OPINION LEADERS AS A REFERENCE FOR SOCIO-CULTURAL
COMMUNICATION
ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY
MCO 456 - POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
WEEK 8
Introduction:
When seeking information about rural socio-cultural, economic and political life,
villagers tend to choose those who are competent in their fields. Leaders opinions that
inform the village community have a range of authority and prestige in the
community.
People have many options for seeking information from various types of opinion
leaders. This study will not disaggregate opinion leaders based on where they derive
their authority or influence from, but rather describe their position as a place where
villagers seek information about various matters in village life.
Besides opinion leaders, another source of information is the mass media. In line
with the development of freedom of speech, people can also obtain information from
activists of non-governmental organizations or young people who usually access
information through alternative media such as the internet.
1.
Social Information and the Power of Value Traditional:
The problem of change in rural areas involves multi-dimensional aspects of socio-
cultural life. Change destroys or at least displaces established traditional orders and
institutions such as the harmony between mutual cooperation life and the environment
socio-cultural integral. Change brings implications about the uncertainty of
maintaining traditional values on the one hand and adapting to changes on the other.
To overcome this, information is needed that minimizes uncertainty in the socio-
cultural life of the community.
That the mastery of information prevalent in mechanical communities tends to be
polymorphic is mentioned by Gonzales (in Jahi, 1988: 91), "opinion leaders in the
village can regularly influence their audiences with a number of issues, the ability to
master diverse information makes opinion leaders seem to understand everything".
Because of their diverse mastery of information, villagers should be able to ask one
opinion leader about a variety of issues. But in reality, they sort out the type of
information to discuss with opinion leaders who are competent in information mastery.
Social issues in the village are the authority of rural opinion leaders. Even though
in the changing situation, mass media and other sources are easy to find, people still
rely on trusted opinion leaders for information on social values in the community,
Even in the situation of a farming village, where the community is still entirely
traditional, there is no such extensive control of information by opinion leaders.
Indeed, the authority over information is not divided in detail into one type of issue
with one opinion leader, but refers to multiple control over a number of issues divided
among several opinion leaders. Villagers have figures who have different expertise,
and the community will ask the experts about certain matters. Problems of a general
nature, such as those seen on television or in newspapers, are usually discussed with
someone who is familiar with the issue. However, when it comes to everyday issues,
villagers will ask or seek advice from opinion leaders as elders in the community or
opinion leaders who have sufficient knowledge.
Social community affairs are dominated by opinion leaders within the local native
group, or elder villagers who are well-versed in the history of the development of the
social life of the community around them. It is from these figures that villagers seek
and discuss socio-cultural issues. Villagers seek information from trusted opinion
leaders in the village.
When the industry develops and becomes dominant in the village, the tendency to
seek information about social life is still to refer to traditional opinion leaders who
maintain social values. On the other hand, if opinion leaders denied the shared values
that the community believed in, they would no longer be regarded as a reference for
information.
However, when factory activities diminished, it turned out that villagers
increasingly trusted opinion leaders as a source of information on social issues. Denial
of the role of opinion leaders leads to bad situations and disharmony. If there are
shortcomings or undesirable events experienced by the community, it will associate
them with not adhering to the social norms that apply in the vicinity.
Villagers generally maintain a harmonious relationship with their elders as a
source of advice. This is despite the fact that, from a rational perspective, some of
them may actually have better capabilities due to education and experience. However,
in reality, it is not possible for villagers to bypass the role of opinion leaders on their
own accord, because the prevailing norms require that villagers discuss and seek
advice from opinion leaders on various issues they face.
2.
Traditional Culture Versus Popular Culture :
Cultural issues in villages change according to the development of rural
conditions. The choice of information sources is not limited to opinion leaders alone
but runs dynamically due to the influence of industrialization and mass media that are
easily accessible in rural areas. The mass media with its popular culture is a factor
used as a reference for seeking information in rural communities.
When an area is an agricultural village, customs and culture are well maintained
by the villagers. Culture survives the development of various rural situations.
According to W.Lustig (in Samovar, Porter and Jain, 1988: 55), that, "culture will
continue its existence if the behavior of its followers always carry out the values
contained in it in everyday life".
Community life that still maintains cultural existence can be seen from the
organization of various traditional ceremonies and celebrations in the human life
cycle. Highlighting ritual activities for salvation, Geertz (1981:13), suggests in writing
about Javanese society as follows, selamatan or slametan, is a kind of community
container, which brings together various aspects of social life and individual
experience, in a certain way that can minimize uncertainty, tension and conflict.
Opinion leaders are the preferred source of information and are in a position to
minimize uncertainty about all issues faced by villagers. They are not just people who
are trusted with information about the social life of the community, but they also have
other authorities acquired through heredity, ownership of heirlooms and continuous
spiritual training as a form of individual and group protection.
People in industrial sites believe that various traditional ceremonies and selamatan
are a form of communication with the ruler of nature that can bring peace, harmony to
social life and keep away the dangers that threaten harmonious life in the countryside.
Opinion leaders as a source of information to maintain the balance of life through
forces that cannot be detected by humans. Rice fields with declining productivity,
difficulties in obtaining clean water, in addition to having to be resolved by rational,
mass movements against factory owners, but must be accompanied by other ways that
bring them closer to supernatural forces. This situation is similar to the assumptions of
traditional societies in developing countries as Balandier said (in Kartodirdjo, 1996:3),
"traditional societies relate their social order to an orderly cosmos above them". The
order of society is a harmonious relationship with a higher power in the religious
world. Community welfare can be achieved if interaction with supernatural forces
takes place properly through various institutionalized traditional ceremonies.
In religious social interaction and communication, such as discussing the
organization or commemoration of Islamic holidays, faith-based opinion leaders
become the reference point for the local community and dominate the control of
information related to religion. The principle of these opinion leaders is to harmonize
the life of the world with the way of God. Maarif (1988:147) states, "Islam is a
religion that is very interested in landing the messages of God morality in the
collective life of human beings". In daily life, although villagers can easily obtain
news from various sources, faith-based opinion leaders still have a role to play.
In the situation of industrial development, the belief in customs is very strong,
even tends to be ethnocentrism that favors the daily life habits of local people.
Samovar, Porter and Jain (1988:56), stated, "the emphasis on the superiority of one's
own culture is an attempt to maintain the cultural order and values and stability of the
culture one follows". This attitude tends to see other cultures from a negative side and
favor its own culture which is believed to be able to solve various types of problems in
a limited community in its environment.
The ethnocentric view that local culture can solve rural problems is not fully
believed by the younger generation and people who increasingly interact with mass
media. They are generally educated, have a practical mind and do not deny the social
facts around them.
Seeking information about everything related to culture does not only rely on
opinion leaders, but the mass media is another option to find out about culture.
Although not directly related to culture in the village, television with its spread of
mass culture has become one of the choices of information sources for villagers in the
developing industrial period.
In the shackles of the multi-dimensional crisis that has penetrated the countryside,
the source of information about cultural values in the village is not at all dependent on
opinion leaders, because people are increasingly intensively connected with electronic
media such as television. Trust in opinion leaders as a source of information on rural
culture is fading due to the fact that everyday conditions cannot be separated from
various mass culture shows from television, radio and other audio-visual technologies
that are rapidly developing in the village. The influence of mass media and audio-
visual technology is very strong in penetrating the countryside by diffusing popular
culture. If the community wants to organize an artistic event, it does not have to
consult and follow the wishes of opinion leaders, because opinion leaders always
suggest that it is better to invite traditional types of art. Due to the influence of
television, people prefer solo organ performances complete with several singers.
People do not see opinion leaders as the only source of information, as the mass media
is also a much more attractive source of news for villagers. Even though traditional
opinion leaders control information on village culture and try to maintain village
values, the reality is that they are increasingly being displaced by the more
entertaining symbols of modernization and mass culture.
This fact is supported by Inkeles (in Suwarsono and So, 1991:22) who states
"modern humans will have an attitude to be increasingly independent of various forms
of traditional authority, such as parents, chiefs and kings". Likewise, most Klari young
people are more open in interaction and communication with people outside their
group, more adaptive to new experiences and tend to ignore binding traditional values.
POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND ECONOMIC DYNAMICS:
communities need information about the village economy as it relates to
agriculture, rural industries and trade. Information on agriculture is needed especially
those related to the cycle of village farming activities, fertilizers, seeds, grain prices
and other factors that directly or indirectly affect people's farming businesses.
Meanwhile, the information sought and needed by the community is generally
related to industrial labor issues, environmental impacts, and economic factors related
to the existence of industry in the village. Economic information that is also needed by
the village community is information on specific trades and services that are prevalent
in rural areas.
1.
Agricultural and Environmental Issues Village
Information on agriculture is a necessity for people in industrialized villages.
Generally, people whose livelihood is in the agricultural sector seek information from
various trusted sources in the village environment. From opinion leaders, they seek
agricultural information related to their agricultural habits and traditions. From the
mass media and other sources of information, villagers seek information to compare
the same problem with situations outside their community.
When an area is still an agricultural village, there are actually some people who
work in the agricultural sector, especially rice fields, do not always spend their time
taking care of the rice fields. Sometimes they also have part-time jobs as construction
laborers, hawkers, running household industries and other informal sector jobs. Work
outside the agricultural sector will soon be abandoned when they get news of the
availability of work planting seeds or harvesting rice and other agricultural activities.
The life of a community that relies on wet-rice farming, of course, requires
information on the cycle of agricultural activities from surrounding villages and other
villages outside the district. Opinion leaders are a place to seek information and
discuss various agricultural issues in the village. Even though field extension officers
regularly schedule agricultural lectures, opinion leaders are still the first choice for
consultation, whether it is about grain prices or comparing various agricultural
problems that always arise among farmers.
Opinion leaders as village elites act as mediators, or at least provide spirit
protection for village farmers. The position as a figure used as a reference in
agricultural life is very reasonable, considering that farmers have structural
weaknesses. In relation to the characteristics of rural farmers, Rogers and Svenning
(1969:137) emphasize that traditional farmers generally have familialism, lack of
innovation, fatalism, have limited aspirations, lack of livelihood and income,
limitations in worldview and have low commercial empathy.
The aforementioned traits have more negative connotations, and two things to note
are familism and fatalism. Familial behavior in the farming environment is very strong
and unlikely to fade or disappear, because close kinship is built on continuous
communication and interaction. Kinship relations are the backbone of agricultural
management because the cycle of agricultural activities always involves village
kinship relations. Meanwhile, fatalism is an attitude of surrender, which makes
individuals realize their inability to control their own and their group's future.
The choice to consult with opinion leaders in agriculture is also selective. They do
not want to deal with people who are formally employed in institutions that deal with
agriculture, and who have a certain position in the village institutions. Against this
figure, The community already maintains a distance of power given his position as a
rural bureaucrat who is placed in the ruling elite. Villagers, in general, are more
inclined to ask about rice field problems to people who work as farmers and live
around this village. This is because they know the problems faced by farmers. As for
agricultural extension workers, they are assumed to be experts in theory but lack
understanding of the realities found in the village.
In the perspective of traditional farmers, agricultural extension workers are not
always superior in agricultural knowledge, as villagers consider that some agricultural
extension workers only understand theory and are very loyal to carrying government
messages to farmers. It is recognized that agricultural extension officers are not
accustomed to following the complete farming practices in the traditional farming
cycle, so they do not feel the main problems such as financial difficulties in the
production process such as the increasingly expensive prices of rice production
support needs.
Agriculture is the main livelihood of rural communities, including those living in
areas where most of the land is used for industry. Local villagers still have a strong
interest in agriculture and still identify themselves as farmers, even if they are not fully
employed in the agricultural sector. The rapid development of industrialization, until
1997, resulted in unclear boundaries of land that could, or could not, be used for
factory sites. The government, through opinion leaders and village officials, educated
the community about the benefits of industry for the welfare of the surrounding
community.
The displacement of agricultural land and the reduction in soil fertility have
caused serious problems for farmers around the factory. They are selling their
farmland because the yields are decreasing, and the surrounding land has already been
bought by the factory owners. Before selling, villagers generally ask people who they
think can provide a solution. In fact, it is very difficult for them to sell their rice fields,
but it is impossible for them to continue cultivating their fields if the land and
environment are increasingly unsuitable for farming.
The community trusts people who are considered to know the ins and outs of
agriculture in the midst of the development of industry in the village, such as groups of
educated young people, commuters, land brokers and villagers who have extensive
relations with other groups from outside the village. They are considered to have more
information than those who only work in the village. Thus, issues concerning
agricultural life, including the impact of industrialization in the village, will be
discussed with this person, who is considered another source of information that
villagers seek.
Despite easy access to electronic media broadcasts, these mass media cannot be
used as a reference for finding news about agriculture, as there are very limited
broadcasts about agriculture. Even if there are television shows or radio broadcasts
about issues similar to those faced. This is because the information is mostly
dominated by political news that contains farmers' protests to the government.
The print media in circulation is not the main reference for farmers. Although
there are rural newspapers in regional languages, they have little impact. Moreover,
the circulation of mass media is limited, only for village officials, so agricultural
information as the main mission of the media is not achieved.
Village newspapers were not used as the main reference by opinion leaders, as in
the two-step flow communication principle. They mostly mentioned other sources or
other mass media that were used as references and disseminated to their audiences.
Ideally, rural newspapers or community newspapers are published for the benefit of
rural areas, use language that is well understood by villagers, and are used to express
issues that are closely related to rural issues.
However, it was difficult to achieve this ideal, as the Kujang rural newspaper was
more of a political government media, rather than a media that emphasized agriculture,
local governance and cooperatives. According to Reddy (in Jahi, 1988:116 117),:
A rural newspaper is a newspaper of the rural community, for the benefit of the
rural community in increasing agricultural productivity, dealing with or solving
problems that commonly arise in the countryside and should be managed by the rural
community or at least those who understand the problems in the countryside.
The news should reflect the lives and problems of rural communities, not merely
be a medium that broadcasts the government's successes in agricultural and rural
development. Information that tends to place state power as the perpetrator of
development will actually create a distance from rural communities that have already
received so much similar news from village government officials.
In fact, smallholder farmers and farm laborers are groups that do not have access
to information from outside their communities and find it difficult to make decisions
for themselves in a situation of government hegemony. It is undeniable that when
industry developed in the countryside, state power played a big role in controlling the
lives of farmers. The government regulates agricultural patterns from seeds, fertilizers,
grain prices to the productivity of each hectare.
Because of the powerlessness of resisting messages containing obligations, it is
often accepted in the context of mere physicality on mobilized forums. In this sense,
they do not resist, and disagreement is not openly expressed. Villagers continue to
discuss the various repressions of state power with trusted opinion leaders.
Essentially, the community's orientation in seeking information remains to opinion
leaders, even though extension workers deliver intensive messages from the
government. Farmers and villagers are not very trusting of people from outside their
group and have a fear of the government and its supporting institutions. Under these
conditions, villagers are highly dependent on trusted local figures, so the tendency to
seek information about agriculture in villages still favors opinion leaders.
One potential problem in rural agriculture is the scarcity of farm laborers. Even if
there is one, the average age of farm laborers is already old, whereas working in the
fields requires young, dynamic labor. The downturn in the fate of farmers is actually
not entirely caused by their internal weaknesses, but is intertwined with the
unsynchronized policies of state power.
Rural development is often inconsistent in maintaining the characteristics of
agricultural villages. The provision of not displacing technically irrigated land is only
on paper. In fact, locations adjacent to irrigation sources sometimes become industrial
areas that use most of the agricultural land.
Given the complexity of the problem, some villagers are pessimistic that the
prospects for agriculture in their village will improve welfare in the same way as other
sectors that have developed around the village. However, the decline in factory
activities and news about layoffs in a number of industries have made villagers
distrustful of the industrial sector that can improve welfare. Furthermore, the
community tends to blame industrial policies that does not take into account the
sustainability of the village as a reliable agricultural producer.
The decline of industrial activities and the free flow of information from the mass
media further changed the attitude of rural communities not to rely solely on news
from opinion leaders. The mass media is considered to provide knowledge and deliver
news that is in line with reality. Although there is little or no special coverage of
farmers, broadcasts of farmers' movements against government policies provide
valuable lessons for farmers to be critical of state power.
The villagers' interest in the mass media, which not only presents the
entertainment aspect, but also news about peasant demonstrations elsewhere, has made
the villagers more courageous in rejecting the actions of factory owners or the
government that are not in accordance with the aspirations of the community. The
mass media, which has changed in its reporting pattern because it is no longer
controlled by state power, is used by the community as a source of information in
addition to opinion leaders.
Information technology such as the internet, which can be accessed by local
village youth studying outside the city, is one of the sources of information. Yet they
generally do not know what the internet is. They easily state that rumors, hearsay, or
other discordant news about irregularities committed by community leaders,
government officials, politicians, including those that are local, from the local area or
district, all come from the internet.
Villagers also began to seek news from outside their neighborhoods, such as from
students studying in the city. When the reformation took place, student movements
from various elements and groups of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) also
entered rural areas, providing advocacy and information to farmers. Other sources of
information commonly sought by villagers are people with high mobility and rich
experience, educated people, teachers and others. This is in line with the opinion of
Rogers and Svenning (1969: 187), "In addition to opinion leaders, people who are
highly trusted by rural communities are volunteer workers, radio, cosmopolitan people
and even village politicians."
They are often used as a reference by farmers to compare various agricultural
problems in the village with those outside the village. Including sensitive issues such
as conflicts between farmers and capital owners, farmers and the government, farmers
and state officials and other information related to fraud in village development.
Villagers who are often out of town and have a lot of experience are used as a source
of news, to compare with what is found on the radio, television and opinion leaders.
News from various sources is an interesting issue to discuss together in the village.
Villagers seek information and talk about agricultural information with all its
problems related to the impact of industrialization to trusted opinion leaders, from
mass media that are increasingly transparent in reporting and from other sources that
are trusted to have or control information about village development.
2.
Industry and Strength of Owner Approach Capital:
From the first time villagers heard that their area was being used as an industrial
area and zone, they expected that the industry would not displace technical irrigated
land and could prosper the surrounding community. The ideal industrial development
in rural areas is to provide employment opportunities for local people. However,
villagers are not fully capable of entering the factory work system.
Since the beginning of the industry, the elite and the government have urged
factory owners in villages to prioritize local people as workers in the factory.
However, there are many obstacles to fulfilling this appeal, given that the
qualifications of workers required by companies are very strict. Not only do they
require a diploma, but they also require work experience and other skills.
The marginal labor force at the laborer level, with primary and junior high school
education qualifications, can partly be met by workers from the local village.
However, they are generally not able to stay in the factory for long because the village
culture is not accustomed to regular work patterns. This situation shows the same
symptoms as Mountjoy's research on industrialization in Pakistan. Mountjoy
(1983:142) states that, "a lack of experience in industrial work" is often evident in
their reluctance to follow the tempo of factory work, i.e. regular working hours and a
work system that must be copied, resulting in a large number of factory workers being
unable to work in the factory absenteeism and the number of workers who leave the
company.
It is not easy for traditional communities to shift from the agricultural sector to the
industrial sector. Habits in mechanized agrarian communities take a long time to adjust
to the organic patterns of factory work. In the situation of an agricultural village,
where the construction of a new factory begins, the information that becomes the talk
of the village public is land acquisition and people's hopes for improved living
standards.
In the situation of agricultural villages, when the construction of a new factory
begins, the information that often comes up is the issue of land acquisition and the
hope that people can work in the factory. In the early stages of the physical
construction of the factory, many local residents were given the opportunity to work.
The factory owner used community leaders to explain that the factory would not
disturb the villagers, and sought unskilled labor as construction workers.
In relation to industries in rural areas, people need transparent information
regarding the need for industrial labor, environmental impacts and other factors related
to the existence of industries in the village. Opinion leaders who have a good
relationship with the capital owners in the village are a source of information about the
availability of job vacancies and other issues concerning the relationship between
traditional villagers. Villagers are amazed by the emergence of modern tools and
technology to build factories, from heavy equipment to drive concrete poles, to the
arrival of factory machinery. On the other hand, opinion leaders proudly explain to the
public. As someone close to the factory, the village elite is well-informed about the
process of the factory's establishment, even if it is limited to an outline, but the
audience is very impressed with the role of this opinion leader.
In addition to opinion leaders, villagers also tend to seek information about the
operation of the factory and its implications from other sources such as land brokers
and factory security guards, who are usually heroes from the local village or outside
the village.
There is no doubt that the emergence of factory construction has made traditional
values fade away, farmland that was originally a
One of the forms of family ties in the kinship system that is widely practiced by the
community seems to be ignored. People are more interested in earning money, which
usually cannot be invested in other ventures. In a farming village situation, the sources
of information about industrialization in the countryside are opinion leaders and other
sources that are in control of news about the construction of factories with all its
consequences.
The rapid development of factories in the village has worsened land tenure
patterns, such as a decline in productivity due to pollution, an imbalance in the number
of farmers with available arable land and a growing number of households who do not
own land at all. But the disharmony in the village is packaged by the owners of capital
into a justification behind the ideology of development.
Government communicators have various reasons for supporting industrialization.
According to MacBride (1980:243), communicators in developing countries support
interest groups and government policies rather than rural communities. Yet the goal of
development is to improve the welfare of local villagers.
The power of interest groups supported by the government also places
development as a tool to legalize all forms of state power actions against its people.
For the sake of industrialization or modernization, rural communities are
disadvantaged and become victims of physical modernization. According to
Huntington:
Modernization can also be said to be a process of homogenization with similar
tendencies and structures, as a progressive change, even though the side effects and
human victims are diverse and sometimes beyond the limits of humanity and universal
morality. (Samuel P. Huntington in Cyrill E. Black, 1976:30).
The policy of industrialization is a concrete measure to improve the welfare of a
modernist society. Although the achievement is difficult, many developing countries
are oriented towards modernization. As stated by Berger (1982:97), "political ethics
and social change bring about a pyramid of human victims, in the sense that the
victims of development in developing countries occur more at the bottom or mass
level". Victims of development cannot be handled by the village government apparatus
as the lowest organ. This institution does not seem to have any authority to stop the
construction of factories in the village that are not consistent with rural socio-cultural
values.
The strict hierarchy in government creates a rigid communication pattern between
superiors and subordinates at the bureaucratic level. Coupled with the influence of
feudalistic culture that is still strong in government, the pattern of power tends to
create patron-client relationships. This relationship model positions the people as
objects that must obey and submit to their patrons. Meanwhile, the village government
is seen as a complement to power, and a source of support for the government in terms
of mass numbers.
The factory, through opinion leaders, used to spread good messages to the
surrounding community, for example about the fulfillment of various regulations in
the construction of the factory, such as licenses obtained from the government, the
availability of employment opportunities, school construction, assistance to villages,
offers of cooperation in handling waste and other activities that benefit the
surrounding community.
With the strategy of improving the lives of local people, the community has high
expectations of the factory, they even seem to no longer care about the losses suffered
due to displaced fertile land and environmental pollution that occurs. As Tehranian
1979:121 argues, "modernization with its industrialization makes agrarian societies try
to follow the pattern of rational industrial societies". Industry-supporting opinion
leaders have a very strong position as a link between villagers and factories. Their
audience is increasing as the factory area expands and the number of factories in the
industrial zone increases.
Opinion leaders who provide information about industrialization generally prefer
to talk about off-farm businesses and employment opportunities for villagers in
factories. As the elite who are in control of news about the industry, they usually
cooperate with the government to convey news to villagers. Opinion leaders also
receive privileges from the company, such as obtaining useful industrial waste such as
scraps of cloth, paper, rubber, plastic and others that can be traded and earn money.
In the context of helping the village environment, the opinion leaders of business
partners are also used by villagers to request donations for village development or
various other activities on behalf of local villagers. For example, requests for
donations to entrepreneurs for the repair of village roads or village axes, are a logical
consequence of the operation of company vehicles that make roads in the
neighborhood villages deteriorate quickly. Therefore, it is only natural for the
company to help repair the shared transportation facilities.
This type of opinion leader has strong ties to businessmen, interest groups and
formal power elites, they tend to be less familiar with social relations in the
countryside, they are more oriented towards the symbols of power and the symbols of
modernization brought by factories.
They often deal with people at the village office, sometimes with people from
outside the village to talk to the village head and village officials. Extensive contact
with people from outside the village is one of the characteristics of opinion leaders
who are well-informed about the ins and outs of factory activities in their village.
In village situations where industry in the area is developing rapidly, the tendency
is for villagers to seek information on industrial activities in the countryside from
opinion leaders and other trusted sources, namely factory people and unofficial factory
security guards. Meanwhile, ordinary people refer to them as factory heroes and other
designations that derive from their power to coerce the community and people who
deal with the factory.
Ideally, a factory in a village would bring prosperity to the local community, but
in reality this has not been the case. In the context of the agricultural industry, Vernon
Rutan (in Soetomo, 1991:204), states that:
The tricle down effect mechanism, or the trickle down of welfare to the
surrounding community, does not work because three conditions cannot be met: the
influence of industrial urbanization, the induction of technological change, and the
existence of an adaptive institutional model.
These three factors must complement and support each other, so that they can
produce a trickle of prosperity to the village communities in which the factories
operate. Technological change will not be effective if it is not matched by a
harmonious relationship with the urban industry, and it will not achieve its goals if it is
not followed by relevant institutional changes at the village level.
When factory activities in the village receded, people who previously relied solely
on sources of information from opinion leaders and other sources, during the multi-
dimensional crisis, sought to add another source of information, namely the mass
media. As an alternative source of information that was originally At the beginning of
the multi-dimensional crisis, the mass media often broadcast news about the cessation
of operations of large factories, the reduction of labor in industry and other difficulties
faced by factory workers in most parts of Indonesia. The existence of mass media as a
trustworthy source of information emerged during the 1998 change of power in
Indonesia. Villagers were generally uninterested in economic and political news,
which mostly broadcast the government's agenda.
The community was traumatized by the start of the factory construction before
political freedom. They never received transparent information. Fertile land was
evicted under the pretext of fisheries and livestock businesses, but in reality the
factories that stood were polluting the environment. The community does not really
understand the environmental impact of factory fumes and various kinds of waste that
can reduce soil fertility.
For example, at the beginning of the construction of the factory in this village,
there was never any clarity about the type of business of the factory. The factory
people and institutions holding the development authority promised not to displace
agricultural land that was still being cultivated by villagers, except for rain-fed rice
fields. Even in non-formal communication, there would be an ornamental fish
breeding business, goat farming or other types of business that did not disturb the
agricultural habitat. However, this turned out to be inappropriate, because technically
irrigated rice fields, "in the perception of farmers", were also freed up for the location
of factories that produce various goods from textiles to chemicals. When political
democratization took place, villagers sought information about past abuses by capital
owners from opinion leaders who consistently maintained village values and from
educated young people and NGO groups operating in the village.
Sources of information that are tied to the political communication of rural
communities during times of crisis are opinion leaders who were originally left behind
by their audiences, students, NGOs that often act on behalf of the people's interests,
and the mass media. Opinion leaders attempted to explain the negative effects of the
emergence of industry in the countryside or were initially less supportive of
industrialization in the village. Groups of educated young people convince villagers of
the benefits of industrialization rights to agricultural land where the land acquisition
process has been unreasonable, environmental pollution and even calls for
demonstrations to investigate the actions of capital owners supported by interest
groups in the village.
3.
Trade and the Downfall of Competition Businesses:
Off-farm work for rural people is absolutely necessary, especially for farmers with
small land holdings or farm laborers, because the productivity produced cannot meet
their needs. According to Rogers (1985:176), that,
The wide gap between farmers' incomes and living standards is inseparable
between urban and rural areas, and traditional farmers with limited land ownership and
technological mastery, and modern (commercial) farmers who are advanced and can
accumulate capital from surplus productivity.
The limited ownership and welfare of smallholders encourages them to seek other
income outside the agricultural sector. In fact, the agricultural community can also
generate other supporting businesses such as trade and other small businesses to meet
the needs of the local community. Coupled with the plan to build a factory in the
village, the community has high hopes to further improve their standard of living.
As in rural life, information about trade in the village is needed by the community.
Under any circumstances, village trade continues, although it experiences ups and
downs in accordance with the development of the village economy. The various goods
or services required by villagers and the emergence of industrial development have
shaped new consumption patterns that are more practical and available at all times.
Trade in the village, when it was still predominantly an agrarian environment, was
the business of providing basic necessities, agricultural needs, including the buying
and selling of grain or rice, tailors, photographers, and other small businesses, as well
as providing the daily needs of the village community. Meanwhile, businesses in the
service sector ranged from the rental of electronic equipment, entertainment
equipment, audio-visual (VCD), movie and screen rental, public transportation
services to renting buffaloes or cows to plow the fields.
The unpretentious nature of village life, with a high level of kinship, makes
opinion leaders a source of information that is always sought after by their audiences.
His authority, based on traditional authority, still places him as a trusted person in the
village in matters of trade. Since there was news that a factory would be built in the
village, they have always sought news and advice from opinion leaders for the smooth
running of the business. As people who are respected and have "knowledge" that most
people do not have, opinion leaders can provide solutions if villagers experience
obstacles in their business.
Opinion leaders are elite people who are respected by villagers and have
supernatural abilities or villagers often refer to as having knowledge or "smart people"
who have the same values as villagers. In the view of Samovar, Porter and Jain (1981:
196),
People who have similar culture and social values can communicate better than
those who have differences in culture and social values, and even have prejudice
against other groups, so effective communication will be hampered.
Figures with similar values have a wide audience in the village. Mass media
exposure and other sources of information play less of a role in the community.
Village traders who develop or face business problems, including competition in the
market, still tend to solve problems through supernatural forces. A great deal of
information from other sources, such as from successful fellow traders or villagers
with high mobility, still receives less attention than advice from opinion leaders who
are smart people.
In the period after the factory was built between 1990 and 1997, there was an
orientation to open a business that provided for the needs of factory workers or at least
to operate on the road leading to the factory. Unless the capital was small, they would
open a business at home that provided for the needs of the villagers. The tendency of
villagers to open stalls or to compete for business among themselves led to the
involvement of religious and supernatural opinion leaders. The emergence of food
stalls, small kiosks and other businesses that are open 24 hours (twenty-four) hours, is
a form of anticipation of the demands of factory workers who live around the village.
On the other hand, the increasing number of building material stores is a sign of the
sensitivity of village entrepreneurs, especially in providing the needs of the village
community to own houses with proper buildings.
Despite the emergence of businesses and trade that support factory activities in the
village, traditional businesses that provide various necessities for the management of
rice fields, plantations still survive and other small businesses continue to survive to
fulfill the basic needs of the local community.
Diversification of rural enterprises is linked to the history of farmland loss and the
ups and downs of rural peasant life. The shrinking of agricultural land is a reality that
has a number of social, economic and even political impacts. Villages no longer offer
abundant agricultural employment. It is not surprising, then, that villagers have taken
up other businesses and occupations outside of agriculture. A brief experience of one
villager illustrates the relationship between not owning agricultural land and small-
scale enterprises in rural trade.
"My family used to have quite a large rice field but part of it was sold to a
company. The rest was shared with other relatives so I only have a small amount of
land. Some of the rice fields that my siblings shared were sold to other farmers or sold
to people in town. They sold their rice fields and now run a small stall, and my
younger brother is a motorcycle taxi driver who usually stops in other villages. Many
in my family have become informal sector traders in places close to factories. They are
no longer interested in agriculture, which is becoming more and more difficult to rely
on".
Discussing the rural economy and the intractable land problem, Chirot (1981:237),
argues that, "land reform was expected to increase agricultural production but in
reality it was not entirely successful because farmers who were given land did not
have the capital to improve their businesses". It is clear that capital is an important
factor in addition to land ownership. The difficulty of redistributing land to farmers is
difficult to implement supported by Sadono Sukirno (1976:107), the point of which
states, there are many alternatives to abolish landlords, village intermediary traders in
the village economic life. This is done by distributing land to tenant farmers. However,
in reality, very few countries are able to do this, because land issues have a political
power dimension.
It is not easy to control the commercialization of agricultural land, as villagers are
already influenced by the custom of using monetary measures. Opinion leaders also
face another, more realistic source of information: land brokers, the liaisons between
factories and villagers. Villagers look to these liaisons for information about factory
people who need houses or rooms to rent. Usually the owner of the house or land gives
a fee to the person who successfully finds a tenant or contractor.
The relationship between the villagers and the "factory people" must be
maintained so that the villagers can find out about the various needs of the factory
employees. In addition, villagers also try to offer various merchandise to the factory
people, such as garden produce, livestock and clothing. Without an intermediary, it is
difficult for them to buy and sell with factory employees.
The factory liaisons, consisting of local villagers, migrants or factory security, are
a valuable source of information for the smooth running of village businesses. Another
source of information are the middlemen traders who are cosmopolitan and have a
wealth of trade information from outside the village. They have a strong influence in
managing the village economy. As a group, they practice brokering in the
commercialization of agricultural land, loan sharking and the bonded system for
farmers and small entrepreneurs. Some of them are able to exert a stronger influence
because of their membership in various rural institutions.
It is not easy for people to let go of their dependence on intermediary traders
because rural enterprises emphasize individual ability without expecting voluntary
assistance from the government or capital owners. Yet all the time we hear elite
rhetoric about gotong royong, where people can exchange opinions and help one
another. Scott (1981:167), argues, "the custom of mutual help and the right to life are
principles that are in accordance with the needs of human life in the rural economy,
both of which are contained in various patterns of real social relations". However,
modernization has shifted the traditional pattern in the rural economy village economic
system. Interactive communication that talks about togetherness in the village
economy is increasingly marginalized by talk of profit and loss in trade.
Although other sources of information have emerged in line with the development
of the industry, opinion leaders continue to be a reference point for assistance in trade
matters in the village. Opinion leaders are believed to be able to encourage the smooth
running of the business so that it brings adequate profits and is able to keep up with
other similar businesses around the rural location of the factory.
Villagers, including those who work in factories with a touch of modernization,
still rely on opinion leaders if they open other businesses. This group opens small
businesses to cover household needs. They seek to talk and find news about prices,
where to borrow capital, where to get cheap goods and other information with fellow
successful business owners. However, they also always discuss the viability of my
business with a trusted opinion leader who can provide a solution if there is a problem.
Although the opinion leader was not a trader, his extensive experience and being the
source of complaints from the community meant that he was trusted more than the
person from the village office who often provided information on improving small
businesses. Everything the leaders from the village government say is theoretically
good, but I can't follow the binding rules, for example about applying for credit and
how to manage a small business professionally. It is very complicated, we need
practical information such as how to get cheap raw materials and how to provide
capital assistance without many regulations. In addition, villagers prefer to ask opinion
leaders who provide practical advice by relying on the breadth of relationships, as well
as referring to religious aspects.
It is clear here that villagers want practical information, and some even prefer to
receive solutions to business problems from opinion leaders as village elites who are
respected and follow all instructions, compared to solving problems using
management theory or other formal provisions from small business extension workers
from formal organs of power.
The involvement of villagers to support the government's message is ultimately
only a mobilization for meetings because in reality the substance contained in the
message itself is not can be implemented. Economic development that can include
villagers is proposed by Rogers and Adhikarya (1978:3-9) in essence, in participatory
village economic improvement efforts, participants must express their needs and have
the opportunity to obtain the information they need through available communication
channels. If that happens, development agents can be more responsive in meeting their
specific needs, and may be able to narrow the much-concerned socio-economic
benefits gap.
Interactive and transactional communication channels are necessary for
communities to become participants in development, but when the communication
model is autocratic, villagers no longer position government agents as a source of
information if villagers need news about the smooth running of their businesses.
In a rapidly developing industrial situation, the tendency for villagers to seek
information and news on trade in the village is directed towards opinion leaders who
have a major role in the community and other sources of information that can solve
problems or facilitate business such as villagers' liaisons with factories.
Rural businesses, which are characterized by seeking opportunities and chances,
are facing changes in line with the movement of democracy. Villagers need a lot of
up-to-date and transparent information to be able to trade calmly and freely. In the
past, it was not uncommon for business competition to hide useful information, and
sometimes the source of the message would deliberately deceive consumers or
competitors in the vicinity. On the other hand, information obtained through mass
media and communication technologies that allow sending and receiving messages in
a short period of time is not news that can be trusted easily.
Therefore, people still rely on opinion leaders to discuss news about village trade.
Information outside of direct contact with opinion leaders is only a supplement to the
information search. Any decision to do business will also depend on trusted opinion
leaders. The success of the business will depend on obtaining information and having
a good relationship with the source of the message who is trusted with news about the
business world.
