"Sure It's Foreign Music, but It's Not Foreign to Me " Understanding K-Pop
's Popularity in the U.S. Using Q Sort
Chapter 1: Introduction
Transnationalism is becoming mainstream in popular culture. Transnationalism is a
social phenomenon where economic, social and physical boundaries across nations and
cultures recede due to increased interconnectivity over various media platforms. These
traditional boundaries can no longer limit the spread of culture nor exchanges between
countries. With the advent of the Internet, Eastern countries can easily access Western culture
and vice versa. Now culture can spread rapidly, no longer confined to its country of origin.
Because transnationalism is a recent occurrence, there are many questions to consider
as cultures become more global. What is it about people who enjoy the popular culture of
another country? Why do they log into YouTube to watch artists sing in an incomprehensible
language? Why do they check their Instagram, Facebook, and Twitter accounts to see
whether there are updates about their favorite foreign artist? What compels fans to play a
foreign song repeatedly until they reach the stage of mimicking the sounds of the lyrics? In
short, what makes them connect with an unfamiliar culture, craving music and television
from a country they have never visited?
Certainly, some fans are motivated by being different, separating themselves
culturally from their native citizens. Others become acquainted with an exotic and
mysterious culture quite by accident, such as by following website links that pop up as they
surf the Internet. Others still simply follow their personal tastes in music and lifestyle. The
growth of borderless culture sharing, regardless of its intentions, is a phenomenon that
deserves deeper investigative research.
Such a study is the purpose of this paper. K-pop is a shortened form of the term
Korean pop, whose artists consist, not surprisingly, of Koreans or those of similar ethnicities
(some originate from other Asian countries, such as China and Japan), and who sing and
dance to Korean lyrics. K-pop has gained popularity in Peru, Mexico, the Philippines,
Malaysia, China, the U.K., France, Australia, and many other countries (Do, 2012, p. 31;
KOCIS 2011a, p. 48-50; KOCIS 2011b, p. 16-20). Though having enjoyed great popularity
for years in many countries, only after Psy’s “Gangnam Style” became a huge hit in 2012
was it introduced to U.S. mass audiences. Before then, K-pop was considered a minority pop
niche, of interest to only a few American fans (Austin, 2013, p.14). Whether Psy caused
American interest in K-pop or simply encouraged existing fans to declare their interest is
unclear; however, there is no doubt that K-pop’s popularity is growing in the U.S. and is
likely to integrate into American mainstream musical culture in the very near future (Google
Trend, 2016).
According to Times (2014), North Americans partake in Japanese culture, from what
they eat (i.e., sushi, sake) to what they watch (i.e., Japanese anime) and what they do (i.e.,
Judo). It is not a recent phenomenon, as Bennetts’ NY Times article (1982) addresses the
heavy influence of Japanese culture in the United States. Aligning with what Times (2014)
wrote, “Japan’s influence has even affected what people eat; the number of Japanese
restaurants in New York has more than tripled in the last five years, and hostesses are serving
sushi to guests who not so long ago would have muttered unflattering asides about raw fish”
(“Culture of Japan,” 1982). Bennetts (1982) writes that ideas from Japan are flourishing in
the United States, and 1982’s New York was heavily influenced Japanese themes as three
series, and two commercial films played in the city. The emergence of Japanese culture
popularity might be due to James Clavell’s “Shogun,” Bennetts writes.
It is not a surprise that many people in the United States consider Japanese culture as
a representation of Asian culture; due to the widespread of Japanese ideas and cultural
elements integrated into North Americans’ everyday life. Therefore, the study hopes to
reintroduce the Asian culture in the United States and increase awareness of Korean culture’s
rapid growth post its emergence.
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 3
So, what attracts North Americans to listen to K-pop? To understand the question and
the phenomenon, the attitudes and motivations of U.S. K-pop fans were analyzed using the
Q-sort methodology with two theories: uses and gratification and mood management.
Chapter 2: Context and Historical Overview
Cultural studies provide the tools needed to understand and interpret cultures (Kellner,
2011), and such studies show how the media portrays “dominant values, political ideologies,
and social developments and novelties of the era” (Kellner, 1995; 2010, p. 8). With K-pop
being a relatively new musical genre, especially in the West, comprehensive research on the
subject has thus far been limited. Even with existing K-pop research, the focus has been on
defining what K-pop is rather than on revealing why fans like it. While there is limited
information on the reasons behind its popularity with foreign audiences, there is sufficient
information to offer a brief overview of K-pop and perhaps to hazard an account for its
popularity, as well as to explore why K-pop set a precedent as a successful Korean cultural
export.
Defining Popular Music
Popular music, also known as ‘pop music’ or simply ‘pop,’ is a contemporary musical
genre that distinguishes itself from classical and folk music. Sometimes pop refers to Western
music, if only because Western popular music evolved into its modern form in Western
countries. The term, ‘pop music’ does not indicate a specific genre, sound or country of origin.
Indeed, it may include elements of rock, dance, R&B, hip-hop, rap, jazz, electronic music and
bossa nova, among other genres. If pop music generally refers to a contemporary Western
music, without certain line drawing limitation of the genre, how can the term, popular culture,
actually be conceptually defined? According to Kidd (2014):
The word popular is from the Latin populous, meaning “the people.” Historically, both
in Roman times and in other societies, “the people” referred not to all people, but rather
to a very specific and very large mass of poor and working people. It excluded a tiny
group of ruling elites, who were associated with a very different kind of culture
privileged set of cultural goods like paintings, classical music, literature, and other
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 5
forms of creative expression—that we now refer to as high culture. Everyone else had
what we now call folk culture—local music, crafts, oral traditions, morality plays, and
many other types of expression. If popular means the people, then popular culture could
be associated with this folk culture, and many analyses of popular culture do focus on
it (p. 5).
As Kidd (2014) explains, popular culture was a local folk culture that was largely
consumed by working class people rather than minor elites. Popular culture was an easily
accessible product that represented the civilization of everyday lives of common people.
According to Kidd (2014), elite culture products such as classical music and literature differed
from popular culture, which were more inclusive of crafts and oral traditions. The majority of
expressions were both created and consumed by commoners, making the folk culture a
representative cultural expression. This led folk culture to form itself as popular culture,
eventually becoming an inclusive term of high elite products as well. Therefore, it must be
understood that “culture is much broader than just high culture and much bigger than just the
sacred” (Kidd, 2014, p. 6).
An object or a product can become a cultural object if it qualifies five dimensions that
lead to potency: retrievability, rhetorical force, resonance, institutional retention, and resolution
(Schudson, 1989, p. 160). Retrievability means whether the general public can obtain the
content. Rhetorical force asks whether the content is powerful, with resonance referring to its
familiarity to the public. It is seen to have institutional retention if it has the ability to become
the norm and understood to have a resolution if it calls for action (Kidd, 2014; Schudson, 1989).
Therefore, culture is not only inclusive of high culture and has sacred values, but also an
ordinary, everyday product that can provide an institutional retention (Kidd, 2014; Williams,
2011). Moreover, music, being a most common form of cultural expression, is understood as a
product that partakes in the largest proportion of culture.
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 6
American Pop: The History
In the 20th century, American music played a significant role in establishing the
dominance of American culture and in advancing social change (English, 2014). Before then,
many American popular songs were imported from England (or based on English models), as
they were during the colonial, revolutionary, and federal periods (American Popular Song, n.d.).
By the beginning of the 17th century, however, people started to emigrate to the U.S. from
places other than the U.K., such from Spain and France and later Ireland and Germany, among
other countries. Although these new immigrants brought new styles and instruments with them
(Introduction to America’s Music, p. 1), some researchers site the origins of American pop
culture starting during the late 18th century during the Industrial Revolution, when people
migrated en masse to major cities (McAdams, 2014). Still, although it is impossible to identify
the precise moment when a clearly identifiable American music genre appeared, it can be said
that American music is an amalgam of many musical styles and forms. This “cross cultural
hybridization [which] has flourished (in) American popular music” is what constitutes
American popular music today (Introduction to America’s Music, n.d., p. 1).
In other words, American pop music cannot be categorized as a single musical genre. It
embraces most musical styles that listeners are familiar with, but is unique because it is
constantly evolving and changing, creating new genres along the way. For instance, the Civil
War was a pivotal time for American music since people from many regions met and traded
musical styles and practices. In the 1920s, the migration of African-Americans brought jazz to
cities such as Chicago and New York, and by the 1930s, swing jazz was popular with African-
American blues morphing into gospel music. Similarly, country and western developed in the
early 20th century by white working-class Americans, and in the 1950s, rock ‘n’ roll and R&B
(rhythm and blues) arrived, emerging from earlier musical styles such as country and gospel
(Introduction to America’s Music, pp. 1-3). In fact, American music is still evolving, shaped
and influenced by social and artistic elements too numerous to mention.
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 7
The meaning of pop may differ depending on the time and the location of its
composition. For instance, pop music in the 1920s to the 1950s was widely understood to mean
jazz, whereas rock and R&B emerged after the Second World War (Pop music, 2012),
displacing jazz as the leading form of popular music.
According to Kallen, Jerry Wexler, the Billboard magazine record journalist, first came
up with the term rhythm and blues in 1947. Wexler’s job was tracking weekly sales of pop
music when he coined the name for the particular genre. Kallen also adds that the term was
frequently used to describe the wide range of musical sounds (2014). After Billboard created
the R&B genre chart in 1949, many songs were categorized as R&B. However, the sounds of
the songs widely varied, only sharing some common characteristics. Kallen writes:
First, all the songs were created by African Americans, who employed various vocal
techniques such as raw shouts, excited emotional pleas, and sweet harmonies. Second,
the majority of the lyrics about drinking, loving, and rocking and rolling were
considered controversial by mainstream America. And third, whether the song was slow
and sweet or fast and gritty, nearly every early R&B hit featured two common musical
elements that originated in blues music: strong backbeats and melodies based on the
twelve bar blues progression (2014, p. 12).
Kelley argues that “rap/hip hop, the post-civil rights, a postmodern continuation of
African American musical forms, a direct descendant of the soul, R&B, gospel, and blues”
(2005, p.9) are an outcome of “America’s urban Bantustans [Black states]” (Kelley, 2005, p.9).
Contemporary music is thus rooted heavily in African American’s culture that became a vital
part of America. In addition, as Harvard University Business School’s researchers suggested in
1972, any music form does not stay static:
“Soul music is one of the very few basic art forms which is indigenous to America,
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 8
although its own roots may be traced to Africa. It has been and probably will continue
to be a vital and influential force on contemporary music. And Soul is by no means a
static music form. It too will change” (Kelley, 2002, p. 9).
Music eventually evolves into the new musical genre, and with no surprise, R&B
opened up a new genre of music: rock ‘n’ roll. According to Altschuler, teenagers of the 1960s
were “unwilling to be policed or patronized” (2003, p. 186), and rock ‘n’ roll was perfect for to
reclaim their stance while blurring and redefining “racial, sexual, and generation boundaries”
(p. 161). Alschuler (2003) adds:
In the ensuing decades, rock ‘n’ roll demonstrated its persistent power and its pre-teen
appeal. Rock ‘n’ roll was present at the creation of the 1960s, when “the shook-up
generation” transformed an inchoate sense of disaffection and dissatisfaction into a
political and cultural movement. Indeed, it is impossible to imagine the ‘60s in the
United States without rock ‘n’ roll. The music and now the lyrics were sometimes the
backdrop but often the inspiration as well for love-ins, sit-ins, demonstrations, the
destruction of draft cards, tuning in, turning on, and taking off. Somehow, through
music and other stimulants to the soul, young people sought to bring together, “right
now,” a nation dived by race and class, and by regional and local values (p. 186).
From mellow melody music that sang about love to loud shouts about sex and rebellions,
popular music of America changed within the short time. The popular music in the 50s was
R&B, whereas the 60’s were a haven for rock ‘n’ roll. Therefore, popular music is a genre that
people like listening to, so pop music is simply music that people enjoy listening to at the
present time (Moore, 2003). After an unspecified interval, popular music passes into history as,
say, the ‘classic rock’ has, and, although it is still enjoyed by many, it is by no means a current
mainstream taste. This means any musical genre that the public enjoys during the particular
time will become the popular music that represents that era.
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 9
American Pop: Influence on the World Music
To describe “the escapist quality of Hollywood cinema and television, to the childlike
innocence as embodied by Disney, and to the refreshing taste of Coca-Cola, the metaphor of
American pop culture as a wave that ‘washes over you and makes you feel good’” is commonly
used (Kooijman, 2008, p. 22). Whether American pop culture gained popularity globally
because it “washes over you and makes you feel good”, or because the individual values of
Americanism were attractive, that is yet unknown. However, it is clear that Americanization is
happening on a global level. Kooijman argues that “rather than transforming the world into
another USA, thereby replacing national, local, and regional cultures, American pop culture
presents itself” (2008, p. 39). American pop culture presenting itself does not necessarily mean
that it is uninfluential in the other nations’ popular culture contents. Kooijman is rather arguing
that American popular culture is not taking over the global cultural product and making it
homogeneous; instead, it is spreading among nations, diffusing its influence and assisting the
formulation of new cultural content. The combination of Americanism and local, regional
culture is thus anticipated to create a new cultural product. In other words, through musical
globalization, the boundaries between cultures are becoming gray (Guilbault, 1993).
The concept of globalization divides into two perspectives: globalization and
glocalization. Globalization refers to cultural homogeneity (Ritzer, 2003), and glocalization
means the opposite, global heterogeneity (Robertsons, 1995). In short, Ritzer argues that the
worldwide market that consume similar products in an alike environment is an result of
American style capitalism (2003). This, however, is contradictory to Robertsons that “global
consumer products are not consumed passively, but translated into local context and idioms
[…] reflecting experiences of local cultures” (Kooijman, 2008, p. 12). Both Ritzer and
Robertons have valid arguments, but one may hold more relevant perceptions depending what
cultural product is being discussed.
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 10
When music industry is the subject, Robertsons and his global heterogeneity
glocalization hold explanation that is more valid. Current music industry operates with the
hybrid local-and-global structure allowing regional artists to be more accessible on a global
level (Dolfsma, 2000). The need for local singers to defy geographic boundaries and target
international market would have helplessly failed if the music industry had been already
Americanized. The influence of American popular music is undeniable at a global level, with
the prevalent ideology of being American equaling universal. Regardless of American music’s
effect on multi-nation music industry growth, each country embraced the Americanism and
integrated it with their unique culture sense. Globalization in this sense, after all, “is a process
of interdependence and mutual awareness” (Guillen, 2001, p. 4; Morris, 2014) and as well as
“a process of societies adapting, reinterpreting, and responding to Western cultures as making
Western ideologies applicable in one's unique culture” (Morris, 2014, p.244; Ustuner & Holt,
2010).
Teen Pop Music and Its Consumers
As the age of rock ‘n’ roll slowly faded, a new genre titled “teen pop” took its place
and became a major music genre for adolescents and pre-adolescents. Teen pop is a form of
“commercial music written for and consumed mostly” by young teens (Denisoff, 1975; Vannini
& Myers, 2002, para.1). Teenagers relate and identify the music genre with themselves
particularly because of the lyrics. After all, music creates a feeling of personal and social
identity (Mulder et al., 2009) and works as a status symbol within the peer culture (Brown &
O’Leary, 1971; Mulder et al., 2009). To maintain their position in the social circle, the
adolescence tries to increase their knowledge about the songs and singers over time. After all,
musical choice determines who the individual are within the peer culture; the selected musical
taste define constructing inner self-meaning and form reality (Grossberg, 1986; Vannini &
Myers, 2002). However, teen pop is not an exclusive musical genre only open to teenagers.
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 11
More so, adults also develop an interest in the music and style. The teen pop consumption
within adults may be demonstrated as a way to refuse social aging (Thornton, 1995; Vroomen,
2004) or a “lifelong struggle for peer recognition” (Frith, 1996; Mulder et al., 2009, p.3). Also,
it is important to acknowledge that music not only provides a sense of identity and social
belonging, but it is also understood as most preferred indoor activity (North et al., 2000).
The celebrity of those who create teen pop music also plays a role in its popularity.
Celebrities become social mentors in a social context. People strive to dress and behave how
the celebrities are represented in media. As Goodin-Smith cites Sternheimer,
“We see celebrities as role models— often we love judging and condemning them, as
much as, if not more than, aspiring to be like them…Rather than just having personal
influence over individual behavior, talk about celebrities reveals central sociological
issues within American society” (Sternheimer, 2011; Goodin-Smith, 2014, p. 27).
This phenomenon is sometimes negatively evaluated in the sense that people lose their
individual uniqueness during the process of mimicking after a certain celebrity, but it certainly
does have some positive effects that cannot be ignored. For instance, Disney stars encouraged
many children to start caring for the planet after they themselves demonstrated the need (Ryan
& Edmunds, 2010). Blue quotes Gary Marsh, the President of Disney Channels Worldwide,
and argues that Disney aims to produce a star celebrity through its competitive and systemized
star manufacturing steps:
“For most people who act, getting a television show is the end product . . . For us, it’s
the launch pad” (qtd. in Rose “Disney Channel’s”). His job is not to produce programs,
“it's to build franchises and stars” (qtd. in Rose “Disney Channel’s”). The commercial
imperative is clear in Marsh’s perspective that the network is not just creating
exceptional content. Disney Channel is nurturing aspirational stars via transmedia
franchises designed to provide multiple, related revenue streams (Blue, 2013, p. 260).
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 12
Therefore, Disney production strives to fulfill the musical needs of teen pop consumers,
while creating idealistic stars who can mentor through parasocial lives and make a profit
through the successful manufacturing system. The buying power of teen pop consumers has
constantly increased, allowing the genre to be “commercially successful enough to be featured
on the Billboard Top 200” (Vannini & Myers, 2002, para. 15). Wright also noted that teenagers
became the largest music and music-related product consumer in 1995, resulting in twelve
billion dollar sales (1997). In addition, the older fans play a huge role in increasing live music
and concert events’ revenue because they can afford to access music through those venues
(Lamont et al., 2003). So, if both teens and adults support teen pop, which gender does it target
more?
Goodin-Smith questions why male Disney stars such as Ryan Gosling, Justin
Timberlake, and Zac Efron made a safe and successful transition from Disney star to mature
careers, whereas female Disney heroines such as Britney Spears, Lindsay Lohan, and Miley
Cyrus faced hardships during the same transitional process (2014). It is undeniable that people
innately have unconscious sexism (Bem & Bem, 1970) and believe men are valued more than
women (Rudman, 2004). Previously Goldberg (1968) proved that “women consider themselves
inferior to men, and think men are better at everything” (p.30) through his gender perception
research. His research suggested that women valued articles written by male professions more
positively than the same articles that were said to be written by female professionals.
The replicated study by Levenson, Burford, Bonno, and Davis revealed that females
over-evaluated female professional’s essay more positively than male, suggesting the
perception of women changed during the women’s movement (1975). However, many current-
day scholars argue women still see themselves as less than men and prefer selecting an
authoritative male to their same gender. Therefore, it is easier for the enterprising male
celebrities to win the public hearts, whereas the female celebrities are expected to “maintain
their ‘good girl’ status by doing as they are told without pushback, assuming more docile roles
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 13
by playing nice and executing domestic tasks” (Goodin-Smith, 2014, p.2). Goodin-Smith refers
to what Bell cited from Brian Atebery that “heroes are male because that has been the
considered choice, the norm, for American self-hood. Woman is the exception; man is the
default setting” (Bell, 1995; Goodin-Smith, 2014, p.2). Because women traditionally and
subconsciously believe that they are inferior to men, and understand their duty is to assist the
main male character in life, women generally lean positively and heavily on men’s presence.
The society, thus, allows wider bandwidth to male stars than female celebrities. This bandwidth
difference may cause male celebrities to be more resilient after major mistakes whereas it may
be difficult for female starts to resume their position even after minor faulty actions. This may
be one reason why male Disney stars’ transition to the mature phase in celebrity life faced fewer
bumps than their fellow female Disney stars. Moreover, because the opposite sex attracts the
other, the entertainment industry composed heavily of successful male celebrities draw females
in more than male.
Although it is incorrect to say that male stars outnumber female artists, it is true that
women are significantly underrepresented than the opposite gender through sexual
objectification, stereotypes, or underrepresentation (Jarman-Ivens, 2013). Not only females
dominate in supplemental roles in media, but even number also under-represents them. Lauzen
(2008) argues that only 37 percent of prime time television had female characters in it, and
Jarman-Ivens suggests that only 39.4 percent of roles on prime time were played by females
(2013). Therefore, it may be incorrect to say there are more male celebrities than female stars.
On the other hand, it is correct to argue that females are significantly underrepresented, making
the industry look male oriented. Another explanation for male success in the entertainment
industry is the different consumption tendency among gender. Lamont, Hargreaves, Marshall,
and Tarrant suggest that:
Listening was confined largely to popular styles of music (pop, dance, rock, R&B): only
around 10 percent of the sample as a whole reported listening to classical or jazz music,
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 14
and this figure decreased across the year groups. Girls were more likely than boys to
report listening to pop and R&B music, whilst boys were more likely to report listening
to rock music (2013, p. 237)
First, the consumption of pop music is increasing, whereas the elitist musical genre as
classic is decreasing. Secondly, even within the increased pop music consumption, girls are the
main consumers of pop. Because people have innate sexist behavior (Bem & Bem, 1970) and
socially believe that men are more valuable than women (Rudman, 2004), it is assumable that
girls prefer listening to male singers and fantasize over male stars. Therefore, mainly female
consumers compose the entertainment industry, especially in the teen pop music genre.
Korean Popular Culture
In Korea, popular music started to develop in 1910, when the country lost its sovereignty
to Japan. Although the cultural and musical adaptation began then, it continued until Korea’s
independence and Japan’s defeat in the Second World War. For Korea, the critical period of
musical culture is said to be around 1925-1945, when Korean popular music started to show its
commercial elements. Korea was developing a unique flavor of popular music known as
“taejung kayo” as early as 1935 (Lee, 2006).
The history of taejung kayo occurred in four stages. First, Korean lyrics were
added to foreign melodies, initially in 1905 while under Japan’s control. Mostly the songs
talked about sentiments of love, emptiness and natural beauty. The second step for Korean
popular music was when Korean composers started to create their original music. Third,
new folk songs took the central stage (t’urot’u), and fourth, the years during colonial rule
added in new and unique elements to Korean sentiments (Lee, 2006).
Taejung kayo cannot be defined simply as ‘commercial production’ or ‘mass
music,’ elements of which have roots in traditional genres such as p’ansori (epic storytelling
through song), minyo (folk songs), and chapka (professional folk songs) (Lee, 2006). All the
traditional genres are categorized as kugak, which means national music. Kugak was the
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 15
traditional sound that represented Korea until Westernization seeped in towards the end of
Chosun Dynasty (Lie, 2014).
Unlike traditional genres with Korean roots, Taejung kayo was developed under
the influence of Japan’s culture, and despite the unfamiliarity and differences with
traditional songs [kugak], young Koreans quickly adapted to the new style. Although
taejung kayo has its base in Japan, it contains the cries of a colonized country, separating
itself from any other musical sounds. With popular music embodying the experience and
desire of the suppressed masses, taejung kayo continues to be popular with many Koreans,
throughout the generations. However, it is salient to note that contemporary Korean music
is nothing like current or traditional Japanese pop. Although taejung kayo did form under
Japan’s influence, the musical genre was created with Western influence, not necessarily
only with traditional Japan’s musical elements.
Although Japan played a significant role in spreading and cultivating the taejung
kayo, musical influences on Korea were not limited to one country. America’s presence was
the most important influence, particularly during the post-Japanese colonial period. Japan
was fast in adopting Western culture around the late 1880s. It is important to understand
that Japan was already westernized before colonizing Korea. As Japan won the war against
China and Russia, the nation took control of a small peninsula country, Korea, which is
located between them and China in early 1900. As Japan started to control Korea, the
Japanese were intolerant of differences and prohibited any Korean-ness, even within Korea.
Japan enforced Koreans to change their names into Japanese, controlled the government and
the politics, and monitored the language, culture, and music as well (Lie, 2014). Not only
that, Koreans had to worship the Japanese emperor and pledge loyalty to the Japanese
imperialism (Sung, 2008). The Koreans were also banned from expressing sadness and
crying in lyrics due to Japanese government’s fear in what emotions it may stir (Lee, 2006).
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 16
This implementation forcefully ripped the Korean national music, kugak, out of
Korea and planted Japan’s understanding of westernized sounds instead. Japan adopted
western elements because “western choral music was not only a mark of modernization
useful for catching up with and, ultimately, overtaking the west, but also a means of
shaping ethical, loyal subjects” (Lie, 2014, p.13). That is why Japan was so interested in
Western music, rather than teaching Japan’s traditional music form to Koreans. They
wanted a modern, westernized, but a loyal “Japanistic” dependent state and control over
music was the way to achieve it.
Lie also argues that no historical records show when exactly western elements first
arrived in Korea without Japan introducing them. However, the records do prove that
Western Christianity and missionaries had already arrived in Korea around the late 1880s,
when Japan, as well, was familiarizing itself with the foreign culture. After Korea
emancipated in 1945,
European music became more prevalent through vigorous Christian missionary works
(2004). Therefore, to young Koreans, America was the symbol of modernity. It was a symbol
of freedom, as well as a refusal on Japan’s restriction on music and culture. The entrance of
Hollywood movies and jazz captivated urban youths as well as intellectuals after the
emancipation, and America became the standard for Korean cultural legitimacy. After the
Second World War, new features of American pop culture, such as jazz and ballroom
dancing, began to reform Japanese urban customs, which quickly spread to current Korea’s
popular culture (Chua & Cho, 2012).
Therefore, Korean pop culture is neither antithetical to nor reproductive of
American pop. The popular culture “has historically been open to influences outside the
region, and indeed outside the continent” (Chua & Cho, 2012, p.492). With adaptive
influences from many countries, Korea “finally cemented its distinctive style and was ready
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 17
to move on to the global stage with popular songs, taejung kayo, that were a blend of
established Korean practice and a contemporary Western language” (Lee, 2006, p. 8).
Current day “K-pop” is thus an outcome created during colonization, honed through
the Christianity movement, elaborated during industrialization and Westernization, and
completed through globalization. Through this process, K-pop placed itself as music genre
that represents hope and freedom of the Koreans. As Fuhr argues:
K-pop is mainstream music in South Korea. Initially modeled for the teenager
market, this music of the country’s youth has become the most pervasive music in
Korea, effectively shaping the sonic public sphere, the musical tastes among
different generations, and the imaginative worlds of its consumers and producers
(2015, p. 3).
K-pop is not just a song, but it is a genre that “fulfills both the eyes and ears, like a musical
production” (Kang, 2010; Fuhr, 2015, p. 82). Moreover, similar to European music that
represented freedom to previous Koreans; contemporary Korean music now works as a
symbol of democratization to North Koreans. K-pop signals freedom to the restrained North
Koreans. Therefore, the Korean government knowingly and purposefully blasts K-pop music
towards North Korea to stimulate interest (Lee, 2016).
Modern Day K-pop: Outsourcing
The new generation of Korean songwriters and producers learned from the global music
industry and incorporated those lessons into Korean music. This eventually led to the creation
of appealing sounds that differentiated Korean music from other pop songs. In other words, K-
pop became a product of cross-pollination and “cultural hybridity” (Oh & Park, 2013, p. 12).
According to Oh and Park, like many large corporations, K-pop companies outsource
Western composers to “combine Swedish and English melodies, English lyrics and percussion
styles, and U.S. beats and lyrics” (2013, p.9). The stylistic aspects are borrowed from many
countries along with their best pop-song structures, and sometimes even the producers
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 18
themselves are hired from the global music industry. For example, SM Entertainment works
with Teddy Riley and Polow da Don. YG Entertainment and JYP Entertainment work with
will.i.am and Rodney “Darkchild” Jerkins, and Nick Cannon, respectively. SM Entertainment
contracted with Busbee, Alex James, Kalle Engstrom, Tomas Troelsen and many other
prominent composers, and YG and JYP work with Daishi Dance and Claude Kelly, respectively.
Not only are producers and composers hired from a global pool, but their choreographers have
also been acknowledged as worldwide professionals: Nick Bass works for SM and Jonte for
JYP (Do, 2012, p.33; Oh & Park, 2013, p.6). The collaborations of Korean entertainment
companies and foreign composers and producers led to huge successes. According to Fuhr
(2015):
Most recent hit singles (released between 2009 and 2014) were among Girls
Generation’s “Genie,” “Run Devil Run,” “Hoot,” and “I Got a Boy”; BoA’s “Eat You
Up,” “Copy and Paste,” and “Hurricane Venus” SHINee’s “Juliette” and f(x)’s “New
ABO”; EXO’s “Wolf”; Super Junior’s “Candy”; and Red Velvet’s “Happiness.” They
were all co-written by songwriter teams from Sweden, Norway, and Denmark. The
latest K-Pop songs in collaboration with U.S. producers and artists include JYJ’s “Ayyy
Girl” by Kanye West, Rihanna's “Dr. Feelgood,” “Girls Generation’s “The Boys,” and
Super Junior’s “Mamacita” by Teddy Riley, Se7en’s “Girls” with Lil’ Kim, and 2nel’s
collaboration with will.i.am from The Black Eyed Peas on “Take the World On” and
“Gettin’ Dumb” (p. 83).
Moreover, the joint work between foreign music producers and K-Pop entertainment
showed forty percent increase (from 10% to 50%), and one out of twelve K-Pop songs was
stated to be written by an overseas composer in 2011 (Fuhr, 2015; Oh, 2011). Do states that,
in 2012, due to imported Western talent, K-pop is more global and westernized with its own
flavor of “Pop Asianism” (p. 4; p.12). In other words, K-pop has musical elements that can
attract diverse audiences.
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 19
Modern Day K-pop: English
English, to be sure, plays a considerable role in the Korean music industry. Most of the
idol groups have English names, their individual names are usually in English, and the artists
speak fluent English. K-pop is majorly written in Korean lyrics − unless the producers
intentionally create an English, Chinese, or Japanese version of the song − but some English
are added to the Korean versions to make them appealing to the international audiences (Leung,
2012). In addition, as Fuhr adds, not only is English widely used in group names and individual
artists’ performance pseudonyms, English is frequently used in song titles (2015). Distinct
Asian features of the artists and the “Asian-ness” are married to a Western-like sound, allowing
Korea to fill a marketing gap between Western and East-Asian music industries (Oh & Park,
2013). Moreover, Fuhr argues, “English successfully constructs such a sophisticated image of
K-Pop and builds a linguistic gateway through which international fans can easily connect with
the songs” (2015, p. 66). This means that English works as a linguistic bond between the
international audience and the Korean singers, especially in K-pop. Not only does English
effectively establishes a common ground between the providers and the listeners, but English
also conveys a different meaning, as Fuhr wrote in 2015:
Similarly, Jamie Shinhee Lee (2004) argued in her socio-linguistic study of K-Pop lyrics
that English is used to express positions of asserted and liberated self and unsettled
identities (i.e., sexual desire, self-indulgence, and resistance to the prevailing social
norms and values), “whereas Korean lyrics (in the same song) represent a reserved,
wholesome, and introspective conformist’s view” (Lee, 2004, p. 446).
Beyond this dichotomy of discursive functions, in which English is used to convey a
sense of globality, modernity, or Westernness and Korean is used to represent locality,
conservatism, or Easternness, the forms and functions of English-mixing, as Lee stated,
are more heterogeneous (p. 65).
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 20
However, mixing English in Korean broadcasting was rather uncommon in the early
1990s, and the rare phenomena of mixing Korean and English in Korean songs gained rapid
growth starting mid-1990s (Jin & Ryoo, 2014). Although the Korean language composes the
major part in K-pop and English is only integrated to create a catchy phrase or a section, the
phenomena of mixing two languages persist today (Fuhr, 2015).
Modern Day K-pop: Idolism
The source of K-pop’s popularity lies with idol groups. The “idol” culture is
prominent in Korea, and major entertainment companies like SM, JYP, YG, Woollim, Cube
Entertainment, select and train teenagers to debut in groups rather than as individual artists.
From casting to debut, the entertainment industry perfects its young acts, applying a
paternalistic system that disciplines its stars, encourages them to get along, steers them clear
of drinking and driving, and censures drug-use and scandals (Ahn, 2011; Ono & Kwon,
2013). As a result, K-pop training is a holistic education that treats the whole person,
inculcating values and etiquette as well as performance techniques in the young artists
(Hong, 2014). Teenage trainees spend five to 10 years preparing to become singers, a
regimen that includes not only singing and dancing but also acting and personal development
(Ono & Kwon, 2013; Seo, 2012).
Not only must the individual band members have excellent singing or rapping
skills, but their appearance must also be polished — to attract fans of the opposite gender.
The word “group” cannot be detached from K-pop because, while few Western bands have
more than five members, K-pop groups usually have much more, sometimes as many as 13
(Hogarth, 2013). In an interview conducted by Hogarth (2013), when he asked a manager of
a large music shop why Koreans go for groups rather than solo artists, he was told:
“Individual performers look shabby and lonely whereas groups are fun. You see, the more,
the merrier!” (p. 145). Indeed, the Asian value of collectivism and ‘groupism’ is integrated
into the industry’s soul, which prefers large groups to single artists, and this alone separates
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 21
K-pop from Western music. Furthermore, groups are created strategically with each
member assigned according to his or her strengths (e.g., singer, dancer, and rapper), and the
music is designed to integrate with and accentuate the multiple roles and styles of
individual group members (Lee, Choi, Hu & Downie, 2013). Because of a focus on
appearance and choreography, K-pop boy bands are often misunderstood as imitations of
American male groups, such as Backstreet Boys and ‘N Sync (Anderson, 2014). Relatively,
“New Kids on the Block, for example, is not entirely synchronized in their choreography.
Even in Justin Timberlake’s performances, the dancers are a bit off. The United States does
not have singers who dance really well, and J-pop bands don’t dance well either; they don’t
practice,” says Shin, according to Hong (2014, p. 130).
However, dancing well enough is not good enough for K-pop bands. Every move is
timed to the split-second, and the synchronization is flawless. Moreover, K-pop groups are
differentiated from other groups by representing specific cultures and using group concepts
that generalize Asian cultures. More importantly, they use a binary vocabulary to describe
their members as ‘cute’ and ‘pretty,’ or ‘beastly’ and ‘aggressive,’ to appeal to young
audiences (Anderson, 2014). Indeed, not only do individual members acquire such epithets,
the group itself is divided into “flower” or “animal” categories, and girl groups assigned to
either “cute” or “sexy.” What is more, individual singers must abide by the group’s concept
and act or speak to satisfy the needs of fans. Within the category, each member of a K-pop
boy group is given an idealistic personality that many girls desire − a sensitive and gentle
man, or one who is masculine and forceful, or something in between. The more members
the group has, the more likely it can embody the desires of its fans, a philosophy that
applies to girl groups as well, which are designed to appeal to idealized male fantasies.
Most important of all, the idols must personify the “chakhan” kid, which is an honest,
principled youth, implying innocence. Chakhan is a more subtle concept than simply being
“good”; it has spiritual and metaphysical overtones and embodies respect for and
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 22
conformity to traditional social values (Hong, 2014). In fact, Koreans position themselves
as either ‘good boy’ or ‘good girl,' so that the value of chakhan is an onerous image to live
up to. Once a K-pop idol breaks the implied boundaries of chakhan, he or she is no longer
welcome in the group. However, since the stars prepare from a young age, it is rare to find
rebellious idols in the K-pop world. Every idol has his or her talents, appealing personality,
interesting stories, and matinee looks — enough to position themselves as plausible
fantasies in the frenetic world of K-pop stardom. Indeed, not only are they are called K-pop
“idols,” their fans revere them and worship like idols, with their fans showing little
tolerance for defamation and heresy (Shim et al., 2013). As the group grows in popularity,
the fans’ obsession deepens, so that:
The most popular K-pop groups make repeated rounds of TV appearances not
only on the music shows but also on the weekend game and variety shows. Retail
stores display life-size cutouts of the idols, and their photos appear on product
advertisements, and even on the products themselves. They are cast as actors and
actresses in dramas and selected by government agencies to represent Korea as
“cultural” or “PR ambassadors” (Shin & Kim, 2013, p. 256).
Therefore, the idols became the essential part of media studies of stars as they take a role in
film and television productions (Dyer, 1979). Thus, the term “idol” became
interchangeable with the terminology; “star.” Koojiman writes (2008):
Stars are the products of the culture industry, a marketing tool to sell films,
television shows, pop songs, and, in extension, soft drinks, fashion, and other
consumer products to a large market. […] Star image contains a wide range of
meanings, which can include conflicting values and fantasies. Stars are
constructed as being both ordinary, enabling fans to identify with them, and
extraordinary, enabling fans to admire them (p. 27).
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 23
Modern Day K-pop: Fandom
Loyalty to a specific group or singer plays a significant role in K-pop culture. The
term “fan,” derived from ‘fanatic,' is used to define anyone “who is an enthusiastic, ardent,
and loyal admirer of an artist” (Reysen & Branscombe, 2010, p.177). “Fanship” is an
indication of a fan’s interest and is identified with other fans (fandom), entitativity, and
collective happiness – that is, fanship means an individual’s personal connection with the idol
singers. Moreover, it implys the reference of an individual’s connection with other fans who
share their reasons for fanship (Reysen & Branscombe, 2010).
Fanship has also been defined as “an affiliation in which a great deal of emotional
significance and value are derived from group membership” (Hirt et al., 1992, p. 725;
Jacobson, 1979). Fandom forms “one of the principal media of collective identification in
modern society and has become a principal source of meaning in life for many fans” (Adler
& Clark, 2007, p. 280; Dunning et al., 1986, p. 222). Being a K-Pop fan, particularly, means
creating one’s own personal brand. By identifying as a K-pop fan, the fan takes on a
“certain preconceived identity, adding to or subtracting from the K-pop fan stereotype”
(Chan, 2014, p.121). Indeed, avid hardcore K-pop fans may devote considerable time to the
K-pop singers or groups they follow, showing intense interest in their fanship and sharing
emotions within the fandom, unlike casual K-pop listeners who may enjoy the song but
show little interest in the K-pop idol.
The fanatic K-pop fans expressed their support for their particular idol through
“organized fan chants, rhythmic waving of colored balloons, banners, light sticks, and other
fan paraphernalia” (Fuhr, 2015, p.2) not to mention uncontrolled screaming during the
performances. The chants, the color of the balloons and the organization of fan paraphernalia
are systematically decided by the idol’s fan clubs as a competition to other idol’s fan clubs.
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 24
Moreover, this is possible because each pop stars of certain popularity are usually entitled
with their own fan clubs (Fuhr, 2015).
Modern Day K-pop: Social Media
K-pop, once a relatively obscure genre outside of Korea is now appreciated in many
countries, thanks to easy media access through websites such as YouTube (Lee, Choi, Hu &
Downie, 2013). YouTube has certainly encouraged K-pop, a fact illustrated in Ono and Kwon’s
article (2013):
YouTube itself is very friendly towards K-pop. They created a K-pop genre in
the music category, which only consists of genres such as pop, rock, R&B, rap,
folk, and Latin. K-pop is the first genre to be created for a particular country (p.
207).
With media websites like YouTube paving the way for K-pop, the genre is becoming
widely popular among music lovers around the globe. From user-generated content Websites
to peer-to-peer networks, channels such as Facebook and Twitter takes a primary role to
disseminate global contents. Indeed, they have recently become the fastest growing media
platforms to advertise global cultural products (Jin, 2012; Jung, 2011).
Newspaper reports attribute K-pop’s global popularity to its being “less foreign than
Japanese or Western music,” suggesting a “cultural proximity” between them (Pease, 2006,
p. 176). Pease also notes that global K-pop has no explicit Korean flavor, but is considered
“culturally odorless” or as “Asianized Western” models of pan-regional modernity (p. 176).
The “Korean national flavor” is possibly eliminated because most songs feature English
phrases either in the title or rap verses, most of the band names are in English, and the music
genre is a mixture of R&B and hip-hop. Regardless of its lack of Koreanness, K-pop has
distinctive high-quality audio and visual production values, which distinguishes it from
many other forms of pop music. Moreover, the lyrics are unique, since they rarely exceed a
yearning for freedom, even at their most rebelliousness (Pease, 2006). K-pop, in short, does
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 25
not have the ‘‘smell of Korea’’ that international audiences find hard to like, nor does it have
explicit sexual or rebellious lyrics that make listeners uncomfortable. Its production values
elicit a sense of collective pleasure, even of awe, and ease of access has opened its artistry to
a global audience.
As we have seen, social media, such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube, play a
significant role in spreading K-pop to overseas markets. Twitter is well known for its easy, brief
entries due to the 140 character limit. Furthermore, it has a strong diffusion effect,
communicates in real time, and transmits faster than other messaging tools. Twitter has, in
addition, many celebrities with active accounts, and where celebrities go, fans often follow
(Choi, Meza, & Park, 2014). In sum, Twitter works like an instant messaging technology tool
for fans to follow their K-pop idols without geographical limitations.
Without this “technology or real-time streaming and new digital media, K-pop
recognition would not be possible” (Oh & Park, 2013, p. 12). Global fans and audiences are
informed continuously about events and song releases with the ease of accessibility of SNS.
Korean entertainment agencies use the tools to reach hard-to-access international markets, such
as the United States and Europe, but have made considerable progress (Kong, 2016).
YouTube classifies K-pop as a music genre—the first time this has happened to any
country (Do, 2012). According to Hermes, K-pop music videos were viewed 842,062,689 times
on YouTube from January 1 to May 1, 2011. The United States ranked second after Korea with
93,600,032 views (Hermes, 2015). In 2012, Tuk reported that K-pop videos on YouTube had
been viewed 2.3 billion times up until 2011. Again, the United States had the second highest
views with 240 million, and Thailand in third place had 224 million views for K-pop videos.
Moreover, there were 249 countries in 2015 and K-pop has been viewed in 235 of them up until
2011 (Tuk, 2012, pp. 20-21). However, following Psy’s “Gangnam Style” boom in
America in July 2013, which had 2,489,717,135 YouTube views (data collected on January 3,
2015), the popularity for K-pop global views is expected to rise significantly.
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 26
Modern Day K-pop: Profitable Industry
According to “Music Export/Import Statistics,” provided by the South Korea Ministry
of Culture, Sports and Tourism, K-pop exports have grown significantly. In 2003, exports
were
$11.1 million, but by 2013 they were $231.1 million, almost a 2000% increase within a decade.
Similarly, the Korea Music Content Industry Association released Music Export/Import
statistics. Exports of Korean music for 2010 were $199 million, $235 million in 2011 and $277
million in 2012. Imported music was $12.5 billion in 2010, $12.993 billion in 2011, and
$12.961 billion in 2012, showing that the export rate between 2010 and 2012 rose by an average
of 18.9% each year, while imported music was relatively stable, increasing by just 1.7% per
year.
Exports of K-pop to other countries can be categorized as direct and indirect. Shows,
events, and online sales are considered as direct exports. The use of domestic agents and
overseas agents are counted as indirect exports. Comparing data from 2011 to 2013, the increase
of shows held overseas, overseas online sales, and the use of foreign agents has risen by 1.5%,
1.1%, and 0.8%, respectively (KMCIA Archive, 2014).
From the data provided by KMCIA, music exports to North America (74.45%) showed
the highest increase compared to China, Japan, Southeastern Asia, and Europe. Exports to North
America were $587,000 in 2010, $857,000 in 2011, and $1,024, 000 in 2012. The export growth
is larger than that of China (49%), Southeastern Asia (48.56%), Japan (40.39%), and Europe
(4.21%), indicating that K-pop’s popularity in North America is increasing. It also suggests the
importance of studying the North America audience.
Reverse Influence: K-pop in the World
K-pop’s popularity began in the early 1990s, but it was then a regional phenomenon
limited to Asia. Global popularity began a decade later, emerging partly due to Korea’s rapid
economic growth, the emigration of Koreans to other countries such as Japan, the U.S., and
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 27
Western Europe, “participation and global growth of Korean companies, and participation in
the global division of labor in the music industry in both manufacturing and distribution” (Oh,
2013, p.8).
As K-pop gained in global popularity, the connotation of the term became more than
just a musical genre derived from a small Asian peninsula. It is now identified as part of Brand
(South) Korea, a globally competitive product unfettered by its colonial past (Lie, 2012). K-
pop is said to be a “representative national culture and industry,” (Lie, 2012, p.359) indicating
that the genre plays an integral role in introducing Korea to music fans. K-pop thus works as
an ambassador for South Korea. Numerous researchers have recognized the global popularity
of K-pop, as Lie writes in 2014, “I saw that K-pop had become a global phenomenon. But a
scan of the media, print as well as social, soon revealed that my discovery was far from
exclusive” (p. 2). With the Asianness combined with a culture that is neither directly from
America nor Europe (Kim, 2011), “production companies in South Korea that started to expand
their target markets beyond national borders in the mid-1990s” (Fuhr, 2015, p. 59). Fuhr
includes that:
The recent increase of K-Pop idols on international stages has created more scholarly
attention and resulted in articles, special issues of academic journals, and edited
volumes dedicated to the K-Pop phenomenon (2015, p. 12).
The share of K-pop on an international level should not only receive attention as a
musical genre, but it should also receive a positive light as a mean that widens global fans’
lenses to view the world. After all, “music constructs our sense of identity through the direct
experiences it offers of the body, time and sociability, experiences which enable us to place
ourselves in imaginative cultural narratives” (Frith, 1996, p. 124).
K-pop in U.S.A.: Korean Celebrities
In Asia, the movement is known as Hallyu, but in the West, it is known as the Korean
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 28
Wave. Wonder Girls, a K-pop group, performed as stage openers for the 2009 Jonas Brothers
Concert and were featured in 13 concerts in 7 locations (Yi, 2009). Girls Generation debuted in
the U.S. on “The Late Show with David Letterman” (Jan. 31, 2012) and appeared on “Live!
With Kelly” on February 1, 2012 (Benjamin, 2012). Also, Microsoft Surface Pro 3’s new
advertisement released in 2014 incorporated the female K-pop group 2NE1’s song “I am the
best.” A side-by-side advertisement with MacBook Air and Microsoft’s Surface Pro aired in the
United States with a Korean song (Benjamin, 2014).
The United States has become a popular tour destination for major K-pop artists. Rain
presented two shows in the U.S. in 2006, and both sold out. This success eventually led him to
appear in Ninja Assassin, a film, in 2009. The same year, 2NE1 featured in will.i.am’s solo
album, #willpower (Hong; Austin, 2013, p.13). In addition, an American producer, famous for
his collaboration with Usher, M.I.A., and Beyoncé, worked with G-Dragon and Top, both from
the group Big Bang, on their single “Knock Out” (All K-pop; Austin, 2013, p. 13).
Korean celebrities certainly want to enter the charts in the United States. Psy (Gangnam
Style), Lee Byung-hun (starred in G.I. Joe, 2009 and 2013 and Red 2, 2013), Daniel Henney
(Voice in Big Hero 6, 2014), and Soohyeon (starred in Avengers, 2015) – all successfully
expanded beyond Asia and into the American market. Especially the “viral explosion of
“Gangnam Style” (Psy’s song) in 2012 of refuted the canard that South Korean popular music
would never make it in the United States” (Lie, 2014, p. 8).
K-pop in U.S.A.: Google Trend
Google trend is a tracking service provided by Google, allowing users to see how often
certain keywords, subjects, and phrases were searched over a specified time (Darcy, 2013).
According to Google, the trend graph searched with the keyword “K-pop” by the researcher
shows that interest within North America grew significantly since 2011, starting in California.
In fact, the trend graph for “K-pop” showed a steep increase since 2011, with the rise beginning
in 2010 and steeping in 2011 (December 2015). When the Google trend graph had two
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 29
keywords, “K-pop” and “Pop music,” the shape of the slopes were almost identical, leading to
the conclusion that K-pop is one of the most popular global pop music searches (December
2015). Even Fuhr mentions the keyword-search-increase phenomenon in Google trend with K-
pop:
A short look at Google statistics on the keyword K-Pop and its variant “K-pop”
(conducted in October 2014) reveals that the search volume for both terms has risen
exponentially since 2009. The regional interest breakdown shows that the nine countries
with the highest number of search queries were in Southeast and East Asia, led by
Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, Singapore, and the Philippines (2015, p. 61).
Because K-pop’s popularity in East Asia is high, this has led to the growing popularity
in Korean fashion, style, products, and even the Korean language. However, K-pop’s fame in
the East should not surprise us, since people of a similar race tend to adapt more easily to each
other’s customs and practices. As R.B. Cialdini says in Influence, it is natural and self-
explanatory that people tend to create a bond with those who are visually and culturally similar
to them (Cialdini, 1987). This paper, though, analyzes the counter-intuitive fact of why people
with no particular bond become attached to a foreign culture.
K-pop in U.S.A.: North American Tour
Every year, several K-pop idols tour the world to provide overseas fans with a personal
experience of K-pop. Not only do they visit Europe, Japan, China, Southeast Asia, and South
America, they visit America particularly. According to billboard.com, a minimum of four
festivals and concerts were dedicated to Korean pop culture in the U.S. and Canada this year,
making 2016 the busiest year for K-pop fans and artists.
In January 2016, one K-pop blogger (Nutty Nomad) posted the upcoming K-pop concert
lineup in the United States, starting with Apink (three concerts) and Infinite and EXO (four).
Baek Z Young has one, TeenTop has three, SHINee has one, and AOMG has eight planned. In
addition to these groups, Day 6, BAP, YB, VIXX, Got7, and Dean are expected to visit the
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 30
United States in 2016. Also, the 14th Music Festival with Wheesung, AOA, Drunken Tiger and
more singers was held on May 2016, and the Annual K-con sponsored by Mnet and CJ E&M
will start in July. Currently, 17 K-pop groups have confirmed their participation in the annual
K-con. As time passes, more and more K-pop singers are entering the U.S. market, driving
export sales, which according to data provided by KMCIA and the Ministry of Culture, Sports
and Tourism, indicate the inexorable rise of K-pop within the United States.
Chapter 3: Theoretical Overview
Uses and Gratification
Uses and gratification theory, proposed by Katz, is an approach to understand why
and how people actively seek out specific media to satisfy needs. Lin said in 1996: The
primary strength of U&G theory is its ability to permit researchers to investigate mediated
communication situations via a single or multiple sets of psychological needs,
psychological motives, communication channels, communication content, and
psychological gratifications within a particular or cross-cultural context (Ruggiero, 2000,
p. 28; p. 574).
Uses and gratification theory addresses the motivations behind certain usages and
determines the satisfactory effect created by the media uses (Joinson, 2008; Robinson et al.,
2017). The uses and gratification for Internet users can generalize into three concepts: (1) the
media consumers may feel fulfillment through the content (content gratification), (2) the
consumers may feel gratified by the media consuming process itself (process gratification),
and (3) gratification may be felt through the social surroundings which is applicable to
popular culture content consumption. (Robinson et al, 2017; Stafford, Stafford, & Schkade,
2004).
The psychological need is the main basis for the uses and gratification theory. The
need of K-pop fans is a non-deficiency need, which is a higher-level need than a deficiency
one. Within five sub categories of non-deficiency needs — cognitive, affective, integrative,
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 31
contact, tension release (Oh, & Jung, 2013) — K-pop is considered to gratify tension release
needs.
Relaxation, escape from reality, and the need for comradeship may be an emotional
motivation for consuming K-pop. Through the activity of intentionality (resolving stress),
selectivity (selecting the genre K-pop), and involvement (active searching and identifying
oneself as a K-pop fan), international fans obtain the gratification they seek. With uses and
gratification theory, this study can address the popularity of K-pop and why its fans enjoy
consuming the content − which is assumed to satisfy deprived psychological needs while the
subject is immersed in K-pop.
Mood Management Theory
Similar to uses and gratification theory, Mood Management theory effectively explains
why K-pop fans display continuous attraction to the genre. Mood Management theory was
proposed by Zillmann to describe the “consumption of messages, particularly entertaining
messages, which are capable of altering prevailing mood states, and that the selection of
specific messages for consumption often serve to regulate those moods” (Khanson, 2012,
p.173; Zillmann, 1988). Message-consumers reject anything that does not conform to their
preferences, and they search for content they think feels right. K-pop, in this case, contains
mood-influencing characteristics and the consumer gets sufficient emotional gratification to
eventually lift the mood they have at the current moment.
Although extensive research has been conducted on cultural and ethnic studies,
researching a new and immersive musical genre such as K-pop still needs to be done. This
study is guided by two research questions, based on a review of the existing literature and
theories. The goal of this study is to understand U.S. K-pop fans and the reason for its appeal.
Rather than analyzing fans’ perception of the musical genre, this study seeks to clarify the
unique personalities and to ask:
RQ1. What types of people enjoy K-pop?
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 32
RQ2. What are the attitudes, motivations, and opinions of people who like K-pop?
Chapter 4: Method
Q methodology is a behavioral research approach integrating a mixed methodology to
reveal a “feeling state” (Stephenson, 2011, p. 217). William Stephenson introduced the
methodology in 1953 as a “foundation for the systematic study of subjectivity” (Brown, 1993,
p. 93). Q methodology assists understanding any given situation as the factor analysis
measure and uncover the subjectivity.
Q-sort technique is the measurement for the methodology. Q sort, the instrumental
basis, involves individuals to subjectively rank order a given set of statements from “most
agree” to “most disagree” (Brown, 1980). Usually, the statements are taken from interviews
and thus are grounded in personal experience (Brown, 1996).
The ranked Q-sorts are then factor analyzed and grouped together into specific
factors/categories. Each factor represents a unique set-group of people who have similar
attitudes and perceptions about the study topic (i.e., Facebook, K-pop). After the factor
formation, the researcher interprets the outcomes in detail, giving them factor-specific names
for the comparison stage. Post to the subjective statement cards rank sorting, one-to-one
interviews with the researcher are conducted with each subjects to add explanatory depth to
the factors and explain the reasoning behind each factors’ attitudes.
For this study, the statements that best represented why individuals enjoy K-pop were
gathered from online blogs, comments, and online news forums. Then two professors from
Brigham Young University (Provo, the School of Communications) reviewed the statements
and revisions were made accordingly. Among the 40 statements (see Appendix B), 26 were
positive, and 14 contained either negative vocabulary or negative connotations.
Q methodology allows having small number of participants because the individuals
are treated as unique variables rather than as a population sample (Robinson et al, 2017).
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 33
Thus, the study consisted of 39 young adults with no preference for gender or age. Brown
(1980) explains, “All that is required is enough subjects to establish the existence of a factor
for the purposes of comparing one factor with another” when selecting study participants (p.
192). Additionally, a group of researchers who studied the motivational behaviors behind
Facebook usage also uses Brown’s quote to further explain the Q sort instrument: It is
rarely necessary in work of this kind to obtain large numbers of each type; five or six
persons loaded significantly on a factor are normally sufficient to produce highly reliable
factor scores, and it is in terms of the relationships among the factor scores that general
statements about an attitude are made. Increasing the number of persons on a factor
merely fills up factor space, but has very little impact on the scores (Brown, 1980, p. 67;
Robinson et al, 2017, p. 51).
To ensure that the results of this study were representative of the typical K-pop fan,
both genders were included during the sampling procedure (2 males and 37 females). Also,
due to the nature of the topic, typical target-market age range were set as between 16 and 45.
Usually, the subjects for the Q-study are not limited to a certain gender and age. However, the
participant pool was narrowed down to fit the purpose of this study. First, the descendants of
Korean ethnicity were eliminated. This was employed to prevent social and language bias
altering the data results. Second, the participants had to reside within the territorial boundaries
of the United States. Third, the participants had to identify themselves as U.S. citizens and to
have lived in the U.S. for more than half of their lives. Lastly, all participants were required to
speak fluent English since both stages of the methodology, the statement cards and the
interviews, were conducted in one language.
The study’s subjects were collected in three different areas: in L.A., BYU Provo
Campus, and from numerous K-pop Facebook fan pages. The L.A. subjects were fans of a K-
pop group named Infinite, which hosted their second world tour, Infinite Effect, at L.A.
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 34
Microsoft Center on January 10, 2016: thirteen subjects participated in the study from that
location. Twelve subjects were gathered by recruiting students from Korean language and
culture classes offered at BYU, but they were required to have no previous experience of
Korea or Korean, including, but not limited to, LDS Church missionary services or by
participating in overseas student programs in Korea. In addition, they had to be non-Korean.
The remainder of the participants were found through Facebook K-pop fan pages, the
principal ones being “K-pop Dallas,” “Kcon,” “K-pop Me,” and “K-pop fans of Utah.”
Besides the K-pop Facebook fan pages, the researcher contacted a K-pop Facebook blogger,
Mina Beebe, who posted the participant recruiting message on her “M-Nope” page. The page
was created in 2015 and currently has over 5,700 likes (May 21, 2016).
Subjects found at the Microsoft Center, L.A., and on BYU campus were asked to
participate in the study face-to-face with the researcher, while online fans were asked to
conduct the research themselves via Qualtrics (See Appendix C). Among online respondents,
those who said they liked K-pop for reasons other than its music were deleted, and those who
completed the survey too quickly (less than 15 minutes) were removed from the base.
Responses from the participants who claimed their ethnicity as Korean were deleted from the
study. Participant responses indicating citizenship other than U.S. were omitted as well.
Lastly, responses of participants who said to have never lived in the U.S. were omitted as
well.
Anyone younger than 16 years was required to fill out youth and parental consent
forms. If parents were not on site to complete the parental consent form, participation was
denied. Participants older than 16 years completed the research participant consent form only.
The online participants were exposed to informed consent page prior to their participation
regarding age limitation and were urged to self-opt out if they were under the age. This was
employed due to difficulty contacting and obtaining parental consent form from the guardians
of the participants who were under 16 year old. Those who completed the study face-to-face
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 35
with the researcher were given $5 in cash as compensation following completion of all parts
of the questionnaire.
The purpose of the study was to unveil the motivational usage behind K-pop fanship
and further analyze why they consume such cultural media product. Thus, the subjects were
selected for participation only if they answered ‘yes’ to the following preliminary questions:
1) Do you listen to K-pop at least twice a week? 2) Do you identify yourself as a fan of at
least one K-pop group?
The next step in Q-sort was to have the participants conduct their Q-sort (“ranking
cards”) by reading through 40 statements and ranking them subjectively on an 11 point scale
ranging from “Most like me” (+5) to “Least like me” (-5) (Robinson et al, 2017). After the Q-
sorts were completed, four questions were asked to allow the participants to express their
thoughts on the statements they picked as their high and low responses. Six additional
questions were asked to glean further information about K-pop’s appeal. This helped the
researcher to probe deeper into the personality of each participant.
The questions asked were: (1) Why did you pick these two as your favorites? (2) Why
did you pick these two as your least favorite? (3) Who are your favorite K-pop groups /
singers / idols? (4) What are the similarities between the groups / singers / idols? (5) Why do
you listen to K-pop? (6) What do you like most about K-pop? (7) What do you dislike about
K-pop? (8) How did you get into K-pop? (9) What emotions do you experience while
listening to K-pop? (10) Do you prefer listening to or watching K-pop? The interviewer
simultaneously recorded the respective statement numbers and the interview responses (by
hand) as the interviewee responded. The average time to complete both Q-sorting and the
interview was about 35 minutes for each participant.
The researcher then systematically classified the results of the Q-sorts using the
PQMethod software, that can be found online, to conduct the analyses. The researcher
performed a “centroid factor analysis (QCENT) to extract factors, which is a way of defining
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 36
‘centers of gravity embedded in a correlation matrix.’ A centroid refers to a kind of grand
average of the relationships between all the sorts because they are represented by their
correlation coefficients” (Brown 1980a, p. 40; McKeown et al., 2013, p. 140). Finally, a
varimax rotation of the factors was performed (QVARIMAX) to obtain a complete analysis of
the collected Q-sorts.
At least two participant factor loadings had to be significant at 0.01 level to be an
eligible noteworthy factor. Once the reportable factors were established, the z-scores, both
positive and negative, were compared for the selected factors. A z-score was considered as
significant and representable of the ‘most like’ and ‘least like’ statements for each factor if it
was greater than ± 1.0. With the determined factors, the researcher then compared the
statements that represented the significant positive and negative z-scores. Alike to
determining a reportable factor, statements with a z-score greater than ± 1.0 were considered
to be significant “Most like me” and “Least like me.” Any statements that fell out of that
category were not referred to as a supplement.
The researcher determined the factor labels and translation of the data, based on the z-
scores and the factor Q-sort values provided by the research participants. Additionally, the
interview materials were referred to in order to provide enriched understanding.
Chapter 5: Results
The principal advantage of the Q methodology is its ability to identify and categorize
individuals into groups who share similar attitudes and explanatory reasons (Robinson et al,
2017). This approach becomes increasingly valuable when each individual’s opinions and
motivations – in this case, about “Why I like K-pop” – is the key factor. For this study, the Q-
sort factor analysis yielded three significant factors, which are understood as “operational
definitions of the attitudes or value preferences” of study participants who conducted the sorts
(Brown, 1980, p. 55). Because Q methodology does not consider participants’ demographic
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 37
differences, focusing only on the similar and general perceptions, the outcome factors
characterize typologies and thus provide a richer understanding of K-pop’s appeal.
The study posed two questions: what types of people enjoy K-pop, and what are the
attitudes, motivations, and opinions of people who like the foreign cultural content.
According to the factor loadings, three types of people were found to enjoy K-pop. The first
category revealed that people enjoyed the feeling of personal connection between themselves
and the celebrity. These individuals enjoyed fan community activities and maintained a virtual
relationship with fellow fans, and enjoyed the musical production. However, their core reason
for attraction towards K-pop was deeply grounded in personal parasocial interaction with the
idols.
The second-factor category suggested that individuals appreciated the musical aspect
and the high-quality production, with less regard to interest in the celebrity nor the fan
community. These individuals viewed the idol singers as providers for their music playlist. In
short, the second factor favored only the cultural product and its elements, which is
distinctively different motivation to consume K-pop compared to the two other factors.
The third factor demonstrated that people valued the relationship formulated around
the common interest. The individuals in the third category revealed the allowance to socialize
beyond the geographical limitations, step outside the virtual relationship and extending it to
real-life setting became an appealing factor to like K-pop.
Factor 1: “Honey honey, how you thrill me.”
Factor 1, who held the same views for 16 statements (both positive and negative, see
Table 1) was composed of ratings of 27 individuals (one male and 26 females). Factor 1 was the
largest group in this study. To Factor 1 members, K-pop is a way to meet new friends. It provides
a song genre that lifts their spirits, offers enjoyable visual entertainment, and a word (K-pop) that
can easily define them. Although these individuals displayed multiple common reasons for liking
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 38
K-pop, the strongest one was their affection for the celebrity. Therefore, Factor 1 was named
“Honey honey, how you thrill me” to express their passion.
It is not true, however, that the “Honey honey” factor is symptomatic of celebrity appeal
only and disregards the music. Such fans love the songs as much as the singers and vice versa.
However, their unique attribute is that they consider idols as remote friends for whom they feel
strong emotions. One participant said, “With social media and all being what it is now, it’s almost
like they [the idols] feel like distant friends.”
However, this sense of feeling does not spring just from the celebrities’ attractive looks or
their frequent appearances on social media. Rather, their personalities and down-to- earth values
play an important role in factor 1. One participant said, “I like people based on their personalities
and not by the way they look. I can’t just like someone because they have a beautiful body/face, I
find that disgusting. I like them because they [the idols] are more than people with just beautiful
appearances but are people with feelings and emotions just like how I am.” Contributing a
different perspective, another participant said, “They [the idols] constantly do things in order to
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 39
show their true selves as humans rather than idols. They are still humans who do human things.
The emotions these idols hold within themselves and how they carry themselves is what allows
us to really sympathize and support them as passionately as we do.”
This trait appears particularly in fans who have watched their idols from the beginning of
their careers and have maintained their devotion for some time. As the singers improve in skill,
gaining popularity, the fans feel a sense of pride and pleasure that comes from being there from
the outset. One participant commented: “I have watched them grow, achieve their dreams, and
gain confidence and get the skills they need to further their dreams, and honestly, they don’t feel
like just an ordinary singer. They feel like someone I’ve watched grow into a better person and so
when they perform on stage, it gives me a bigger sense of proud parent/friend rather than just
someone watching somebody else perform.” Another study participant also commented similarly
by saying, “when one has been with them [the idols] since the beginning, they [the idols] aren’t
just singers anymore. They are more special.” Thus, the “Honey honey” factor group loves the
idols for whom they appear to be. Factor 1 people are those who proudly identify themselves as a
fan of a particular group. The “Honey honey” group are those who are easily offended when their
“honey” has been belittled or attacked by other people, fans, or groups. This group has a strong
loyalty towards their “honey” and are protective of their “honey’s” reputation and feelings, and
wish sincerely for their success. They believe the personality shown by their idols is honest and
true, and sense there are stronger and tighter relationships between the celebrities and themselves.
To them, enjoying K-pop is not a one-sided pleasure: it is a two-way affection. As this participant
commented: “I know that they [the idols] care about me as the way I care about them.”
Factor 2: “Music is my life.”
Factor 2 consisted of four individuals (four females) with 12 statements (both positive and
negative) in common (see Table 2). This group is named “Music is my life” because their
fondness for K-pop is based entirely on the music. Unlike the “Honey honey” factor, this factor
does not feel personally connected to the idols. Sometimes Factor 2 individuals wonder what it
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 40
would be like to have a direct connection with the singers, but they do not search the Internet for
the idols’ personalities or personal information.
These fans search for a K-pop group with a musical style that fits their taste. They value
melodic ability and vocal skill. The personalities of the singers are inconsequential to the “Music
is my life” factor, the music and accompanying products being all that matters to them. One
individual said, “I really like groups/individuals that sing well. Sometimes it’s harder for me to
like a mediocre song if I don’t like their vocals. Not liking the vocals is part of why I never got
into Arashi [Japanese boy band].”
Not only do these fans enjoy the music, they like the products that are associated with it,
such as fashion, music videos, and choreography. They create playlists, watch music videos and
sometimes mimic the outfits worn by the Korean idols, although watching and trying the dance
moves were the biggest reason for their K-pop interest. One participant commented, “Biggest
reasons I like K-pop are the styling, dancing, and beat in the music,” adding, “I was really
impressed by the dancing [of the K-pop idols], mostly because I used to be a dancer and that
tends to stand out to me. That made me want to watch more.” Similarly, another participant said,
“The choreography is amazing! I am always so impressed. Most groups are super in sync with
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 41
each other, yet they all have their own unique style. Plus they do the dances while singing live
and I love that.”
The precision of K-pop also seemed to win the “Music is my life” factor’s hearts. One
participant said that the dance moves look difficult because they are always perfectly
synchronized. She also added that when Americans do a set movement, it looks like a ‘show off’;
for K-pop singers, it is the result of long hours of practice. Indeed, factor 2 fans value the intense
training and high production skills of K-pop. One person said, “I enjoy a high level of production
in anything I see or do. While it [K-pop] doesn’t make or break something for me, it shows me a
level of caring.”
K-pop music videos also play a significant role in capturing “Music is my life” fans’
attention: “I love the style that the music videos have. The combination of dancing and acting are
perfect. I also like how they have amazing sets because it makes the music videos amazing.”
Another fan said, “It was the music videos that got me into K-pop. It was the singing / dancing
and high quality that impressed me. They put so much time, money, and effort and it showed. I
really appreciate it. I was introduced to K-pop by its music videos on YouTube, but I like the
music by itself now.” Because listening to vocals and melodies, and viewing visual elements such
as choreography and music videos, are most important to this factor group, there are no obstacles
due to the language barrier. Participants commented that “Music is music. The music is good, and
the singers are competent, so you don’t really need to speak Korean,” “The music is very catchy.
It just feels right,” and “I don’t believe that it is a requirement to understand all of the lyrics in
the music. If it’s good music why should it matter if I understand or not? Music is a universal
language that can speak for itself.” The “Music is my life” fan values the visual and audio
characteristics of K-pop over any other musical genre.
Curiosity about idol members does not rank high with these fans. Unlike the “Honey”
group, which are self-confessed K-pop idol fans and protective of their singers’ reputation, the
Factor 2 individuals like the music far more than they like the artists. The “Music is my life” fans
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 42
may favor certain groups, but that appeal does not lead necessarily to strong feelings about the
group.
Factor 3: “With a little help from my friends.”
The third factor consists of people who enjoy K-pop through sharing and talking. In this study,
the group consisted of five individuals (one male and four females) who shared similar
perspectives on 14 common statements (both positive and negative, see Table 3). This group is
named “With a little help from my friends” because these fans believe having friends who like K-
pop and meeting new people through K-pop are the real appeal for liking K-pop. These fans also
enjoy having discussion sessions with their K-pop friends.
Factor 3 fans enjoy making new friends and do not mind if those friends have a different
ethnicity, speak a different language, have different religions, or live in different countries. One
individual said, “Everyone is so nice. It does not matter where they are from or how old they are.
I like the same music as other people, and they like me no matter what.” Additionally, another
person indicated that “Same interest = friends! Especially for liking K- pop.” To these people, the
common factor of “liking K-pop” is stronger than demographic, geographic, or societal barriers.
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 43
Because it is especially difficult in the U.S. to find people who enjoy K-pop as you do,
when a fan finds a similar fan, they bond instantly. One of these “With a little help from my
friends” commented: “It is hard to find someone who likes K-pop, but once you do find
someone who does, it’s great to be able to talk about each other’s favorite groups.” One fan who
picked the statement as “most like me” said, “I have had fun short term friendships through
talking about K-pop and some of my current best friendships have K-pop/ Korean music/
Korean language as a common tie.”
Sometimes the friendship goes beyond just talking about the Korean idols. It encourages
interest in other cultures and languages. One study participant commented, “I love anything that
catalyzes intercultural exchange and friendships. K-pop is excellent at that. It encourages people
to broaden their exposure to the world. It inspired me to acquire a third language and to live
abroad, and because of those things I now have friends from every continent.” Within the “With a
little help from my friends” factor, individuals believe that K- pop is a healthy hobby that
provides a chance to meet friends worldwide, creates an opportunity to understand the musical
genre from other perspectives, and never judges other people’s tastes. This online community of
friends become actual friends, as fans befriend one another on social networking sites, through
text, chat, and they sometimes even visit each other.
Not only does K-pop help fans bond, but it also breaks age barriers. Although the general
belief is that K-pop caters exclusively to teens, the reality is that many mothers join the fandom
to relieve stress or to compensate for the empty nest syndrome. In addition, mothers who enjoy
K-pop might have a common musical interest as their children. As one mother said, “K-pop is
not just fun, but it gives an opportunity to spend time with my daughter doing something we
both enjoy.”
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 44
Chapter 6: Discussion
The purpose of this study was to determine why individuals of different needs and
personalities are attracted to the foreign cultural product; K-pop. Moreover, the research
aimed to analyze the phenomenon of K-pop fandom in depth. Previous research identified the
salient characteristics of K-pop: the precise choreography and high production values etc.
(Chan, 2014). Some also say that K-pop is a branch of Hallyu (Korean Wave), whose fans
were initially introduced to Korean pop culture through TV dramas (Otmazgin, 2014, p. 5).
However, Lee presented a fresh perspective at the 2016 PCA/ACA conference, arguing that
people K-pop represent a major cultural shift in its own right. In this sense, K-pop works as a
“liberation from and resistance to the dominant capitalistic culture.” Indeed, those who have
Asian backgrounds find emotional attachments to K-pop and use “their family roots for their
excuses why they are open to Asian culture.” Lee also argues that those who love K-pop
prefer to make friends online rather than to socialize in reality.
This study presents a different outlook from what Lee suggested (2016). In contrary to
Lee’s findings (2016) that K-pop is enjoyed by those who have emotional attachment to the
culture because of their backgrounds, this study argues that K-pop is appealing and enjoyed
by even non-Asians. Moreover, Lee (2016) presented that K-pop fans prefer to engage in
virtual relationships rather than socializing in real life settings. This study finds Lee’s (2016)
argument partially valid since factor 1 displayed similar characteristics. However, factor 3
reveals that not all K-pop fans seek isolation and confinement from fellow fans.
As previous research focused on why K-pop appeals to fans, some research has
analyzed the personality characteristic of K-pop fans. This study, however, finds that the
reasons proposed by previous researchers did not cover every K-pop fan. The study’s analysis
of the 40 Q-sort statements identified three factors based on personality characteristics
(Honey honey how you thrill me, Music is my life, With a little help from my friends), two of
which − Music is my life and With a little help from my friend − were previously cited as self-
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 45
reliant factors by researchers. Existing literature identifies production levels, vocals, music
videos, fashion (Otmazgin, 2014, pp. 9-13) and so on as the defining reasons for K-pop appeal,
but the growth of online forums and social networking sites offer new insights into fan
motivation, (Chan, 2014; Choi, Meza, & Park, 2014). These include the sense of belonging and
achieving more than just fanship (such as understanding different cultures, opportunities to
learn new languages), but these have not been comprehensively researched. Because the
specifics of the two-factor categories, or the “Honey honey” factor, has not been previously
mentioned nor defined as specific areas for K-pop research, this study provides new insight into
this particular study field that should interest academics, entertainment companies, and K-pop
fans alike. This is especially pertinent for understanding K-pop fans worldwide and for Korean
groups who are trying to break into Western charts.
Members of each factor were distinguished by motivation, attitude, and emotion and,
because of these differences, show different degrees of fandom, an extreme version of which
was viewed negatively. For instance, the “extreme fanship” is understood as “privacy
invasion fans” [사생팬; sasaeng fan]. They are “crazily obsessed fans who spend a large
amount of time and money following their favorite idols and do not hesitate to perform illegal
actions to catch their idols’ attention” (Chan, 2014, p. 130). The extreme fans will often skip
school and follow their preferred artists, paying $400 to $800 per day to hire illegal sasaeng
taxis to trail their artists (Chan, 2014; Lansky, 2012). Chan also added:
There have been horrific reports from celebrities where they realized that their
phone lines were tapped, their car’s GPS system bugged, their apartments broken
into, or they received letters written with mensuration blood, and have even been
injured through car accidents due to sasaeng taxis (2014, p. 130).
Therefore, any fans who display interest in the idol themselves and collect their personal
information (birthdays, blood types, family trees) were previously all titled as the sasaeing
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 46
fans. However, this study found out that the “Honey honey” group shared similar attributes as
sasaeing fans but were different from those extremes.
The “Honey honey how you thrill me” factor [group] feel a personal connection and
have the responsibility to protect their singers. The factor individuals think the singers [the
idols] care about them as much as they [the fans] do but do not desire to do anything beyond
normal to catch the celebrities’ attention. The individuals believe their job is to support their
idol to reach the top and maintain that position. In that sense, like the sasaeng fans, these
individuals are extreme fanatics when it comes to buying albums, watching TV shows,
dramas, or movies that their idols appear on, and attending concerts. However, the underlying
reason is different. The “honey honey” individuals believe their relationship with the idols are
more like friendship, whereas the saseang fans trust it is a romance.
Melanie Formentin explains in “Building Communities Online,” that one of “the most
notable characteristics [of virtual communities] is that participants develop a sense of
membership” (Chan, 2014, p. 121). Both the “Honey honey” and “help from friends” factor
enjoy visiting online forums to connect with fellow K-pop lovers. Chan addressed in 2014,
that virtual community cultures can be reflected in the real life world, but its generalizability
is questionable. The “Honey honey” [Factor 1] individuals’ core reason of visiting forums is
to share their affection for their favorite band. This means they focus less on building a tightly
knit friendship with fellow K-pop fans. Therefore, the “Honey honey” individuals do not
nourish their virtual friendship into reality. On the other hand, the “help from friends” [Factor
3] individuals go online to find and make friends who have similar interests and are willing to
further the relationship.
Another difference between these two is that factor 1 individuals believe the
personalities shown by the idols on media as truthful and honest, whereas Factor 3 individuals
think it as part of the precisely calculated, well-manufactured act. The “Honey honey”
individuals think the K-pop idols as human as they could be when the “help from my friends”
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 47
merely view the celebrities as well-trained products. This represents more in depth of the
intention difference of utilizing online society of these two groups.
In relation to mood management theory, both factors 1 and 3 revealed that individuals
seek K-pop music when they are depressed, as well as when they are in good moods. This
thus suggests a spiral continuum of mood management revolving around K-pop. K-pop works
as an entertaining message that can preserve, maintain, regulate, and uplift the current mood
states. The concept of self-selecting a media content for spiral phenomena of mood
management extends the current understanding of the theory.
Chan commented that “foreign fans have an easier time understanding what foreign
brides are going through (culture shock, language barrier, etc.) as they have been through the
same while assimilating into K-Pop fandoms” (2014, p. 110). She also added that the fans
devote hours to learn the Korean language and the culture and are proud of it. However, the
current study revealed that it is not a consistent revelation for all fans. Some devote time and
effort to master the language, but some do not care at all, while some only see it as a tool to
appreciate the meaning of the music.
Interestingly, Factor 2, “Music is my life,” was the only group that indicated that
language is not a barrier for enjoying K-pop. Nor was it an impediment for the “Honey
honey” group, for they are the fans most likely to learn Korean just to communicate with
fellow fans. For Factor 3 fans, Korean has never bothered them because they focus on
friendship rather than the lyrics.
However, it is different for Factor 2 fans. These fans enjoy K-pop with their ears and
eyes rather than by associating it with other elements. When this group wants to understand
the music, they often google the lyrics into a language they understand. Of course, as a rule,
by habit or inclination, they prefer to focus on the tone of the vocals, the melody, and the
visual elements, and could not care less about the message it conveys. This group believes
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 48
music speaks for itself and lyrics are supplemental. The inclination for considering language
to be an accompanying tool is a trait unique to Factor 2 fans.
In sum, this research has advanced the uses and gratification theory by addressing why
people are attracted to foreign cultural content that they do not share any common cultural
elements with. Moreover, the spiral pattern of media selection and engagement to regulate the
mood were found. Not only extending the theories, the study opens a new scope for K-pop
research. Current K-pop research is limited to defining it as a multicultural product (Do, 2012;
Oh & Park, 2013), analyzing what it symbolizes (Fuhr, 2015; Kang, 2010; Lee, 2016), and
studying the idol production processes (Ahn, 2011; Hogarth, 2013; Lee, Choi, Hu & Downie,
2013; Ono & Kwon, 2013; Seo, 2012). This study, however, introduces that K-pop has an
appealing factor to Asian culture lovers, music appreciators, and people persons who enjoy
social interactions. It thus suggests that K-pop should not be undermined as a mere cultural
product but be considered as a phenomenon that can harmoniously embrace uniquely different
people with varying motivations.
Chapter 7: Future Research Suggestions
Current studies on the popularity of K-pop in the U.S. are woefully scarce. Those that
have been done on “Korean popular culture outside Korea” generally focused on how K-pop
became commercially successful rather than on understanding the reasons for and motivations
behind its appeal. It is certainly true that the novelty and widespread appeal of K- pop is a
cultural phenomenon that has failed to pique the interest of research scholars, but there are
several intriguing possibilities for future research in this area. It would be useful, for example,
to compare and contrast the characteristics of Korean and Western K-pop fans using a Q-sort
methodology. Similarly, exploring Korean and Western fans ranking of idols might reveal
cultural similarities and differences from which both countries can benefit.
K-pop is an evolving culture. From humble beginnings, it is barely recognizable
today when compared to its historical origins. Tracking the differences and analyzing what
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 49
accounted for the incremental changes would also be an area of considerable interest. For
example, in the 1990s, the idol groups were usually composed of three to six people but have
increased considerably, now consisting of six to 13 members on average. Initially, the
celebrities were fluent only in Korean, but now most are fluent in Japanese, Chinese, and
English. In fact, the ethnic composition of the groups has evolved as well. Whereas it was
originally Koreans who made up the groups, contemporary K-pop often has Chinese, Chinese
Americans, Korean Chinese, Korean Americans, and Japanese members. Exploring how fans
have reacted to this ethnic evolution might be an interesting avenue for study, particularly if it
sheds light on evolving attitudes to ethnicity.
Similarly, a study on why fans generate a hardcore interest in same-gender idols
might be a revealing subject for gender studies. The media to describe a female’s adulation of
same-gender celebrities frequently cite a “girl crush.” This should not be mistaken as sexual
attraction, but it is clearly connected in some way to gender identity, and would also make an
interesting topic for study.
Since this paper looked at why North Americans like K-pop, other studies might look
at the appeal of K-pop in other countries and compare and contrast the similarities and
differences. Analyzing K-pop’s attractive force, to discover what its cross-cultural appeal is,
might enlighten our understanding of commercial music in general and help understand the
similarities – rather than the differences − between cultures.
There are other areas, too − besides K-pop − that might yield interesting
psychological and behavioral insights, such as in fashion and cosmetics. K-beauty has been
insinuating its way into the U.S. and is frequently mentioned on Sephora.com with its own
category “K-beauty.” Korean cosmetics are sold in Target and Forever 21 and online at
Hautelook.com. With the growth of K-beauty (Korean beauty) products in the United States,
it would be interesting to determine why K-beauty products appeal to American consumers.
UNDERSTANDING K-POP IN THE U.S.A. 50
Cultural studies are important because they help bridge differences between people
and remind us that we belong to one race – the human race. It is vital to understand our
similarities as well as our differences and be aware that understanding others by incremental
steps leads to a better world. K-pop does not claim to be profound or that it will change the
world as perhaps the protest music of the 1960s did. K-pop is about youth, energy, and joy,
and to its fans, it provides those in abundance.
