EXPLORING THE FREEDOM OF COMMUNICATION:
RESEARCH PROCESS
ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY
MCO 456 - POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
WEEK 7
1.
Methods Used:
In the corridor where silence is the safe option, and in the jungle of regulations
that shackle the freedom to voice criticism of state power and its supporting sub-
ordinate entities, it is not easy to obtain information that flows transparently. It was
very easy for people to close themselves off from revealing what had been
experienced, at least for two decades before the 1998 state reform. Openness to
explore information is expensive and very risky in the frame of a government that
interprets political stability and democratization integrally, for the sake of
institutionalizing the hegemony of the ruling political power.
Therefore, using methods that can support the smooth running of the research and
the substance of the topic under study is not an easy choice. Observing the object and
subject of research in an academic perspective, it is of course natural to find various
technical and academic obstacles, but these conditions are not insurmountable
obstacles, let alone positioned as scapegoats that interfere with the research process.
The method used in this research is qualitative, relying on in-depth observation, of
human behavior and the environment (Bogdan and Taylor, 1975: 5, Bogdan and
Biklen, 1990: 2, Miles and Huberman, 1993: 15, Moleong, 1993: 30, Brannen, 1997:
1). The qualitative orientation of this research seeks to "reveal social reality" as
complete as possible" (Vredenbregt, 1980:4), on the credibility of opinion leaders and
their role in society, in different situations. Starting from the traditional village
conditions before the emergence of industrialization, when industry developed, and
until the economic crisis that affected factory activities in industrial location villages
in one region.
Given that so much "information in qualitative research must be obtained in its
holistic form" (Muhadjir, 2000: 18), the researcher involved himself as a research
instrument in the field, directly observing community interactions in rural areas. The
focus of interaction observation is the relationship and communication that occurs
among fellow villagers, communication between opinion leaders and villagers.
Observations also focused on the interaction and communication that took place
between villagers and other sources of information outside of rural opinion leaders,
factory activities with all their supporting elements, government activities in
responding to the community and other dominant groups around the village.
This effort is in line with what Bogdan and Taylor (1975: 12) stated that
"qualitative research methods emphasize the naturalistic paradigm where humans are
used as instruments". The choice to use qualitative methods, because the research
process is considered capable of overcoming problems that arise in information
collection, including how to introduce information that contains certain sensitivities as
in the research topic.
Information on sensitive issues, under certain conditions, is difficult to obtain from
primary and secondary sources. Silverman (1993:6) warns, "ignoring historical,
cultural, political and contextual sensitivities in social research topics will reduce the
natural understanding of research". As in the preliminary research, it was not easy to
obtain information concerning sensitive issues in the village such as assessment of
leaders, assessment of policies, assessment of the behavior of state officials,
individuals in the village in prominent social, economic and political classes. On the
other hand, this research seeks to obtain as complete information as possible on rural
life undergoing change.
The use of qualitative methods is expected to be able to investigate more deeply
into the focus that is observed carefully, because the researcher involves himself
directly in the life of the subject so that he can see and observe their daily lives; hear
them talk about themselves and their own experiences. This qualitative research is a
case study, which does not intend to generalize to the object of research, also guided
by the fact that each subject in the environment (setting) is considered to have the
same position as other subjects without exception to the information provided is
negative or positive.
2.
Focus Research:
Includes the main issue under study or as a limitation of the research problem. The
research focused on credibility as the level of trust in a communication source or
communication channel that is trustworthy and competent by the recipient. Credibility
is subjective, depending on the interests of the people who receive it and can shift
towards higher or lower depending on the situation at the time of communication or
the interests of the parties involved in communication.
In general, the measures to assess the trustworthiness or untrustworthiness of a
message source are: (1).His skills and competence on issues related to social problems
in rural areas; (2). The extent to which the source can be trusted to tell the truth in
dealing with social problems in rural areas; (3). His dynamism as a source of
messages, his enthusiasm and sincere attitude that appears when information is shared
in dealing with social problems in rural areas; (3).
Credibility is bound by the role, the operationalization of the concept as a limiting
role is, the behavior (behavior) expected by the community or followers of a person
who has a certain position (status). The role of opinion leaders in rural areas is an
obligation, duty and behavior expected by the village community in dealing with
social problems that occur in the village. If the role cannot be carried out in
accordance with its status, there will be social pressure in the form of social sanctions
and imposed if the individual deviates from his role.
The focus on opinion leaders is on their role as elites who have the ability to
influence others regularly on social issues in rural areas. Opinion leaders usually
consist of local village community leaders. Interactive communication between
opinion leaders and their cliques have a role in changing or preventing changes in the
social structure of industrial villages.
Change in this context as social change is a process where changes occur in the
structure and function of a social system. There are two categories of change, namely
immanent change, which is a change created by the community itself, so that it can be
accepted easily; and contact change which occurs because it is introduced by a source
that comes from outside the group. Society faces contact change by strictly selecting
(selective contact change).
Given that opinion leaders cannot be separated from media exposure as a source of
information, the focus will be directed that, mass media is a channel for disseminating
messages that can reach large audiences and is one of the agents of social change,
which helps accelerate the process of transitioning traditional societies into modern
societies through information and messages disseminated to audiences through two-
stage communication.
Meanwhile, the industrial location area, which is a rural area, is an area occupied
by a number of residents as a community unit that allows social life to take place. The
value of the village is determined by the potential stored in it, including economic
potential, social potential, demographic potential and cultural potential sourced from
the environment and the unity of the local community.
3.
Research Informants: Choosing with Care-
3.1.
Determining Informants by purposive
The informants chosen in this research are people who know the situation and
conditions of the research setting, especially in industrial location villages. The
determination of informants was done purposively by considering the ability to
provide information concerning opinion leaders as a source of information and their
role in society. The way to determine the first informant is through observation of
community interaction and communication by focusing on the characteristics of a
person who stands out in social groupings in the research location. After obtaining the
first informant, then using the snowball technique, other informants can be obtained
who can provide various information needed.
In principle, informants were selected from all people who live in industrial
villages within a kecamatan, a kabupaten, and people who still identify themselves as
indigenous people, even though they live outside the area but still have social,
economic, political ties and concern for their village. The specific informants also took
into account age, length of residence and people who know and are known in the
research area.
Asking informants to decide who deserves to be an opinion leader refers to the
Sociometric Method, which asks to whom, informants seek information or advice, and
Informant's Rating, which asks informants certain questions about who are the
community leaders who really know their community.
The application of these two methods in the research locations focused more on
opinion leaders in their capacity as informal leaders, who are not related to the
organizational structure of the village government or the kecamatan and kabupaten
government structures. In determining these opinion leaders, a reputational approach
was also used, which involved conducting in-depth interviews with informants to
determine which figures were role models for the community.
In practice, in addition to these methods, this research identifies groups of opinion
leaders based on observation patterns and informants' explanations, in the positional
approach, which looks for individuals with important positions in rural social
institutions, and the decisional approach, which looks at the actual performance of
opinion leaders in rural decision-making.
If in the snowball technique of determining informants, individuals are found who
fall into the category of opinion leaders or identify themselves as opinion leaders as in
the self-designating method model, then information from them is applied as
supporting data as it is applied to formal leaders and other sources of information.
3.2.
Overview Informant
The purposive determination of informants resulted in a number of informants
who qualify as sources of information. They are generally aware of the development
of the research area from an agricultural village to an industrial area or zone.
As stated in the determination of informants, they were selected Informants from the
village and kecamatan governments were more oriented towards matching existing
documents with records, booklets, reports, monographs and other official government
records. Informants from the village and sub-district governments were oriented more
towards matching existing documents with government records, booklets, reports,
monographs and other official records.
Formal figures in the government were used as references to clarify various
documents, as they were in certain situations in a position as research subjects. Given
that before the change of government from President Suharto to President Habibie,
many community leaders were dominated by formal figures who were used to control
village communities.
Formal figures in this context include village and subdistrict government officials,
government employees who directly deal with rural communities, such as agricultural
extension officers, teachers and other government employees whose functions are
directly related to village communities and their environment.
This research utilized informants in various information control groups. Key
informants were sought to create a close relationship with the researcher (rapport).
The informants were determined purposively in the village where the factory is
located.
The general characteristics of the informants can be grouped into specific
characteristics, particularly their knowledge of the events that occurred from their area
as a productive agricultural village, to the development of factories, to the multi-
dimensional crisis that hit industrial location villages.
The grouping of the tendency of mastery of information by informants is not
absolute. There are informants who master several types of information or even all
information related to the research topic is known in detail, but the nature of the
information conveyed to researchers can be separated into certain trends.
The tendency of information mastery by informants can be grouped as in the table
below:
From the type of work, informants in this study generally work in the informal
sector whose activities are not organized through organizational or institutional
arrangements. This character also reflects that the villagers in the research location,
especially the indigenous population, generally work in the informal sector.
Meanwhile, the large number of factory employees are mostly migrants from various
regions across Indonesia, or commuter migrant workers who live outside the city.
3.3.
Data Collection Techniques and Methods Analysis
Data collection in research is done carefully by selecting or determining data and
information that is considered representative in a holistic framework. In this study,
data collection techniques such as unstructured interviews, participant observation,
literature study and focus group discussions were used.
In each interview, efforts were made to record all explanations, especially aspects
of communication related to the characteristics of opinion leaders, their credibility and
role in the situation of traditional agricultural villages, the emergence of factories in
the village and the current situation, which focuses on information about the
sluggishness of industrialization. Informants who were expected to provide a complete
explanation of the research problem, in-depth interviews were conducted to get
maximum information
Meanwhile, to explore data in order to be more focused on the credibility of the
role of opinion leaders in rural areas, the Focus Discussion Group technique was also
used, which seeks to collect information through group discussions. (Irwanto, 1988:1)
or according to Krueger (1988:47), "to explore information in order to be more
focused on the research topic". The discussion was attended by a group of people who
were considered to be broad-minded and able to provide useful information based on
certain criteria that would develop in the research field such as level of education and
social activities in rural institutions.
Given that this method is actually less in line with participant observation, in its
implementation the researcher will utilize informants or other trusted people to guide
the discussion. In this forum, the researcher only acts as a participant in the discussion
so that the function of participant observation can still be maintained, goes well and
can obtain quality information in a relatively short time.
Data analysis in this study was carried out since starting in the field by
systematically organizing transcripts, interviews, field notes, documents and other
materials that have been collected to increase understanding of the research topic.
Based on the opinion of Bogdan and Biklen (1990: 189), analysis includes activities to
work on data, organize, divide into manageable units, synthesize, look for patterns,
find what is important and what will be learned and decide what to report.
Before the field results are described, the data is checked again about the degree of
trust (credibility) of the findings in the field, the transferability of the sources of
information, the dependability between a number of field notes and the certainty
(confirmability) of the data obtained is factual. (Moleong, 1993: 173). If the validity
and reliability of the data has been achieved and collected, the next step is to organize
the data as carefully as possible so that an analysis can be made.
The data analysis model of this research is in line with the opinion of Miles and
Huberman (1992: 15-16), through the following process: (1). Data reduction as a
process of selecting, focusing on simplifying, abstracting and transforming rough data
that emerges from field notes (2). Presentation of data as a set of organized
information that provides
the possibility of drawing conclusions and taking action. The creation and use of data
presentation is not separate from analysis, (3). Drawing conclusions/verification is the
third activity of analysis, from the beginning of data collection a qualitative analyzer
begins to look for the meaning of things, noting regularities, patterns, explanations,
configurations causal flow and propositions.
In summary, data analysis will be carried out by reducing all field notes obtained
and notes that have been reduced are then presented in the form of descriptions of data
presentation in accordance with the situation in the field; the next stage is drawing
conclusions. Thus the analysis is comprehensive as stated by Faisal (1990: 191) as, "a
general and relatively comprehensive domain analysis of the subject matter under
study". This pattern of comprehensive analysis will be "ongoing since entering and
observing the research location or field" (Vredenbregt, 1980: 57, Bogdan and Taylor,
1975: 139).
4.
Regional Overview Research
4.1.
Village Area Development Location Industry
The research location is one of the sub-districts in one of the districts in West
Java. As the object of research, in this area industry or factories have emerged rapidly
since the construction of the freeway. The ease of transportation and the availability of
adequate communication facilities have made this area the choice of entrepreneurs to
establish factories or other businesses oriented towards industrialization.
In later developments, industrialization made villages experience changes that had
an impact on the complexity of social, economic and political life of the community,
including changes in the role of opinion leaders. The presence of industry has also
transformed agrarian society into an industry-oriented society. Or it can be described
as one foot stepping on the characteristics of the industry, but the other foot is still on
the rice fields with an agricultural culture that is still thick with traditional nuances.
The number of factories in the Klari area in 1998 was around 230 factories, but
after the economic crisis until early 2002, the number of large and medium industries
decreased to 165 factories that were still operating. This situation is no different from
Chatib Basri's statement (Kompas, January 29, 2003) which states that "indications are
that we are experiencing an economic downturn deindustrialization is production data
that has decreased in the past two years as a result of foreign companies relocating,
while domestic entrepreneurs may close their businesses".
Factory construction is stipulated not to use productive land, but that does not
mean that the rule is obeyed by all parties. In reality, factories can also appear on
productive land. It is these factories that often cause conflicts between local residents
and factory people.
The communities in the study locations have varied livelihoods, but historically
the main occupation has been farming. The opening up of opportunities outside of the
agricultural sector has also attracted many productive-age agricultural workers to work
outside of the farming community, where they have worked for generations.
4.2.
People .
Village community leaders are a group of local elites who have alternating
positions and roles. As local elites, they have the potential to act as agents of change,
especially in bridging the gap between the will of the authorities and the interests of
the village community, given that they have advantages that support their position.
From 1970 to 1998, community leaders were dominated by formal leaders in the
government structure (pamong desa), administrators of rural social institutions such as
the Village Community Resilience Institution (LKMD), the Village Consultative
Council (LMD) and other village institutions under the guidance of the government.
Generally, members of rural institutions are community leaders who are subordinate to
state power, such as farmer groups, teachers or civil servants.
After rural institutions underwent changes in line with regional autonomy,
community leaders who led village institutions were no longer under the control of the
village government but were based on the choice of the village community. However,
formal rural elites are still elected as members of various existing village institutions,
such as the Village Representative Council (BPD) and the Community Empowerment
Agency (LPM). The formal elite, however, have the same rights and obligations as
other community leaders. In the past, this equality was within the confines of the rules,
but in reality, formal members of these village institutions have special rights in
decision-making.
When the era of floating masses in villages ended, rural areas became the base of
political parties. Of the 48 political parties that participated in the 1999 general
election, 21 parties had administrators at the village level. Party leaders in the villages
enlivened the competition among other community leaders who already had strong
positions.
Beyond formal leaders, political leaders and leaders from various rural
institutions, there are informal leaders in rural areas. Informal leaders, although not
involved in formal rural institutions, are individuals whose opinions are widely heard
and whose guidance is followed by the community. Other community leaders are those
who have an honorable lineage in the community, are rich, have high religious
knowledge and are smart people in the traditional magical context.
In line with the growth of the industrial estate, the leaders and community figures
that emerge are inseparable from the conditions of the village. For example, during the
rapid development of factories, prominent community figures were people who had
access to communication with the government and entrepreneurs. The community
considers them to have a big role because they have early information on the labor
market in factories and the government's plans for industrial development in various
rural areas.
When the economic crisis led to the closure of factories in the village, and the
change of power at the national level, there were also figures, especially informal
figures who always carried the jargon of reform, human rights, the environment and a
series of terms that favored the interests of the people.
Given that it is a complex area, there are also groups in the "hard" assessment,
such as people who control markets, city transportation stops, stations, areas around
factories, other places that are always crowded, and people who are engaged in the
dark side of the situation, which is the existence of groups engaged in activities that
are not in line with village norms and government regulations.
In line with the diverse dynamics of the village, there are powerful people who
have great access to the factory, as masters of factory waste and entourages of land
brokers. Within the dynamics of freedom, there are also educated young people who
are members of various NGOs and act critically towards government policies. Other
well-known figures are activists political parties as well as Task Forces (task forces) of
various political parties in the village.
From the description of community figures, there are essentially community
leaders based on the descent of the village elite, religion, village officials, material
wealth, supernatural aspects and a combination of religious factors and supernatural
aspects. Meanwhile, figures that are also used as references by some audiences are
NGO activists, youth and students, art figures, party activists, factory brokers; thugs,
village heroes and other figures on the dark side.
As an easily accessible area, rural communities in industrial locations can access
commonly used communication facilities, such as telephones, radios, televisions,
newspapers and traditional media that serve as both entertainment and dissemination
of messages to rural communities. In addition to modern forms of folk art and music
groups, traditional communication media in the countryside can take the form of
meetings or associations used for mutual discussion, exchange of ideas and
conviviality.
COMMUNICATION COMPLEXITY
1.
Interpersonal Communication as a Force Interaction
1.1.
Information Seeking Process and Reliance on Elite
Villagers seek information dynamically on various occasions that occur in their
environment. Information can be obtained through interpersonal communication with
fellow villagers, residents outside the village and various groups in the village. In
individual and group communication, which is more colored by political
communication, the community also uses radio, television and newspaper references.
Information from diverse sources was used to compare with information from
trusted opinion leaders. Some communities rely on information from opinion leaders
only on issues of rural social life. Meanwhile, information outside of social issues
relies more on other trusted sources. The dynamics of seeking information can be seen
when people hear and witness events that concern themselves, their groups or
communities. In essence, they seek information from sources that are known or easily
accessible and are Multi Step Flow with various variations in the spread of messages
from information sources to audiences.
In the early stages, information seeking is often done in interpersonal
communication, which is the process of exchanging meaning between people who
communicate with each other. Individuals have an understanding and meaning
personal to every relationship he or she is a part of.
In interpersonal communication, the conversation is conducted face to face with
the source of information. Closeness between the communicating parties is a demand
in interpersonal communication as said by Judy C. Pearson (in Littlejohn, 1992: 262),
"interpersonal communication requires physical closeness between the communicating
parties and mutual dependence on each other". Thus, the effectiveness of this
communication depends on physical proximity and psychological similarity to start the
conversation.
The villagers' information-seeking process is carried out by going face-to-face to
the homes of their neighbors, or anyone they can talk to about various issues they don't
really understand. This is because they only hear about things from other people, or
from the radio or television. By meeting in person, they feel comfortable because they
can exchange ideas about everything that we want to understand more deeply.
The information obtained from the interviews, in essence, explains that face-to-
face meetings are still an option that villagers rely on when seeking information.
Rogers and Svenning (1969:237) support this opinion, saying as follows: Although the
mass media and other developing media can be used to share diverse information,
interpersonal communication is far more reliable for forming a common understanding
within village communities and farming communities.
While with the same substance, namely the superiority of interpersonal
communication in the village, Lerner (1983:111) states that, "direct information from a
well known message source, in an interpersonal relationship is more trusted by the
recipient of the message in rural areas". This assumption is also supported and justified
by Blake and Horaldsen (1975:25), who state: Interpersonal communication shows the
closeness of the relationship between interacting people, each interactant as a sender
and receiver of messages trying to understand each other's meaning formed together in
a short time.
Interpersonal communication shows the level of intimacy of the relationship and
has an unlimited channel because it can send and receive feedback in a relatively short
time. In order to find the information needed, the village community in Klari conducts
inter-personal communication, in various places and times which is not limited. The
substance that stands out in these interactions is simply sharing information to solve
individual and group problems They exchange news obtained in daily interactions as
well as information obtained from radio, television and newspapers.
Mass media that is easily found in the village of urban buffer industrial locations,
in line with the development of communication situations and technology, mass media
can provide knowledge that is used as a reference in conversation between individuals.
The existence of inter-personal communication is considered an important
relationship, in discussing daily life in rural areas that will not run out, because every
day, there are problems related to the good or deviant behavior of villagers in the
village environment. They used to talk about light and heavy problems with the closest
people or people we trust. However, dependence on electronic media, especially
television, is also high, as they see television as cheap entertainment.
In general, interpersonal communication is carried out to share information, or
theoretically as a continuous exchange of meaning. The reciprocal exchange of
information between villagers is carried out to form a common understanding.
To achieve mutual understanding is not easy, as Fisher (1987:110) points out,
when we communicate with others, our intra-personal processes have three different
states, namely: myself, others and others' views of me. To harmonize these three
things is not an easy job to do.
Sharing understanding or exchanging information does not mean having the same
understanding of information. This is because someone who controls information may
try to provide understanding to everyone who personally has different attitudes
towards the various problems faced. The need for information in everyday life, the
lightest, they will look for among themselves. If the results of interpersonal
conversations are unable to fulfill their information needs, they will look for other
sources of messages to discuss unsolved problems. If they are still not satisfied, they
usually bring it to a wider forum in group talks, or will ask for direct explanations
from trusted opinion leaders. Conversely, if in interpersonal communication
personally, one party is satisfied, he or she will inform and discuss, with the other
party, the success of solving the problem between just two people. The conversation
fades away if the topic discussed between them is considered finished.
Seeking information from other message sources such as alternative figures or
other communication technology media does not always fulfill information needs.
Therefore, the urge to seek information from opinion leaders always arises to solve
individual and group problems. Given this, it is only natural that people remain
dependent on information from opinion leaders. Rogers and Svenning explain (1969:
188), "opinion leaders have a special position, they are used as a reference in
collective action in rural areas". Therefore, it is very natural that opinion leaders are
used as a reference for information.
In individual communication, people usually seek advice and information from
trusted opinion leaders. For example, regarding the organization of religious
ceremonies, traditional ceremonies or to seek an explanation of an event that is
experienced or merely seen. The choice to discuss issues with opinion leaders is based
on their capacity as community leaders who understand the problems of their
audiences. Rural communities generally rely on figures who know various
polymorphic things. But this is fading, as references to modernization with specific
expertise emerge.
In general, opinion leaders emerge through heredity, environment and training. In
their development, opinion leaders have diverse orientations due to the complexity of
village social organizations, the modernization brought about by factory life and the
growing impact of pluralism in the village in the social, economic and political
spheres.
1.2.
Characteristics of Orientation and Leader Behavior Opinions
In rural areas, in fact, the individual characteristics of opinion leaders are not
much different from their audiences, but they are selected to occupy key positions and
perform important functions in social organizations. This assumption is in line with
the opinion of Rogers and Svenning (1969:207), namely, the characteristics of opinion
leaders in modern villages have the same level of knowledge as their audiences, but
generally they have positions in village institutions so that they have a great influence
in the village community as their audience.
Industrial villages, which are fraught with social, economic and political issues,
have a variety of opinion leaders who have a source of authority or origin for their
existence. First, opinion leaders who are trusted because of their lineage as village
elites. These opinion leaders are consistent in maintaining traditional values in a
conservative or moderate manner, are well versed in village history, and some have
supernatural skills. Second, opinion leaders who are based on religious factors; they
are generally the older generation who are based on self-taught religious knowledge
through non-formal institutions. Meanwhile, younger religious-based figures learn
through formal education.
Religion-based opinion leaders are initially recognized as credible only in
religious matters, but over time, they are also used as references for other actions.
Thus, although legitimacy was initially based on religion, in its development they were
established in other matters. Usman (1991: 29) explains that, through a long and
continuous process of social interaction, religious intellectuality, authority, and wealth
support each other, forming a force capable of confirming the status of the faith-based
elite into an independent intellectual class that is taken into account in the decision-
making process in the village.
The third group of opinion leaders are those who mediate factories, land sales and
purchases, and factual issues related to industry. Opinion leaders whose prominence is
supported by formal status and roles in the village administration, such as village
officials and government employees who have formal power in the village, generally
control village institutions that are an extension of the government.
The fourth type of opinion leader are those who have reliable wealth at the
village level, control the village economy and are often involved in various rural
institutions. Thus, authority at the village level automatically follows them. As
wealthy people in the village, they perform the pilgrimage, which can support other
social authorities in the community.
The fifth type of opinion leader is those who are positioned as a source of
information due to supernatural powers. This group is not always located in rural
institutions. Because of their popularity, they can gain a good economic status and
strengthen their religious position by going on pilgrimage.
The sixth opinion leader, is the opinion leader who combining religious power in a
supernatural context or combining religion and traditional issues, they tend to be the
preferred reference or source of information for the community. These opinion leaders
will be the go-to person for villagers to ask about anything they are experiencing without
social, economic and ideological barriers.
In changing situations, such as the economic crisis, figures have emerged who
carry political jargon for the benefit of the people. As an unconventional alternative
source of information, they generally understand the current situation with a strong
position as critics of government policies, factory owners and individuals or interest
groups that harm village communities.
With the various orientations of each opinion leader, villagers have more
opportunities to discuss minor and major issues with trusted figures in interpersonal
communication. This study will not relate the origin of opinion leader authority to
information seeking, but rather focus on opinion leaders in terms of the character
expected in their audiences.
2.
Group Communication as a Form of Collectivity Society
2.1.
Interaction in the Information Seeking Process :
In searching for and discussing interesting news, in addition to interpersonal
communication, people will discuss together in groups. Efforts to obtain information
about news and events that attract attention can be carried out at every available
opportunity. Groups in rural areas can be a group of people who carry out activities or
talk together about issues that attract attention.
Talks conducted in group communication in the village emphasize the
characteristics of primary groups that tend not to be calculative in individual interests.
However, in the frame of state reform, political communication is more pronounced in
group discussions in the village. The primary group itself, according to Soekanto
(1981:113), "is a group that is not based on material interests alone, but rather
emphasizes aspects of kinship". Rural social groups, generally primary groups, are
used as references to seek information, exchange ideas and discuss various topics that
attracts attention
The substance of the group can also arise with the gathering of several people in
an activity. The gathering is organized by individuals or collectives according to the
norms or beliefs prevailing in society. For example, in traditional events related to the
human life cycle, religious events, independence celebrations and other social
activities.
Meanwhile, groups that are not organized, but serve as a source of information,
are gatherings of people on various occasions in the village. They are usually located
at busy village intersections, neighborhood security posts, village stalls and others,
including villagers' homes. In the perception of villagers, talking with many people is
more enjoyable than talking with just one person. Various information can be obtained
in groups. They share many experiences with each other in an intimate situation. They
also often feel that they share the same fate, so that various problems from each person
can be solved and supported together.
When all interactants provide information to each other, discuss and debate the
topic, this communication group is essentially a potential source of information in
rural areas. Regardless of the value of the information obtained is weighty, important
or just a complement to the information owned. Theoretically, Hennessy (1990:195)
states:
The commonality of opinion within the group depends on the importance of the
group to the individuals who are members, the group norms will influence the
common opinion strongly or weakly. The importance of the group to its members is
generated by individual tendencies, opinions and judgments.
Group communication, in its position as a source of information, reflects the dynamics
of villagers in discussing various news circulating in the village. Thus, this group is
not a kind of coact that is passive towards efforts to seek information and tends to
receive one-sided information only. According to Littlejohn, (1992: 267), "a coact is a
group of people simultaneously bound in the same activity but without communication
with each other".
Topics discussed in the group range from everyday problems to wide-scale issues
in the form of political communication. Discussions are not limited to issues in the
village but can widen at the level of the state and political life today. According to
Ruben (1992:356), "communication in groups refers to the relationships that are built
to discuss problems faced and solved together".
Group communication is an everyday part of village life, conducted face-to-face
by three or more individuals to achieve desired goals such as information sharing and
problem solving. Almost every day, unless sick or out of town, a villager meets with
many neighbors around the house. They gather at the village intersection, the
neighborhood security post or at the home of one of the villagers. The topics discussed
are everyday problems, assessing the actions, failures, successes of the villagers.
Sometimes, as an interlude, they even discuss matters of state. Collective problem
solving remains a reference in dealing with problems in the village, although the
quantity of those involved in collective talks is decreasing as work becomes more
time-consuming.
Reviewing group communication Devito (1978: 338), states, "Communication in
groups takes place as an individual need, and is an important factor, because through
joint interaction, a collection of information is obtained to overcome individual and
group problems". While about the benefits of communication in groups Littlejohn
(1992: 297), emphasizes "group communication, is a way of thinking together quickly
in a compact in-group". It is clear that group communication, especially in primary
groups, is in line with the characteristics of rural communities in industrial locations.
The changing conditions of the village due to the emergence of symbols of
modernization do not diminish the substance of collective conversations within the
villagers. On any given occasion, villagers, motorcycle taxi drivers, food vendors and
other individuals gather to discuss village development issues, political developments
and the issue of factories laying off workers, labor demonstrations and other hot topics
around the village or outside their village.
When the communication group discussed industrialization with all its positive
and negative aspects, they were eager to react strongly to the socio-economic impact
of factories encroaching on the village, the factories being considered a major source
of disruption to the harmonious rural environment. On the other hand, some spoke in
defense of company workers who have been laid off and other treatment that is
considered inappropriate for workers or the surrounding village community.
Generally, young people, who have a direct or indirect interest in the operation of the
factory, are more likely to defend the workers than older people. In Feith and Castles'
(1988:46) view of youth, it is argued that, "young people are indeed at the forefront of
enthusiasm and courage". Geertz (1988: 412) further states: "youth are more effective
pioneers of social change than older generations". As a group that dares to act, youth
leaders in rural industrial locations have positional power among factory managers.
Group communication can take the form of a group of villagers with an opinion
leader as a reference point. Villagers have varied choices in group communication. On
the occasion of a rural gathering, community leaders or opinion leaders are usually
invited. Typically, the opinion leader is asked to give advice on everything related to the
ceremony. But they can also deliver actual messages related to the situation around the
village.
They insert messages from interest groups, or they also convey messages obtained from
other message sources, such as mass media, power relations and other relations with
interest groups in the village. In response to this prevalent situation in developing
countries, Diaz Bordenave (in Rogers, 1985:49), stated that communication is still
considered as an extension of government planners, and its main function is to gain
public support and public participation in the implementation of development plans.
However, it is not easy to convince the audience if what is presented is a message
that is not in accordance with their interests and is not in line with the prevailing socio-
cultural values in the community. Audiences will also look at the position of the opinion
leader who is speaking, because in villages various groups also have people who are
trusted in a limited community. Sometimes opinion leaders are trusted, but if the content
of the message conveyed is not in line with the will of the community, or is too often
conveyed in the community, then the audience will not be able to trust them various
occasions, then the message will simply be ignored.
In accordance with the changing situation, the community is free to discuss all
issues, including those that highlight the inequality of village governance.
Conversations can be held anywhere and with a variety of issues. This condition
makes people no longer hesitate to criticize everything around them. In this context,
Blumler (1982: 622) states that, "the freedom of the people to express their opinions is
greatly supported by the role of the mass media". Every time they talk about topics
that are developing and becoming public opinion. For example, in the house of one of
the villagers, in the evening, people gather to talk about the daily situation in the
village or outside the village, such as the election of the Village Head in another place.
They talk, criticize and also suggest solutions to government policies, industrial
downturns and crime news. The conversation is usually provoked by information from
someone, television information, newspapers or news from other sources.
Engagement in seeking information from other sources can also be seen when
people seek information from educated young people who are members of various
non-governmental organizations. They discuss the inequalities they face in their
neighborhoods or clarify mass media news. According to Lowery and DeFleur (1983:
285), "the mass media provoke conversations in their audiences, even though the
messages they broadcast have little or nothing to do with their communities".
Television as a source of information broadcasts more entertainment activities,
crime, economics and current political news. Political news is one broadcast among
various types of broadcasts that can provide individual awareness of the
democratization process in rural areas. In the view of Powel and Rebbeca (in
Mc.Quail, 1987: 413), "political news in the mass media is able to sensitize the public
to control various public policies". Political information from the mass media makes
people tend to encourage people to compare the socio-political situation in their
environment, in turn they dare to take action against injustice.
Rural and agricultural news on television is limited to information at the national
level that does not touch on rural and farmer issues. According to Rolling. Ascroft and
Chege (1985:79), "rural development services are centered on advanced farmers who
tend to be the most successful. They are regulars, so new information is always
channeled to them, which further increases their advantage of adopting innovations
early". Under factual conditions, the wet-rice farming community felt that information
about fertilizer subsidies was not felt very much, because the information was received
late. But even if news is received quickly, funds to buy fertilizer are not always
available. As a result, they regarded the subsidy news as mere knowledge.
On the other hand, wealthy farmers or traders in the countryside enjoy the
subsidies by buying fertilizer that is sold cheaper than the market price. Meanwhile,
farm laborers, sharecroppers and farmers who own small plots of land, buy it at market
prices that do not take into account the subsidy.
According to Triyono (1994: 74), "farmers are part of a subordinated society or a
peripheral society that is continuously dominated by state power". This troubling
condition is also recognized by Mubyarto (1988: 221) who, "is concerned about the
fate of farmers who are always regulated by the government from the production
process, marketing and even pricing". Farmers and rural areas are always in a position
to be exploited by various policies and interests of capital owners. Meanwhile, the
mass media does not have much attention to expose the problems of farmers, except in
the event of resistance by farmers and other prominent cases.
Some villagers admit that even if rural issues are often shown on television, they
prefer to change the entertainment channel. Broadcasts that exploit the hardships of
rural communities tend to be abandoned, while channels that show entertainment far
removed from the reality of their surroundings are favored.
They realize that life on the screen is a dream, beautiful to be enjoyed together, but
witnessing the reality of the village in the shackles of distress is also not an
entertaining spectacle. As stated by Newcomb and Hirsch (in Gurevitch and Levy,
1985: 276), "television is a spectacle that entertains regardless of the type of audience
faced". Television has a role in entertaining mass culture in various societal structures.
However, in a situation of freedom of information, political news is a program that is
quite attractive to rural audiences.
2.2.
Freedom of Communication and Transparency Information
During the reign of President Suharto, all information flows at the state level down
to the countryside were controlled by state power. With the ideology of security and
development stability, mass media and public talks were controlled by government
organs and dominant political power. Highlighting the information flow of the New
Order era, Djarot (2000:12), states "access to information can only be used freely by
institutions and individuals associated with power, the people must be kept away from
various sources of information". Information was mostly used to provide support to
those around state power and a certain group of elites.
Theoretically related to information control, McQuail (1988: 82) states that, "mass
media are often seen as effective tools of power because of their ability to convey
messages that can influence audiences". Given its strategic function, messages or
various news are loaded with inserts of ruling interests to support the stability of
power packaged in an integralistic frame and harmony of social life.
With an integralistic spirit in regulating various kinds of community life, the
freedom to obtain information is also not easy to obtain. Integralistic state thinking
according to Soepomo (in Feith and Castles, 1988:179), is as follows:
The spirit of mysticism, the spiritual structure of the Indonesian nation is and
aspires to the unity of life, the unity of kawulo and gusti, namely the unity between the
outer world and the inner world, between microcosm and macrocosm, between the
people and their leaders.
The country has its own idiosyncrasies due to the nature of its society. Therefore,
the politics of development must be adapted to the specific social structure of
Indonesian society. By favoring a specific culture, the state provides less space for
democratic expression. Instead, together with political parties and capital owners, the
state can act as an executor to assess the feasibility of information for the sake of
harmony and harmony of state life.
News that should be disseminated and accepted by the wider community, in the
view of power, is news that is selected and does not interfere with power and its
connections. The public's right to obtaining information depends on one-sided news
controlled by the government. Information in the countryside in the bonds of strong
political communication is also inseparable from the control of the lowest state power.
Goenawan Mohamad (1994:5) briefly states that "to limit the danger of the influence
of the press, the government exercises control over it, which can take various forms,
ranging from rules, recommendations, "telephone" institutions, to publication bans".
A similar opinion is expressed by Siregar (1989: 2), that "the interactive
relationship between press institutions and the government is a form of guidance, at
the extreme level of interactive guidance is the prohibition of publication". The mass
media is considered to have a great influence so that it is necessary to censor or control
the information that will be disseminated to its audience regardless of the originality of
the news.
Villagers are only given the right to disseminate information about efforts to
maintain traditional values. Even then, it has been dominated by formal figures who sit
in various village institutions, or opinion leaders who are subordinated to state power.
In terms of agriculture, villagers or village farmers are inseparable from detailed
bureaucratic arrangements. From the provision of fertilizers, grain prices, water
regulation to other obligations that are actually beyond the ability of the farming
community.
When President Soeharto stepped down from power and the behavior of
information controllers was required to change, there was freedom to obtain
transparent news. Connecting with the end of President Soeharto's reign, Haris (in
Ardiantoro, 1999:17), states, "the fall of President Soeharto, which was preceded by
the monetary and economic crisis in 1997-1998, has provided an opportunity to
reorganize political, economic and legal life". Everyone is free to seek and use
information regardless of social, economic and political backgrounds. Information is
not the dominance of state power, or the dominance of elites from interest groups
alone, but the right of all people. All news can flow freely as desired by the source of
the message.
Mass media that report on various social, economic and political events provide
knowledge to rural communities about the benefits of information in the life of society
and the state. This statement is supported by Alex S. Edelstein (in Suwardi, 1988: 71).
which states: "information sources can generally be evaluated not only on the basis of
their media credibility, but on the basis of their content, perception and existence".
Furthermore, it is argued that the medium of television is more appropriate for the
development of a perception, while newspapers are the medium that provides the most
message content widely and as long as the masses can be utilized. While the radio
medium is the most appropriate and easily obtained medium.
The situation of freedom in political communication, supported by the mass
media, encourages villagers to place information as one of the needs in social life. In
essence, villagers are no longer willing to accept unclear news. They try to find out
about everything that concerns life in the village. Not only about social life or village
economic issues, but they also seek news about the running of the government
correctly, from various reliable sources.
Efforts to seek social, economic and political information through various sources,
in line with the opinion of Blumler and Katz (1974: 19), "the use of information will
depend on the person who determines what medium to use and what he believes that
the medium will be useful for him or not". Thus, trust in information is also highly
dependent on the village community as the recipient of the message.
The information needs of village communities include complex information
related to socio-cultural life, economic life and local politics. In the perspective of
human rights contained in the International Convention on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights, it is stated: "All peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue
of this right, they may freely determine their political status and pursue their
economic, social and cultural development". (Azasi, 2001).
In line with this statement, in research on the waning of traditional societies in the
Middle East, Daniel Lerner (1988: 38) stipulates, "the three principal sectors in life to
distinguish the characteristics of traditional and transitional groups of society are
socio-economic, cultural and political". Thus, in examining rural life, especially in
industrialized villages, the phenomenon of interaction and communication cannot be
separated from social, economic and political issues.
3.
Information Needs Society:
Based on the description above, there are three types of information, news and
messages, namely socio-cultural information, village economic information and rural
political information. These three factors become the starting point for separating
interaction patterns and the types of conversations that always appear in industrial
location village communities.
3.1.
Social and Cultural Information :
Social and cultural information includes social interactions in daily community
life such as harmony, mutual cooperation, the life cycle of community activities from
birth to death and social attitudes towards industrialization in rural areas. According to
Gillin and Gillin (in Soekanto, 1981: 192), "social interaction is a dynamic social
relationship, concerning relationships between individuals, groups and between
individuals and human groups". The requirements for social interaction are social
contact and communication between individuals and groups.
Rural social life factors, including educational issues, sports, youth issues,
religious issues and tolerance of other religions. In essence, social life includes social
relationships that occur within the village community. Meanwhile, factors related to
the search for cultural information are the maintenance of local culture, traditional
beliefs in supernatural powers in various traditional ceremonies and the adoption of
mass culture from various print and electronic media.
The definition of culture according to Samovar and Porter (1991: 51), is as
follows:
Culture is a deposit or collection of knowledge, experiences, beliefs, values,
attitudes, meanings, hierarchies, religions, time conjectures, roles, place relationships,
universal concepts and material objects acquired by a large group of people from
generation to generation through individual and group efforts.
Culture encompasses all the results of institutionalized human activities, having
complex insights. Culture is a form of activity and behavior that serves as a model for
self-adjustment and communication styles in society that can endure over time.
3.2.
Economic Information Village:
Economic information needed or discussed between villagers and opinion leaders
includes: agricultural, industrial and trade issues that take place around the village or
outside the village but are conducted by local villagers. Village economies in different
situations show different characteristics.
The need for information shows the link between the living habits of the agrarian
sector and the pattern of factory activities that emphasize productivity, efficiency and
profit. Ideally, industrialization in villages can provide for the welfare of the
surrounding poor, as Mountjoy (1998:124) states, that "the dispersal of industrial sites
may be regarded as a more direct and healthier method of liberating rural areas from
underdevelopment". However, other more prominent reasons include the relatively
cheap price of land, surplus labor for the physical construction of factories and the
availability of other public facilities.
The interaction and adaptation of the agricultural community and factory activities
result in diverse information needs. The community needs agricultural information
covering the cycle of agricultural activities, plantations, including the price of
agricultural commodities as well as supporting agricultural and plantation
productivity.
On the other hand, villagers also need information about the industry, because
they feel the impact of the industry. In a study of agricultural villages near industrial
sites, Collier et.al, (1996:1), stated "rural landless families have at least one person
working outside the village, or in a factory or service job".
The esa community also needs information on trade in the village, which includes:
trade activities in the village such as various rural small businesses, house rentals, land
sales and others that support the rural economy.
3.3.
Political Information Rural:
Other information needed by villagers, in the dynamics of political
communication, is information on rural politics, which includes local power and
elections. Since the concept of the floating mass in rural communities is not enforced,
political party competition at the village level has become a transparent factor in the
life of rural communities rural society. Rural politics became a symbol of freedom and
democratization to make choices.
Political parties also had to work hard to strengthen their constituency base at the
village level. In contrast to the period before the 1999 elections, where at the village
level, there were no political party administrators or activities except for Golongan
Karya, which identified itself not as a political party, but as a kekaryan group
concerned with politics. Whatever the reason, Golkar is no different from other
political parties.
Addressing the political situation during President Soeharto's administration,
Malaranggeng (in Ardiantoro, 1999:77), stated:
The Political Act of 1985 was not democratic at all. The undemocratic nature of
the law can be seen in the limitation of parties to three, and among the three parties the
treatment was not the same. Golkar could reach the villages, while the other parties
could not. The bureaucracy became a political machine and the government
represented the regime with the concept of monoloyalty. As with the rest of the
apparatus, it was all organized through a system where the president determined
everything.
Various restrictions on political democratization were an attempt to stay in power.
As Saurip Kadi (2000:11) states, "in order to build and perpetuate power, President
Soeharto used a patrimonial pattern". However, when the freedom to express opinions
and make their own choices rolled around, patrimonial politics were increasingly
challenged, including from rural communities.
Opinion leaders who originally had the same orientation in the choice of political
parties, or if they did not share the same political views, they tended to be silent and
reserved towards politics, when the reformation rolled around, then opinion leaders
also entered the area of party ideology. It is even common for people to mention the
name of opinion leaders along with their party group.
