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Constitutional Foundations
First and foremost, the Constitution is the fundamental legislation that establishes
each nation's sovereignty, the evolution of national statehood, the lives of its residents, their
position in society, and the legal foundation of their way of life.
A country's government is frequently established by a comprehensive set of laws,
rules, and regulations. An important legal document that describes the structure of the
government and other public authorities, their roles and responsibilities, the rights and
obligations of the populace, and the relationships between them is the constitution of a
democracy. It also specifies the norms that the government ought to follow when managing
the nation. Even while anti-colonial demonstrations had occurred before to the constitution's
writing, they ended when it was finished. However, nothing is known about the process used
to draft the Constitution.
The word 'constitution' comes from the French phrase 'law and order,' according to the
Oxford English Dictionary. The Constitution is the most significant and revered legislation of
the land in any nation. This text covers a number of topics, such as the form and procedures
of a country's government, the fundamental rights of its inhabitants, and how that government
operates. The founding fathers of India hoped that after the nation gained independence, it
would create a form of governance that would best serve its citizens. The United States has
been fortunate to have an outstanding Constitution since its founding in 1787, which has
guided the country for the last 70 years.
The robust institutional framework and foundation established by the Indian
Constitution are major contributors to Indian democracy. On November 26, 1949, "We, the
People of India," decided to "adopt, enact, and give to ourselves" the new Indian constitution.
A discussion on "Commitment to India's Constitution" was part of the special sessions held
by both Houses of Parliament to commemorate Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar's 125th birthday on
November 26, 2015. Since then, November 26 has been observed as Constitution Day
annually. In 1979, the Supreme Court Bar Association, a group of lawyers, voted a resolution
designating this day as National Law Day.
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The impact of populists' electoral success on a number of political domains, such as
the party system, institutions, other mainstream parties, media debates and public opinion,
policymaking, political participation, and various aspects related to the quality of democracy,
has been the subject of more studies as populist parties have grown in relevance (Akkerman
et al. 2016; de Lange 2012; Huber and Schimpf 2017; Juon and Bochsler 2020; Mudde 2013;
O'Donnell 1994; Pribble 2013; Rooduijn et al. 2014; Taggart and Rovira Kaltwasser 2016).
Since populism is said to speak with a "homogeneous" voice, some scholars view it as
a threat to the constitutional underpinnings of liberal democracies, including pluralism and
the protection of minorities (Abts and Rummens 2007). On the other hand, some scholars
contend that populist actors could actually remedy some democratic shortcomings (Mudde
and Rovira Kaltwasser 2017), reviving interest in politics and addressing neglected or
depoliticized demands (Kriesi 2018). In keeping with others (Muis and Immerzeel 2017), we
contend in this study that it is theoretically possible to assess whether populist parties affect
different outcomes related to the caliber of democracy.
Furthermore, empirical research mostly examines Western nations, whereas
discussions about radical right populism frequently center on Central and Eastern Europe.
Additionally, despite growing in Europe as well, this area of study on populism is
comparatively understudied in comparison to other fields (like those that deal with the causes,
definitions, and measurements of the phenomenon). As a result, more empirical research is
needed to help develop more complex hypotheses and theories for comprehending the
phenomenon. The impact dimension is taken into consideration in the (relatively) recent
special issue edited by Paul Taggart and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser (2016), although it is
composed of a collection of case studies that do not address all three of the elements we
highlight in our contribution.
In general, there aren't many research that compare various forms of populism in
power (Fenger 2018; Huber et al. 2021; Lutz 2018 are exceptions), and the empirical data
presents conflicting findings on their effects when they assume positions of authority. Finally,
some political areas have received more research attention than others when it comes to the
effects of populism; aside from specific policies (like immigration and integration policies,
for instance), the policy positions and policies carried out by these actors are still
comparatively under-researched in comparison to their discourses.
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The conventional limits of our brains and mental life are being challenged by
developments in neurotechnology and artificial intelligence (AI). Numerous initiatives at the
national and international policymaking and lawmaking levels have now been sparked by
academic studies of the ethical and legal ramifications of these neurotechnology
advancements.
The legal protection of mental integrity, mental privacy, and cognitive liberty by well-
known human rights instruments like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR),
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the American Convention
on Human Rights (ACHR), the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), and the
Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (CFR) is the primary focus of
scholarly discussions of rights to our brains and mental experiences in the context of human
rights.
In the meantime, initiatives have been launched by the United Nations, the Inter-
American Juridical Committee, the Council of Europe's Committee on Bioethics, UNESCO,
and the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) to determine the
protective extent of established human rights with regard to ideas, feelings, and other mental
states, both now and in the future. For instance, the Council of Europe's Committee on
Bioethics states that in order to regulate neurotechnology, it is necessary to determine
whether the current human rights framework can adequately address these concerns or
whether new human rights relating to cognitive liberty, mental privacy, mental integrity, and
psychological continuity must be considered.
Because neurotechnologies can (1) access someone's mental states, (2) validate
subjective (or first-person) reports about the nature and content of those states, (3) challenge
first-person authority regarding mental states by overriding such introspective reports, and (4)
control decoded mental states by providing input behaviorally or through direct brain
stimulation, they have come under scrutiny for potentially violating human rights. What
specific human rights issues may neurotechnology raise, though?
For instance, the use of brain-reading neurotechnology to criminal justice has received
scholarly attention. 9. The possibility that police may use brain-reading neurotechnology to
draw conclusions about suspects' mental processes in order to further their investigation is the
main ethical concern in this area, albeit one that is still not practically applicable.
An even more hypothetical worry is that neurotechnology may eventually be utilized
as a punishment tool; for instance, a closed-loop device may be used to monitor an offender's
brain and act to prevent an emotional outburst that could lead to an infraction. Questions of
mental privacy, cognitive liberty, and mental integrity arise in such situations, and it is easy to
think of instances from the other areas listed in the previous paragraph that might cause
anxiety.
The concept of comparative constitutional law has evolved. Geographically,
methodologically, and epistemologically, it has become a more worldwide subject of study.
Asiatic, African, and Latin American constitutional orders have broadened the discipline's
Euro-American scope. New analytical tools have been made available by social scientists and
critical comparatists to analyze constitutional systems across the North-South divide. The
"Global South" is being mentioned more frequently in comparative discussions, and
"Southern voices" are becoming more prevalent in constitutional discussions.
Nevertheless, in constitutional discussions, the Global South continues to appear to be
underpowered. Even though its people and constitutions make up "the majority of the world,"
it is nevertheless notably underrepresented in international constitutional discussions,
publications, conferences, and educational resources. The Global South is still not well
understood as a term, in contrast to its adjacent fields, and comparative constitutional law has
yet to provide an analog of "Third World Approaches to International Law."
This chapter makes the argument that a "Southern turn" in comparative constitutional
study is long overdue. It seeks to further the discussion and assess the body of knowledge
about comparative constitutional law and the Global South. It brings together writers from the
Global South or based there, representing a variety of geographical areas, viewpoints, and
methodological philosophies.
A conference held in honor of the 50th anniversary of the journal Verfassung und
Recht in Übersee/World Comparative Law (VRÜ/WCL), which has been devoted to legal
developments outside of Euro-America since 1968 and has grown to be a significant forum
and repository for South-North discourse, gave rise to the book. Our work as this journal's
editors and several other long-term scholarly initiatives that link Southern and Northern
constitutionalism shape our own scholarly approach.
The Indonesian people have embraced Pancasila as their philosophy. Every silanya in
Pancasila contains information that aligns with the principles, objectives, and anticipations of
the establishment of the Indonesian state (Danecek dkk., 2021). Essentially, Pancasila serves
as the foundation for the government system by conducting and carrying out government-
related actions in compliance with its teachings.
The five noble fundamental ideals known as Pancasila have existed and evolved
alongside the Indonesian people for a very long time. History is a collection of related
incidents. Everything revolves around the future, and past events are connected to current
ones (Lundberg dkk., 2020). This implies that all past human endeavors are connected to
current existence in order to create a future that differs from the past.
Based on the evolution of our national statehood, democracy, social justice, and
widely accepted principles of international law, the Constitution of the Republic of
Uzbekistan articulates our people's commitment to human rights and the concepts of state
sovereignty. It also lays out a sound framework for establishing a humane rule of law. An
autonomous democratic state founded on a market economy, the development of a civil
society where human rights, interests, and freedoms are upheld, the rule of law, and the idea
that all people of our nation are equal before the law has been firmly established by our
Constitution.
The encyclopedia of our happiness and the pride of our people is the primary
document that unequivocally proves the independence of a sovereign nation. Because every
paragraph and item in it represents both the national tolerance concept and the standards of
international law. Accordingly, Uzbek is the official language of the Republic of Uzbekistan,
as declared in Article 4 of the Constitution. The Republic of Uzbekistan fosters the growth of
all countries and peoples residing on its territory while guaranteeing respect for their
languages, traditions, and customs.
Regardless of language, religion, or socioeconomic standing, the Constitution of the
Republic of Uzbekistan guarantees the freedom of religion for all nationalities residing in our
land, as well as the organization of the Uzbek people and their rights and interests. "All
citizens of the Republic of Uzbekistan have the same rights and freedoms and are equal
before the law, regardless of gender, race, nationality, language, religion, social origin,
beliefs, personal and personal qualities," according to Article 18 of the Constitution. social
standing.
However, it's also important to observe the following truth: Just as what God has
united as husband and wife is impervious to simple human actions that separate them, what
God has kept apart as man and woman is equally impervious to simple human actions that
unite them. This unique fact serves as the main and reliable foundation for the indissoluble
nature of all lawful marriages, as well as the nullity of any actual unlawful marital covenant
or, in reality, ab initio null spousal commitment. + JCD, DD, Oscar V. Cruz, 2006, p. 25
The question of whether or not the Church's and the State's laws on the nullity of
marriages may have their moral underpinnings, roots, and justification in anything other than
the Gospel itself appears to have an affirmative and definitive response in the statement
above. The provision that was taken from the Code of Canon Law and is currently being
applied in the field of civil law is one of the many areas and concerns that remain ambiguous
and in need of genuine, definitive answers regarding the moral foundations of the subject
marriage nullity action, despite this seemingly affirmative and definitive response.
The nullity of marriage owing to psychological incapacity is a concept found in
Article 36 of the Philippine Family Code. Here are the questions about the following topics:
(1) Is it really possible to reconcile this civil provision with Catholic moral and theological
standards? (2) Can this measure, which declares some marriages null and void from the start
due to one or both parties' inability to assume their essential marital obligations, be deemed
both morally righteous and legitimate?
Every citizen and every devout person is very concerned about the importance and
crucial function of marriage as a "inviolable social institution." This covenant provides
stability and protection for the family life, which is the cornerstone of this country.
Recognizing the marriage's undeniable worth, the Church and the State have been
consistently passing laws and putting them into effect to protect this institution. As was
previously indicated, one of these measures is the clause that declares some marriages null
and void due to psychological incapacity.
This clause is implemented under the Philippine Family Code, as was previously
noted. Even with this clause and other safeguards for marriage and family life in general,
abuses and other behaviors that go against the preservation of the priceless institution of
marriage persist. These conditions also apply to the topic Article 36 in particular. Numerous
discussions concerning the law's nobility as it is implemented and understood in society focus
on the law itself, as well as its interpretation and implementation.
It is specifically desired that a crucial component of the provision—the moral and
theological aspects—will be examined, examined, and scrutinized in this research. This
research acknowledges that theology and the Catholic Church as a whole are concerned with
the moral and theological underpinnings or basis of this provision, or their absence or
insufficiency. When interpreted and applied to humans, the institution of marriage and the
various laws passed and being implemented to protect it call on all citizens and faithful
people to consider whether or not these laws are morally sound and actually uphold marriage
as the Church intended.
Concerns regarding Poland's steadily increasing COVID-19 numbers continued to
grow in October 2020. The rest of the period was uneventful: Poland's ruling elites continued
to undermine the rule of law and target brave judges; they reorganized their cabinet to install
a minister who openly hated homosexuals; and they kept flooding Polish citizens with
propaganda broadcast on state-run television stations. However, on October 22, 2020,
something occurred that left Polish citizens, civic activists, and political watchers scratching
their heads.
As part of a panel that included some individuals who were not legally appointed
judges of the Tribunal, the Constitutional Tribunal (henceforth referred to as the Tribunal),
which is firmly controlled by the Law and Justice party and chaired by Mrs. Julia Przyłębska,
who was unlawfully appointed to the position of President of the Tribunal (despite having
previously been elected as a judge of the Tribunal). The Tribunal declared that laws that
permit pregnancies to be terminated when there is a high likelihood of a severe or irreversible
fetal impairment or when the fetus is diagnosed with an incurable and life-threatening
disease, are unconstitutional.
Hours later, tens of thousands and then hundreds of thousands of demonstrators
crowded the streets of Poland's cities and towns, big and small, to loudly express their
opposition to this attack on fundamental human rights, which was presented as a valid
judicial act as part of the Tribunal's constitutional review of legislation. They frequently used
profanities that had never been heard in public before. Originally directed at the Tribunal's
ruling, the demonstration swiftly expanded to include a worldwide protest against the Law
and Justice party's control over Poland as a whole. This originally caused disbelief in
government circles before evoking a number of uneasy responses from them.
Lawyers immediately came forward to criticize the Tribunal, led by Mrs. Przyłębska,
on the basis of both procedural and substantive issues after it published its "judgment." We
shall do the same in our case note. The question of why Jarosław Kaczyński, the de facto
ruler of Poland and, therefore, the ultimate controller of what the Tribunal is doing, chose this
specific moment to throw this kind of Molotov cocktail at the country after avoiding using
legislation to incite ideological wars is equally important and perplexing. Kaczyński's
political nominees comprised all current judges except Judge Kieres.
Naturally, this is more of a political than a legal matter, therefore we shall address it
here in a brief manner. Some observers believed that this action was intended to divert
attention away from the government's poor handling of the COVID-19 pandemic; others
viewed it as a compromise to appease Catholic voters or voters in rural areas who were
enraged by the government's recently proposed animal protection bill, which would result in
financial losses for the agriculture industry. When we consider that only Kaczyński himself is
able to determine which of these theories is true and provide an explanation for his decision
to instigate societal unrest, the only thing that is definite is the type of schizophrenia that
permeates Poland under his reign.
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