of other organizations in an effort to conform to a pre-established operating
condition (Meyer, 1981).
Normative Isomorphism. As fields become more professionalized through
accreditation, credentialing, and advancements in education, organizations adapt by
conforming with field advancements in an effort to remain legitimate. Grounded in
theories from education, normative isomorphism involves pressures to legitimize the
knowledge of a particular field via formal education (e.g., degree programs,
certifications) and establishing networks or communities of practice in which
organizational models and strategies are exchanged (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983). In an
effort to conform with the “best practices” of a specific field, an organization may adopt
particular policies based on the trends, or norms, of a particular profession—often turning
to professional or accrediting organizations for guidance (Sacomano Neto, Truzzi, &
Kirschbaum, 2013).
Institutional Environments and Change
When considering the works of Scott (institutional theory) and DiMaggio and
Powell (institutional isomorphism) as a whole, connections appear between the
environmental surroundings and changes that occur within organizations (Figure 5). The
cognitive, regulative, and normative elements articulated by Scott (2005, 2008, 2010)
respectively connect to the mimetic, coercive, and normative isomorphism elements
presented by DiMaggio and Powell (1983). Thus, institutional environments (Scott) are
established and remain resilient amidst a variety of shifts within operating environments
(DiMaggio & Powell).
Figure 5
Three Institutional Isomorphic Pressures
(DiMaggio & Powell, 1983; Scott, 2005, 2008, 2010)
Theoretical Challenges
While DiMaggio and Powell’s (1983, 1999) theories on organizational adaptation
as a result of external pressures are cited widely, scholars have written that utilizing the
isomorphic change lens requires longitudinal data (Slack & Hinings, 1994) and lacks
definitive evidence that separates one type of isomorphic change from another
empirically (Beckert, 2010), which results in challenges to operationalize institutional
isomorphism (Mizruchi & Fein, 1999).
While institutional isomorphism is a framework designed to examine an
institution’s reaction and adaptation to external pressures, focusing on a single form of
isomorphism may lead to a causal fallacy, as illustrated by Mizruchi and Fein (1999):
The problem arises in cases in which authors stipulate only one type of
isomorphic process while ignoring equally plausible alternative accounts. When
authors assume that only voluntary mimicry accounts for an organization’s
behavior, without considering alternative explanations, including coercion, then
one may be providing a limited picture of a phenomenon. If one fails to consider
alternative accounts provided by the authors of one’s source, then one’s distortion
of that source is not only misrepresenting the theory on which one’s analysis is
based, but it is providing a limited and biased picture of the processes one is
trying to describe (p. 16).
Therefore, it is imperative that nonprofit researchers include multiple forms of
institutional isomorphism in their analysis while also considering other possible
explanations for the phenomenon under study.
Institutional Theory and Nonprofit Management Studies
Institutional theory has been used in the fields of nonprofit management and
philanthropic studies to explain the behavior of organizations (DiMaggio & Anheier,
1990; Miller-Millesen, 2003; Powell & Colyvas, 2008; Townsend, 2007; Witesman,
2016); institutional isomorphism has also been used to examine and explain institutional
shifts in nonprofit organizations (Frumkin & Galaskiewicz, 2004; Leiter, 2005;
Verbruggen, Christiaens, & Milis, 2011). To date, there have been no studies that have
specifically utilized isomorphism and the change of external statements such as mission
statements from nonprofit organizations.
Scholars have argued that change can occur within organizations for a variety of
reasons and can cause a range of outcomes based on elements such as organizational size
and employment (Leiter, 2005, 2008, 2013). Studies have also examined institutional
changes designed to gain legitimacy (Verbruggen, Christiaens, & Milis, 2011), in addition
to how communities collectively apply pressure to organizations to change or have a
community-focused mindset (Marquis, Glynn, & Davis, 2007). While a limited number
of articles have examined how isomorphism can be applied to philanthropy (Harrow,
2011; Rey-Garcia & Puig-Raposo, 2013), previous research indicates that the use of this
theory can be helpful in examining how community foundations change over time as a
response to external pressure.
Community Leadership: A Normative Isomorphic Change Perspective
Based on the work of Milofsky (2019), community foundations can be understood as
embedded, contingent, participatory, and existing within an interorganizational field. It
follows that community foundations are often place-based funders embedded within
communities, contingent on the funding they receive, inherently participatory due to the
collective giving that often establishes and sustains them over time, and exist in an
interorganizational field given their connections to various nonprofit organizations; yet,
they are also not the only organization providing particular services (e.g., endowments or
donor-advised funds).
In utilizing Milofsky’s (2019) framework for examining associations—being
embedded, contingent, participatory, and existing within an interorganizational field—are
all present when examining behaviors and change within community foundations creating
various types of pressures. There are donors (contingent), communities (embedded and
participatory), and there is the interorganizational field (Council of Foundations).
When examining community foundations through an institutional isomorphic
lens, they could hypothetically change for several reasons: donors’ gift restrictions and
specifications (coercive), adoption of the practices of other organizations that appear to
be more successful (mimetic), or adaption based on the professionalization of the staff or
the field itself (normative). Furthermore, as an institutional model of philanthropy,
community foundations often look similar to one another since they are established using
a particular business model (Council on Foundation, 1988, 1990) which can lead to some
entities attempting to create one-size-fits-all approaches to foundation management.
Various organizations focused on building the capacity of community foundations
have increased over the years with the creation of organizations serving affinity needs,
such as CFLeads (Community Leadership), CFInsights by Candid (Data Management
and Research), ProNet (Community Foundation Grantmaking), AdNet (Community
Foundation Advancement), CommA (Community Foundation Communications). In
addition, statewide community foundation associations (e.g., League of California
Community Foundations, Giving Indiana Funds for Tomorrow, Kansas Association of
Community Foundations) and statewide/regional grantmaking associations (e.g., Indiana
Philanthropy Alliance, Philanthropy Southwest, and San Diego Grantmakers Alliance)
were established to provide services to funders within specific geographic regions.
National entities have also been created to represent foundations across the country (e.g.,
United Philanthropy Forum, Grantmakers for Effective Organizations, Council on
Foundations).
Over the past 30 years, community foundations have been encouraged to shift
their roles from being community grantmakers to becoming community leaders (Council
on Foundations, 1998; Council on Foundations & CFInsights, 2017; Community
Foundations of Canada, 1996). This shift can be traced to three past developments. First,
the Council on Foundations introduced the role of community foundations as community
leaders in a training manual dating back to 1990, which could have prompted a new
community foundation to include this as part of its operational model, or convinced
community foundations created before 1990 to join in this new charge. Second,
organizations focused solely on community foundations have provided additional tools
and frameworks for community leadership (e.g., CFLeads and CFInsights), thereby
providing community foundations with the resources they may need to effectively pursue
a leadership role within their communities. Third, the Council on Foundations adopted
the National Standards for U.S. Community Foundation (“National Standards”) in 2000,
thus furthering the professionalization of the field and creating pressures for community
foundations to comply with shifts in the community philanthropy landscape.
These measures have created some incentives for community foundations to move
toward community leadership, although it remains a weak standard. For example,
community leadership is included in the National Standards but focuses solely on the fact
that a “community foundation identifies and addresses community issues and
opportunities,” yet the standard lacks a true measurement of impact and is broadly
defined. This trend aligns with research suggesting that since organizations often strive
for legitimacy, they may adopt new practices without evidence that they increase
effectiveness (Abrahamson, 1996; Ashworth, Boyne, & Delbridge, 2007).
Community foundations have the opportunity to create unique value in their
communities by utilizing these new resources (e.g., best practices handbooks from
Council on Foundations, National Standards) and their knowledge of their community to
become community leaders. This increases their legitimacy while also setting them apart
from potential competitors, such as financial firms (e.g., Fidelity, Vanguard, or Schwab)
and other philanthropic entities (e.g., United Way) that create more cost-effective
solutions to wealth distribution and philanthropic giving. Therefore, community
foundations must consider how they can utilize and leverage their connections to a
donor’s local community to their advantage.
Since a majority of community foundations were created after the Council on
Foundations issued their best practices in community foundation management in 1990,
one would expect the concept of community leadership to become widely adopted as a
result of normative isomorphism through the professionalization of the field. Even for
foundations created before 1990, this normative pressure could potentially lead to
changes in mission statements, grantmaking practices, and community engagement.
While the operating model of the community foundation was established over 75 years
before community leadership was formally introduced in 1990, these new standards have
created normative pressures to adopt community leadership as a framework for local
engagement. While local environments may influence how philanthropic institutions
enact change (Paarlberg & Meinhold, 2012), community foundations do not face
numerous external pressures since they are endowed institutions and are not overly
regulated in terms of their operations; therefore, conformity with industry norms (i.e.,
adopting community leadership) is likely a result of wanting to follow best practices
(normative) rather than a result from stakeholder pressures (coercive), or from
implementing practices borrowed from apparently successful organizations (mimetic).
While the various external pressures that affect different community foundations is
challenging to isolate, mission statements can be tools to examine organizational
behavior from an institutional perspective since all nonprofit organizations must have
them.
Mission Statements and Institutional Isomorphism
The evolution of organizational mission statements can be indicators of the types
of external pressures faced by nonprofits (Berlan, 2018). Changes in mission statements
may be reflective of resource dependence or shifts in the normative environment.
Institutional theory posits that organizations often adapt to pressures from external
environments to remain legitimate and relevant (Scott, 2005). Organizational mission
statements can then serve as a critical signaling device to external audiences providing
resources and legitimacy to an organization (i.e., foundations, donors).
Isomorphic Change and Community Foundations
Community foundations have been in existence for over 100 years, but the
number of foundations has significantly increased in the past three decades (1990–2020).
With the growth of the field and the emergence and diffusion of best practices,
isomorphic pressures may affect the behavior of these organizations. For example, the
first robust field-wide resources on managing and operating local community foundations
were issued by the Council on Foundations around 1990. In 2000, the National Standards
for U.S. Community Foundations were established, which created a solidified set of best
practices and operating guidelines for the field.
Mission statements of community foundations could hypothetically change due to
coercive influences from regulators or donors. Potential donors often have many options
to choose from when they give through a community foundation, including creating
restricted funds (i.e., money goes to the same organization each year), field of interest
funds (i.e., money is spent on a particular issue area such as education, youth, or
homelessness), as well as donor-advised funds (i.e., donors make recommendations for
grants that are then reviewed and approved by the board of directors). While community
foundations were initially started as local resources for community philanthropy and
change, the growth of donor-advised funds (Cantor, 2015; Giving USA, 2018; Hurtubise,
2017) and other giving vehicles may have put coercive pressures on community
foundations to change the focus of their missions.
Mission statements may also change during times of uncertainty, such as when
community foundations face increased competition from other philanthropic entities such
as United Way, Fidelity, and Vanguard (Ragey, Masaoka, & Bell Peters, 2005) and elect
to adapt to gain a competitive advantage. This increase in competition may lead to
mimetic isomorphism as organizations alter their mission statements to mirror those of
seemingly more successful organizations.
Finally, mission statements can be subject to normative isomorphism due to the
establishment of “best practices” by accreditation agencies (National Standards) or the
professionalization of nonprofit training opportunities in higher education (i.e., certificate
and degree programs). Therefore, the adaption of community foundations is could be due
to industry norms and advancements.
With the professionalization of the field of community foundations in the 1990s
and the significant expansion of community foundations due to national funders
supporting local initiatives (e.g., James Irvine Foundation, Lilly Endowment, and W.K.
Kellogg Foundation), it is hypothesized that normative isomorphic pressures will cause
newer organizations to align their mission statements with best practices defined by the
existing field of community foundations. Specifically, community foundations created
post-1990 should focus more on the role of community leadership since it was introduced
within the same period and illustrated in the guidebooks created by both the Council on
Foundations (1990) and Council of Michigan Foundations (1998).
When it comes to community foundations including “community leadership”
within their mission statements, coercive isomorphism is unlikely to occur since
community leadership is not dependent on grantmaking and fundraising (i.e., money is
not necessary a prerequisite to community leadership); however, pressure from donors
could explain why some community foundations choose to adopt community leadership
into their mission statements. Similarly, mimetic isomorphism could be a potential
explanation for change, yet is often difficult to measure historical data regarding
changing of mission statements over time—including the exact years that mission
statements were altered—is unavailable, thus making it challenging to determine how
community foundations rationalized alterations to their missions. Due to best practice
guidelines developed by community foundation executives with the Council on
Foundations in 1990—during the same period of exponential growth of community
foundations throughout the United States—normative isomorphic pressure is a potential
explanation because community foundations are potentially exposed to this type of
pressure by the Council on Foundations and other regional associations adopting and
advocating specific best practices. For example, in order to be a member of the California
League of Community Foundations, an individual community foundation must be
accredited by the National Standards for U.S. Community Foundations. Thus, community
foundations may have elected to change in an effort to remain relevant and adhere to the
standards set forth by the field.
Methodology
This study utilized an exploratory research design by employing content analysis
(Bowen, 2009) in relation to both current and historical documents to understand the
social and historical narratives of California community foundations. The purpose of this
study was to identify how community foundations have shifted their focus over time and
to what extent community leadership appears to be part of the focus of community
foundations.
Community Foundations in California
The Community Foundation Atlas, a national database tracking community
foundations worldwide, was used to select potential foundations for this study. The
publicly available Atlas is the most comprehensive database of mission statements and
locations of community foundations from around the world; however, the integrity of the
data is questionable since preliminary research has found that some organizations
included in the database are not truly community foundations (e.g., faith-based
foundations/funds, United Ways, or private foundations). Therefore, all the organizations
from the Atlas dataset were required to meet the definition of a community foundation set
forth by the Council on Foundations (1988) in order to be included in the study.
California community foundations were selected for this study due to variation in
geographic regions (rural, suburban, major metropolitan) and large variation in asset size,
including some of the largest community foundations in the United States (e.g., Silicon
Valley Community Foundation, California Community Foundation, and San Francisco
Foundation). Furthermore, California was selected out of convenience due to the
researcher have access and being located within California. The list of community
foundation in California was pulled in June 2019.
In addition to meeting the definition of a community foundation (Council on
Foundations, 1988) to be included in this study, a nonprofit organization claiming to be a
community foundation was required to meet the following additional criteria:
•Be officially recognized by the IRS as tax-exempt under Section 501(c)(3) and
pass the public support test as a public charity under sections 509(a)(1) and
170(b)(1)(A)(6).
•Operate primarily as a grantmaking institution and optionally also provide direct
charitable services.
•Be categorized under the NTEE Area Code (T, Philanthropy, Volunteerism, and
Grantmaking), and be subcategorized under one of the following subclause code
areas:
o T12—Fund Raising and/or Fund Distribution o T31—Community
Foundations o T50—Philanthropy / Charity / Volunteerism Promotion
(General) o T70—Fund Raising Organizations that cross categories,
including Community Funds/Trusts and Federated Giving Programs (e.g.,
United Way).
•Focus on a variety of community-related issues, rather than a single population
(e.g., youth or seniors) or single issue (e.g., education or recreation)
Additional community foundations were located and confirmed via detailed
queries on GuideStar utilizing NTEE codes and keyword searches, as well as referencing
lists available from various regional grantmaking associations. For a foundation to be
considered an active community foundation, it must have filed a Form 990 within the
past three completed fiscal years (2016-2018). Upon applying the selection criteria to the
list of potential organizations, a total of 81 community foundations were identified in
California as of June 2019 (Appendix A).
Data Sources
The documents used for content analysis consisted of both the purpose statements
from founding documents (i.e., articles of incorporation) and the current mission
statements of California community foundations. These documents were used to
determine the extent to which their current missions aligned with their founding purposes.
Articles of Incorporation. When establishing a nonprofit organization, articles of
incorporation must be drafted the illustrate the intent of an organization, either through a
set of bylaws or other governing documents that serve as the rules that will govern the
nonprofit entity. As part of these requirements, organizations must indicate a specific
purpose to justify the incorporation of the organization and associated charitable activity.
The California Attorney General and California Secretary of State’s websites contain
databases the public can utilize to access the founding documents of nonprofit
organizations. Attempts were made to pull all founding documents via these databases;
however, if the founding materials for a particular community foundation were not
available online, a Freedom of Information Act request was filed with the state to secure
these documents. In addition, any community foundation that did not have their
documents uploaded with the state were contacted directly to exhaust all options to gather
the data.
Mission Statements. While nonprofit organizations are required to submit their
mission statements as part of IRS Forms 1023 and 990, the mission statements provided
on the community foundations’ websites were collected given the limited character-space
on IRS forms. If a mission statement could not be secured from the community
foundation’s website, it was instead taken from the organization’s most recently filed IRS
Form 990.
Data Collection
The primary means of data collection was the analysis of articles of incorporation
and mission statements of California community foundations. Mission statements were
collected for all 81 California community foundations, and the founding documents were
secured for 73 of the 81 (90.1%) community foundations. In some instances, there was no
apparent purpose statement included in the founding documents. In other cases, the state
did not have founding documents available on file for older community foundations or
those that had restructured into different entities.
Data Analysis
The purpose and mission statements were coded through a four step process. The
results from the coding process were then segmented and clustered in order to compare
various characteristics of the community foundations included in the study (e.g., age,
accreditation status).
Qualitative Coding Process. Four different types of qualitative coding (Saldaña,
2015) were utilized to understand how community foundation mission and purpose
statements may have altered over time. Based on a review of existing literature, the first
round of coding included provisional coding to produce a set of codes based on what was
expected to emerge from the data. The second round of coding included hypothesis
coding that created codes based on the assumption that many community foundations
likely implement practices in line with the historical model of community foundations
(e.g., fundraising or grantmaking). Finally, rounds three and four of the qualitative coding
processes involved in vivo and structural coding to capture both direct statements, such as
“quality of life,” as well as indirect statements related to the same topic (e.g., “brighter
future,” or “enhanced wellbeing”). The coding was completed via computer-assisted
qualitative data analysis (CAQDAS) software, specifically utilizing the MAXQDA
software package.
Purpose Statement Analysis and Mission Statement Analysis. The purpose
statements and mission statements were treated as two unique datasets. They were coded
separately utilizing the same method described above and were subsequently compared
with various data segmentation methods. Both datasets used codes that emerged from the
process of provisional and hypothesis coding but were coded separately with in vivo and
structural coding.
Data Segmentation and Clustering. In order to identify specific themes in the
coding process, the data were segmented into distinct groups to surface and identify any
particular phenomena. For example, community foundations created before 1990 and
after 1990 comprised two analysis groups to determine if the introduction of particular
language from the Council on Foundations altered the founding purpose. Furthermore, a
cluster analysis (Woolf & Silver, 2018) was conducted to identify similarities within
particular attributes.
Comparative Analysis. In addition to segmenting and clustering the data into
different groups, a comparative analysis was conducted to determine whether community
foundations had made major, minor, or no changes regarding the purposes identified
within their present-day mission statements compared with their founding purpose
statements.
Hypotheses
Based on developments in the community foundation field, this exploratory study
was designed to test two hypotheses related to community foundation age and affiliation
with the Council on Foundations.
Hypothesis 1 Community foundations created after 1990 will be more likely to
mention community leadership than those created before 1990.
Hypothesis 2
Community foundations nationally accredited by the National
Standards for U.S. Community Foundations will be more likely to
mention community leadership in their mission statements than those
community foundations that are not accredited
The rationale for hypothesis 1 is based on the introduction of the concept of
community leadership in 1990, which was 76 years after the creation of the first
community foundation (Cleveland Community Foundation – 1914). Normative
isomorphic change is expected as a result of a national entity seeking to promote the
work of community foundations by working to professionalize the field. While the
Council on Foundations is a membership association, and membership is optional, it is
hypothesized that newer community foundations would seek the guidance and best
practices of the Council on Foundations in order to establish effective organizations.
Hypothesis 2 is similar to hypothesis 1 in its focus on community foundations that
are accredited by the National Standards for U.S. Community Foundations. Community
foundations may voluntarily undergo the accreditation process via the Council on
Foundations to indicate that they meet a number of standards or best practices.
Community leadership is identified as one of the National Standards; therefore, it is
hypothesized that community foundations accredited by the Council on Foundations are
more likely to identify community leadership in their missions than those community
foundations that are not presently accredited by the Council on Foundations.
Limitations
Many findings of this exploratory study warrant additional research; however,
there are a few limitations of this initial review of how mission statements can be
reviewed from an institutional theory perspective. First, the study only utilizes California
community foundations in examining purpose and mission statements, leading to a small
sample from a single state. There are over 1,000 community foundations in the United
States and this particular study investigated less than 10% of community foundations in
the country.
Furthermore, the coding of the purpose and mission statements utilized styles of
qualitative coding that examined the public statements. This study did not test whether
community foundations that mentioned “community leadership” in their statements
actually practiced community leadership, nor did it seek to measure the effectiveness of
such community leadership.
Results
This section begins with initial findings related to the coding of purpose
statements of California community foundations, continues with the results of the mission
statement coding, provides a comparative analysis between the two, and concludes with a
summary of findings related to the hypotheses presented earlier.
Founding of California Community Foundations
An analysis of the ruling years of California community foundations (Figure 6)
indicated that the majority of community foundations (32.1%) were created between
1991 and 2000. On average, most foundations have existed for 30 years, which is
consistent with the national growth of community foundations (Community Foundation
Atlas, 2014).
Figure 6
Founding Years of California Community Foundations by Decade
Purpose Statement Analysis
To investigate the founding purpose of community foundations in California,
incorporating documents were obtained for 73 of the 81 community foundations (90.1%).
The average length of the analyzed purpose statements was 59 words, with the shortest
being 13 words and the longest being 332 words. Table 1 illustrates the various
stakeholders and goals of the community foundations mentioned in purposes statements
within its founding documents.
Table 4
Community Foundation Purpose Coding Frequencies
Geography
Frequency a
Percentage of
Community
Foundations
63 86.3%
Stakeholder
Community At-Large
27
37%
Philanthropist/Donor 12 16.4%
Nonprofit Organizations 7 9.6%
Goals
Raise Funds
33
45.2%
Grantmaking 31 42.5%
Quality of Life 18 24.7%
Inspire/Promote Giving 16 21.9%
Community Leadership 7 9.6%
Invest for the Future 6 8.2%
Community Engagement 4 5.5%
a n = 73
Most community foundations were created to serve a defined geographic region (86.3%),
to raise funds (45.2%), and distribute grants (42.5%) to increase the quality of life
(24.7%) for a specified community. The majority defines the overall community (37%) as
the main stakeholder/beneficiary, indicating that community foundations are created by
and for the community as a whole. Table 2 illustrates how purpose statements were
qualitatively coded with geography and stakeholder groups listed in the left column and
various goals listed in the right column.
Table 5
Samples of Purpose Statement Coding
The following purpose statements are from five community foundations, selected
to illustrate variation in the dataset. A full listing of purpose statements can be found in
Appendix B.
Coding Community Foundation for Monterey County
(1945) Coding - Goals
Geography
Community
The specific purpose of this corporation is to
receive, distribute, and provide funds and services
to charitable organizations for the benefit of persons
and communities within Monterey County,
California.
Raise Funds
Grantmaking
Coding Orange County Community Foundation (1989) Coding - Goals
Geography
The specific purpose of this corporation is to
engage in, conduct, and promote charitable,
religious, educational, scientific, artistic,
environmental and philanthropic activities in
Orange County, California.
Promote /
Inspire
Philanthropy
Coding Belvedere Community Foundation (1991) Coding - Goals
Geography
Community
(1) To provide financial assistance for park,
recreational and educational facilities or services,
to supplement essential city services, and to
augment such other activities or investments as
may broadly benefit Belvedere residents; (2) To
receive gifts of financial assets and to invest such
assets so as to provide an ongoing cash flow, with
the proceeds to be allocated by the officers and
directors for the benefit of Belvedere residents. (3)
To receive real or personal property and to
manage such property and invest proceeds for the
benefit of Belvedere residents.
Raise Funds
Grantmaking
Coding Tustin Community Foundation (1994) Coding - Goals
Geography
Community
The public and charitable purposes for which this
corporation is organized are to lessen the burdens
of government and to promote and support the
cultural, recreational and human services needs of
the City of Tustin.
Coding Saratoga-Monte Sereno CommunityCoding - Goals
Foundation (2005)
Geography
Community
Nonprofits
The Saratoga-Monte Sereno Community
Foundation is dedicated to charitable purposes.
The mission is to build community through
Raise Funds
Grantmaking
Promote /
philanthropy. The foundation exists for the raising Inspire and
distribution of funds in order to benefit Philanthropy
community, charitable, and public non-profit entities.
Mission Statement Analysis
All mission statements were qualitatively analyzed utilizing the same method of
analysis as the purpose statements. The average length of the mission statements was 38
words, with the shortest being eight words and the longest being 170 words. A full list of
the codes, frequencies, and percentages can be found in Table 3, followed by examples of
mission foundation coding. The codes were consolidated into three categories:
geography, stakeholder focus, and goals.
Table 6
Mission Statement Coding Frequencies
Geography
Frequency a
Percentage of
Community
Foundations
69 85.2%
Stakeholder
Philanthropist/Donor
17
21%
Nonprofit Organizations 15 18.5%
Community At-Large 9 11.1%
Local Government 3 3.7%
Other Stakeholders 1 1.2%
Goals
Quality of Life 38 46.9%
Grantmaking 33 40.7%
Raise Funds 27 33.3%
Inspire/Promote Giving 27 33.3%
Community Leadership 25 30.9%
Invest for the Future 14 17.3
%
Create Partnerships 10 12.4
%
Capacity Building 3 3.7%
Community Engagement 2 2.5%
a N = 81
The analysis of mission statements indicates that California community foundations
primarily exist to serve a defined geographic region (85.2%), to raise funds (33.3%), and
to distribute grants (40.7%) that seek to increase the quality of life (46.9%) for a specified
community. The majority (21%) identified donors as the primary
stakeholders/beneficiaries. Table 4 provides examples of how mission statements were
coded.
Table 7
Samples of Mission Statement Coding
The following mission statements are from five community foundations, selected
to illustrate variation in the dataset. A full listing of purpose statements can be found in
Appendix C.
Coding Calaveras Community Foundation Coding - Goals
Geography
Nonprofits
Donors
Community
Leadership
The Calaveras Community Foundation is
dedicated to improving Calaveras communities
by providing grants to partner organizations,
assisting donors, and providing leadership in
addressing charitable causes.
Grantmaking
Coding Community Foundation of San Joaquin Coding - Goals
Geography
Community
Leadership
The Community Foundation of San Joaquin
provides leadership, promotes a culture of giving,
and cultivates resources that address the needs of
our community.
Promote /
Inspire
Philanthropy
Raise Funds
Quality of Life
Coding Marin Community Foundation Coding - Goals
Current /
Future
Generations
Encourage and apply philanthropic
contributions to help improve the human
condition, embrace diversity, promote a
Raise Funds
Grantmaking
DEI
humane and democratic society, and enhance Quality of Life the
community’s quality of life, now and for future generations.
Coding Rancho Santa Fe Foundation Coding - Goals
Donors
Community
Leadership
To connect donors with regional and global
needs through visionary community leadership,
personalized service and effective grantmaking.
Grantmaking
Coding The San Diego Foundation Coding - Goals
Geography
Community
Leadership
The San Diego Foundation improves the
quality of life in all of our communities by
providing leadership for effective philanthropy
that builds enduring assets and by promoting
community solutions through research,
convenings and actions that advance the
common good.
Quality of Life
Raise Funds
Comparative Analysis: Original Intent and Current Mission Statements
In order to determine whether community foundations were shifting as a result of
isomorphic pressures, the original purpose statements listed in the community
foundation’s articles of incorporation were compared with their most recent mission
statement. The comparisons were categorized as “no change” (meaning that all elements
in both statements were the same), “minor change” (meaning that the elements in both
statements were closely aligned with a few items being added or removed), or “major
change” (indicating a shift in purpose and/or strategy).
The comparative analysis (Table 5) revealed that the majority of community
foundations’ mission statements (95.7%) were closely aligned with the original intentions
stipulated in the original purpose statement. Three community foundations had current
mission statements that demonstrated major changes from their original purposes to their
most recent mission statements.
Table 8
Articles of Incorporation vs. Mission Statements (Matched Pairs) a
No Change Minor Change Major Change
28
(40%)
39
(55.7%)
3
(4.3%)
a n=70
The three community foundations with major changes are particularly instructive for
further analysis. They include the East Bay Community Foundation, Marin Community
Foundation, and Mission Viejo Community Foundation—all of which had a noteworthy
shift.
East Bay Community Foundation (1928). The East Bay Community
Foundation’s mission statement differed drastically from other community foundations in
the study (Table 6): it explicitly seeks to create community transformation for
underserved and underrepresented people. Nearly all of the analyzed community
foundation mission statements remained relatively neutral. At the same time, the East Bay
Community Foundation specifically named social inequalities and sought to leverage
local resources to create community transformation.
Table 9
East Bay Community Foundation: Purpose and Mission Statements
Purpose Statement Mission Statement
Administration of income producing trusts
and distribution of income thereof for
charitable, educational, and medical
purposes. The purposes for which this
Corporation is formed are: charitable;
educational; scientific; medical; surgical;
hygienic; musical; artistic; the preservation
of art, historical records and relics; public
welfare; housing; civic improvement; the
care of the aged, sick, helpless, poor,
incompetent, dependent, children and of
those needing rehabilitation; and support of
agencies for the improvement of moral,
mental, social and physical well-being, all
of the foregoing of or with respect to
primarily the inhabitants of either or both
of the Counties of Alameda or Contra
Costa, California, and such other
geographic areas as from time-to-time
approved by the Board of Trustees of this
Corporation.
East Bay Community Foundation is the
choice for philanthropy in the East Bay
through leadership in leveraging all assets
in our communities to speed the
transformation of low-income,
disadvantaged, impoverished, underserved
and underrepresented people.
Marin Community Foundation (1986). The Marin Community Foundation’s
articles of incorporation were straightforward and were similar to the statements of
other community foundations. The current mission statement included items not found
in other mission statements of community foundations, including seeking to improve
the human condition, embrace diversity, and promote a humane and democratic society
(Table 7).
Table 10
Marin Community Foundation: Purpose and Mission Statements
Purpose Statement Mission Statement
Encourage and apply philanthropic
The specific purpose of this corporation is contributions to help improve the human
to engage in, conduct, and promote condition, embrace diversity, promote a
charitable, religious, educational,
humane and democratic society, and
scientific, artistic, and philanthropic
activities in Marin County, California. enhance the community’s quality of life,
now and for future generations.
Mission Viejo Community Foundation (2005). The Mission Viejo Community
Foundation was initially created as the equivalent of a park’s foundation. Over time, it
appears to have taken on roles more closely aligned with a community foundation
(Table 8). The current mission statement listed a variety of additional areas of interest
that were not included in the founding documents of the organization.
Table 11
Mission Viejo Community Foundation: Purpose and Mission Statements
Purpose Statement Mission Statement
This corporation is organized exclusively
The mission of the Mission Viejo
for the following public and charitable
Community Foundation is to provide
purposes: (1) To develop wider public services and funding resources through
interest and participation in parks, public/private partnerships for social, recreation
and community services in the cultural, recreational, patriotic, military
City of Mission Viejo.; (2) To establish and educational needs that will enhance
and support parks, recreation and the quality of life for the community of
community services in the City of Mission
Mission Viejo.
Viejo.
The three cases presented above illustrate that community foundations have the
capacity to make important shifts. Yet, a vast majority (95.7%) have appeared to make
little to no changes to their organization’s mission statement when compared to the
original purpose statement.
Coding Comparison: Purpose and Mission Statements
While purpose statements and mission statements are not technically the same, the
primary aim of an organization is often found in its mission statement. Mission
statements provide insight into why an organization exists and what it seeks to provide
to a community, and similar language must be included when starting an organization
through a purpose statement. The comparison of change over time illustrates that
purpose statements and mission statements are closely aligned with nearly all
community foundations having their current mission statement being very similar to
their founding purpose statement (40%), or a slightly altered version of the original
purpose statement (55.7%).
When comparing the coding results from all community foundation purpose
statements and mission statements, there were indications that the purposes of
community foundations have shifted since the foundations were founded (Table 9). The
average length of community foundation purposes statements was 59 words, while the
average length of the mission statements were 38 words. Community foundations are
often established to serve a specific geographic region, and this remained consistent
between the purpose statements and mission statements of the community foundation
sample. Many of the original purpose statements (86.3%) identified a specific
geographic region, and a relatively similar percentage (85.7%) indicated it in their
mission statement.
Table 12
Purpose Statement and Mission Statement Coding Matrix (Matched Pairs)
Purpose
Statement
s a
Mission
Statement
s a
Percent
Difference
Constan
t
Presenc
e
Later
Addition
Geography 63 60 (4.76%) 54 6
Stakeholder
Nonprofit Benefit
7
15
114.3%
1
14
Community Benefit 27 7 (74.0%) 2 5
Donor Benefit
Goals
Community
Leadership
12
7
15 25% 3 12
19
171.4%
5
14
Inspire Giving 16 24 50% 10 14
Fundraising 33
Grantmaking 31
Quality of Life 18
Future Building 6
a n = 70
Purpose and mission statements differ regarding the importance of local nonprofit
organizations benefiting from community foundation investments. While nonprofits are
mentioned in only seven out of 70 (10%) purpose statements, they appear in 15 out of
70 mission statements (21.4%). In addition, community leadership seems to have been
an increasingly claimed role for community foundations, moving from seven
community foundations at the time of incorporation (10%) to 19 community
foundations (27.1%) claiming a leadership role in their current mission statements.
Finally, considerable variation is seen in the category of quality of life: 18 community
foundations (25.7%) identify it as a priority in their purpose statements, and 34
community foundations (48.6%) state it as a role in their mission statements. In
comparison, the idea of investing and building the future becomes more frequent, with
six community foundations (8.6%) mentioning it in their purpose statements to 12
community foundations (17.1%) including it in their mission statements.
A few categories shifted when comparing purpose statements with mission
statements, including many community foundations articulating the goal of benefitting
the entire community. Twenty-seven community foundations (38.6%) included remarks
related to benefiting the entire community in their purpose statements, while only seven
22 (33.3%) 14 8
29 (6.45%) 14 15
34 88.9% 11 23
12 100% 1 11
(10%) included such remarks in their present-day mission statements; this indicates that
community foundations appear to have shifted their focus from the community at large
to other priorities or stakeholders. Furthermore, the number of foundations with a stated
goal of fundraising varied from 33 (47.1%) to 22 (31.4%), as well as grantmaking,
which changed from 31 (44.3%) to 29 (41.4%) community foundations when examining
purpose statements and mission statements.
Qualitative coding was also used to compare whether a community foundation
retained an item in its mission statement that had been included in its original purpose
statement. Table 9 consists of two categories, “constant presence,” which indicates a
community foundation retained the same item in its original purpose and mission
statement, along with “later addition,” identify that a community foundation added a
particular goal or strategy in their mission statement that was not included in its original
purpose statement. For example, fewer than 10% of community foundations that
claimed the community-at-large as a primary stakeholder beneficiary in their purpose
statements used similar language in their mission statements. Furthermore, while some
categories, such as nonprofit benefit, community benefit, and future building, saw
increases in language adoption, the number of community foundations that included this
in their original purpose statements and kept it in their mission statement was less than
20% in both instances.
Emerging Themes
A mission statement is a promise to the public about what an organization will
provide. In analyzing the mission and purpose statements, three overarching themes
emerged: (1) community foundations are often explicit about who and where they serve,
(2) there are challenges associated with definitions in mission statements that likely
result in challenges to operationalizing mission statements, and (3) it is not clear to
whom community foundations are accountable.
Beneficiaries and Service Region. Overall, community foundations identified
donors and services to donors as the primary-stakeholder focus of their mission
statements. In stating that the primary purpose of a given community foundation is to
build assets/fundraise (33.33%) and serve donors (20.99%) as opposed to nonprofits
(18.52%) and the community-at-large (11.11%), a community foundation is making a
definitive choice about whom it seeks to help.
Definitional Challenges. Many mission statements in the sample mentioned
“quality of life” (46.91%); however, it was unclear how community foundations defined
this term, as well as how they measured it. Quality of life can refer to the overall health
of a community, economic wellbeing, and many other factors that a single entity cannot
be solely responsible for maintaining, improving, or advancing.
Community Foundation Accountability. While mission statements do not
generally include information on how an organization will be held accountable, one
question that arose during the coding process was how community foundations would
be held accountable for the tasks they take on, or even how they define success in
general.
Amorphous items such as “community wellbeing,” “quality of life,” “addressing
community needs,” and other components of community foundation mission statements
can theoretically be measured, though not easily or realistically by a single organization.
Hypothesis 1
Community foundations created after 1990 will be more likely to mention community
leadership than those created before 1990.
In 1990, the Council on Foundations issued a set of manuals to assist community
foundations in developing and implementing best practices in the field. Many
community foundations in the United States were established in the early 1990s, and
with the Council on Foundation seeking to professionalize the field with best practices
resources in both 1990 and 2000, community foundations entered a new
professionalized era. To further understand the effect of this drive toward
professionalization in the field, the purpose and mission statements of those foundations
created before the exponential growth of community foundations in the 1990s were
compared with those community foundations founded in 1990 or later (Table 10).
Table 13
Pre-1990 and Post-1990 Comparison
Purpose Statements a Mission Statements b
Pre- 1990 – Pre-1990 1990 –
1990 c Present d e Present f
Geography 88.7% 80.0% 81.5% 85.2%
Community Foundation
Roles
Grantmaking
45%
41.5%
37.0%
42.6%
Fundraising 45% 45.3% 33.3% 31.5%
Community Leadership 10% 9.4% 37.0% 27.8%
Stakeholder Benefits
Nonprofit Organizations
10%
9.4%
11.1%
22.2%
Community At-Large 25% 41.5% 11.1% 11.1%
Donors/Philanthropists 10% 18.9% 18.5% 22.2%
Quality of Life 15% 28.3% 40.7% 50.0%
a n = 73. b N = 81. c n = 20. d n = 53. e n = 27. f n = 54.
Although community leadership could have been a community foundation role
before the Council on Foundation issued their guides in 1990, and subsequently the
National Standards for U.S. Community Foundations in 2000, normative isomorphic
change would suggest that those community foundations created after 1990 would
feature community leadership in their mission as it is one of the main three roles of a
community foundation (i.e., grantmaking, asset building/fundraising, and community
leadership) defined by the Council on Foundations (1990, 2000). However, community
leadership was mentioned more frequently in both the purpose statements and mission
statements of community foundations created before 1990 (Figure 7) when the field
became more professionalized.
Those community foundations created before 1990 mention the three roles of
community foundations in near equal measure, with a slightly lower percentage
mentioning fundraising. Community foundations established in 1990 and beyond appear
to have a stronger emphasis on grantmaking, followed by fundraising, with community
leadership coming in at the lowest number of mentions in the mission statements.
Therefore, Hypothesis 1 is rejected. This hypothesis could have been proved untrue for
a variety of reasons including, but not limited to, newer community foundations
focusing on raising money initially before pursuing community leadership, community
leadership being a core component of the community foundation’s purpose which may
not be reflected within its mission statement, or potentially could be that newer
community foundations may not be as concerned with community leadership as
community foundations that have been around longer.
Figure 7
Roles of Community Foundations Identified in Mission Statements
Hypothesis 2
Community foundations nationally accredited by the National Standards for U.S.
Community Foundations will be more likely to mention community leadership in their
mission statements than those community foundations that are not accredited
The Council on Foundation’s National Standards for U.S. Community
Foundations (“National Standards”) is the only accreditation offered for community
foundations to confirm that they are following best practices of foundation management
as defined by National Standards. Initially, the National Standards committee was
external to the Council on Foundations, but the Council on Foundations now serves as
the fiscal sponsor for the National Standards Committee. A total of 24 of 81 community
foundations are accredited (29.6%). Of the community foundations accredited by
National Standards, 13 of the 24 (54.2%) mentioned community leadership in their
mission statements, while 12 of the 57 (21%) of the unaccredited community
foundations mentioned community leadership in their mission statements (Figure 8).
37.0%
%42.6
%33.3 %31.5
37.0%
27.8%
%0.0
10.0%
%20.0
30.0%
%40.0
50.0%
Pre-1990 Community Foundations Present Community Foundations1990-
Community Foundation Roles
Grantmaking Fundraising Community Leadership
There appears to be a stronger relationship between community foundation
accreditation and inclusion of community leadership as part of the community
foundation mission. Since a majority of those community foundations accredited by
National Standards mentioned community leadership in their missions, it is likely that
following the best practices of the Council on Foundations and National Standards is a
predictor of whether community foundations identify community leadership as a central
role of their mission. Therefore, the results of the analysis partially support hypothesis
2; however, there is no clear significance that can be determined. While it appears that
National Standards accreditation may be a motivating factor for community foundations
to include community leadership in their mission statements, as it one the defined
standards that a community foundation must meet through the accreditation process, the
difference between accredited community foundations stating community leadership
within their mission statements and unaccredited community foundations stating
community leadership within their mission statements was one community foundations.
While the majority of community foundations (54%) of accredited foundations
mentioned community leadership, it is important to note that the difference in numbers
of accredited and unaccredited community foundations may not be substantial.
Normative isomorphism is one explanation for why accredited community foundations
are more likely to mention community leadership within their mission statements, as if a
community foundation wishes to implement the “best practices” defined within
“National
Standards” it may elect to follow the industry norms in hope of gain legitimacy.
Furthermore, coercive isomorphism may be a factor as well since the accreditation
requires that the community leadership element must be met and in some states
community foundations must be accredited by National Standards in order to be part of
membership associations of community foundations—for example, a community
foundation in California must be accredited by National Standards in order to be a
member in the League of California Community Foundations.
Figure 8
National Standards and Community Leadership
Conclusions
This chapter has found that while mission statements evolve, they remain
consistent with the organization's founding purposes in most cases. Institutional theory,
and more specifically isomorphic change, would predict that community foundations
created after the adoption of community foundation management best practices in 1990,
established by the Council on Foundations, would pressure (coercive) or encourage
24
57
13 12
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Accredited Community Foundations Unaccredited Community Foundations
National Standards and Community Leadership
Community Foundations Community Leadership
(normative) them into adopting community leadership and including within their
mission statements—yet, neither appeared to be the case.
While the year established did not appear to be a contributing factor for
community foundations adopting community leadership, those community foundations
that were nationally accredited by the National Standards for U.S. Community
Foundations appeared to be more likely to include community leadership within their
mission statement than those that were less affiliated with the Council on Foundation
(i.e., unaccredited community foundations).
The adoption of new standards by the Council on Foundations has appeared to
have little effect on community foundations' operations. Furthermore, while 13
accredited community foundations (54.2%) mentioned community leadership in their
mission statements, 11 accredited community foundations (45.8%) did not.
These findings indicate that institutional theory appears to be an applicable
framework when comparing original purpose statements with current mission
statements. In this study, normative isomorphism appears to be the most likely
explanation as to why community leadership is included within community foundation
mission statements, particularly for those aligning themselves with the National
Standards. In this case, the findings speak against mimetic isomorphism due to
accreditation being a standard of change. Coercive isomorphism does not appear to be a
factor as the accreditation process is voluntary, with most community foundations in
California electing not to be accredited.
To further understand the adoption and development of community leadership
within California community foundations, the next chapter presents the findings from
interviews with community foundation leaders across the state to indicate the purpose,
practice, and presence of community leadership within their community foundations.
CHAPTER FOUR
DEFINING AND IMPLEMENTING COMMUNITY LEADERSHIP
Various examples of community leadership by community foundations have
appeared in academic (Easterling, 2011; Harrow & Jung, 2016; Ranghelli, Mott, &
Bandwell, 2006) and practitioner (Bernholtz, Fulton, & Kasper, 2005) literature, yet the
underlying definitions of community leadership, the journey to becoming a community
leader, and the metrics by which community foundations define successful community
leadership have not been investigated adequately. Chapter 2 provides a conceptual
framework of community leadership that indicates that is it involved more than simply
community engagement, but working collectively with others to achieve a civic
outcomes (i.e., enhance the quality of life of a region). The findings in Chapter 3
indicate that community foundations are claiming community leadership more
frequently in their mission statements compared to their original purpose statements;
however, there has been a lack of evolution within the field on what exactly community
leadership is and what is represents for a community foundation.
While CFLeads has published various resources related to a framework for
community leadership by a community foundation (2008, 2013), there have been few
evaluative components associated with the definitions. The only resource produced to
date is the Community Leadership Assessment Tool (CLAT) by CFInsights (2020) that
aims to evaluate the CFLeads framework (2013) primarily on a seven-point scale. A
flaw within the assessment is that it does not tabulate results nor provide
recommendations for improving community leadership (i.e., there is a scale, but it lacks
measurements of what is considered adequate and not considered adequate).
Furthermore, since community foundations often approach community leadership in
various ways, it would be challenging for such a tool to assess community leadership
accurately. A community foundation may not see activities, such as engaging in public
policy, as part of their role. In contrast, another community foundation may see it as
central to their mission. In addition, there are no levels of community leadership
“effectiveness” such as basic, emerging, and exemplary as a result of the CLAT items
having points on a scale but no values.
The community leadership role is ostensibly one of the main pillars of the
community foundation operating model, yet only 30.9% of community foundations
included in the mission statement analysis presented in Chapter 3 mentioned community
leadership in their mission statement. However, when examining mission statement
changes over time, the mentions of “community leadership” had a 171.4% increase,
while “grantmaking” and “fundraising,” the two other roles in the operating model, saw
a decrease of 6.45% and 33.3%, respectively. This finding indicates that community
leadership may be becoming more prominent in their activities. Nevertheless, the
community foundation field as a whole has challenges in articulating a definition of
community leadership, the process of becoming a community leader, and identifying the
various components of such leadership that can apply to various community
foundations.
To address this definitional gap and better understand community leadership as a
process, this dissertation’s second study sought to understand how community
foundations throughout California define their community leadership role and pursue it
within their service regions; therefore, this chapter only includes community
foundations that included community leadership within their mission statements. This
Chapter outlines the methodology and findings from the second study of the
dissertation, while
Chapter 5 shares additional discussion in relation to the findings presented in Chapter 3.
Methodology
This chapter explores the perceptions of community foundation leaders
regarding their community ‘foundation’s role as a community leader. As an
exploratory research design, this study investigated how 11 community foundations in
California have conceptualized and practiced community leadership. An exploratory
approach was selected based on the findings in Chapter 3 to further understand how
community foundations are defining their community leadership roles. A key finding
of chapter 3 was that 26 of 81 (32.1%) of community foundations in California
included “community leadership” within their mission statements. In order to provide
additional insights to understand how community foundations are actually
operationalizing the work of community leadership in the context of their own
communities interviews with key informants at community foundations were
conducted to see how community foundation leaders were implementing a
community leadership agenda.
Participant Selection
This study employed a combination of purposeful sampling (Patton, 2015, p.
46) to produce diverse cases of California community foundations practicing
community leadership. The sampling was purposeful as only officials from
community foundations that claimed a community leadership role in their mission
statements were recruited. The benefit of using purposeful sampling was that it
allowed for a selection of diverse community foundations in different geographic
regions (Northern California and Southern California) as well as a range of asset
sizes.
Participants were also purposefully recruited from two different geographic
regions of California (Northern California and Southern California) to investigate
how community foundation executives contextualize community leadership in
various locations. Variation in community foundations’ assets (low, medium, and
high dollar amounts) and the types of assets (unrestricted, temporarily restricted,
and permanently restricted) were also considered when selecting the potential
cases for the interviews.
The participants were selected from the 81 California community
foundations identified in the study presented in Chapter 3. The selection criteria
yielded a total of 26 community foundations (32.1%) as potential cases to be
invited to participate in the study. The community foundation executives invited to
participate in the interviews were emailed an invitation that explained the study’s
purpose (Appendix D).
After applying the selection criteria, 26 community foundations qualified
for an interview based on their mission statements’ reference to community
leadership elements. A majority of these foundations (21) were contacted to
participate in an interview; 16 community foundations agreed to participate in the
study. The ‘study’s goal was to conduct all interviews in person; therefore, five
community foundations were eliminated due to their remote rural locations and
lack of access to public transportation. Though 16 interviews were scheduled, a
total of 11 interviews were conducted as the other interviews were either canceled
or indefinitely postponed due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In-person interviews
accounted for nine of the interviews, and the remaining two were conducted via
videoconferencing (Zoom). The community foundations represented a range of
sizes and locations in California (Appendix E).
The Sample
The median age of the community foundations in the study was 37 years, with an
average age of 45 years. A total of seven (63.3%) community foundations were
established before 1990 (before the Council on Foundations established field-wide best
practices for community foundations), and the remaining four (36.7%) were founded in
1990 or later. Out of the 11 community foundations selected for interview nine of them
(81.8%) were accredited by the National Standards for U.S. Community Foundations. A
total of 14 individuals, including 12 staff members and two board members, were
interviewed (Table 1). The median number of years in their role was seven-and-a-half
years. A majority were female (71.4%), and many had a background in public service or
35-44
45-54
65+
45-54
had worked at a different nonprofit organization before taking on their current role at
the community foundation.
Table 14
Interviewee Demographics
Community
Foundation Role Role
Tenure Gender a Age b, c Professional Background
d
CF 1 Staff 3 Male Public Service
CF 2 Staff 8 Female Nonprofit
CF 3 Staff 6 Male Law/Nonprofit
CF 4 Staff 16 Female Nonprofit Board N/A Male 65+ N/A
CF 6 Staff 7 Female Nonprofit
CF 5 Staff 13 Female Public Service/Education
CF 7 Staff 16 Female 65+ Law/Nonprofit
CF 8 Staff 3 Female Public Service
Board N/A Male 65+ N/A
CF 9 Staff 2 Female 45-54 Nonprofit
CF 10 Staff 5 Female 55-64 Education
CF 11 Staff 23 Female 65+ Nonprofit
Staff 14 Female Nonprofit
a Gender was based on identifying pronouns listed on the community ‘foundation’s website or
other materials. b Utilized a range of 18-25, 26-34, 35-44, 45-54, 55-64, 65+.
c Age calculated based on LinkedIn profile information. d
Identified within interview and LinkedIn profile
information.
Data Collection
The primary data collection method included semi-structured interviews with
community foundation executives. The interviews were also supplemented with
document analysis, including 10 years of financial records (IRS Form 990) from
20082017, annual reports from 2016-2018, as well as any other supporting
documentation provided by the community foundations that illustrated their role as
community leaders (e.g., reports, brochures, flyers, website links).
Interviews. The study was designed to include in-person interviews to
capture possible nuances absent when conducting interviews via telephone or
videoconferencing. California was selected as the site for this study as it has a
variety of different community foundations (age, geography, size), but primarily
because it was the state where the researcher resided and had access and
opportunity.
To understand California community foundations’ community leadership
practices, interviews were conducted with the foundation executive who oversaw the
community ‘foundation’s community leadership efforts—most often the chief
executive officer. The interviews followed the seven stages of interview inquiry, as
outlined by Brinkmann and Kvale (2015): (1) thematizing, (2) designing, (3)
interviewing, (4) transcribing, (5) analyzing, (6) verifying, and (7) reporting (pp.
128129). The semi-structured interviews used an interview guide (Appendix F) to
ensure the data was collected consistently. The interviews were recorded and
professionally transcribed per IRB protocol and participant consent procedures
(Appendix G). Conversation cards (Appendix H) were utilized to guide the interviews.
During the interview, interviewees were asked to sort these conversation cards by
order of importance, areas of strength, and areas for improvement.
Each interview lasted approximately 90 minutes, primarily focusing on the
community leadership role of community foundations by examining how these
foundations began serving as community leaders, shifted their strategies toward
creating systemic change, engaged donors in their new approaches, and explored the
various challenges associated with pursuing a community leadership agenda.
Additional Documentation. The interview findings were supplemented by
additional documents that included financial data, annual reports, and other materials
highlighting the community foundations’ community leadership functions. These
additional documents were analyzed to supplement the interview data (Bowen, 2009;
Denzin, 1970; Yin, 1984). The annual reports of each community foundation were
collected from 2016 through 2018, 990 filings from 2008 through 2017, and any other
special publications concerning their role as a community leader.
Data Analysis
Interview Analysis. After all the interviews were conducted and transcribed,
each participating community foundation was treated as a case. An inductive process
was utilized to analyze the interview transcripts as well as interview field notes for
each case (Guest, MacQueen, & Namey, 2012). This analysis process focused on
identifying emergent themes and patterns, extracting categories from the data, and
assigning a code to each category (Saldaña, 2015). The coding was completed via
Computer Assisted Qualitative Data Analysis (CAQDAS) software, specifically the
NVivo software package. Due to the large amount of data gathered, NVivo was used
to examine multiple transcripts and associated secondary materials from the
community foundations.
Coding Process. As a result of the study utilizing an interview guide, the first
round of qualitative coding included provisional coding (Saldaña, 2015) to link back
participant responses to the particular questions being asked from the interview guide
(i.e., grantmaking strategies, community leadership approaches). As additional
themes emerged, descriptive coding was utilized to group various topics (e.g.,
diversity, equity, and inclusion comments), along with in vivo coding to group
various dimensions of categories around topics such as capacity building,
homelessness, and housing. The in vivo coding process was also utilized to identify
participant quotes that might be of interest in including in a results section or future
practitioner report.
Findings
The role of community leadership looked different at each community
foundation. Yet, for a vast majority of community foundations, their leadership
approaches or initiatives were a result of one of two motivating factors (Figure 9): (1)
what the community needed (C.F. 2, 3, 7, 8) and (2) the types of funding the community
foundation had available (C.F. 1, 4, 5, 6, 10). In all the selected cases, the community
foundation’s leadership work indeed appears to be in the community’s best interest.
Still, as nonprofits themselves, community foundations only have so much control over
the funds they have available and whether they can match the community’s evolving
needs. In terms of community leadership, many community foundation leaders stated
that they lean into their mission statement when it comes to community leadership.
Many of those interviewed expressed that community leadership sets community
foundations apart compared to other philanthropic investment opportunities.
Figure 9
Operational Approaches to Community Leadership
1 – Community need drives grantmaking and 2 – Grantmaking and fundraising
fundraising functions of the functions of the community foundation
community foundation determine the opportunities
for community leadership
Community leadership efforts within the sample of community foundations
interviewed focused on a range of topics, including increasing access to affordable
housing, improving cradle-to-career education outcomes for students, redesigning
scholarship programs to transition from scholarships of merit to scholarships of need,
increasing access to healthcare careers, building nonprofit capacity, and eliminating
human trafficking. In all of the examples, community context was a driving force in
selecting the community leadership agenda.
In many cases, practicing community leadership provided visibility and
legitimacy for the work of a community foundation, and the leadership can both be
respected and contested by community stakeholders. In short, social issues are
community-based challenges or gaps within the social fabric of a community. Many
community foundation leaders stated they generally did not experience pushback from
residents when they state their foundation is pro-education or pro-housing. Still,
tensions can often arise when a community foundation selects a specific issue and
works to eliminate barriers that divide the community.
I think also, ‘I’m going to go out on a limb and say, just being in
leadership roles makes our partners and people out in the community
feel more comfortable with us. Even if they ‘don’t agree with us on
whatever stand ‘we’re taking on something, they respect us because they
know that ‘we’re not doing it to line our
own pockets (CF 4).
Another community foundation leader shared that community leadership is often a
process that occurs over time and involves having conversations with various
stakeholder groups. Furthermore, they said that community leadership must be guided
by the needs of grantees and other community stakeholders for it to be impactful.
So I think the big challenge in foundation leadership is the only really
legitimate foundation leadership comes with very grounded in what the
grantee and other stakeholder community and what the end-users of
your grant think. And you really have to have created situations where
folks feel free to disagree with you. And you ask the question multiple
ways and multiple times and multiple venues, and you listen (CF 7).
Interviewees also identified a need for community foundations to be both
courageous and strategic in their community leadership. Change is often hard to
accomplish, so community foundations must be mindful of how they wish to seek
change while recognizing that promoting change does not come without obstacles or
scrutiny, even when they seek to make positive changes on behalf of just causes.
But when you are advancing a cause, you are going to make people
upset. And so, people have to be comfortable with what that feels like.
You have to be okay if your organization shows up in the paper, and ‘it’s
like you flip a coin and some people like it, some people ‘won’t. So, just
ways to kind of build that heat shield with boards and their executive
leadership. Now, to me, this whole discussion is not a license to do
stupid stuff. It ‘shouldn’t be a badge of honor that like, ““Ha ha ha, I
went out, made people mad”.” That’s not the point. The point is to
advance an agenda and mission and a purpose recognizing there are
some status quo interests that are going to get upset in that process. And
as you’re trying to maneuver in a way that minimizes that to the greatest
extent possible, but you’re not afraid to trip those wires that need to be
tripped (CF 8).
When a community foundation practices community leadership, it often creates
disruptions within a community by inviting nonprofit organizations, elected officials,
and other stakeholders to question the community’s status quo and to envision a brighter
future for all residents in the community. Interviewees argued that community
foundations must have a clear vision of what and how they want to change something to
ensure they can achieve the desired results via community leadership practices.
Same Strategies Lead to Same Results
During the interviews, participants were given five cards with the different
CFLeads (2019) community leadership competencies written on them (engaging
residents, working across sectors, data collection and sharing, shaping public policy, and
marshaling resources). Interviewees were asked to point to or organize the cards to
identify the roles they were best at and the roles they felt they needed to strengthen. The
overwhelming majority of interviewees indicated that shaping public policy was a role
they were effectively engaged in or actively pursuing. Community foundations have
historically been labeled as neutral institutions; however, the Council on Foundations
has changed this phrasing over the years to indicate that the community foundations are
nonpartisan. Nevertheless, many interviewees indicated their increased involvement in
public policy efforts and have taken this risk in order to create systemic change in their
communities.
Over the last 16 years, I can comfortably say that I’ve turned a
wonderful traditional risk-averse community foundation into what we
call ourselves as activist grantmakers. And we fund community
organizing. We fund advocacy, not political, not partisan, but issues that
affect the community. We’re very grounded in community (CF 7).
One community foundation executive mentioned they were simply tired of doing the
same thing (grantmaking) and getting the same results: little to no improvement. The
nonprofit sector was serving as a band-aid to prevent conditions from becoming worse.
Still, this executive said that they lacked support in making progress toward positive
community outcomes.
Our community foundation learned from the field that grantmaking is
not enough to solve problems. That in order to really be effective and to
make a difference, and to prove the value of your community
foundation, you got to be willing to roll up your sleeves and get dirty
sometimes in policy change (CF 4).
Another community foundation executive indicated that they alone could not do the
work of community leadership, so they focused their efforts on raising the level of
leadership in the community so various groups could lead change, advocate for
themselves, and become active in spaces in which they had not been invited to
participate in previously.
Most of our grantmaking is focused around creating the abilities of
communities to advocate for themselves around policy changes that will
influence how resources, especially [in] the public sector, are allocated
and how those resources are measured in terms of the impact on
individuals, families, and communities (CF 3).
Implementing different strategies to achieve different results is bound to pique the
interests of external stakeholders. However, as many community foundations did not
see systemic change in their communities, they elected to try different tactics to ensure
that their resources were invested in positive ways. Community foundations are often
confronted with the challenge that they must cater to various stakeholder groups while
recognizing that their funds primarily come from individual donors; therefore, a
community foundation’s community leadership is bound to prompt reactions from
donors.
Donors Reactions and Engagement
Community foundations are institutional forms of philanthropy that can often
only grow due to philanthropists’ monetary investments. In some cases, community
foundations can grow due to gains in the stock market, but this is a prolonged growth
process; therefore, fundraising is essential for a community foundation that strives to
increase the number and size of grants it makes annually. Grantmaking and fundraising
have historically been the lifeblood of community foundations and is what most
community foundations are often recognized for in their communities. As community
foundations begin to pursue community leadership agendas, they also must consider
how their primary source of revenue—donor contributions—may change as a result of
the bold steps they may choose to take.
Look, I have a fund for planned parenthood, and I have funding for folks
that want to find organizations that help pregnant women have had
children… I will service them both because they’re both donors, and I
don’t impose my views on donors as far as to where they give (CF 7).
In many cases, community foundations are facing unprecedented competition in
the field of community philanthropy. Community foundations have often been one of
the only local institutions offering philanthropic services, other than the United Way.
Changes in the private sector have created opportunities for philanthropists to create
donor-advised funds or other giving vehicles, such as a range of charitable trusts, with
financial or investment firms (e.g., Fidelity, Schwab, Vanguard). The community
foundation executives interviewed indicated that most of their operating funds stem
from fees charged on the various funds they hold. Some donors have begun to shop
around for lower fees—especially when for-profit agencies give donors more discretion
over their distributions. When asked to describe their potential sales pitch to a donor, a
community foundation executive indicated that fees support the foundation’s leadership
work, and many other community foundation executives shared similar ideologies.
Okay. I get it, and I get that we’re more expensive, but here’s what we’re
doing in the community, and have you ever thought of the fact that the
fees that you’re going to pay to Vanguard and Schwab and Fidelity are
going to go to New York
City, they’re going to stay in L.A. They’re not going to this community;
they’re not doing one thing for this community. Whereas the fees that
you pay 100% of them stay here in this community, and 100% of them
go into the work that we’re doing (CF 8).
All community foundation leaders that were interviewed indicated that
community leadership was directly tied to their asset growth in recent years. According
to interviewees, bold community leadership has often led to increased visibility,
accountability, transparency, and additional donor contributions over time—both from
current and new donors. Community foundations can no longer elect to be neutral in the
face of community challenges since they make grants toward specific causes;
ultimately, they speak with their dollars if they elect not to speak up about community
injustices.
So I think the reason they say that is because they want to be neutral,
and they don’t want to piss off any donors in their community. That’s
very old school. If you want to attract a very specific donor, then okay,
play that vanilla role, and maybe that’ll be the only donor you ever have.
But like I said, our asset size in
2012 was $12 million. Our asset size in 2019 at the end of last fiscal
year was at
$41 [million]. So I think that’s data for you on community leadership
actually underwrites your development goals. It’s also the right thing to
do. What the hell are we here for? Like I don’t understand why we even
exist. They can open a fund at Fidelity with a way better fee. But
otherwise, there’s no reason for you to be here. Like literally our sales
pitch for donors that walk in the door that say, “Well
I could ...” If they’re fee sensitive, we literally tell them to go somewhere else (CF
6).
To understand the accuracy of interviewees’ statements about how the community
leadership role positively influenced the community foundation’s fundraising efforts, 10
years of financial data (2008-2017) from all California community foundations were
gathered to run simple financial comparisons. The mission statements of all community
foundations (N=81) were analyzed, and those that stated an element of community
leadership (n=25) were categorized into one group, and those that did not have the
element (n=56) were placed in another grouping (Table 3). It should be noted that the
statement of community leadership in the mission statement of the community
foundations was used as a proxy for true community leadership, and the effectiveness of
community leadership was not an examined factor.
Table 15
Changes in Assets of Community Foundations a
Claiming Community Not Claiming Community
Leadership b Leadership
Average Annual
Growth Rate
(2008 – 2017) c
8.88%
(n = 23)
7.64% (n
= 45)
Average Annual
Unrestricted
Asset Growth
Rate
(2008 – 2017)
10.2%
(n = 21)
9.34% (n
= 20)
Total Asset
Growth Average
(2008 to 2017)
70.64%
(n = 15)
74.75% (n
= 32)
a Dollars adjusted for inflation utilizing the Consumer Price Index (conversion to
2018 dollars) b Mission statement coding was utilized to identify which community
foundations claimed a community leadership role (See Chapter 3).
c One outlier removed from the analysis
d Two outliers removed from the
analysis
While these data do not indicate causality, the apparent association indicates that
the community foundations that claimed community leadership saw higher growth in
their annual total assets and annual unrestricted assets. Interviewees indicated
unrestricted dollars provided them with the opportunity to be strong community leaders
by allowing them to deploy assets for various purposes flexibly.
Challenges in Community Leadership
Overall, the community foundations interviewees did not report challenges
associated with the actual act of leading but more so with challenges related to the cause
they elected. For example, individuals were not upset when one community foundation
became involved in increasing affordable housing, but merely addressing the social
issue came with expected challenges. Furthermore, many interviewees reported that
though they perceived community problems as growing, especially in smaller
communities, their community foundation assets were not (CF 1, 2, 4, 5, 9).
I feel like the challenges in our community are growing exponentially,
and our financial resources are growing incrementally. (CF 2)
Another community foundation executive stressed the importance of considering how
the community foundation serves the community, not just donors and the nonprofit
sector. An integral part of community leadership appears to be doing what is in the
entire community’s best interest. While donors and nonprofits are part of the
community, they are not the only stakeholders.
I think that the nonprofit sector is an invaluable and extremely important
component in what we do. But that sector also needs to answer to the
community, to the constituency that they serve. And sometimes those
connections can get a little bit fuzzy, can have a little tension to them,
can be a little bit...the gap, can have gaps to them. (CF 3)
In many of the interviews, community foundation leaders expressed frustration over the
fact that while many individuals may be aware of what a community foundation is and
what it does, they do not understand the community foundation’s business model.
Well, for nonprofits, I think it’s helpful if they understand our business
model because you don’t just have this large corpus that we have
complete control over. So we try to be as strategic as we possibly can
with the resources that we have at our discretion. And because I do think
sometimes that nonprofits get frustrated that, why aren’t they funding
us? Why aren’t they funding this? And sometimes it’s just because we
literally have no money. It has to do with your community and just...
There’s not a lot of environmental organizations in our community, and
there’s not a lot of funders that fund that either. And that’s why, and it’s
a bummer (CF 6).
The nonprofit sector is often tasked with handling many community challenges.
Yet, it is clear that a lack of resources is one of the many barriers to achieving a society
where individuals have, at minimum, their basic needs met. The community foundations
included in this study attempt to do their best to raise resources to support community
challenges, but there often seems to be more community challenges than philanthropic
dollars available to solve them, or at least not enough donors or funders interested in
solving a particular issue. Furthermore, community foundations have an institutional
structure that has both benefits and challenges; various calls within the field of
philanthropy have encouraged foundations to consider how to decolonize philanthropy
(see Edgar Villanueva’s Decolonizing Wealth: Indigenous Wisdom to Heal Divides and
Restore Balance) and work to engage marginalized groups both as donors and as
recipients of philanthropic funds.
Investing in ALL of the Community
Many community foundation leaders emphasized the need to be a leader and
learner in their communities. Furthermore, the operational roles of community
foundations are shifting with community foundation leaders acknowledging various
advancements in the field of philanthropy: shifting practices in grantmaking (e.g.,
giving circles, trust-based philanthropy, and grantmaking with an equity lens), new
investment strategies (e.g., program-related investments, mission-related investments),
and new strategies for additional groups in the community to become involved with
community foundations (i.e., people of color, individuals identifying as LGBTQ+,
young professionals).
So I’m thinking from community foundations, we need to be out in the
community. And we have to have a set of values, and we have to be
known for something. And that’s something we have to define
ourselves. Because if we don’t define it for ourselves, others will define
us. And then if they put us in a corner, it’s very hard to get out of the
corner (CF 7).
Several community foundation leaders mentioned many promising changes in the
California community foundation field. Conversations are beginning to happen in
communities across the state around areas of diversity, equity, and inclusion, and
community foundations are now navigating how to reconcile with the fact that much of
the philanthropy that has supported them in the past has come from wealthy white
individuals, resulting in the exclusion of marginalized groups in their communities.
We’re really starting to try to lean in and have some courage when it
comes to talking about equity. I mean, most community foundations,
when they start, just because of the nature of wealth, it’s typically white
men over the age of 65 (CF 6).
Another community foundation executive framed their grantmaking strategy as
overinvesting in those communities that have historically been marginalized. While this
particular community foundation will continue to fund things throughout their service
region, they believed they must make investments in community-based nonprofits that
are actively seeking to address issues that only small, locally-based nonprofits can
handle due to the trust they have with local community residents.
We chose to overinvest in those areas, not that we were going to just
spread all funds equally. When doing that, I think then you have a
responsibility of thinking, well, if... You take different things into
consideration, like, are you going to actually just accept the very
polished grant proposal? It puts more on the funder to kind of get to
know the people in the organizations that are really trusted by the people
in the community because they may be the E.D.s that English is a
second language, that they have not, due to how a foundation’s fund not
had the same type of capacity support. So, I think our grantmaking has
definitely changed as a result (CF 2).
Also, numerous community foundations reported making changes to their
scholarship programs over the years to transition from scholarships of merit to
scholarships of need. The rationale behind these changes was to increase the talent
pipeline within communities and assist students who may not otherwise have an
opportunity to go to college. Many community foundations have improved their
scholarship programs to move from issuing scholarships to the “left-handed piano
player” (CF 6) to students that the financial contribution could genuinely impact—
turning a granting program that is often labor-intensive with little impact toward
scholarship awards that helped students, who may not have attended college otherwise,
pursue their educational goals and have the necessary resources to complete their
postsecondary education.
We prioritize need, it’s built into our scholarship application. If you have
a problem with that, we may not be the right partner with you. And we’ll
tell you why. We use scholarships as incentives – not awards, and it’s
really to help give kids, who maybe didn’t see themselves as college
material, like a push in the right direction. And so if you want to award a
kid that’s already going to Stanford and has like 10 other scholarships
coming to him in a full ride, I can make a badge for them. Happy to give
them a little certificate that says, ‘Amen’. But I’m not going to give
them money (CF 6).
When community foundations practice community leadership, they have the
opportunity to make a difference in communities by convening conversations around
challenging issues. While many community foundation executives shared that
community leadership is often the most meaningful and impactful activity of the
community foundation, there are still challenges to community leadership. Change does
not happen overnight. While interviewees recognized this challenge, one said that if
community foundations do not clearly define their role, others in the community will
define it for them.
Advice to Peers
Interviewees had the opportunity to share their community foundation’s journey
to community leadership and where they are today and were asked what advice they
would give to other community foundation colleagues seeking to improve their
community leadership. Many interviewees reported that the work of being a community
leader is not easy. Yet, it is often the work that has helped these community foundations
grow into what they are today. As one interviewee put it, community foundations must
be aware of the power dynamic between a funder and a grantee. In most cases, they
need to listen with openness and humility.
[S]o we will convene, we will gather together all the little people, and
we will say,
“We’re here to lead you," and the little people look at you with like,
"This lunch better be good." I’m going to have to sit here with a polite
look on my face wondering, "Is this going to translate into grants, or
what’s the deal here?" (CF 7).
However, community foundations should not be threatened by the positional
power they hold as grantmakers, as this provides them with a unique platform to
highlight and address community challenges. In many cases, individuals in the
community look to the community foundation for guidance on what is happening in the
nonprofit sector and how they can help. Community foundations should embrace all that
comes with being a learning organization and look to various stakeholders in the
community to obtain insights into various aspects of the community; then, community
foundations can serve as network-weavers to bring the right people together.
So it’s really like, I just think that, with community leadership work, you
start in a place where you’re curious, you’re trying to really understand
a problem. (CF 6).
Finally, another piece of advice shared from the interviews was to create an exit
strategy. It might be the right move for a community foundation only to be engaged in a
coalition for a few years. Eventually, however, they will likely need to transition to
other issues that affect the region’s quality of life. Community foundations have the
opportunity to be quite innovative in incubating community ideas, but a community
foundation must "pass the torch" to continue fulfilling its roles in the community.
Community foundations are not experts in education, human service, healthcare, or
other community issues, but they can serve in roles that can help establish networks to
address specific community issues.
The sign of good leadership is that you do some work, you create
excitement, you create this container and that you can pull yourself out
and it holds on its own.
(CF 6).
Limitations
The interviews with community foundation executives across the state provided
much-needed insight into the definition of community leadership and how it is
interpreted and implemented by various community foundations in different ways.
While this study included several community foundation leaders’ perspectives, some
study limitations can be opportunities for additional research. First, the study only
included community foundations located in California that included "community
leadership" in their mission statements, resulting in the exclusion of community
foundations that may be excellent community leaders yet did not meet the selection
criteria outlined in the methodology section.
The inclusion of community leadership in the mission statements was utilized as
a proxy for authentic community leadership. The extent to which community
foundations were successfully practicing community leadership was outside the focus of
this study; therefore, additional research into community leadership’s effectiveness is
needed.
Initially, this study was designed to include more community foundations; however,
COVID-19 forced the cancellation of meetings due to travel restrictions and community
foundations being unavailable. In many communities across the country, community
foundations created response funds to accept charitable donations to support nonprofits
during the global pandemic.
The 11 interviews highlighted in this study are not generalizable. The findings
suggest that additional research into the financial outcomes associated with community
leadership is warranted, along with investigating to what extent community foundations
define and evaluate their community leadership activities.
Conclusions
The interviews with community foundation executives have demonstrated that
community leadership at its core is selecting a particular issue, advocating for that issue,
and seeking to make a positive change on an issue. The framing for the questions in
these interviews was based on the conceptual model of community leadership presented
in Chapter 2 and the findings from Chapter 3 indicate that community foundations may
be including community leadership within their mission statements more frequently;
however, there is no clear indication within the mission statements on what community
leadership actually constitutes. Interviewees all highlighted the collective action needed
to pursue a community leadership agenda, yet some community foundations had clearer
visions than others—indicating a lack of measurable change.
While community leadership goals like “end human trafficking,” “ensure all kids
are reading at grade-level,” and “ensure all nonprofits are successful” are ideal
aspirational goals that can serve as the inspiration for particular initiatives, the lack of
overall measurement is providing an opportunity for community foundations to attest
they are working on improving something, but are not entirely accountable to it. While
internal measures may be in place that define the “success” of community leadership,
the community foundation executives interviewed did not indicate within the interview
or in additional supplementary materials what civic outcome was to be achieved.
Nonprofit organizations are often under pressure to provide funders with evidence
that the money they receive is being used for a useful purpose and that an organization’s
mission is advancing. In the case of the community foundations included in this study,
there appears to be a lack of external pressure for performance and accountability. The
findings from the interviews suggest that as community foundations deepen their work
in community leadership, there need to be additional tools to guide the creation of
effective leadership agendas—clearly articulating civic outcomes and communicating
the impact of community foundation grantmaking and community leadership.
CHAPTER FIVE
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
This chapter presents a summary of the two studies presented in this dissertation and
discusses the results. First, a summary of the findings from each study is presented.
Next, a summary of the implications for both research and practice are presented. The
chapter concludes with ideas for future research and additional recommendations for
practice.
Summary of Findings
The following subsections provide an overview of each of the two studies conduct
in this study – the mission statement analysis (“study one”) and the interviews with
community foundation executives (“study two”).
Study One – Mission Statement Analysis
The first study of this dissertation (Chapter 3) examined the mission statements of
California community foundations utilizing institutional theory and isomorphic change
as the primary framework for analysis. The first hypothesis was that community
foundations founded before the introduction of community leadership best practices by
the Council on Foundations in 1990 would be less likely to include elements of
community leadership within their mission statements that those created in 1990 of later
(i.e., normative isomorphism). The second hypothesis, also motivated by normative
isomorphic change, stated that community foundations that were accredited by the
National Standards for U.S. Community Foundations (a sponsored organization of the
Council on Foundations) would be more likely to include community leadership within
its mission statement as community leadership is one of the standards included in
National Standards.
Mission statements were qualitatively coded using four type of qualitative coding
(provisional, hypothesis, in vivo, and structural coding). Upon examining the results
from the qualitative coding process, the first hypothesis was rejected as there appeared
to be no connection between the founding year of a community foundation and whether
or not it mentioned community leadership within its mission statement. The second
hypothesis was slightly supported, as those community foundations that were accredited
by National Standards appeared to be more likely to include community leadership
within their mission statements.
Study Two – Community Foundation Interviews
The second study of the dissertation (Chapter 4), utilizing the results from the first
study, sought to provide additional content to community leadership by interviewing
community foundation executives throughout California. Based on the research
conducted in the first study, a total of 26 California community foundations were
identified as including an element of community leadership within their mission
statements, and 21 community foundations were invited to participate in the study as a
result of the selection criteria. Initially 16 community foundations agreed to participate
in an interview; however, due to COVID-19 complications, the total number of
interviews completed was 11.
Utilizing the conceptual framework of community leadership presented in
Chapter 2, the interviews focused on the community foundation’s mission statement,
grantmaking, and community leadership. The results of the interviews indicate that
community foundations practice community leadership in a variety of different ways
including focusing on a range of issues including affordable housing, educational
attainment, and building strong local nonprofit organizations. In almost all of the
selected cases, community foundations approached community leadership one of two
ways: (1) the fundraising and grantmaking roles of the community foundation
influences the type of community leadership and (2) the community leadership role
influences how community foundation make grants and the types of fund the aim to
raise.
Many of the interviewees highlighted the issues in their communities are growing
or evolving, and all of them framed community leadership a little differently; however,
interviewees expressed that community leadership is often the tool that provides the
most visibility for the community foundation and is what they are known for in the
community. All interviewees indicated that their community leadership had a positive
impact on their fundraising roles, and that the additional exposure has led to them
securing additional gifts and gaining positive community visibility.
Discussion
The findings from the mission statement analysis and community foundation
interviews indicate the community leadership is indeed a complex phenomenon in the
community foundation field. There are multiple aspects of community leadership, yet
there appear to have been limited efforts within practice to push for accountability
associated with community leadership or capture the aspects of successful community
leadership. Community foundations are required to collect metrics associated with their
grantmaking and fundraising, and report them on their IRS Form 990; however, there is
no clear indication on how community leadership is being approached, evaluated, or
reported by community foundations across the country.
The research surrounding foundations and evaluation is very limited (see, Buteau,
Glickman, Loh, Coffman, Beer, 2016), so it is not surprising that the community
foundation field has varying conceptions of what community leadership for a
community foundation looks like and how it should be implemented. While a
community foundation’s approach to community leadership is undoubtedly going to
reflect the context of the local community, there are bound to be elements of community
leadership that build the backbone of what it is to be an effective community leader.
Defining Community Leadership
The community foundation interviewees did not necessarily have a definition for
community leadership. In most cases, community leadership was considered the work
the community foundation did outside the walls of community foundation; therefore,
there were varying conceptualizations of community leadership. For some interviewees,
community leadership was the everyday community engagement work of the
community foundation, while others defined it as specific initiatives they crafted with
the assistance of the local community.
When asked the question “What are some examples of how your community
foundation has played a community leadership role?” the majority of interviewees
described a specific program or initiative they have launched in the past, indicating that
community leadership is often a specific action, or set of actions, designed to create a
change within the community.
Community Leadership Practices
The practices the individuals at the interviewed community foundations used
when pursuing community leadership differed as well. Those community foundations
that appeared to have been practicing seemingly effective community leadership were
those that took a hands on approach to community leadership. The practices of these
foundations included holding convenings around particular issues, participating in task
forces aimed at creating a change in the community, or creating supporting
organizations within the foundation to focus on creating a set of particular programming
(e.g., hiring a specific individual to oversee a community reading program, incubating a
small nonprofit organization to oversee affordable housing developments within the
community).
Those community foundations that appeared to have weaker community
leadership were those that simply claimed the role and participated in one or two local
activities. These individuals did not necessary lead the strategies around particular
issues, but they had a presence in the room where conversations were happening.
Granted, the scope of this study was not to measure effectiveness of community
leadership; however, there were indications that those that took a more strategic
approach to their involvement saw greater impact within the community, as well as the
community foundation receiving public recognition and increasing its visibility.
In some cases, community foundations utilized the community leadership
opportunities they selected as promotional opportunities. In other cases, the community
foundations that were highlighted in the research took the approach of a backbone
support organization and were not necessarily in it for the recognition. Regardless of the
practice, community foundations in this reinforced the assumption that community
leadership goes beyond simply engaging with their local communities, but practicing
leadership within it.
Revising the Conceptual Framework for Community Leadership
The conceptual framework for community leadership (Figure 10) presented in
Chapter 2 was essential in conceptualizing the community leadership practices of
community foundations. Upon examining the literature related to community
leadership, the concepts of civic leadership, collective leadership, and community
engagement appeared to be the items that community leadership as a whole was trying
to achieve. Within the interviews, the community foundations that appeared to be
handling their roles as community leaders well were those that implemented the tenants
of all three elements of the conceptual framework.
Figure 10
Conceptual Framework
C
L
C
L
C
L
C
E
In a few cases, some community foundations acted as though community
engagement was synonymous with community leadership; however, these foundations
appeared to be struggling with their community leadership role and were not seeing
clear returns on their time invested. The community foundations that took civic and
collective leadership approaches, through the coordination of specific initiatives, were
those that appeared to have be more prominent in their communities as a result from
participating in local initiatives.
As an exploratory study, the findings from this research only scratch the surface
of what community leadership is and how community foundations can be successful
community leaders. The implications for the research suggest that there are some
additional lines of research that should be explored related to community foundations
and community leadership, as well as some immediate implications for both research
and practice.
Implications
The findings from this research have some immediate implications for research
and practice, and additional questions that warrant further investigation. In terms of
implications for research, utilizing purpose and mission statements to understand
organizational shifts over time is a unique result of this study. For practice, the
implications are related to the implementation of community leadership, and provide
unique insights into various community foundations rather than the efforts of a single
community foundation—which is often the norm presented within the practitioner
literature.
Implications for Research
Purpose Statements and Mission Statements. Findings from this study suggest
that much can be discovered when comparing the purpose statements of organization
with their mission statements. Community foundations are an institutional form of
philanthropy with a particular structure and business model, so limited shifts within the
study were expected; however, utilizing a similar strategy with other types of
organizations that do not share a similar operating structure like that of a community
foundation may identify different types of organizational shifts. This paper primarily
argued that normative isomorphic change was a factor in the adoption of community
leadership, but utilize coercive or mimetic isomorphism, in a different organizational
context, could also provide unique insights into how organizations shift over time as a
result of various external pressures.
Implications for Practice
While community foundations often operate within a specific business model, the
comparisons of community foundation purpose and mission statements reveal that
community foundations can, in fact, change their focus and priorities over time.
Examining the original purpose of an organization allows individuals within practice to
understand the original intentions of an organization and potentially identify shifts that
have occurred over time—for better or for worse. Mission creep within the nonprofit
sector can often be a valid concern; therefore, examining the modern mission with the
founding purpose may help organizations gain clarity when making organizational shifts
or going through strategic planning. Rather than having the mission lead the purpose, an
organization should have the purpose lead the mission.
Community Leadership Can Affect Fundraising. The qualitative data within
this study illustrates that community leadership is helpful when it comes to fundraising
for a community foundation. All the community foundation representatives interviewed
in this study indicated that community leadership raised their visibility within the
community, which often lead to additional contributions from local philanthropists. The
quantitative data, while very simplistic in nature, demonstrates that there may be a trend
based on the correlation of mentioning community leadership within a community
foundation mission statement and asset growth overtime. While additional research
needs to be conducted on this including controlling for variables such as population,
average annual income, and giving trends—the qualitative and quantitative data indicate
that if community foundations are fearful that being a community leader is going to
upset or alienate donors, this appears to not be occurring at the community foundations
interviewed.
Process of Becoming a Community Leader. The limited research on community
leadership within a community foundations often reports on the specific initiative or
grant program that a community foundation created in order to become a community
leader. At present, there appears to be little to no research on how community
foundations become community leaders or how they navigate in their communities as
leaders. The findings in this dissertation illustrate the goals behind community
leadership, how it is framed, what has helped community foundations in the journey,
and offers guidance on things to consider if a community foundation is seeking to
engage in or improve their community leadership.
Future Research
The findings from this research have inspired additional questions that justify
further exploration. A majority of communities within the United States are served by
one or more community foundations; therefore, conducting additional research on these
local philanthropic resources can provide additional insights for both research and
practice to ensure that community foundations are achieving their intended purpose—
improving the quality of life for a specific region. The following subsections provide a
brief overview of additional research that can help further illustrate the importance of
community foundations, as well as discover ways in which they can be more effective
and accountable to the communities they serve.
Mission Statements. When comparing the mission statements of community
foundations to those of other nonprofit organizations, it is clear that many community
foundations pursue an aspirational mission of a creating a vibrant community with a
high quality of life, and have a wish to make a significant impact on communities;
however, the exact number of community foundations pursuing this mission and
measuring their effectiveness towards achieving it is unclear. Therefore, additional
research into the operationalization of community foundation mission statements can
provide unique insights into how community foundations are leveraging the community
foundation business model and executing strategies to enhance the quality of life within
their service regions.
Understanding Shifting Roles and Responsibilities. Previous research on
mission statements has often focused on what current mission statements represent for
an organization; however, based on the findings of this study there are opportunities to
study how nonprofit organizations have shifted their priorities over time by examining
both the founding purposes of an organization and the present purpose represented via
mission statements. The inverse is also possible since a majority of the mission
statement had very little changes; therefore, additional research could illuminate
whether or not mission statements are of value in terms of guiding organization actions
or simply just words that are used for marketing purposes. Organizations expand and
change their priorities for a variety of reasons; therefore, additional research into the
changes of mission statements over time could assist in further understand how
organizations are shifting their roles and responsibilities and how specific pressures may
trigger such changes.
Evaluation. Foundations often require grantees to complete a level of evaluation
to illustrate the benefits for a community as a result of a grant. However, it is unclear
how community foundations evaluate their successes. As both a distributor and recipient
of philanthropic assets, a community foundation can track both internal and external
outcomes, yet if foundations only track the dollars received and distributed, whether
they are genuinely making progress toward achieving their mission is not readily
known. For the community foundation model to move from a philanthropic giving
vehicle to a community impact model, community foundations must consider setting
realistic outcomes that can be tracked and achieved over time. Additional research into
how community foundations evaluate themselves, particularly in the areas of
community leadership, can provide additional insights into how community foundations
are approaching community leadership and defining effective community leadership.
Demonstrating Value Add. Community foundations were initially established to
pool assets to benefit the community, so it is assumed that they would continuously be
monitoring the needs of the community to employ resources effectively. However, with
the rise of donor-advised funds and financial firms such as Fidelity and Vanguard
creating competition and more cost-effective options in the marketplace (Ragey,
Masaoka, & Bell Peters, 2005), community foundations must illustrate their value add
to secure new donors. Yet, many community foundations have often created barriers
within their systems by accepting restricted assets that impede their ability to respond to
local challenges. Therefore, community foundations must collect and share meaningful
data that illustrate the impact of focusing one's philanthropy at the local level, utilizing a
local giving mechanism such as a community foundation. Additional into how
community foundations are crafting messaging to demonstrate value add can be
examined to see if certain community outcomes are leading to additional investments in
the community foundation.
Accountability. In addition to evaluation, questions of accountability demand
further exploration. Community foundations within the United States have been accused
of losing the community element of their work by becoming philanthropic institutions
for the wealthy elite, constrained by donor voices and choices, and are failing to
represent the entire community (Buchanan, 2017; Healy, 2018; Somerville, 2013). As a
result of having a broader stakeholder groups than most nonprofit organizations,
community foundations must determine how they will be accountable, not only to
donors but also to grantees and the broader community. While it is true that community
foundations are often aware of community opportunities and challenges, they do not
always have access to the funding needed to respond to these challenges due to the
restrictions placed on gifts by donors and the subsequent difficulties that follow (Cantor,
2015; Hurtubise, 2017). While community responsiveness and engagement have
historically been organizational characteristics of the mission and value of community
foundations, some argue that this may no longer be the case.
Transparency. With more and more restrictions being placed on the assets
contributed to community foundations, the need for increased transparency in the
decision-making processes of community foundations could help engage additional
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