Expressions Of Sexual Deviance In Black
Serial Killers
Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study
The purpose of the study was to describe the expressions of sexual
deviance in Black serial killers (BSKs). BSKs are an underexplored group
who attack vulnerable and easily forgotten victims. For example, limited
scholarly studies on BSKs suggest that they target prostitutes, the homeless,
drug addicts, and runaways who do not prompt the same level of urgency
when reported missing (Hickey, 2015; Quinet, 2007). These victims are
referred to as the “missing-missing” and typically live a transient lifestyle;
therefore, law enforcement rarely puts forth the same effort as they do for a
child or young woman (i.e., college student) to locate them when (or if)
reported missing (Branson, 2013; Cottrell, 2015; Donley & Gualtieri, 2017;
LePard et al., 2015; Lester & White, 2014). The results of this study add to
the scholarly research on the topic and reveal potential directions for future
studies on BSKs, including a better understanding of the patterns of violent
behaviors like sexual deviance, which contributes to social change. The
results can assist law enforcement agencies with patterns and behaviors in
BSKs, including the expressions of sexual deviance, so these offenders can
be arrested.
Chapter 1 starts with an overview of the study, including a summary
of the background research found on the topic. The chapter also presents the
problem statement and purpose of the study, the research questions, and the
conceptual framework. Next, the chapter proceeds with the nature of the
study, definitions, assumptions, scope and delimitations, limitations, and
significance of the study. Chapter 1 concludes with a summary and transition
into Chapter 2, the literature review.
Background
Research on serial killers has gained momentum and continued to
delve into the factors that motivate their behaviors, including cognitive and
social developments and psychological influences. Research has also
identified deviant sexual behaviors associated with serial murder (Prentky et
al., 1989; Stefanska et al., 2016; Wiest, 2016). However, most studies have
included a disproportionate number of White serial killers (WSKs; Kraemer
et al., 2004; Osborn & Salfati, 2015). But additional research has
demonstrated that the population of BSKs continues to increase, and their
victim selections present a social problem. Nevertheless, the research on
BSKs remains limited, including any focus on the expressions of sexual
deviance (Chan et al., 2015; Hickey, 2006, 2015; Lester & White, 2014).
Because identifying commonalities and differences in serial murders across
cultures and nations was difficult, there is a need for more global research on
serial murder (Labuschagne & Salfati, 2015; Salfati et al., 2015).
The available research on serial killers and their expressions of sexual
deviance had revealed some similarities in characteristics in the offenders,
including social isolation, childhood abuse, increased collection of
pornography, and sexual deviant expressions (Branson, 2013; Healey &
Beauregard, 2015, 2017; Healey et al., 2016; Hickey 2006; Maniglio, 2012;
Murray, 2017; Simon, 2015). Further, emotional attachments, or lack of
them, can shape the sexual activities; when left unfulfilled, individuals can
develop increased anger, frustrations, and violent behaviors (Schmitt &
Jonason, 2015). Additional research had indicated common patterns of
behaviors for individuals who experience internal sexual frustrations and
eventual external aggression against others, including serial murder (Eitle,
2010; Voisin et al., 2016). Although, most of these researchers’ results have
been focused on WSKs. The recommendation for additional research comes
from the increasing number of BSKs, which this study addresses.
Problem Statement
The research on expressions of sexual deviance in WSKs continues to
evolve (Carstens & Stevens, 2016). A study of 342 sexually violent
offenders showed that 131 (38.3%) murdered their victim or victims, with
White males representing 85% of the sexually violent offenders compared to
Black males at 9% (Healey et al., 2016). Yet, the number of WSKs had
declined between the 1970s to the 1990s while the number of BSKs
increased from 13% in the 1980s (Lester & White, 2014) to 51% of the
population by 2014 (Hickey, 2015). The findings of the limited research on
BSKs indicated that these individuals do not fit the typical Federal Bureau of
Investigations (FBI) profile of most serial killers, so BSKs may have gone
undetected by law enforcement longer than other serial killers (Lester &
White, 2014; Walsh, 2005).
A few studies have identified unique characteristics in BSKs (Hickey,
2015), including victim selection (Labuschagne & Salfati, 2015) and
personality traits (Branson, 2013). For example, Donley and Gualtieri (2017)
stated most BSKs target the missingmissing populations, which includes the
homeless, prostitutes, throwaway (runaway) minors, and substance abusers
(Quinet, 2007). Childhood development studies on BSKs have also
identified fewer reports of childhood abuse, at-risk behaviors (i.e., killing
animal, pyromania, etc.), and loner activities (Lester & White, 2014)
compared to WSKs (Beckham, & Prohaska, 2012). Additionally, most BSKs
rape their victims (Lester &
White, 2014; Salfati et al., 2015), and African Americans make up 47% of
serial rapists (Wright et al., 2016). The act of rape suggests that what BSKs
have in common was a type of sexual deviant expression (Hickey, 2006).
Nevertheless, scholarly studies have not thoroughly explored the expressions
of sexual deviance in BSKs.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this qualitative case study was to describe the
expressions of sexual deviance in BSKs in Texas. The case study design
required accessing archival records that included family history, criminal
activities, and sociodemographic of BSKs to identify the expressions of
sexual deviance in BSK. A content-analysis approach was used to look for
patterns across cases.
Research Questions
This study had one primary research question: What are the common
socialization experiences and expressions of sexual deviance in BSKs? Four
sub questions guided the research to answer the primary question:
1. What are the common and unique family of origin and childhood
experiences of BSKs?
2. What are the common and unique adolescent developmental
experiences of known BSKs?
3. What are the common and unique expressions of sexual deviance
in BSKs?
4. How are the family of origin, childhood, and adolescent
experiences connected with the expression of sexual deviance in
adult BSKs?
Conceptual Framework
The social learning theory (SLT) of aggression (Bandura, 1971) and
the general strain theory (GST; Agnew, 1992) guided this research to
examine data on BSKs, looking at the contextual elements and strains that
affected social development and learning in children. The GST indicates
three types of negative strain in a person’s immediate environment that can
influence the development of delinquency: (a) failure to achieve positive
goals, (b) the removal of positive stimuli, and (c) inclusion of negative
stimuli (Agnew, 1992). Studies have suggested that African Americans
report strain more often than any other social group, with more African
American men expressing strain through aggression and deviant behavior
than African American women (Sung Joon, 2007).
In addition to GST, Bandura’s SLT of aggression states that
individuals model their behaviors by observing the social environment and
that individuals exposed to aggressive and violent behaviors will display the
more aggressive or violent behaviors (Bandura, 1971). These behaviors
include date or marital rape and battering (Friedrich, 1990). Studies have
shown that when children experience sexual abuse, they tend to commit
sexual offenses against others (Aebi et al, 2015; Carter & Hollin, 2015).
These theories suggested that individuals exposed to aggression,
violent behaviors, and other negative stimuli during childhood development
have a higher probability to model that behavior throughout their
development (Agnew, 1992; Bandura, 1971). Offenders tend to repeat the
experiences of abuse and violence when committing offenses as juveniles or
adults (Slattery & Meyer, 2013). Examining published records (archival
data) on the childhood and social development of BSKs was guided the key
concepts of these framework and created the bounded contextual lens to
interpret the data. Chapter 2 provides more detailed description of these
theories.
Nature of Study
This study followed a qualitative case study approach to examine
BSKs through archival records to explore the reported familial, criminal,
sociodemographic, psychological, and expressions of sexual deviances in
BSKs. The goal was to examine 10-12 BSKs who met the participant
inclusion criteria. The archival records included police records, court
testimony, court evidence, media and news reports, documentaries, and other
biographical data (if available). The archival data underwent two cycles of
manual coding to ensure the most comprehensive study. The first cycle was
focused on identifying codes, categories, and themes guided by the SLT and
GST (the two chosen frameworks). To remain as close to the data and to stay
on an inductive approach, the second cycle included pattern coding, using
words groupings in the data instead of words and phrases identified in
previous research (Ravitch & Carl, 2016; Saldaña, 2016).
Conducting a case study on BSKs provided more choices for data
collection sources. The attempts to answer the research questions did not
require any traditional testing tools, questionnaires, interviews, or surveys
(Creswell, 2014). The process of studying BSKs also required a
retrospective look at their past including relationships with family and social
connections. The various data collection methods provided a comprehensive
pool of information necessary for analysis (Yin, 2014). Due to ethical
guidelines and IRB requirement, the study did not include any interviews
with incarcerated BSKs in Texas (APA, 2013). Consequently, the study
required gaining adequate access to data (Yin, 2014).
Definitions
Black serial killers (BSKs): Individuals who identify as Black,
African, African American, or Afro-American decent and who have
committed two or more murders over time and space and meet the FBI
standard for serial killers.
Emotional cooling off: The timeframe for serial killers that can last a
few days to weeks but usually spans months or years, between each murder.
During this time the offenders resume their “normal” activities (FBI, 2008).
Missing-missing: Individuals identified as homeless, prostitutes,
runaways, throwaways, drug addicts, and others with nomadic and transient
lifestyles. They remain a low priority to law enforcement (and media
reporting) when (or if) they are reported missing (Quinet, 2007).
Post-traumatic stress disorder: A trauma and stress-related disorder
recognized by the DSM -5 that develops into symptoms of anxiety, fear,
helplessness, flashbacks, and memories resulting from traumatic stress or
experience (APA, 2013).
Serial killer: Defined by the FBI as an individual who murdered at
least two victims, in separate events, that included an emotional cooling off
period between each of the murders (FBI, 2008).
Sexual deviance: A form of sexual expression that can range from
individuals’ who have fantasies about rape to actual criminal behaviors,
including rape, sexual violence, and murder (Carsten & Stevens, 2016;
Healey & Beauregard, 2017; Hickey, 2015).
Sexual deviant expressions: Sexual behaviors causing arousal that
include voyeurism, exhibitionism, sadism, masochism, and paraphilia
(Hickey, 2006).
Sexual (sexually) violent predator (SVP): An individual who has
multiple victims over time and space, displays psychopathic traits, and a
high frequency of sexual deviance (Hickey, 2015).
Texas Department of Criminal Justice (TDCJ): The primary
responsibilities of the TDCJ include operation of the state adult prison
system, adult parole supervision system, and oversight and funding of the
adult probation system (TDCJ, 2018).
White serial killers (WSKs): Individuals identified as Caucasian,
Anglo, or of European descent who have committed two or more murders,
over time and space, and meet the FBI standard for serial killers.
Assumptions
The primary assumption for the study included the lack of
accessibility to the target group (BSKs in Texas). The ethical standards of
research made them inaccessible to interview when conducting the study.
Therefore, the sources of data for the study included published public court
records and police records from various Texas jurisdictions. Another
assumption for the case study included that an adequate number of BSK
cases met the sampling requirements to do a meaningful case study (at least
10-12, but with as many as possible). This remained an essential factor to
achieve data and theoretical separation (Guest et al., 2006). Similarly, I
assumed I would be able to access sufficient archival data to conduct
analysis that would answer the research questions.
Scope and Delimitations
This qualitative case study focused solely on BSKs in Texas, with the
exclusion of WSKs, serial killers who do not identify as Black, and BSKs
committing murders outside of Texas. The study concentrated on the
childhood development, characteristics, and expressions of sexual deviances
in BSK, as guided by the research questions. The use of archival records
reduced the chance of transferability of method and results (Shenton,
2004).
Limitations
The qualitative case study approach came with certain limitations. For
this study, I did not have access to any living BSKs for interviewing. Due to
ethical and IRB standards, the study did not include any interviews from
BSK friends, family, or social acquaintances. This reduced the ability to
represent the voices of this target group.
The limited professional connection with Dr. Eric W. Hickey, who
owns the dataset (detailed in Chapter 3), reduced the risk of my bias in
selecting cases and analyzing the data. The inclusion of archival data
eliminated personal or professional connections that might have hindered the
data collection or analysis process. On the other hand, the use of the case
study approach using archival data created the risk of reaching saturation.
Thus, to meet saturation, the participant criteria included as many BSKs in
Texas who met at least 70% (seven of 10) set criteria for inclusion in the
study. Although the goal included at least 10 to 12 BSKs in Texas, the more
BSKs in Texas identified increased the potential for the required saturation.
Significance
Black individuals account for 13% of the United States population,
which is disproportionate to the increased population of BSKs (Hickey,
2015). The current literature on sexual deviance and serial killing does not
cover the depth and breadth of sexual deviance in BSKs. The steady increase
of the BSK population in conjunction with victim selection has indicated an
underrepresentation of a social phenomenon (Branson, 2013; Hickey, 2006).
But there is a lack of research on the expressions of sexual deviance in
BSKs. Thus, the results of this study provide information on the
phenomenon and more accurate and informative methods for investigations
of BSKs. The social implication of the study includes adding to the scholarly
research on the topic and the potential to assist law enforcement with
patterns and characteristic in BSKs. The study also paves additional avenues
for future studies on BSK.
Summary
This study describes the expressions of sexual deviance in BSKs in
Texas. The results of the study can provide the means to identify patterns of
violent behaviors, including sexual deviance, in BSKs. The chapter provided
an overview of the research including a summary of the background research
found on the topic, BSKs, and sexual deviance. The chapter covered the
problem statement and purpose of the study, the research questions, and the
conceptual frameworks SLT of aggression and GST. The chapter also
provided the nature of the study, definitions, assumptions, scope and
delimitations, limitations, and significance of the study. Next, the
dissertation transitions to Chapter 2, the literature review on the expressions
of sexual deviance in BSKs.
Chapter 2: Literature Review
Introduction
The purpose of this qualitative case study was to describe the
expressions of sexual deviance in BSKs in Texas. The literature on serial
killing gained momentum in the mid-1980s including research on the
character and behavioral traits, ages, gender, childhood experiences, and
sexual motives of offenders. The current research on serial killers had been
on sexual motivations and behaviors including how fantasies influenced
expressions of sexual deviance. Studies on sexual deviance identify a
common theme with maladaptive parental attachments and social
interactions in White offenders (Healey & Beauregard, 2015
Maniglio,2012). Though the social interest in serial killers continues to gain
awareness, scholarly research on serial killing remains limited. BSKs display
unique characteristics separate from WSKs, but the research had not focused
on this increasing population (Branson, 2013; Hickey, 2015; Hodgskiss,
2004; Lester & White, 2014).
This chapter provides an in-depth dialogue of the scholarly literature
available on serial killers, BSKs, sexually violent predators (SVPs), and
expressions of sexual deviance. The chapter begins with a description of the
literature search strategy that led to the history of serial killing, current
definitions, common myths, the current scholarly understanding, and
identified limitations. Next, the chapter addresses the emergence of the
research on BSKs, including identifiable limitations in the literature. Next,
the chapter presents the history and background defining expressions of
sexual deviance, including the evidence found and the need for more
research on the expression of sexual deviance
in BSK. The chapter then provides the conceptual framework that anchored
the case study including the GST and Bandura’s SLT of aggression. The
chapter concludes with a summary and transition to Chapter 3.
Literature Search Strategy
The literature review research strategy started with scholarly peer-
reviewed resources on serial killing (i.e., definitions, history, studies, BSKs)
and then on deviant sexual expressions, funneling to more refined topics.
The strategy required a search of numerous databases to locate the available
studies including, but not limited to, PsychoINFO, PsycARTICLES, SAGE
Journals, ProQuest, and Thoreau. Additional search engines used in the
literature search included Google Scholar, Walden (online) Library,
University of Phoenix (online) Library. The last resource included the City
of Garland Public Library. The keywords used to search past and current
research included, serial killer, multiple murd*, serial murd* (to capture any
article with murder, murders, murdered, etc.), sexual, violence, sexual
offending, sex offender, sexual predator, pedophilia, sex, fantasy, rape,
paraphilia, deviance, and deviant. Additional terms used to filter the
primary search options included, Black, African, African American,
AfroAmerican, Colored, Coloured, and Negro to locate literature specific to
the population and to search beyond Western empirical studies.
The scholarly research on serial murder (and offenders) remains in the
early stages; several studies have used the term infancy. Accordingly, to
ensure a comprehensive and diverse review, the search expanded beyond
peer-reviewed literature to include books on the specific topics of serial
murders, serial killers, sex crimes, and BSKs. The date range for scholarly
literature ranged from 1986 to the present day with an attempt to locate the
historical beginnings on research exploring serial murder, BSKs, and
expressions of sexual deviance. Likewise, the empirical research studies that
supported the conceptual framework (GST and Bandura’s SLT) fell outside
of the search parameters (published year). Therefore, the strategy
disregarded the date range while seeking out potential BSKs to include in the
study.
Serial Killers
Serial killers’ actions have inspired movies, books, documentaries, fan
clubs, and empirical research, but the public and media persona of serial
killers carries more myth than reality. The most common myth includes the
profile of a serial killer: a single White male who lives in solitude. In
contrast to media perceptions, serial killers acclimate well and can maintain
social appearances of a normal person including having a spouse and
children (Arndt et al., 2004; Beasley, 2004; Hickey, 2015; Kraemer et al.,
2004). A few of the most notorious serial killers (i.e., Ted Bundy, Jeffery
Dahmer, John W. Gacy) could charm their victims into a false sense of
security that led to their deaths. Other serial offenders (e.g., Dennis Rader,
Gary Ridgway, the Unabomber, Zodiac) eluded capture after they left a
string of victims over several years. In contrast, some serial murders have
stayed off the police radar and out of the news headlines by victimizing
prostitutes and transients—victims less likely to arouse concern or
suspicions if missing (Quinet, 2007). During the process of conducting this
case study, the FBI identified a BSK suspected of killing more than 90
victims over a span of 30 years, naming him the most prolific serial killer in
U.S. history (FBI, 2019).
History and Profile
Research on serial killing continued to increase over the last 40 years,
but crimes committed by serial killers have a long history. For example,
during the 15th century, Gille de Rais tortured and murdered 100 children
(Castle & Hensley, 2002). But the first documented case of serial murder in
the United States occurred during the 1800s. As recently as 20 years ago, the
act of serial (multiple) murder lacked comprehensive studies, as it was
considered out of the norm of criminal behaviors. Law enforcement agencies
have also varied in their definition for serial killers; but, most agree that
serial murderers had two (or more) victims in separate incidences that
included an emotional cooling off period between each murder (FBI, 2008;
Osborne & Salfati, 2015).
Researchers have also suggested the sexual fantasies of serial
offenders influence the increased levels of violence between each murder.
Sexual fantasies and sexual sadism have motivated some serial murderers to
role-play with their victims. For example, Prentky et al. (1989) found 86% of
serial murderers reported violent fantasy compared to 23% of single murder
offenders, p = .001. The researchers identified a significant difference in
fetishism in single murderers compared to their serial counterparts (33% vs.
71%, p = .03); the latter experienced almost twice the level of fetish
behavior. Examples of fetishism include removing sex organs, teeth, and
hair to use for sexual gratification later (Hickey, 2015). The most notable
disparity in the serial murderer sample group (n = 25) was racial disparity,
which only included one BSK (Prentky et al., 1989).
Research had continued to delve into the psychological profiles,
motivations, and the potential of a serial murderer epidemic with the
increasing occurrences of serial murder (Drukteinis, 1992; Stote & Standing,
1995). Earlier studies indicated that serial murderers lacked emotional
remorse, empathy, or responsibility for their actions. Research identified this
similarity as narcissism (Schlesinger, 1998). Additionally, psychopathy had
frequently been identified as a characteristic of serial killers. Although some
serial killers meet the criteria for psychopathy (PCL-R score >30; Hare,
2003), research suggested that psychopaths do not always commit serial
murder. Studies have indicated different factors might explain the actions of
serial killers, including the level of animal cruelty demonstrated in
childhood, sexual assaults (as victim and offender), military experiences,
their geographic location, and mental illness as well as psychological,
genetic, economic, cultural influences, and the age of offenders (Castle &
Hensley, 2002; Laws & Marshall, 2003; Maniglio, 2012; Singer & Hensley,
2004).
The motivations that drive an individual to repeatedly murder over a
span of time differs depending on each offender. In other words, the
available research determined it a challenge to provide one answer to explain
how a person evolves into a serial killer (Hickey, 2015). In contrast, the
research continues to emphasize similar limitations, including the lack of
comprehensive studies on serial murderers. Future studies on serial offenders
may need to include as many case studies as possible while maintaining an
objective and standardized process (Beasley, 2004).
Current Definitions and Models of Serial Killer Psychopathology
The studies located for the literature review support an increase in
sexual violence based on childhood experiences and exposure. For example,
in a case study of a serial killer, several psychological tests were
administered (i.e., PCL-R, MMPI-2, and WCST) in addition to
questionnaires and semi structured interviews to obtain a comprehensive
cognitive, emotional, and social understanding. The researchers concluded
the possibility of a different type of psychopathy found in serial killers (not
scoring >30 on the PCLR)—that is, this individual did not outwardly display
antisocial behaviors. However, he did not demonstrate any significant levels
of empathy or emotional and social attachments. The subject presented with
the antisocial personality disorder but was a personable individual and able
to blend in with others. In other words, the serial killer had observed and
modeled the required actions to present a normal life while violating social
norms and committing multiple murders (Angrilli et al., 2013).
Research and World View on Serial Murders
Researchers in England, South Africa, and Canada have also
attempted to determine common patterns, trends, and characteristics to
define serial killers (Carstens & Stevens, 2016; Gresswell & Hollins, 1994;
Hodgskiss, 2004; Salfati et al., 2015). These studies included differing
definitions for serial killers. One definition required serial killers
demonstrated six characteristics: (a) offenders had >2 victims, (b)
committed stranger attacks, (c) each murder occurred at a different time, (d)
each murder occurred at a different location, (e) murder was a compulsive
act or satisfying a fantasy, and (f) an identified victim pattern. Additionally,
there was a common offender profile; the United Kingdom follows the
Western model of a single White male (Gresswell & Hollin, 1994; Wiest,
2016). But these profiles lacked a comprehensive sample. For instance, some
countries have tribal communities without a connection to modern
technology and off the grid, limiting available data. For example, South
Africa lacked documentation of serial murders prior to the turn of the
century. One difference South African serial killers had from other countries
included no records of female serial killers (Hodgskiss, 2004).
Despite a lack of comprehensive research due to a lack of data, there
was an extensive library of research on the motives, characteristics,
behaviors and demographics, classifications, victim typology, and legal
definitions for serial killing in South Africa (Omar, 2008). The amount of
research in South Africa detailed similarities and differences with Western
serial killers. The first similarity included an increased number of BSKs on
both sides of the world. BSKs in South Africa have demonstrated the same
levels of violence, planning, and avoidance as their American counterparts.
BSKs in the United States must have a more detailed plan. BSKs planned the
capture and disposal of their victims, whereas BSKs in South Africa had
more rural land to dispose of a body and the elements helped with
decomposition. But, BSKs in South Africa lacked reliable transportation and
lured their victims to their deaths (Sorochinski et al., 2015). Further research
on serial killers in South Africa and the United States showed that prostitutes
composed 22% of the victims in the United States, and in South African
serial murders victims included 2.6% of the sample (n = 8). The higher
number of BSKs in South Africa remained consistent with the population of
the region. The number of BSKs in the United States also continued to
increase even when the total population of African Americans remained
consistent (Salfati et al., 2015).
Research on serial killers in South Africa also demonstrated similar
traits in psychopathy, personality, and mental illness. Sexual violence
against victims usually manifested from a fantasy of the offender that
motivated the actions during the attack. South African serial killers
demonstrated higher levels of sexual motivation (Salfati et al., 2015).
Paraphilia often originates from fantasy and considered abnormal sexual
expressions, including harmless fetishes to toxic and traumatic sexual harm
(Carstens & Stevens, 2016; Van der Watt et al., 2014). Despite this research,
future studies need to expand beyond the Western (U.S.) perspective. The
lack of global research on a universal behavior (serial murder) affects the
international community negatively and makes identifying commonalities
and differences in serial murderers difficult (Labuschagne & Salfati, 2015).
Developmental Models and Research
Serial killing is an elusive act; traditional psychological research is not
possible and other methods are needed to identify commonalities in
behaviors, motives, or underlying events that trigger serial murder. Three
theories on serial killers provide researchers an anchor to pursue additional
studies that help to identify and determine motivations. The theories on
serial murder most commonly referenced in scholarly studies include the
motivational model, the trauma control model, and the integrated model of
paraphilias. Though most researchers disclose the lack of empirical data to
support the theories, numerous studies reference one or more of the theories
in their studies (Healey & Beauregard, 2015, 2017; Kerr & Beech; 2016).
For example, Arrigo and Purcell (2001) developed the integrated model of
paraphilias model based on what they believed the motivational model and
trauma control model lacked.
The motivational model of sexual homicide, developed by the FBI,
suggests that serial killers demonstrate various expressions of sexual
deviance. The motivational model identifies a correlation with children who
lacked adequate attachment to parents and social isolation. They also display
higher frequencies of sexually violent fantasies to quench the need for power
and control. During childhood, according to the motivational model, serial
murderers torture small animals and commit arson to provide short-term
relief until the offender could express sexual deviance during the
commission of murders (Burgess et al., 1986).
The trauma control model was the first theory focused exclusively on
serial killers, which describes the foundations influencing individuals to
commit multiple murders (Hickey, 2015). The trauma control model
supports a combination of factors into serial murder including
predisposition, biological, environmental, and psychosocial. In other words,
genetics, physical, emotional, or sexual childhood trauma can influence
individuals into committing serial murder. Furthermore, social and
environment can also affect thoughts, emotions, and behaviors of serial
killers. Depending on the individual, either one incident or a combination of
traumas could result in serial murder, which can be sexual and nonsexual.
Research supported the use of the trauma control model to examine
serial killer behavior. Using the trauma control model, Arndt, Hietpas, and
Kim (2004) conducted a qualitative study on 285 cases selected from
Hunting Humans (1990) to identify the characteristics of male serial killers
(81% WSKs, 16% BSKs, 3% Hispanic, and <1%
Asian). The researchers separated the cases based on their motives—sexual
and nonsexual. Additional categories used in the study included comparing
the serial killers with stable lifestyles compared to transient and team killers
and solo offenders. The findings support the trauma control model with 63%
of the sexually motivated offenders having prior criminal offenses compared
to 46% of the nonsexual group (x2 = 9.14, p < .01). The sexually motivated
killers displayed more stability, selected women victims (strangers), and
preferred a more hands-on method, consistent with the trauma control model
(Arndt et al., 2004).
Finally, the integrated model of paraphilias of sexual homicide was an
extension to the motivational model and trauma control model. The model
states a lack of parental attachments during childhood increases paraphilia
and sexual murders (Arrigo & Purcell, 2001). Although none of the theories
provide a finite conclusion to the motivations of serial murderers, the
motivational model, trauma control model, and integrated model of
paraphilias provide researchers with a foundation to anchor future
comprehensive research. For example, Healey and Beauregard (2015) used
the models to research sexual deviance and low self-esteem through semi
structured interviews and reviews of archival data (police reports, mental
health records, and statements from victims) from a sample of 229 males
confided in federal prison for a minimum of 2 years (from April 1994
through June 2000, in Quebec, Canada) for sexual crimes. The results
supported the three theories on serial sexual killers; most serial sexual killers
expressed low self-esteem and sexually deviant fantasies. On the other hand,
the results also indicated low self-esteem and deviant sexual thoughts do not
always motivate individuals to commit serial murder.
Using the motivational model, trauma control model, and integrated
model of paraphilias as the theoretical model in a later study quantitative
study, Healey and Beauregard (2017) attempted to identify a correlation of
impulsivity in individuals with low self-esteem and sexually deviant
interests, and if they committed serial murder. The sample included 229
males incarcerated for sexual assault from and confided in federal prison
(located in Quebec, Canada) for a minimum of two years, 1997 – 2000.
Nonhomicidal sexual offenders comprised 63.8% of the sample (n = 146),
and the homicide sex offenders included 36.2% of the sample (n = 83). The
results found that homicide sex offenders demonstrated violent personal
characteristics not present in nonhomicidal sexual offenders. Healey and
Beauregard (2017) found a significant link to impulsivity in the individuals
convicted of sexual murders. The limitations included the self-reporting, and
the researchers suggested future studies continue to focus on specific factors
when individuals commit serial sexual murders.
Kerr and Beech (2016) sought to identify the motives in sexual
homicides through the detailed experiences of the offenders. They conducted
a qualitative case study using semi-structured interviews with eight White
SVPs convicted of sexual murder (two of them committed serial murders).
All participants conducted their interviews in private sessions (two-four
hours per session) and allowed to detail their recollections and accounts of
the crimes they had committed. The results from coding found four themes:
(a) avenge sexual abuse, (b) homicidal impulsivity, (c) prior trauma (i.e.,
catathymic reaction), and (d) emotional trauma. The motivational model,
trauma control model, and IPM compliment (sometimes overlapping) each
other providing a foundation on the motivational factors that create a serial
killer. Kerr and Beech (2016) argued the models still lack empirical data.
The researchers admitted the limitations of the sample size, and self-
reporting requires additional studies; including a specific focus on serial
sexual murderers with and without mental illness. Further, the motivational
models lack an appreciation for the underlying influences of sexual
homicides, beyond anger and sexual deviance.
Role of the Media
Donley and Gualtieri (2017) conducted a mixed-method study of 84
online news articles that reported on serial murder and his victims (two
known and four homeless individuals). The results supported the hypothesis;
the articles focused on the offender, then law enforcement efforts /
involvement, followed by advocating agencies, rarely did the articles discuss
the victims beyond identifying them as homeless. The researchers suggested
future studies look at differences in media coverage in different countries
and cross-cultural analysis. Researchers state a similar limitation, the need
for more data. The topic of serial murder requires additional research to
gather as much scientific data to explore and understand serial offenders
fully.
When BSKs come to light, as with Marc Stapleton, the media decide
which victims and offenders make their headlines. The lack of focus on
BSKs leaves their common target (prostitutes, homeless, etc.) at risk for
repeated abduction and murder (Cottrell, 2015; Levi-Minzi & Shields,
2007). The lack of interest and reporting on BSKs by journalists and media
outlets affected the ways scholars’ study serial killers; the focus of research
comes from social issues. A study conducted by Branson (2013) determined
the vilification of Black men continues as a common theme; media
perceptions follow the misconception of an unintelligent and violent thug
incapable of the skills to commit serial murder. The race-based profile
negatively results in BSKs slipping below the radar of law enforcement and
criminologists.
Research on Black Serial Killers
In comparison to the number of active serial killers, the number of
BSKs increased from 30% in the 1950s, to 51% of the total population over
a 150-year span, whereas WSKs have declined between the 1970s to 2010,
from 217 to 9. (Cottrell, 2015; Lester & White, 2014). The steady increase of
the BSK population in conjunction with victim selection identifies an
underrepresentation of a social phenomenon (Branson, 2013; Hickey, 2015).
Lester and White (2014) accessed archival data to study BSKs in
America. They identified and coded 500 BSK cases from 1900 through
2012, to explore the differences between BSKs and WSKs. The selected
sample included 205 WSKs and 57 BSKs. The results found notable
differences in the presence of parents during childhood compared to the
parents of BSKs. For example, 9.2% of WSKs compared to 27.8% of BSKs
had fathers in prison, and 18.8% of BSKs had mothers in prison (at some
point during childhood), compared to 5.1% of WSKs mothers. Also, the
different levels of social isolation during childhood that 70.9% of WSKs
reported, compared to 37.5% of BSKs. Another childhood distinction,
approximately 44% of WSKs reported exposure to physical violence
sometime before young adulthood, compared to 16.8% of BSKs. Last, more
than a quarter (26.7%) of WSKs will drug their victims; whereas, only 2.3%
of BSKs demonstrated similar behavior. (Lester & White, 2014). The
researchers identified the possibility of childhood differences and
preferences in violent acts. The potential risk of Type I error required
caution with the interpretation of the study results. The trends and
differences identified by Lester and White (2014), open the potential for
future studies to explore the childhood experiences in BSKs, and its
influences on adult behaviors.
Childhood Development and Social Structures
The results of these studies implied significant differences in familial
structure, education, and potential victims. BSKs lacked in education,
experienced more stable social attachments, had parents with criminal
histories, less likely to have faced abuse, or demonstrated at-risk behavior.
Childhood development studies on BSKs identified fewer reports of
childhood abuse, at-risk behaviors (i.e., killing animal, pyromania, etc.), and
loner activities as compared to WSK (Beckham & Prohaska, 2012).
Lester and White’s (2014) study identified commonalities with
familial structures in BSKs. Their research suggested childhood
development in BSKs differs from WSKs, including at-risk behaviors. For
example, a quantitative study of 563 low-income African American children
(ages 13-19) focused on their experiences with verbal parental aggression.
The results identified a resentment of parents, increased sexual activity, high
levels of aggression in males. In the females exposed to verbal parental
aggression, they demonstrated a higher frequency of post-traumatic stress
disorder, had a maladaptive connection to caregivers, and have a higher risk
for psychological problems (Voisin et al., 2014).
Bartol and Bartol (2012) discuss the importance of identifying conduct
disorders in juveniles; based on the potential conduct disorder results in
psychopathy as an adult. The onset of offending leads to chronic behaviors
for both individuals with high psychopathy scores on the PCL-R and those
with psychopathic traits. Likewise, both qualitative and quantitative research
methods were used to support theories that can explain deviant behaviors,
including serial murder. For example, one study explored commonalities and
differences in six minors who committed serial murder and determined each
adolescent demonstrated sexual sadism (Myers, 2004).
The research on BSKs stretched beyond the Western views, and the
research of BSKs in South Africa further demonstrate the lack of research on
the expression of sexual deviance in BSKs. The study accessed archival data
to describe the expressions of sexual deviance in a sample of BSKs in Texas.
Researchers suggested additional studies need to increase the sample size,
narrow the psychological autopsies, and conduct interviews with family and
friends to ensure the validity in the data set. There are a few studies that
identified unique characteristics in BSK, including victim selection and
personality traits (Branson, 2013; Hickey, 2015; Labuschagne & Salfati,
2015).
Victim Selection and Violent Behaviors
BSKs tend to kill within their own race and target the type of victims
who bring little to no attention when they go missing (Branson, 2013;
Hickey, 2015). Research identified the most common victims for BSKs
include homeless, prostitutes, runaways, throwaway, and substance abusers;
also called, the missing-missing (Quinet, 2007). Studies conducted on serial
murders and victim selection find a similar result; lifestyle choices of the
missing-missing make their absences a low priority for law enforcements
and appealing to BSK. Law enforcement agencies might never receive
notification when these individuals disappeared. When (and if reported) it
usually occurs after a significant amount of time.
Additionally, the nomadic lifestyle and crossing jurisdictions, creates
an additional barrier when linking similar crimes to one individual (LePard
et al., 2015). The available research indicates BSKs do not fit the typical FBI
profile of most serial killers and allowed BSKs to have gone undetected by
law enforcement longer than WSKs. The victims who survive encounters
with BSKs rarely report the crimes for various reasons, including lack of
credibility for personal life choices, fear of blame for the attack, or low self-
esteem (Donley & Gualtieri, 2017; Hickey, 2015; Lester & White, 2014;
Quinet,2007; Walsh, 2005).
The research on sexual violence indicates 47% of serial rapists are
African American. The research on BSKs find most rape their victims. The
act of rape suggests BSKs have sexual deviant expression, and many studies
find expressions of sexual deviance start in the form of fantasy. For example,
Maury Troy Travis (BSK) recorded his crimes that included kidnapping his
victims (at least 12), he tortured and raped them before murdering them. For
that reason, empirical research on BSKs needs to focus on the expression of
sexual deviance. BSK studies need to increase the sample size, include
psychological autopsies, and (if possible) interviews with family and friends;
to ensure the validity in the data set (Bartol & Bartol, 2012; Hickey, 2006;
LePard et al., 2015; Lester & White, 2014; Quinet, 2007; Salfati et al., 2015;
Wright et al., 2016).
Expressions of Sexual Deviance
The volume of research on sexual deviance focuses on White males
and provided the scholarly community with helpful information. Therefore,
to obtain the research and clarify terminology this study will use SVPs when
discussing the research studies and offenders. According to Hickey (2015)
sexually violent offenders usually had one victim, committed one offense,
and behaviors did not escalate. In comparison, SVP had multiple victims
over time and space, displayed psychopathic traits, and a high frequency of
sexual deviance. Some literature used the terms SVP and sexually violent
offenders interchangeably; for consistency SVP addressed in this study had
more than one victim.
Various studies focused on the events that manifest individuals from
fantasy about sexual deviance into SVP. For example, a qualitative study
compared 25 serial (96% WSKs, n = 24; 4% BSK, n = 1) and 17 single (82%
WSKs, n = 14; 12% BSKs, n = 2) killers to determine the frequency of
violent sexual fantasies in the subjects. 86% of the serial murderers and 23%
of the single murderers had violent fantasy associated with their crimes, and
chronic assaults. Serial murderers also engaged in paraphilias. The study
also discussed the maladaptive parent-child relationship directly affects
selfesteem, and result in sexually deviant fantasy (Prentky et al., 1989).
The use of fantasy provided offenders with a sense of control over
their feelings and actions. Numerous theories supported the effect of
parenting styles and the development of sexual deviance, that usually begins
with fantasy and escalates to homicide. When individuals included
expressions of sexual deviance in murder; that changed the type of offender.
The personality traits of serial SVPs included narcissism, obsessive-
compulsive disorder, or schizoid traits (Chan et al., 2015; Healey &
Beauregard, 2015; Healy & Beauregard, 2017; Maniglio, 2012). For
example, a quantitative study with 624 SVPs (13 met criteria for serial
killers) completed semistructured interviews with a psychologist and
criminologist; participants also completed a computerized questionnaire.
Nine of the serial killers (p<0.01, Phi = 28) presented with narcissistic traits,
eight also had obsessive-compulsive traits and Schizoid traits (p<.05) (Chan
et al., 2015). On the other hand, researchers failed to identify a need to study
the sexual deviance in BSKs.
History and Background on Expressions of Sexual Deviance
The taboo subject of sex, sexual development, and sexual expressions hinder
relevant discussions; not only in scholarly research but in Western
mainstream media and television. Sexual deviance, a form of sexual
expression, can range from individuals’ fantasies about rape to criminal
behaviors, including rape, sexual violence, and murder. Sexual offenders can
commit sexual violence even if they do not penetrate their victims (Carstens
& Stevens, 2016; Healey & Beauregard, 2017; Hickey, 2015). Freud
provided the first insight into the sexual development and its influence in
human behavior (Laws & Marshall, 2003).
Moreover, it helped lay the foundation on the types of behaviors that
fell into the category of deviance. For example, early psychology accepted
homosexuality as an expression in sexual deviance (Jones, 1910). The
definition of normal sexual behavior shifted and changed with time and
social norms. Alfred Kinsey stepped forward to challenge the belief that
homosexuality qualified as deviant behaviors; claiming most boys
experience some level of homosexual behavior, therefore normal sexual
development (Kinsey et al., 2003).
The studies on sexual deviance determined behaviorism best
supported the expression of sexual deviance. One study determined SVPs
fell into various categories, and sub-types who assault strangers,
acquaintances, and family members; including incest and child molestation.
Other forms of sexual deviant expressions include voyeurism, exhibitionism,
sadism, masochism, and paraphilia (Hickey, 2006). The early research on
sexual deviance provided aversion treatments to suppress the sexual deviant
thought or action. Individuals who experienced homosexual thoughts and
feelings would expose themselves to a shock therapy to reduce sexual
arousal. Thankfully, for standards and ethical requirements, this method of
research no longer occurs (Callahan & Leitenberg, 1973).
The sexually sadistic offenders will achieve arousal at some point
during the commission of the crime (Chan et al., 2015; Dietz et al., 1990;
Healey et al., 2016; Wright et al., 2016). An exploratory study on 30
sexually sadistic males found some commonalities but warned any
generalization based on one study would not benefit the scholarly
community. The suggestions for future research include a more focused
study with specific questions to identify a trend or pattern in learned
behaviors (Dietz et al., 1990). The available scholarly literature and research
studies on sexual deviance continue to primarily focus on White SVPs
(Healey et al., 2016). For example, one study of 96 male SVPs, 81 identified
as White; and of that group, 61% were single with a mean age of 33.62 years
(SD 10.43) (Chan et al., 2015). In one of the few research studies on Black
SVPs, results found almost half of the serial rapists are Black men (Wright et
al., 2016).
Recent studies followed the same pattern as its predecessors with
using White males to provide the bulk of the sample group (Kraemer et al.,
2004; Osborn & Salfati, 2015). The evolution of normal helped fine tune the
scope of the required research. In other words, the acceptance that
individuals who have sexual deviant thoughts and fantasies demonstrate the
same level of normal when they do not act out their fantasies. According to
researchers, the use of fantasy, even sexually sadistic, to work through
emotional struggles and frustration can provide therapeutic results when the
fantasy does not manifest into actual behaviors. The concern with serial
killers who had past expressions of sexual deviance included the resulting
emotions when the actual act fails to meet up to the standards set by the
fantasy (Prentky et al., 1989).
Beckham and Prohaska (2012) conducted a qualitative study on the
sexual deviance of men who use the internet to seek out and murder their
victims (i.e., prostitutes). The study identified similarities in characteristics
of offenders; including social isolation, childhood abuse, increased
collection of pornography, and sexual deviant expressions. The similarities
in offenders also included personality traits and childhood trauma resulted in
sexual deviance and violence. Adequate data on the number of active SVPs
remains limited because of the underreporting by victims. Several factors
prevent victims from reporting sexual assaults; including their age, the
relationship to the offender, and the victims’ profession or personal
behaviors (Hickey, 2006).
Definitions and Understanding of Sexual Deviance
Sexual deviance derives from abnormal paraphilias that usually start
as sexual fantasies (Chan et al., 2015; Hickey, 2006). Several factors
motivate individuals to pursue fantasy to escape their realties. Sexually
deviant fantasy gives individuals with insecurities, low self-esteem, and
social isolations (loneliness) a feeling of control, intimacies, and an identity.
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders – Fifth Edition
(DSM-5) defined sexual deviance as a mental disorder, incorporated within
paraphilia (APA, 2013). DSM-5 explained paraphilia can manifest into both
normal and abnormal fantasies and sexual arousal. Hickey (2006) identified
five categories of paraphilia: (a) physical and nonviolent; (b) nonphysical
and nonviolent; (c) sadistic; (d) masochistic; and (e) sadomasochistic.
Within each of the categories includes a comprehensive classification system
on expressions in sexual deviance. Sexually violent offenders sexually
violent offenders differ from SVPs in the recidivism of behavior (Hickey,
2015).
The least harmful method of sexual deviance included fantasy and
role-play where the individual had control and can dominate. SVPs satisfied
their sexual desires through fantasy for a while; yet, the fantasy did not
fulfill the need for belonging and intimacy. Individuals who failed to move
beyond fantasy become more deviant in their thoughts and resulted into
seeking victims to act out the fantasy becoming SVPs (Healey
& Beauregard, 2015; Healey & Beauregard, 2017; Murray, 2017).
For example, a study using 86 SVPs, both single-victim (n = 73) and
serial offenders (n = 13), determined 46 of them, 47.9% (n = 35) of single-
victim and 84.6% (n = 11) of serial SVPs, experienced sexual deviant
fantasies within 48 hours of the murders (Chan et al., 2015). Maniglio
(2012) conducted a study of 186 SVPs and concluded individuals lacking
emotional stability and increased social alienation experienced more sexual
deviant fantasies. Sexually deviant fantasies presented as a risk factor for
offending in the future. The insecurities that developed from failed
childhood attachments manifested into fantasy to fill the needs of intimacy
and belonging.
The internet provides people unlimited access to sexually explicit
materials that, for some, can manifest into sexual deviance; fueled by the
underlying paraphilia. The level of violence and deviance expressed within
the fantasy varied between individuals (Van der Watt et al., 2014). Schmitt
and Jonason (2015) stated lack of emotional attachments shapes sexual
activities. When left unfulfilled, individuals can develop increased anger,
frustrations, and express violent behaviors. A study on the pattern of
behaviors suggested individuals who experienced internal sexual frustration
evolved into external aggression against others (Stefanska et al., 2016).
SVPs rape their victims as a common type of (and underreported)
sexual assault, but not all SVPs murder their victims. Most SVPs who
committed murder started with sexually deviant fantasies (Hickey, 2006;
Oliver et al., 2007; Van der Watt et al., 2014). Therefore, the next step
includes identifying a source for the behaviors. The information on SVPs
studies supported mental illness’ role in the level and frequency of their
sexual deviance. For example, in a study of 13 SVPs who committed serial
murders, all of them had at least one personality disorder (Chan et al., 2015).
A different study determined a common root cause for the sexually
deviant fantasies that resulted in the offenders committing serial murder,
included a lack of parental bonding and attachment during childhood
development (Healey & Beauregard, 2015). Additional studies have
questioned the influence genetics play in the predisposition sexual deviance
with limited correlations in results. Numerous other studies on sexual
deviance in serial murders referenced childhood experiences and effects of
conflicts in the parent-child relationship as the primary catalyst to the
behaviors (Chan et al., 2015; Maniglio, 2012; Oliver et al., 2007; Simon,
2015).
The Development of Sexual Deviance
Individuals dealing with social development concerns, including
aggression and sexual deviance, usually starts from childhood and with
parent-child relationships (Bandura, 1971; Burgess et al., 1986; Carstens &
Stevens, 2016; Healey & Beauregard, 2017; Maniglio, 2012; Myers et al.,
1993; Viosin et al., 2014). Healey and Beauregard (2017) identified the
impulsivity associated with SVPs, including a commonality in the childhood
development of sexual murderers, included a dysfunctional (or nonexistent)
parental attachment with one or both parents. Abnormal paraphilias can
develop during adolescence, and if not addressed, will continue throughout
life (Bandura, 1971; Carstens & Stevens, 2016).
A natural part of the human experience includes sexual expression.
The use of sex to cope with presenting psychological concerns provided
individuals with a healthy outlet (Bakaroudis, 2014). Failing to address
underlying mental issues, other than through sexual expression alone, led to
sexually deviant behaviors. The motivational model of sexual homicide
stated the maladaptive parent-child relationship (i.e., abuse, neglect) resulted
in low self-esteem, isolation, and increased hostility. The inability to
establish a healthy bond sends children down a path of low self-esteem
manifesting into negative emotions that evolved into deviant thoughts and
behaviors, including sexual aggression (Burgess et al., 1986; Maniglio,
2012; Myers et al., 1993; Voisin et al., 2014).
A study of SVPs (n = 229) found a commonality of low self-esteem
who had maladaptive relationships with their caregivers and used fantasy to
satisfy sexually deviant thoughts and achieve control (Healey & Beauregard,
2015). Rapists report a lack of attachment to their fathers; whereas child
molesters stated avoidance or nonchalant attachment to their mothers
(Maniglio, 2012). The lack of attachment in childhood continues into
adulthood. For example, a study of 170 male SVPs (112 rapists and 58
murders) found the majority (38%) lacked intimate relationships at the time
of the offense (Oliver et al., 2007). In the study conducted by Chan et al.,
(2015) 69.4% (n = 85) SVP had no intimate companionship at the time of
their crimes, 23.5% (n = 20) had committed relationships (married and
unmarried), and 7.1% (n = 6) were divorced/separated from their intimate
partner. However, other case studies on SVPs (who committed serial
murder) used their committed relationships as a method to fit into societal
norms and deflected attention from their actions (Maniglio, 2012; Murray,
2017; Simon, 2015).
Sexual Deviance and Serial Murder
The research on the expressions of sexual deviance in White males
continues to evolve; including studies on offenders who committed serial
murders (Healey & Beauregard, 2016). In a bit of contrast to the FBI (2008)
definition, most law enforcement agencies and criminologists agree an
individual defined as a serial killer murdered three or more people, with a
cooling off period between each murder (Bartol & Bartol, 2012; Hickey,
2015). The motivation for serial murderers usually had an underlying sexual
gratification but have four main influences; (a) attention seeking, (b) trill
killings, (c) anger and (d) monetary (Simon, 2015).
Serial killers fall into one of two types, organized and unorganized.
Nevertheless, serial murderers (organized and unorganized) do not start their
criminal activity by killing their victims. They demonstrate a progressive
escalation from sexually deviant fantasies into criminal behaviors over
several years (Murray, 2017). For example, Jeffery Dahmer suffered from
loneliness and used fantasy to fulfill his social needs; that manifested into
sexual sadism, then serial killings (Martens, 2011).
The internet provided another avenue for SVPs to prey upon and lure
their victims. SVPs who demonstrated higher frequencies of sexually deviant
expressions, including fantasy, kill prostitutes (Beckham & Prohaska, 2012).
Murray (2017) conducted an ethnographic content analysis on mass and
serial killers and the influence of sexually deviant fantasy. The results found
serial and mass murders who experienced worthlessness, self-doubt, and an
increased level of inadequacy, begun with deviant sexual fantasies to fulfill
the loneliness. The use of fantasy does not affect Western society alone. A
study of SVPs in South Africa who raped strangers started by acting out only
a portion of the fantasy; like trial runs before the first murder (Van der Watt
et al., 2014). SVPs who had sexually deviant fantasies demonstrated a lack
of impulse control and turned their fantasies into actual crimes, including
serial murder. The relationship between the sexually deviant fantasy and
WSKs seems evident with continued studies on the subject (Chan et al.,
2015; Maniglio, 2012).
Beckham and Prohaska (2012) conducted a qualitative study on sexual
deviance in men who murdered and used the internet to seek out their
victims. They did an exploratory research case study on Kylan Laurent,
Vincent Tabak, Cody Legebokoff, and Philip Markoff, to determine
similarities in characteristics. These four men used the internet as their
primary tool to seek out and lure their victims (prostitutes) to their death.
Laurent and Legebokoff met the definition, and fit the psychological profile,
for serial killers.
The study identified similarities in characteristics in offenders;
including, social isolation, childhood abuse, increased collection of
pornography, and expressions of sexual deviance. The similarities in
personality traits and childhood trauma resulted in sexual deviance and
violence. The study determined future research needs to explore this type of
offender (Beckham & Prohaska, 2012). The make-up of WSKs as the sample
group remained a common theme in research on the expressions of sexual
deviance. In the United States, African Americans comprise 13%; of the
population; in the 150-years of records on serial killing BSKs comprised the
majority of the population with 50.99%. The books provided an insight into
this elusive offender. The literature and research on serial killing did not
cover the depth and breadth of sexual deviance in BSKs (Branson, 2013;
Cottrell, 2015; Hickey, 2015; Lester & White, 2014).
Conceptual Frameworks
Research on serial killers started to increase in its focus and
perspectives. The research moved into the motivations and actions of the
offenders. SVPs have emerged as a sub-culture within the serial killing field.
The studies on SVPs who committed serial killing suggested the information
remained limited and needed a more specific focus. The use of archival data,
to complete a qualitative case study on the expression of sexual deviance in
BSKs in Texas, required two theories to keep the research on track. The first
theory, introduced by Albert Bandura, the SLT of aggression (1971),
provided the conceptual framework for the proposed research on the
expression of sexual deviance in BSKs. The second theory, GST (Agnew,
1992), focused on the strains that affected social development and learning
in children and its ongoing effects. The use of the SLT and GST only
provided the support to interpret the data on the expressions of sexual
deviance of BSKs in Texas.
The Social Learning Theory and Aggression
Bandura presented the SLT of aggression as a comprehensive
explanation of human behavior based on observation and modeling (i.e.,
operant conditioning) (Bandura, 1971). Bandura studied numerous aspects of
social learning and human behaviors before the comprehensive SLT model,
including the development of aggressive behavior. The Bobo Doll study
sought to identify the level of influence exposure to aggressive behaviors
had on children. The study included 96 children (even number of boys and
girls) ages ranged from approximately three to six (median age of 4.3). The
children split into three experimental groups (n = 24) experienced aggressive
behaviors from adult role models, films, and cartoons; the control group (n =
24) had no exposure to any aggressive models. The results suggested the
children exposed to real-life aggression in adults modeled the similar levels
of aggression; with the boys behaving with more aggression than the adult
male they observed displaying aggression (Bandura et al., 1963).
Aggressive behaviors manifest from an unhealthy expression of
emotions and feelings. Children model their actions based on their
observations of their parents’ behaviors; providing the foundation and most
influence in self-efficacy. For example, children learn the limitations of the
aggression they demonstrated; weighing the pros and cons of the situation
before acting out with aggression (Bandura et al., 1963, Bandura 1971).
Children modeled the behavior displayed by the relevant social group;
including parents, siblings, friends, teachers, and celebrities. The primary
influences on psychological development and well-being started within the
family unit, structure, and experiences. In other words, the social
surroundings will either help or hurt the child’s development based on the
modeling (Bandura, 1971).
Observational learning stated an individual exposed to aggressive and
violent actions will display more aggressive or violent behaviors. For
example, Singer and Hensley (2004), used the SLT and conducted an in-
depth qualitative case study on five serial murders who inflicted cruelty to
animals during their childhood. The researchers determined each participant
experienced long-term humiliation that manifested into anger and frustration.
The results of the study suggested because of their young ages and small
stature as children, offenders used animals to inflict the pain, suffering, and
humiliation they experienced. This type of action gave the participants
temporary solace; all five promoted from the hurting animals, and eventually
killed people.
Children who experienced family violence had an increased likelihood
to commit sexual battery, including date or marital rape based on the SLT.
Children who experienced sexual abuse modeled this behavior as adults and
committed sexual offenses; usually the same type of abuse they experienced
(Bartol & Bartol, 2012; Friedrich, 1990; Singer & Hensley, 2004). A
quantitative study of 13,964 male offenders in state and federal prisons used
computer-aided interviews. The researcher used the SLT to determine the
association of sexual and physical abuse during childhood with offending
(sexual and violent) as an adult. The results identified 4.4% of the offenders
experienced sexual abuse, and 35.8% experienced physical abuse during
childhood (Felson & Lane, 2009).
Offenders who experienced physical abuse committed violent
offenses, including sexual assault. Black offenders committed violent crimes
more often than nonviolent crimes; but, less likely to sexually assault
children. The SLT stated children exposed to abuse will act out with similar
behaviors as adults (Felson & Lane, 2009). For example, a study using the
SLT in an etiological approach on sexual offenses committed by juveniles
recruited 416 male delinquents and sought to compare their experiences of
sexual victimization. The two groups of juvenile delinquents included
convicted of sex offenders (n = 272) and non-sexual offenders (n = 199).
The racial breakdown of the group included African Americans (51.1%),
White (29%), and other groups made up the remaining demographic
(19.9%). The participants completed anonymous surveys on numerous
aspects of sexual experiences and victimization. The results found 79.4% (n
= 216) of the sexual offenders and 46.7% (n = 93) of the non-sexual
offenders experienced sexual abuse (χ2 = 54.39, df = 1, p<.000). The former
group experienced more abuse from relatives and parents, with the abuse
resulting from either force or disguised as games. Also, a finding of interest
included the report from 75% of sexual offending group who stated
penetration was the worst level of victimization experienced, compared to
46.2% of non-sexual offenders (χ2 = 28.44, df = 3, n = 309, p<.000) (Burton,
Miller, & Shill, 2002).
General Strain Theory
Askew (1992) presented the GST that looked at three types of
negative strain in a person’s immediate environment. The first type of
negative strain occurred when individuals failed to meet a goal with a
positive value. The second type of strain happened when individuals had
positive stimuli removed or experienced the threat of removal. The last type
of strain occurred when individuals had negative (noxious) stimuli
introduced or experienced the threat of negative stimuli. The GST described
a lack of parent-child bonding and child attachment had resulted in sexually
deviant fantasies.
According to the GST, individuals respond with two types of emotions
to strain, self-directed and other-directed. African Americans reported strain
more often than any other social group. African American women reported
strain more often than African American men and demonstrated the self-
directed emotional response. African American men expressed strain
through aggression and deviant behavior (i.e. other-directed) and in higher
frequency than African American women (Jang, 2007). For example, in one
quantitative study with 1,915 African American participants (n = 950, girls
and n = 965 boys), girls respond to strain with deviance that remained self-
contained; experiencing higher frequency of depression (z = 1.29, p < .10)
and suicidal thoughts. Future studies need to use the GST to identify other
deviances including high-risk sexual activities and prevention programs for
youths (Francis, 2014).
The GST provided the secondary conceptual framework to anchor the
study on the expressions of sexual deviance in BSKs. Expressions of sexual
deviance resulted from negative relationships, strain, and social learning.
The focus of social background and its influence on juvenile and adult
behavior provided meaningful guidance to develop the data collection
instruments and analysis plan for this study.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the increased number of BSKs, and the victims who
went unnoticed evolved into a quiet (and unknown) a social issue.
Additionally, the type of victims selected by BSKs also increased, but the
reduced focus on their victims puts the population at risk. The research on
serial killing increased interest in the last 25 years and continues to evolve
and grow. The research demonstrated the growth remained one-sided. The
literature on the motivations to commit serial murders, included social
development, psychological influences, and cognitive development. The
research on serial murder expanded into the sexual deviance and abnormal
behaviors in concert with the killings. However, WSKs remained the
primary sample group; feeding into the myth that White men comprised
most serial killers. The reality of the situation came to light during the
literature review. Studies on BSKs remained limited, to almost non-existent,
and required more research. More specific, empirical research has not
addressed the expressions of sexual deviance in BSKs. Insight into this
social issue provided information to law enforcement agencies that needs
tools to identify and capture serial killers, specifically BSKs.
Chapter 3: Research Method
Introduction
The purpose of this case study was to describe the expressions of
sexual deviance in BSKs. The case study design required accessing archival
records, including family history, criminal activities, and socio
demographics of BSKs in Texas to identify the expressions of sexual
deviance. A content-analysis approach was used to look for patterns across
cases.
This chapter will provide a detailed explanation of the research design
and methods to support the purpose of this study. First, the chapter starts
with the research design and rationale for its use. Next, the chapter provides
details of the researcher’s role and the methods to access the archival data.
The chapter will continue with the methodology, including the process of
selecting the cases used in the study, the instrumentation, the procedures to
access data, and the plan for coding. The chapter concludes by addressing
issues of trustworthiness and ethical methods involved in the study.
Research Design and Rationale
This qualitative case study has one primary research question: What
are the common socialization experiences and expressions of sexual
deviance in BSKs? Four sub questions guided the research to answer the
primary question:
1. What are the common and unique family of origin and childhood
experiences of BSKs?
2. What are the common and unique adolescent developmental
experiences of known BSKs?
3. What are the common and unique expressions of sexual deviance
in BSKs?
4. How are the family of origin, childhood, and adolescent
experiences connected with the expression of sexual deviance in
adult BSKs?
The central concepts and phenomenon of the study included
describing the expressions of sexual deviance in BSKs in Texas. The study
required delving into various dimensions of experiences of BSK, including
their family and adolescent origins and experiences. Although expressions of
sexual deviance have been researched and defined, studies have not focused
on this target group and instead have been focused on White offenders.
Moreover, research has identified correlations to expressions in sexual
deviance and the various criminogenic types and the benefits of exploring
the family and adolescent experiences in adult BSKs.
In this study, a multiple-case study approach was used to explore the
research questions, as it remains an effective method to examine what and
how research questions on phenomenon within a bounded context (Baxter &
Jack, 2008; Yin, 2014). Based on the bounded context for this research, the
unique phenomenon, accessing the public and archival records assisted in
answering the research questions. Furthermore, the multiplecase study
approach provided several benefits: (a) it reduced the risk of manipulating
data or BSK behaviors, (b) incorporated the boundaries of the context into
the phenomenon of the study, and (c) included examination of the contextual
conditions most relevant to the BSK phenomenon (see Baxter & Jack, 2008).
Some previous studies on similar concepts involved a quantitative
approach to research the developmental models of serial murder (i.e.,
motivational model, trauma control model, and integrated model of
paraphilias) that studied SVP, including those who committed serial
murders. This was primarily because the access to SVP allowed for a larger
population for the research and required the quantitative approach. However,
most of the available studies on serial killing (associated with or without
expressions in sexual deviance) have required a qualitative approach. But the
access to interview and study serial murderers remains a barrier to a
meaningful qualitative approach because individuals who commit serial
murders display psychopathology and cannot be relied on to provide honest
and forthcoming responses to surveys. Despite this barrier, the ability for
BSKs to remain under the radar of law enforcement required a qualitative
approach (see Angrilli et al., 2013; Branson, 2013; Castle & Hensley, 2002;
Hickey; 2015). The case study approach over other qualitative approaches
(e.g. systems approach, narrative analysis) was the best method based on the
availability of archival and public records (data sources). Additionally,
access to BSKs, the individuals with direct experience of the phenomena,
was intangible for the study.
Role of the Researcher
In all qualitative research, the researcher has a significant role in the
process (Ravitch & Carl, 2016). The responsibilities of the researcher, the
primary tool for the study, includes collecting the observational data,
conducting interviews, and studying the associated documents, videos, and
media, which usually consists of some form of observation. Because this
study did not allow for observing BSKs in their natural environment, I
accessed archival data including information on the familial background (via
documentaries, media, and newspaper reports) of the BSKs who met the
selected criteria. In addition to family data, the available and accessible
criminal (police) and court records (i.e., transcripts, motions, decisions, etc.)
on disposed cases provided data to identify the socio demographics on
selected participants. Once I gathered the data, I proceed with coding and
conducting a content analysis on the data. Qualitative studies sometimes
require additional data to achieve the required saturation (Ravitch & Carl,
2016). Based on the type and quality of data I obtained, I reached a ceiling of
information in some areas, making saturation a concern.
Personal bias might occur during a qualitative study and often a result
of either a personal or professional relationship with the topic or the
individuals involved. For this research, I have a professional connection with
Dr. Eric W. Hickey, who provided a dataset of serial murderers to find
potential candidates for the study and was a source of reference on the topic
of serial murder and BSKs during the data collection and analysis. The
potential for bias in the study could have also occurred in the selection,
review, and extraction of data from the archival data obtained. To reduce the
risk of personal bias in data collection, I reached out to professional experts
in the field to review the results and provide suggestions and feedback.
I do not have any additional professional or personal connections to
BSKs, their families, or BSK relationships (social or professional). The
research topic remains outside of my professional field, removing the
potential for any work-related conflicts of interest. Additionally, my
connection to the problem remains academic with the desire to advance
scholarly research on a social phenomenon.
Methodology
Participant Selection Logic
The population required to conduct the study included BSKs in Texas
who have a demonstrated history of sexually deviant behaviors. The current
literature does not address the BSK population to determine commonalities
in their development to explain behaviors adequately. The following criteria
helped determine the participants selected to answer the research question
(and sub questions):
1. Individual must have been identified as either Black or African
American.
2. The individual must have met the FBI standard used to qualify as a
serial killer (i.e., two or more victims).
3. The individual must have had a documented record of sexual
assaults or behaviors
4. The individual must have had a documented record of sexual
assaults or behaviors associated with at least one of the murders
committed in Texas. Police reports or archival records confirmed
whether the individuals met the criteria listed. Overall, participants
needed to meet seven of the 10 criteria for inclusion:
1. Identify as Black or African American
2. Meet FBI standard for serial killing (i.e., two or more killings with
emotional cooling off between murders)
3. Documented sexual assaults
4. Documented sexual behavior
5. Documented sexual assault associated with one murder in Texas
6. Documented sexual behavior associated with one murder in Texas
7. Police record in Texas confirms sexual assaults/behavior
8. Public records in Texas confirm sexual assaults/behavior
9. Archival records provide familial information (including childhood
& adolescent development)
10. Archival records provide social development (including childhood
& adolescent development)
I searched and identified as many potential participants for the study to
increase the chances of reaching data saturation. The current availability of
preliminary data sources for analysis yielded 14 BSK cases to examine and
analyze as an embedded unit of analysis (see Yin, 2014).
The target population consisted of BSKs in Texas, identified as an
underrepresented criminal group in scholarly research (Branson, 2013;
Lester & White, 2014). A purposeful sample using the criterion for
participant selection will come from various datasets, including the Hickey
dataset (2019). The criteria establish a standard for a purposeful sampling
strategy for selecting cases from the various datasets. The databases
represented a possible pool of 100 cases to locate participants who could
meet seven of the ten participant criteria.
Instrumentation
The literature study, in conjunction with the SLT of aggression, and
the GST guided the content to extract from the data obtained. Based on the
published literature and frameworks, as the key concepts that distinguished
serial killers and other types of homicidal perpetrators, I used this instrument
developed for data collection:
Table 1
Instrument for Data Collection
Framework (SLT/GTS)
Sequence/Timing of Murder Emotional Cooling off between
murders, criminal adaptive behaviors,
violent assault and/or rape associated
(SLT)
Common Socialization
Experiences
No HS Diploma and/or history of
mental retardation (GTS/SLT)
Unique Socialization
Experiences
No mental retardation and/or illness
with adaptive behaviors (SLT)
Common sexual deviance
expression
Rape, sadomasochism, child molesters
(GST and STL)
Unique sexual deviance
expression
voyeur and necrophilia, (STL)
Common characteristics in
Family of origin
Negative Familial Support with
associated GST (P & N)
Unique characteristics in
Family of origin
Positive Familial Support with no
associated GST or limited strain
Common Childhood
experience
Violent childhood trauma (SLT)
Unique childhood
experiences
No childhood violence and/or trauma
(GST) Framework (SLT/GTS)
Procedures for Recruitment, Participation, and Data Collection
Once I received IRB approval for the study, I begun with a search of
the Hickey dataset (2019), to identify potential cases for the study who met
the participant criteria listed above. Next, I searched public databases (media
documentaries, newspaper articles, books, etc.) on serial killers to identify
additional BSK cases that met required criteria used in the study. Upon
meeting the required criteria for selection into the study, I conducted daily
searches for open records on the BSK cases in Texas. When available
through public access, no restrictions prevented inclusion of the data for
secondary analysis. Which included police requests for reports, open (public)
records requests, media reporting, in addition to court records, mitigation
reports, and transcripts for disposed BSK cases.
I made formal requests for some of the archival data, when I could not
obtain information through public sites and records (e.g., open records
requests, police records, Freedom of Information Act). For example,
obtaining some of the archival data required an email to request access to the
information. Also, obtaining access to some court and police records proved
difficult, even using proper requests. The last method to access archival
records included personal contact with court administrators and state
officials to determine ethical procedures to gain access to disposed court
cases on BSKs in Texas.
The study required the following to achieve saturation:
1. Reviewed the Hickey dataset (2019), to locate BSKs in Texas.
2. Identifying as many cases as possible meeting the criteria to
include BSKs from Texas, and expand to other sources (Cottrell,
2015).
3. Identified viable cases to include in the sample size and to access
archival records on known BSKs in Texas. The participant criteria
filtered out individuals who did not fit the sample group.
4. Accessed archival records that provided the primary sources of
data required for the case study. The data originated from reliable
and credible sources for ensured objectivity. Police and criminal
records, and available court transcripts for cases provided public
access to legal documentation of criminal activities before (and
after) apprehension. Published print and electronic media report
(newspaper reports, documentaries, books, and other written
materials) supplemented and corroborated the police and court
records.
Data Analysis Plan
The content-analysis approach provided a method for data
management and analysis beneficial to archival case study research. The
process allowed me to look beyond counting words that identified themes
during coding; and focused on the characteristics of the language and its
intended meaning (purpose). The conventional content analysis provided a
study design that assisted with describing the phenomenon, in an inductive
and deductive process (Elo et al., 2014; Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). A chart
was used code the data, and each participant who met seven of the 10
criteria, had an individual Excel worksheet for the first cycle. Using the
chart, the following sub questions were aligned with first cycle concepts and
most relevant themes:
•What are the common and unique family of origin and childhood
experiences of Case #?
•What are the common and unique adolescent developmental
experiences of Case #?
•What are the common and unique expressions of sexual deviance
in Case #?
•How is the family of origin, childhood, and adolescent experiences
connected with the expression of sexual deviance in Case #?
Data accessed and available for the study underwent two cycles of
manual coding. The first cycle used In Vivo to identify the codes, categories,
and themes, driven by the two frameworks and additional key concepts from
the literature. To remain as close to the data and to stay on an inductive
approach, the second cycle included pattern coding. In other words, I
continued to use the words identified in the data instead of using researcher
developed words synonymous with data (Ravitch & Carl, 2016; Saldaña,
2016). The coding for BSKs included their social patterns, social behaviors,
criminal history (during childhood, adolescence, and adulthood [if
applicable]) to identify:
1. different categories (and potential subcategories),
2. themes to answer the primary and sub-research questions, and
3. themes might create or classify a new theory.
The coding methods included the use of Excel to keep accurate records and
store the manual coding.
Issues of Trustworthiness
The research design took the necessary steps to maintain the standards
of credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability; ensuring the
trustworthiness of the content analysis study. The research design considered
each factor to meet the guidelines for an ethical and empirical research, with
a factually based conclusion. The study used peer-reviewed materials, when
available, for content-analysis of the data obtained. The situation remained
undetermined at the start of the study. Therefore, peerreviewed material
remained limited and required supplementary information. The scholarly
research has yet to thoroughly pursue BSKs. Nevertheless, through
saturation and establishing credibility, analytical generalization should be
attainable by additional researchers. The three phases of the research design,
(a) preparation, (b) organizational, and (c) reporting provide the researcher
with questions to ensure trustworthiness (Elo et al., 2014). Additional factors
I employed to ensure adequate credibility included the use of a case study, a
well-established qualitative method, and by using faculty members to review
the study (Shenton, 2004).
Qualitative studies also require dependability. The research design
used for this study included accessing legal documents and vetted materials,
this provided a level of dependability based on the original process used to
collect the information. The use of an Excel provided a tracking tool to
confirm the coding process used to obtain results from the data. Last, using
an archival approach reduced reflexivity, and resulted in no unintended
influences between cases and researcher. The non-existent personal
interactions increased the confirmability of results (see Ravitch & Carl,
2016; Rubin & Rubin, 2012; Shenton, 2004; Yin, 2014).
Ethical Procedures
Accessing archival data for this study removed numerous ethical
concerns. For example, in regard to participant interviews, no interviews
occurred for the study. Hence, selected BSK cases did not require signed
agreements. As previously stated, meeting with (and interviewing) convicted
BSKs violated both University standards and APA guidelines. The lack of
interviews did not remove all the requirements for an ethical research design.
For example, I obtained a signed agreement provided by Dr. Hickey for his
participation and dataset (2019). Accessible and available data collected for
the study will remain stored electronically on a hard drive, back up thumb
drive, and saved in a protected cloud file for a minimum of five years.
Summary
In conclusion, a successful qualitative case study required a thoughtful
and specific research design and rationale to answer the proposed research
question: What are the common socialization experiences and expressions of
sexual deviance in BSKs? My role as researcher played the most significant
role in the study. I completed an unbiased content analysis using accessible
and available archival data. The methodology employed strategies and logic
to secure an adequate sample size; with specific characteristics and criteria;
including a plan to obtain enough participants and data to meet saturation.
The data underwent two cycles of manual coding to identify codes,
categories, and themes that provided answers to the RQ. The research design
also provided steps to address any issues or concerns on trustworthiness.
Last, I employed ethical procedures for the qualitative case study on the
expression of sexual deviance in BSKs in Texas.
Chapter 4: Results
The purpose of this qualitative case study was to describe the
expressions of sexual deviance in BSKs in Texas. I requested and obtained
archival records on family history, criminal activities, and socio
demographics of BSKs in Texas used to identify expressions of their sexual
deviance. The qualitative case study had one primary research question to
address the common socialization experiences and expressions of sexual
deviance in BSKs and four sub questions related to family origin and
childhood, adolescent developmental experiences, sexual deviance
expressions, and how family origin and childhood and adolescent
experiences are connected to expressions of sexual deviance are connected.
This chapter begins with a description of the setting of the case study.
The chapter also includes the demographics of the BSK subjects as well as
the details of the data collection process including the number of cases,
location, frequency, and the duration (and recording method). The data
analysis process was also detailed, including the process of moving from
coding into identifying the categories and themes. The next section of the
chapter describes the trustworthiness of the study before a discussion of the
results.
Setting
Most qualitative studies involve interviews with participants to obtain
data for analysis (Yin, 2014), but this case study did not allow for access to
interview representatives of the target group because BSKs fall into a
protected population, and ethical procedures would not allow access to
incarcerated individuals selected for the case study. Archival records were
reviewed instead, as they provided the most convenient and reliable source
from which to obtain data. The setting for the study begun with a review of
the Hickey dataset (2019) which included 1,000 serial killers on Excel
spreadsheets. I filtered the data to identify offenders by race (Black) and the
state they committed the offense (TX). The first process identified 14 BSKs
from the Hickey dataset who committed at least two murders (with at least
one of those in Texas).
To improve saturation, the next step required locating additional BSKs
in Texas who met inclusion criteria detailed. The book Rise of the Black
Serial Killer provided separate chapters for individual, duo, group, and gang
BSKs identified through Cottrell’s (2015) comprehensive research. I
reviewed the names of individual BSKs and identified 33 individuals who
committed at least two murders (one in Texas) and had a history of rape
(sexual deviance).
The next step, as a method to confirm the data found on 14 BSKs
cases in Hickey (2019) data set and the 33 cases from the Cottrell book
required obtaining secondary data from the TDCJ offender database on the
public access website to confirm if the BSKs had a recorded criminal history
of sexual behaviors or sexual deviance. When the TDCJ offender site did not
yield a result but the location of crimes was provided, the inquiry search
expanded to the city and county court records to search for the secondary
data. The Harris County District Clerk required creating a free user account
for access at the site; no other county or city records required user login
accounts to access the public information.
The searches of the TDCJ, city, and county records on the 47 BSKs
identified using the Hickey dataset and Cottrell book, produced 14 BSK
cases that met at least seven of the 10 criteria. The identified cases had
criminal history (records) in Texas, that included an identified degree of
murder and sexual assault (i.e., behaviors).
Data Collection
The summary of the sources is provided in Table 2.
Table 2
Sources Used
1X X X X
X
2X X X
3X X X X X
4X X X X
X X
5X X X X X
X
6X X
X
7X X
X
8X X X
X X
9X X X X
X
10 X X X
X
11 X X X X
X X
12 X X X
13 X X X
X
14 X X X
Case
No.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Note. 1 = Texas Dep’t of Criminal Justice, 2 = BSK (by name) v. The State
of Texas (or other state), 3 = Texas Office of AG, 4 = Houston Chronicle, 5
= Associated Press & National News publications, 6 = Texas County
Records, 7 = Local Newspapers (various Texas cities), 8 = Network
Affiliates/News Media, 9 = Other Online Sources
The PDF records provided by TDCJ or data obtained using county,
court, and police records were saved electronically and stored on a thumb
drive. Using an Excel spreadsheet, I recorded data into individual
spreadsheets for each of BSK case. The data obtained included court orders,
indictments, appeals, sentencing reports, and criminal record in Texas
Databases. The data collection methods and sources remained the same for
each of the 14 BSK cases.
To obtain additional archival TDCJ records (secondary data), the
agency required the offenders name and either a date of birth or inmate
identification number. The data collection process for the case study started
with requests to the TDCJ public archival records, which required an e-mail.
The process to obtain the secondary data included additional costs not
originally anticipated. Within 10 days of the initial request to TDCJ, I
received individual reports for the BSK cases via e-mail (at $.10 per page);
some reports contained as few as two pages, and others included 16 pages.
One of the BSK requests came back with no records found within the TDCJ.
The information returned included a variation of redacted indictments, plea
agreements, and final jury findings for remaining BSK cases. Using the
secondary data provided about each offender from TDCJ, and with
additional searches for police and public data (i.e., county records, state
press releases, court appeals, etc.), the additional archival data included the
information required to meet the screening criteria, including familial
records, public records, police charges (not resulting in convictions).
Seven of the BSKs identified received death sentences in Texas; five
were executed and two on death row. The TDCJ rejected additional requests
to release mitigation reports that provide additional background data
regarding familial history. The screening process resulted in 14 BSK cases
that met required criteria for inclusion. Abiding by the processes set and to
ensure confidentiality of the BSKs, each of the subjects have a case number.
Variation in Data Collection
Using Excel spreadsheets, the data on BSKs were broken into sections
to obtain criminal history, sexual deviance, characteristics in family,
childhood experiences, adolescent development, and sequence of murder.
Most of the processes described in Chapter 3 were adhered to in the actual
data collection effort. On the other hand, the Hickey dataset (2019) did not
result in an adequate number of participants to screen for inclusion in the
case study. This barrier required access to additional data on BSK to screen
for inclusion. The only other variation was the unexpected fee assessed per
page for the reports from TDCJ.
Demographics
Table 3 presents a summary of the descriptive characteristics of the
sample.
Table 3
Sample Demographics
Black serial killer characteristic Frequency (n =
14)
Sexual assault and/or deviance associated with at least 1
murder
35.7% (n = 5)
Sexual assault without an associated murder 57.1% (n = 8)
Criminal history of assaults and/or violence 92.9% (n = 13)
Criminal history without violence and/or no criminal
history
.07% (n = 1)
Criminal history of theft, robbery, and/or burglary 57.1% (n = 8)
Experienced childhood trauma and/or violence 57.1% (n = 8)
Experienced no childhood trauma and/or violence 28.6% (n = 4)
History of mental retardation and/or low IQ 35.7% (n = 5)
No History of mental retardation and/or low IQ 57.1% (n = 8)
History of Mental Illness and/or Disorder 16.7% (n = 3)
No History of Mental Illness and/or Disorder 28.6% (n = 4)
Maladaptive Social and/or Criminal Behaviors 16.7% (n = 3)
Social and/or Criminally Adaptive Behaviors 57.1% ( n = 8)
The Black Serial Killer Cases
The following synopsis of the 14 BSKs who met the set criteria
includes the archival data obtained for the case study analysis on the
expressions of their sexual deviance.
Case #1
Four sources indicated (Associated Press, 2009; #1 v. Quarterman,
2009; #1 v. State of Texas, 2006; Harris County District Clerk, 2020; TDCJ,
2020) that over a 6month period (August 1997–January 1998), Case #1
committed three known murders, two rapes, and dozens of robberies. TDCJ
records confirmed before Case #1’s crime spree, he had a long criminal
history that included assaults, robberies, kidnapping, rapes, and homicides
that spanned over several years. Most of the murders occurred during the
commission of robberies. Case #1 had a history of violence connected to the
robberies he committed. This including punching, hitting, or using weapons.
Case #1 kidnaped and raped (oral and vaginal) his female victims, placing
them in the trunk of a vehicle, but he did not kill them.
Data from three sources (Associated Press, 2009; TDCJ, 2020; Turner,
2010) triangulated familial and developmental data for Case #1 and
indicated he had strong ties to his church, and he even taught Sunday school.
A witness referred to Case #1 as a “typical fun-loving teenager.” Case #1
dropped out of high school in the 10th grade, and by the time of his
incarceration he had fathered five children. Executed in 2010, Case #1
admitted making mistakes and denied any guilt until the State of Texas
carried out his death sentence.
Case #2
Two sources indicated (TDCJ, 2020; Turner, 2005) during his trial,
prosecutors described Case #2 as a serial robber, rapist, and murderer. Case
#2’s crimes spanned over a 20-year period and culminated into a 1-month
crime spree including four armed robberies, two sexual assaults, and two
murders. The murders occurred while he robbed his victims. DNA evidence
also linked Case #2 to sexual assaults in previous years.
Data from three sources (see Glenn, 2010; TDCJ, 2020; Turner, 2005)
triangulated Case #2’s childhood exposures that led him to mirror the life of
violence he experienced. Case #2’s sister died when he was 5, and he was
present as she burned to death. Case #2 later witnessed his mother kill her
boyfriend. A few years later his aunt would murder his mother (her sister).
Case #2 struggled in school, dropping out in the eighth grade after years of
failing. Case #2 adapted similar traits he experienced during childhood,
including alcoholism and violence. IQ test results indicated Case #2 suffered
from mental retardation with a score of 65. Prosecutors countered the claim
by stating Case #2 had obtained his GED in prison. The murders occurred
while he robbed his victims (Tilghman, 2005). The rapes he committed did
not coincide with the murders, and beyond the rapes he did not demonstrate
any additional sexually deviance.
Case #3
Four sources (see Graczyk, 2015; TX OAG, 2015; TDCJ, 2020; #3 v.
Thaler, 2013) verified Case #3 confessed to the murders of five victims over
a 6-year period. Case #3’s last three victims, a mother and her twin
daughters, had been beaten and stabbed. DNA found at the scene included
semen and the blood on the victims’ bed. Case #3 admitted to fondling one
of the twins and ejaculating. Two months prior to the three murders he beat
and killed his first known victim during an argument. It would be 6 years
until his next murder during the robbery of a convenience store when he
killed the clerk. DNA also linked him to the murder of a prostitute, but he
never faced charges. A South Texas jury sentenced him to death after finding
him guilty in the murders of the twins.
Data obtained from four sources (Graczyk, 2015; Hoffberger, 2015;
TX OAG, 2015; #3 v. Thaler, 2013) triangulated developmental for Case #3.
His lawyers appealed and argued his below-average IQ, and the brain
damage suffered when a baseball hit him in the head, made him ineligible
for the death penalty sentence. He attended 1 year in a Christian college to
play football, but after a knee injury prevented playing, he fell into drug
addiction. His lawyers also claimed years of drug use further impaired his
mental capacity. Family members stated he was dedicated to his family roles
(father, son, sibling) prior to the injury. Beyond the admitted sexual assault
(molestation) with DNA evidence, Case #3 had no other documented
expressions of sexual deviance. The murders with associated ejaculation
suggest sexual pleasure achieved through violence (sadism). Case #3
received a stay of execution and sits on death row in Texas.
Case #4
According to four sources (Associated Press, 2013; Garcia, 2013;
TDCJ, 2020) Case #4 committed four murders in two separate incidents on
the same day in North Texas. He killed two victims at each location and
critically injured others during the attacks. At the first location he shot and
killed his girlfriend and her daughter. Fifteen minutes later and 10 miles
away, the second murders included his ex-wife and stepchild, whom he shot
and killed. Prior to the second shooting, he threw a grenade into the home.
He also injured two of his ex-wife’s children. Case #4 tried to avoid capture
at the second shooting by posing as a victim. Case #4 plead not guilty by
reason of insanity. Nothing in Case #4’s background supported a claim of
insanity.
Data from five sources (Associated Press, 2013; Facebook, 2020:
Garcia, 2013; Owens, 2017) triangulated familial and socialization data on
Case #4, born and raised in East Texas. Case #4 graduated high school and
obtained a scholarship to play football at a Christian university in Texas. By
all accounts, he had a stable home life during his childhood. Several family
members spoke to reporters after his arrest and stated Case #4’s family
raised a good person who would not harm children. Case #4’s stepfather
implied of challenges Case #4 faced and “everyone makes mistakes”
(Associated Press, 2013).
Case #4 served in the military for about 10 years, but he did not see
combat or deployment overseas and received an honorable discharge
because of his weight. The 6’7” man at his largest weighed 600+ pounds and
required weight loss surgery. Case #4 lied to family and friends about his
experiences in the military, claiming he served numerous tours and was
awarded a Purple Heart. Family members indicated something happened
during Case #4’s time in the military because his personality changed.
Friends and acquaintances knew Case #4 as a special education teacher who
founded a nonprofit charity for children. During the same time Case #4
performed with other large men and was a local celebrity when he danced
during half-time for an NBA team.
Based on data from three sources (Associated Press, 2013; Owens,
2017; Tsiaperas 2017) Case #4’s estranged wife (victim) and family knew a
violent man, described as evil and deceitful. In 2011, 2 years before the
murders, she asked for a separation, and he threatened to execute her and her
children. The judge granted an order of protection because of the probability
in future violence. Days prior to the murder, Case #4 paid a coworker he
pursued for sex. She needed the money for her child’s upcoming birthday.
Case #4 sent her text message thanking her for letting him “do what he
liked…I hope your (child) has a good birthday.” During the trial, the jury
watched video footage taken from cameras Case #4 hid in the bathroom and
bedroom of his girlfriend’s 17-year old daughter (one of his victims). The
cameras were installed and recorded footage of her in the shower and
dressing in the days leading up to the murders. Case #4 expressed voyeurism
with this behavior.
Case #4’s public Facebook posts demonstrated some level of
aggression and violence, in December 2007, he posted “…bitch…i could
buy and sale yo broke ass…get yo tramp as of (sic) my page trick!!!” A few
of Case #4’s posts discussed respect and love for children, women, and faith
in God. Two days after posting about God he posted, “…I’m going to
change my name to:
BustyouinthemouthforfunandyoucantdonothingaboutitLeeandwillsplitthatwi
gbacktothew hitemeat…..come on that’s funny.” The defense argued Case
#4 had brain trauma from playing football, and their forensic psychologist
unsuccessfully argued the low sodium level, a reaction from prescribed
medications, caused confusion on the day of the murders. A forensic
psychologist by the court determined Case #4 suffered from major
depressive disorder but did not have post-traumatic stress disorder or meet
the definition of insane (Tsiaperas, 2017).
The possibility of Case #4’s actions having a correlation to the
reduction in electrolytes requires more consideration. Research on the
complications from chronic Hyponatremia (reduced sodium) suggested the
consequences (including death) when patients go untreated (Buffington &
Abreo, 2016). The lesions identified and the atrophy of Case #4’s brain, in
addition to the medications that reduced his sodium levels, may have
resulted in acute reaction of neuronal derangement and required medical
attention. A research study identified a connection with patients who took
antidepressants and an increase in Hyponatremia (Leth-Møller et al., 2016).
However, the literature on acute reactions to the electrolyte loss remains in
the beginning stages, requiring more studies (Nardone, et al., 2016).
Case #5
According to four sources (#5 v. The State of Texas, 2019; Stelle,
2016; Kaufman County Courts, 2020; TDCJ, 2020) Case #5 killed five
victims over an eight-hour span, with numerous emotional cooling off
periods between murders. Case #5’s shot his aunt then went a few blocks to
his mother’s home and shot her in the head. He set her home on fire with
leaving her body inside and stealing her car. Two individuals, a classmate
from high school and his girlfriend survived Case #5’s attack when he broke
into their home and shot into a bedroom. The three-year-old son, of another
classmate, witnessed Case #5 come into his home and shot and kill both of
his parents. Before police found Case #5 after hidden in nearby woods,
security cameras captured him having dinner at a local restaurant between
murders. Case #5’s last murder, also on video, captured him (without say a
word) shoot and kill as store clerk after stealing a beer. Case #5’s family
testified he informed them of his plans to commit the murders; although
afraid of Case #5 they did not report his threats to the police.
Data from four sources (Steele, 2016; #5 v. State of Texas, 2019;
Golgowski, 2013; TDCJ, 2020) triangulated familial and developmental data
on Case #5. Two WAIS-IV tests identified Case #5 scored with a sub
average intelligence and fell within the established range for intellectual-
functioning deficits that onset during childhood. At 17-years-old, Case #5’s
older brother died violently during a robbery. Family members testified Case
#5 used drugs and his brother’s death set him down a “bad path,” a claim
supported by the criminal record. Case #5 had criminal charges in the
Kaufman County Courts Records (2020), that started four months before his
18th birthday, and spanned a 19-year period, that included five charges for
capital murder. Case #5 had three charges for sexual assaults and one for
aggravated sexual assault of a child. Case #5 also had charges which ranged
from non-violent (no liability insurance, failure to change lanes, speeding,
burglary of a building, etc.) to aggressive and violent (family violence,
assault, aggravated assault with a deadly weapon). Records for Case #5 did
not provide information on parental structure or the parenting style he
experienced.
Case #6
According to three sources (Arlington Police Department, 2005;
Hyde, 2006; TDCJ, 2020) Case #6’s crimes included robbery, assaults,
rapes, and three convictions for murder. Case #6, at 13 years-old, escaped
unharmed from a house that burned his mother and killed his younger sisters
(ages three and five-months). Family members described the next few years
as tragic and Case #6 continued to commit crimes. Within six years of the
house fire Case #6 committed an armed robbery while enlisted in the
Marines. Stationed on the West coast, police apprehended Case #6 after he
had robbed a man. He served time in prison for his crimes and received a
dishonorable discharged from the Marines. After serving four years in prison
and released on parole, Case #6 had lost a significant amount of weight and
moved to North Texas to live with his mother. Over the next three years a
serial rapist, a slender Black male, entered victims’ homes through broken or
unlocked windows. The perpetrator would attack his victims while they
slept, cover their mouths, threaten to harm or kill them, and sexually assault
them. Although law enforcement remained confident Case #6 committed the
rapes, the backlog of rape kits, lack of preservation, and statutes of
limitations made prosecuting Case #6 improbable.
Data from three sources (WFAA, 2008; Hyde, 2006; TDCJ, 2020)
triangulated Case #6’s socialization experiences. A year after Case #6’s
release from prison he married and had a daughter. Case #6 worked on and
off doing manual labor. By the time his daughter turned one he plead guilty
to the rape and murder of a nurse, he used a rock to hit her in the head until
she died. While serving 19-year prison sentence for this murder, DNA
evidence linked him to two additional cold-case murders, both victims raped.
One victim died by a gunshot to her face. Case #6 drug the other victim by
her neck and strangled her with a knotted rope. He plead guilty to these
additional murders and currently serving a life sentence for three murders
and burglary of a habitat in a TDCJ facility.
Law enforcement linked Case #6 to 18 unsolved murders committed
within 3 years and between the time he moved in with his mother to his
arrest for the murder of the nurse. The sexual deviance for Case #6
continued while incarcerated and other inmates avoided contact with him, he
openly masturbated and talked about the women he killed (Arlington Police
Department, 2005; Associated Press, 2005; WFAA, 2009).
Case #7
According to data from three sources (Associated Press, 2008; Marie,
2018; TDCJ, 2020) Case #7 kidnapped and killed his first known victim in
October of 1971. He served approximately 15 years in prison for the murder
he committed on his 2second birthday. Case #7, in TDCJ custody since
November of 1986, received a life sentence for the sexual assault and
attempted murder of a minor. In January 2008, Case #7’s DNA linked him to
an unsolved murder and kidnapping in Port Arthur, a small town on the Gulf
of Mexico, about 90 minutes east of Houston.
Data from three sources (Associated Press, 2008; Marie, 2018; TDCJ,
2020) triangulated criminal background for Case #7. On September 11,
1986, Case #7 broke into his 34-year old victim’s home with her 18-year-old
daughter present. He hog-tied and strangled the 18-year old; later found by
the victim’s son. The police found no signs of sexual assault on the daughter.
Case #7 kidnapped the mother and she vanished without a trace. November
1986, Case #7 kidnapped a minor whom he sexually assaulted, beat, and
hog-tied. She survived her attack and reported Case #7 to police. Case #7
went to the prison for the assault. In 2008, police confronted Case #7 about
the DNA linking him to unsolved murder and the abduction of the missing
woman in September of 1986. Case #7 confessed stating he killed and
dumped the 34-year old mother in the same (geographic) place he attacked
the minor who survived. Police never located her body and chose not to
prosecute Case #7 for either crime since received a life sentence for
November 1986, sexual assault and kidnapping.
Beyond the three murders and sexual assault of the minor, no
additional TDCJ information could be obtained on Case #7’s criminal
background. Case #7’s crimes and convictions occurred on or before 1987
and archived. According the numerous newspaper reports about the cold
case in Port Arthur, Case #7 had a violent criminal past. No additional police
reports, court documents, or media reporting provided any information on
Case #7’s family origin, childhood, or adolescent experiences. Based on the
TDCJ records, Case #7 had spent all but three months in police custody or in
a TDCJ facility since 1971. In the short time in which he was released from
prison on 6/6/1986, Case #7 committed two additional murders (9/11/86)
and one sexual assault (11/6/86) within six months.
Case #8
According to Orlansky (2019), Case #8 born the 15th of 16 children,
and confirmed half of Case #8’s siblings died at birth or while infants. The
remaining children lived with both parents in poverty in Southwest Texas.
The family home lacked running water or power several times over the
years. Case #8’s mother drank while pregnant with him, she could not read
or write, and most probably mentally retarded. She reversed the first two
letters of her husband’s name when she named Case #8. She signed her
name using an “X”. Two of Case #8’s sister also had intellectual
deficiencies, and their father drank and beat his mother.
According to five sources (#8 v. Thaler, 2011; #8 v. Thaler, 2013;
Graczyk, 2018; TDCJ, 2020; TX OAG, 2013). Case #8’s low IQ did not
prevent his habitual criminal activities started after he graduated high school.
EC received a 13-year sentence for burglary of a building and habitat, he
was released on parole in 1997, Case #8 violated his parole in 1994, after
released in 1990. Within five months of release he had broken into at least
20 homes and Case #8 raped (sodomized) a 10-year-old after he tied her up
with tape and forced her into a closet. Case #8 committed at least four
additional murders, shot five (possibly more) people, and broken into no less
than five homes in over the next six months. Some of the murders occurred
when he broke into victims’ homes or robbed them. Case #8 killed his
brother-in-law after his sister said she had been beaten. Case #8 staged the
murder to look like a burglary. Case #8’s crimes included planning and
preparation, he used gloves, cut the wires to land-line phones, used
flashlights, wore masks, had a gun, and entered homes while people slept or
alone. While in police custody, Case #8 negotiated to show investigators the
location of the murder weapon at his parents’ home. Under the guise to point
officers in the direction of an unloaded gun, he attempted to get access to the
loaded gun in a different location at the home.
Data from two sources (Smith, 2013; TDCJ, 2020) confirmed Case
#8’s last crime, sent him to death row, occurred when he broke into a home
occupied by a 16-yearold and her young child. The younger sister, 14-years
old, returned home with her boyfriend, during the robbery. Case #8 tied up
all three, had them remove their clothes, raped the sisters (oral and vaginal),
and threatened them while holding a gun to their heads. When the girls’
uncle (a local firefighter) arrived to check on them, Case #8 shot and killed
him when he entered the home. On the witness stand, and against the advice
of legal counsel, Case #8 stated he wanted to kill white folks, wished he’d
killed more, and the (girls) lucky they ain’t dead.
Data from five sources (Associated Press, 2013; Caplan, 2016; #8 v.
Thaler, 2011; Orlansky, 2019; TDCJ, 2020) triangulated familial and
socialization. When EC arrived to the TDCJ death row unit, the 29 years old.
could not read or write, he had never lived on his own, his parents or sisters
did his shopping and provided him with a place to live. Case #8 could only
cook eggs. Case #8 graduated high school because his enrollment in the
special education programs exempted him from exams. Three IQ tests
confirmed Case #8’s intellectual disability at the ages of seven; twelve, and
when he entered TDCJ at 29. TDCJ enrolled Case #8 in the program for
inmates with lower IQs. During appeal, the prosecutor argued Case #8’s
criminal behaviors met the Briseno factors, and demonstrated forethought,
planning, and purpose with each of his crimes, including the murders and
attempt to dupe police at his parents’ home. Despite his low IQ, the State
argued Case #8 demonstrated adaptive skills to act out his continued
criminal activity and avoid detection and capture. The courts agreed, and
Texas set the date for Case #8’s death sentence for the murder of a South
Texas firefighter. The United States Supreme Court refused to hear his
appeal, and Case #8 died by lethal injection in the Texas death chamber.
Case #9
According to data from four sources (#9 v. Quarterman, 2007; TX
OAG, 2009; TDCJ, 2020; Turner, 2009) Case #9 had over 20 arrests prior to
receiving the death penalty for the rape and murder. According to court
records of testimony, Case #9 committed violent physical assaults in
commission of rapes, and he confessed to three murders (and linked to two
additional murders). Court records (#9 v. Quarterman, 2007) confirmed
Case #9 had a troublesome childhood and adolescence. By the age of five,
both of Case #9’s parents were in prison. Case #9 received treatment at the
local hospital for numerous incidences during childhood, including ingesting
kerosene and a victim of a gang rape committed by boys in the
neighborhood. At seven, Case #9’s aunt assumed custody of him for the next
five years, until she suffered a stroke. Unable to care for him, the state
placed Case #9 into foster care where he claimed to have suffered extensive
physical, sexual, and emotional abuse.
Data from three sources (TX OAG, 2009; TDCJ, 2020; Turner, 2009)
triangulated development and socialization for JJ. He dropped out of school
when he was in the 10th grade, left foster care by 17 and started to live on
the street. Case #9 burglarized cars to make money and Case #9’s extensive
documented criminal history started when he was 18 years old. Case #9
confessed to committing no less than 18 rapes, including his niece. Court
records indicate Case #9 asked his niece (eight or nine years old) to walk
with him to the store when he attacked and raped her. After the attack, she
testified in court, Case #9 threatened to kill her if she told.
According to court records (#9 v. Quarterman, 2007; TDCJ, 2020)
worked driving trucks and taxi cabs as a method to pursue his victims (he
sought out prostitutes). Case #9 picked them up and would offer them drugs
or $20 in exchange for sex (not all worked as prostitutes). Case #9 confessed
he would take his victims to the country, rape and leave them naked, if they
agreed to the arrangement. The victims who refused his propositions or
failed to follow through with the sexual encounter after using drugs would
face a worse fate. Police records, court documented verified he would beat,
choked, and raped his victims. Case #9 cut or rip off the victims’ clothes to
rape them. Case #9 used numerous methods to physically assault his victims
including punching, slapping, stomping with feet, using rocks or concrete on
the head and face area. One of the prostitutes Case #9 met became his wife
and they had children together. Case #9 spent six months in jail for an
assault committed against her, she testified he told her that he would have
killed her had she not called the police.
Court records confirmed after Case #9 murdered one of the victims, he
engaged in necrophilia. He gave himself oral sex with her head then, in Case
#9’s words, “had normal sex” (rape). In another murder, after Case #9 beat
and raped his victim, he left her to die. Case #9 confessed to police he
returned 40 minutes later and raped her again, before stealing her wallet and
boots. The coroner testified in court the victim died when she drowned in her
own blood (TX OAG, 2009; TDCJ, 2020).
In appeal court documents (#9 v. Quarterman, 2007) TDCJ had
conducted a psychological evaluation during his second incarceration for
sexual assault. The report stated Case #9 had a history of auditory and visual
hallucinations. Case #9 told the evaluator his mother directed his actions
through the hallucinations. Test results indicated Case #9 had a low IQ
which added to his behavior problems, but he did not receive treatment for
his mental illness. During a subsequent interview with a psychologist he
denied the hallucination, and although Case #9 claimed to have attempted
suicide twice, he declined any services to address the mental health issues.
TDCJ did not mandate any mental health services to JJ during his
incarcerations. Questionnaires completed years later (during subsequent
incarcerations) failed to identify any mental disorders and Case
#9 did not mention the hallucinations.
Case #10
According to four sources (Moritz, 2004; #10 v. Texas, 1997; #10 v.
State, 1997;
TDCJ, 2020) Case #10 committed his first murder at 19. Because the crime
occurred in 1977, the details regarding the victim, cause of death, and
additional information have been archived. What the sources did detail
included Case #10’s criminal behavior upon his release from TDCJ custody
after serving seven years. Case #10, a known drug dealer, also had a pattern
of sexually assaulting young girls. Testimony provided during the penalty
phase of Case #10’s murder trial detailed his actions a week before his 29th
birthday. Court records confirmed Case #10 approached 15-year-old sisters
(twins) with a gun as they walked home from Dairy Queen. Case #10 forced
them to take off their clothes, then he tied both of them up. Case #10 raped
one sister orally while molesting the other. Case #10 told them he would
burn down their home if they told anyone; they did not report the assault
when it occurred.
Three years later, Case #10 met a woman and they dated for a short
while. After they broke up, Case #10 continued to visit the woman,
providing her drugs and gifts to her young children. Case #10 used the visits
to gain access and rape the woman’s young daughter for two years. Case #10
impregnated her 10-year-old. The child’s mother confronted Case #10 and
told him she would report the crime to the police; she demanded money to
end the pregnancy. Case #10 agreed to pay the family money to get the child
an abortion and not involve the police. The next morning, Case #10 arrived
at the home with a shotgun. Case #10 shot four members of the family. Case
#10 wounded the 10-yearold’s uncle but killed two older aunts and the 10-
year-old victim. She died protecting her younger sibling. DNA records
provided in court confirmed Case #10, with a 99.999% certainty, fathered
the unborn fetus recovered from the 10-year-old. She completed the fourth
grade the day before her murder (Carson, 2004; #10 v. Texas, 1997; #10 v.
State, 1997; TDCJ, 2020 TX OAG, 2004).
Data from court documents (#10 v. Texas, 1997; #10 v. State, 1997;
TX OAG, 2004) triangulated familial and socialization for Case #10.
Psychological reports and testimony provided in court described Case #10 as
an intelligent individual who understood the concept of right and wrong. On
the other hand, Case #10’s perceptions came from a foundation of survival
due to his upbringing in the projects of Fort Worth. Family members
testified Case #10 lived a life of misfortune with a family history of drug use
and abuse. Case #10 did not finish school and dropped out before he
completed the 10th grade. One expert witness testified Case #10 had
uncultivated talent and artistic abilities.
Case #11
According to four sources (George, 2011; Houston Police Department,
2009; KHOU, 2009; TDCJ, 2020) Case #11 lived a double life. Case #11
worked two jobs to support his common-law-wife and her young children.
She called him a “gentle lover” and did not believe the charges when he was
arrested for the rape and murder of a local prostitute two-years earlier.
Friends did not believe Case #11 would seek the attention of prostitutes
because of his ability to attract females. Case #11’s criminal history included
a misdemeanor charges for assault, driving with a suspended license, and
possession of marijuana and drug paraphernalia, including one felony charge
for injury to a child. Coworkers confirmed Case #11’s wife would call in for
him when he was arrested for these charges. Each of Case #11’s booking
photos had a different hair style and physical appearance, with police
speculating this made it more difficult to link him to crimes based on
victims’ descriptions.
Data from three sources (ABC7, 2011; Hollandsworth, 2011; KHOU,
2009) triangulated familial and socialization for Case #11’s family. They
continued to refute DNA evidence presented in court that linked Case #11 to
seven unsolved rapes and murders of prostitutes and five sexual assaults.
While on trial, one family member testified Case #11 worked hard and his
family (including herself) raised him right. In spite of that testimony, some
co-workers reported Case #11 had a dark side and prone to mood swings.
According to reports, Case #11 demonstrated signs of depression and spoke
of committing suicide or killing others. Some co-workers recalled Case #11
covered in bruises and scratches “like someone threw a cat on him”, he often
looked at female co-workers and made them uncomfortable.
Police records and court testimony confirmed (Houston Police
Department, 2009; George, 2011; Hollandsworth, 2011; #11 v. State, 2012;
TDCJ, 2020) during a six-month span, while Case #11 portrayed a dedicated
family man, authorities discovered six prostitutes’ bodies raped, stabbed, and
dumped. Over a dozen victims testified Case #11 raped them behind a local
church in the Houston area. Case #11’s DNA linked him to numerous
unsolved sexual assaults over a 13-year span, including the rape of a 13-year
old. Case #11 used a knife in the commission of the rapes and murders,
stabbing one victim 54 times. Additional news reports confirmed Case #11
chose victims who did not garner the same level of attention because of their
profession. The victims and their families did not report the assaults, or in
some cases did not claim the bodies, allowing Case #11 to continue with a
double life. Case #11’s last victim, a prostitute, agreed to have sex. Case #11
drove her to a secluded location and had consensual sex. Once she requested
payment Case #11 used a knife and tied her up, raped (vaginal and anal) her,
and then locked her in the trunk. She escaped and went to a nearby home and
called police, she described her attacker’s zodiac tattoo. The MO and
description matched the open investigation by the Houston Police
Department and FBI. Law enforcement obtained Case #11’s DNA and
matched it to the samples collected at the unsolved murders and sexual
assaults. The jury took one hour to convict Case #11 and gave him a
sentence of life with the possibility of parole.
Case #12
According to four sources (#12 v. Quarterman, 2007; #12 v. State,
2004; TX OAG, 2009; TDCJ, 2020) Case #12’s criminal history started in
Ohio when, at 25, he strangled his girlfriend’s twin sister with a scarf.
Although not charged in this murder, his girlfriend testified during the
penalty phase of the trial, for the rape a 12-year old. Case #12 committed the
rape two months after the first murder. According to testimony, Case #12
threatened to kill anyone the victim told about the assault. The minor told
her mother; whom prohibited Case #12 from contacting the family. A month
later, the minor found her mother strangled with an extension cord. Three
weeks later Case #12 strangled her father. Case #12 plead guilty to raping
the minor and DNA linked him in both the murders of her parents, but Ohio
did not charge him in those murders. Case #12 received a life sentence and
paroled after serving six years; he moved to Texas. Within five years of
release, DNA linked Case #12 to the strangulation of two more women. The
victims included the grandmother of Case #12’s girlfriend. Case #12
returned to prison for six additional years before receiving another parole. In
less than a year of release, Case #12 kidnapped and murdered, by
strangulation, his 64-year-old stepmother, married 45 years to his father. In
commission of the murder, Case #12 stole her car, pawned her wedding ring,
and forged two checks.
Data from court documents (#12 v. Quarterman, 2007; #12 v. State,
2004; TDCJ, 2020) triangulated Case #12’s familial history, childhood, and
adolescent development. Case #12 completed the seventh grade and lived
with his mother and stepfather until his 13th birthday. Case #12’s mother
used corporal punishment to discipline the children, this included the use of
handles from brooms or mops, extension cords, and tree branches (i.e.
switches). During Case #12’s childhood, Case #12 (and his siblings) did not
deem her punishments as abuse; only calling her strict. In contrast to his
claims, his older sister provided additional details about Case #12’s early
development. She stated Case #12’s mother attempted a self-abortion using a
coat hanger and drinking bleach with castor oil. Case #12’s mother and
stepfather drank, fought, and abused the children emotionally and often
neglected them. Record confirmed Case #12’s mother prostituted herself as a
method to distract others while he and his sibling would steal items,
including firewood. Living in nursing home and struck with dementia,
investigators did not have an opportunity to interview Case #12’s mother.
Data from sources (#12 v. Quarterman, 2007; #12 v. State, 2004;
TDCJ, 2020) confirmed after Case #12 left his mother’s home in Arkansas
he moved in with his father and stepmother. Case #12’s father used the same
type of corporal punishment he experienced with his mother. Testimony
from court records confirmed Case #12’s stepmother displayed a kindness
and affection for Case #12 while he lived in their home and during his
incarcerations. She wrote him letters, helped his secure employments during
parole, and treated him like a son.
The appeal records (#12 v. Quarterman, 2007; #12 v. State, 2004)
confirmed (based on testimony) Case #12 participated in three IQ
examinations (Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-III [twice] and Stanford-
Binet), and evaluators dismissed the first and third scores (66) based on Case
#12’s emotional state. Experts testified the emotional responses and
behaviors of Case #12 at the time of the exams made the scores invalid.
Case #12’s second attempt IQ examination with the WAIS-III resulted in a
score of 80, and examiners determined this score demonstrated the true level
of his IQ. Moreover, Case #12 demonstrated social adaptive behaviors that
coincided with the higher score. Case #12 secured a commercial driver’s
license after learning how to read maps, operate a nine-speed manual
transmission, and determine his pay using basic math percentages. Case #12
also could play chess and knew how to conceal his crimes. Case #12
demonstrated adaptive behaviors even though he had a limited formal
education. Data regarding mental illness prior to Case #12 18th birthday did
not exist due to the rural upbringing in Arkansas and his limited education.
None of the data suggested any mental illness or defect during Case #12’s
developmental stages (childhood through adolescence).
Case #13
Case #13’s criminal history and offenses made him one of the few
known BSK to the public. According to six sources (Leung, 2004; King,
1982; Mitchell, 2006; Montaldo, 2019; State v #13, 2006; Whitley, 2003)
Case #13 murdered (based on his confessions) at least 80 women over eight
years, in five states (Indiana, Michigan, Ohio, Tennessee, and Texas), and in
Canada. Prior to the discovery of the last case (#14), Case #13 had the most
suspected murders by any known serial killer. Although Case #13 had a
history of sexual assaults, he did not kill those victims. Case #13 committed
his first known sexual assault at 15 when he attacked a woman on his paper
route, he told authorities he felt like beating someone up. Case #13 had to
spend time in a psychiatric hospital after this attack. By the age of 16, Case
#13 (and his parents) realized he could voluntarily commit himself for
psychological treatment when his violent behaviors got him in trouble. Over
the next five years he went into the same clinic approximately 10 times.
Case #13 conducted an IQ exam and it determined he had mild mental
retardation (scoring 68); and participated in numerous psychological
evaluations during his time in mental health facilities. One report determined
Case #13 suffered from paranoid schizophrenia, one evaluation concluded
no psychosis, no hallucinations but Case #13 had homicidal impulses and
passive-aggressive approach to life with high probability of violence.
Another report labeled Case #13 a psychotic woman-hater and that rage
fueled Case #13’s crimes.
Shortly before his 21st birthday, Case #13 had gained entry into a
woman’s apartment by asking for “Charles”. He forced his way in and
attempted to strangle her and put his hand on her genitals, he fled as she
fought him off. Based on court records, Case #13 used this method
numerous times, but he did not always attack when individuals answered the
door. Five women reported waking to find a man on top of them with his
hands on their genitals, Case #13 matched the attacker’s general description
although not seen (King, 1982; Mitchell, 2006; Montaldo, 2019).
Based on data from six sources (Leung, 2004; King, 1982; Mitchell,
2006; Montaldo, 2019; MI v #13, 2006; Whitley, 2003) Case #13 did not
face charges for any of the murders he confessed to committing. Testimony
from psychologist argued the murders provided sexual gratification to Case
#13 even though he did not sexually assault the woman he murdered. Case
#13 kidnapped and tortured his victims and killed through strangulation,
stabbing, slashing their throats, or drowning. Testimony confirmed Case #13
attacked two women on the same day; the latter escaping because the blood
of the former hindered Case #13’s ability to hold onto her. Some of Case
#13’s murder victims received up to 50 stab wounds with knives,
screwdrivers, or other sharp objects. Case #13 often spoke of the anger he
had for women and the “evil in their eyes” as a motive for killing. Case #13
did not believe in any religious doctrine. Case #13 had sex for the first time
at 14 but claimed to lack a sexual attraction to women. He reported conflicts
with his sexual orientation and identity. Case #13 expressed primitive
thoughts and fantasies, although he lived on a college campus his reports
remained confidential and not passed onto local police. Although Case #13’s
IQ placed him as mildly retarded, he demonstrated excellent street smarts by
the random nature of his crimes. To avoid detection, Case #13 used mental
health services to circumvent the legal system.
Data from five sources (King, 1982; Mitchell, 2006; Montaldo, 2019;
MI v #13, 2006; Whitley, 2003) triangulated the familial and social
development of Case #13. At the age of two, Case #13 parents divorced.
Case #13’s mother moved to another state, she left Case #13 and his sister to
live with their grandmother. Case #13 (age eight) and his sister got
meningitis and resulted in him missing an entire year of school. During
which time he would hunt and skin rabbits. Case #13 stated the illness
affected his memory; psychological reports contradicted the claim. Case #13
had an excellent memory and could recall minute details. Shortly before
Case #13’s 10th birthday, his mother remarried a man with six children, and
they later had two more children. Case #13 felt neglected and left out of his
family.
The conflicting data from people with knowledge about Case #13’s
relationship with his mother provides two perspectives. Family and friends
testified and reported a close relationship and how Case #13’s mother
dedicated herself to protecting him when he experienced bullying at school.
In contrast, while in psychiatric hospitals, Case #13 took on the role of
bullying other patients. Data indicated Case #13’s mother tutored him until
he graduated at 19 and never abused him. Case #13 reported, during his
stays in mental health facilities, his mother yelled, beat, struck him in the
face with a switch (thin and flexible branch), and claimed she did not like
him. Case #13 also complained of a bad relationship with his stepfather, a
truck driver. Case #13 did not interact with others while in school and
remained a loner, but often got into conflicts with female students. Case #13
could not read beyond a fourth-grade level. While in high school, he
excelled in football and track, he graduated despite his illiteracy. However,
an injury ended his ability to play in college. At the age of 25, Case #13
briefly married and fathered children. During his married, his wife reported
Case #13 controlled her physical appearance and limited her social activities
outside the home. She also told police that after sex he would leave the
house for hours and would return disheveled (King, 1982;
Mitchell, 2006; Montaldo, 2019; MI v #13, 2006; Whitley, 2003).
Case #14
On October 6, 2019, the FBI named Case #14 the most prolific serial
killer in American history. According to the FBI (2018) Case #14 committed
a variety of crimes to support his habits with drugs, alcohol, and prostitutes
going back as far as 1955. This included shoplifting, drug charges, fraud,
and violent offenses (i.e., assaults, breaking and entering, rape and sodomy).
He dropped out of high school and left his home state of Ohio and traveled
across the United States before 1960. Police apprehended Case #14 in a
Kentucky homeless shelter and extradited him to California on narcotics
charge in 2012. Once detained, law enforcement obtained a DNA sample,
linking him to three unsolved murders in California. Case #14 received three
life sentences for those murders. California officials sent Case #14’s DNA to
the FBI and identified a connection to murders from California to Florida.
DNA evidence links this BSK to an unsolved murder from 1994, in Odessa,
a small rural town in West Texas. Texas Rangers took custody and
transferred Case #14 to Texas in November 2018 (Allyn, 2019; FBI, 2018;
Williams, 2018).
In late 2019, 60 Minutes (the weekly news program on CBS TV) aired
a segment on Case #14 and played portions of recorded confessions Case
#14 made to a Texas Ranger. The Ranger stated he acknowledged Case #14
as a ‘killer’ and not a rapist upon meeting. The Ranger confirmed he
purposefully avoided discussions of remorse or closure for the victims’
families with Case #14. The Ranger provided Case #14 with Dr. Pepper and
Domino’s pizza, and for the first time Case #14 spoke about his murders. In
failing health early summer of 2019, the wheelchair bound 78-year-old
spoke in detail for 48 days (and the interviews recorded and aired). Case
#14, with a smile on his face (and almost gleam in his eyes) and speaking
about one of his victims said “She’s fightin’ for her life, and I’m fightin for
my pleasure!” His body language remained animated while he spoke of the
murders, he smiles and chuckled. Case #14 confirmed he murdered
individuals he knew police would not take time to investigate, and he would
leave the jurisdiction after a murder. Case #14 said, “They were broke and
homeless and walked right into my spider web.” Case #14 claimed he
committed the most murders in Miami and Los Angeles while he, according
to the Texas Ranger, “preyed on the fringes of society.” Also, Case #14’s
method of killing and his transient lifestyle made it harder for police to
connect his murders (Alfonsi, 2019).
According to data from six sources (Allyn, 2019, Alfonsi, 2019; FBI,
2018; FBI, 2019; Lauren, 2018; & Tron, 2019) Case #14 surpassed Gary
Greenway as the most prolific serial killer in United States history. Case #14
(to date) confessed to 93 murders he committed in 19 states from 1970-2005.
The Texas Ranger confirmed, based on Case #14’s confessions and crime
scene evidence, more than half of the confessions as accurate. Police and
courts have disposed of 50 cold cases. Case #14, a talented artist, provided
(and to date, continues to provide) detailed drawing of the victims he
murdered. He does not recall specific dates of murders, but he recalled the
cars he drove over the decades to help law enforcement create a chronology
of the murders. The Texas Ranger who conducted the interviews described
Case #14 as “wicked smart with a photographic memory able to remember
the smallest of details”. Case #14 drew one victim he murdered in 1972 and
provided crime details confirmed by police. The women depicted in Case
#14’s drawing have two similarities in the physical characteristics, the oval
eyes and red lipstick. The Ranger commented on Case #14’s physical
demeanor when he spoke about a victim. Case #14 would stroke the side of
his face near his chin, he would squint, look out then up (segment aired the
described behavior). The Texas Ranger said, “…you can tell he has this
revolving carrousel of victims, and it’s just spinning, and he’s waiting for it
to stop on the victim he wants to talk about” (Alfonsi, 2019).
Data from interviews conducted with Case #14 confirmed he
purposefully picked women (by his own admission) Quinet (2007) identified
as the missing-missing, including prostitutes and drug addicts. Case #14 said
“I didn’t take chances. I didn’t have nobody with me, and I pick on
motherfuckers that wouldn’t be missed. That’s why I didn’t get busted a
long time ago. I didn’t waste no time digging bodies. I got so crazy I wanted
more. That’s a curse that I have got.” (Lock, 2019). Case #14 did not shoot
or stab his victims, instead using his physical size and strength to beat and
strangle his victims to death. Some of the murders he had confessed to
committing, police and medical examiners had ruled accidental, overdose, or
natural based on the victims’ lifestyles prior to their deaths. The information
Case #14 provided matched with evidence found during the investigations
all over the country during Case #14’s decades long killing spree (FBI, 2018,
Alfonsi, 2019).
Data from four sources (AP, 2019; Janos, 2018; Lauren, 2018; Wilber,
2019) triangulated the limited information on Case #14’s familial history and
socialization. Case #14 self-reported, during an interview, while still a baby
his teenaged mother abandoned him on the side of the road. Case #14
referred to her as “a lady of the night”. Case #14 also claimed a (unproven)
family lineage to Malcolm X. According to police reports, Case #14’s
mother gave birth to him while in jail and raised primarily by his
grandmother, his childhood remains undisclosed beyond his limited
statements. Case #14, based on self-reporting, experienced his first erection
while he watched his kindergarten teacher touch her neck. He reported
continued arousal throughout adolescence when females would touch their
necks. Case #14 married for a short time and maintained two long-term
relationships, he stated he had no desire to harm woman he loved and
avoided looking at their necks.
The data from six sources (Allyn, 2019; AP, 2019; Janos, 2018;
Lauren, 2018; Lock, 2019; Wilber, 2019) triangulates Case #14’s
socialization, criminal background, and expressions of sexual deviance. Case
#14 had a brief career in boxing; he hit one opponent in the abdomen and
broke his spine. He often fought other inmates in jail. Data obtained
confirmed Case #14’s expressions of sexual deviance included rape and
sadism. Case #14 served time in jail and prison for numerous crimes
including assaults, rape, and sodomy. Despite masturbating during each of
the murders, Case #14 disputed (almost offended by) the label of rapist. Case
#14 only accepted the reference of serial killer when he participated in
interviews. Case #14 described his murders in a manner that most people
would describe sex. Case #14 stated he enjoyed taking his time with each
victim, he would beat and choked the victims until they lost consciousness.
Case #14 would allow them to regain consciousness. Case #14 would
masturbate with one hand while he would strangle his victims with the other.
Case #14 repeated the process until they died from the trauma he inflicted
during his sadistic rituals. Case #14 conceded other people probably took the
blame for some of his crimes. During a phone interview Case #14 admitted
he hoped “God might smile on” him for confessing. Case #14’s extensive
history of serial murder and sexual deviance came to light in late 2018. This
limited the amount of familial data available on Case #14 while conducting
the study.
Data Analysis
Description of the Analysis Process
In the first step of the data analysis process, I used the research
questions to create four sections: criminal background, sexual deviance,
social development, and familial data. Then, for each case, I reviewed each
source material and extracted short phrases and complete sentences that best
represented or “fit” with each section. These became the codes for the two
cycles of analysis. An example of the coding spreadsheet for Criminal
Behavior is presented in Appendix B. Each case had between 5 and 9 data
sources, and for each of the four sections approximately 5 to10 codes were
generated per case, generating approximately 280 codes. For example, in
Case 1, the Criminal Behavior section had 6 codes:
1. Lengthy and violent criminal history, which spanned several years.
2. Crimes involved a litany of assaults, homicides, kidnappings,
robberies, and rape.
3. Crimes started as theft/robbery, progressed to assaulting
individuals during the thefts.
4. Crimes escalated to shooting, kidnapping, and sexual assaults.
5. Sexual assaults did not occur with murders.
6. Violent prisoner, got into fights
For the first cycle of moving codes to categories, I used Saldaña’s
(2016) In Vivo coding method to identify and extract words and phrases
with similar salience and vivid relationship to the section. For example,
using the Case 1 codes, the words lengthy, violent, escalated, kidnapping,
and rape generated the category pervasive and chronic violence. From the
categories I grouped them into single terms to identify the themes in each
subject’s criminal background. For example, using Case #1 codes and
categories the following themes emerged, theft, assault, murder with
violence, sexual deviance.
For the second cycle of coding I examined the data and used Saldaña’s
(2016) pattern coding method to group the categories and themes into
shorter summaries to examine the patterns of human relationship and to
analyze common themes across cases. For example, using the same codes
for criminal behavior in Case 1; the second cycle category identified
escalating physical violence, chronic pattern of aggressive behavior, and the
theme chronic physical aggression. The second cycle allow for comparisons
to the two theoretical frameworks.
In summary, for each of the four sections I examined the data using
the In Vivo for the first cycle and pattern coding for the second cycle. This
process allowed for answering the main research question and the four sub
questions. The case study model created a fluidity in the process needed to
identify codes and determine if patterns (categories) existed that pointed to
themes in the first cycle (Saldaña, 2016). Once the codes illuminated a
pattern then they could be grouped into categories that could be further
integrated into themes. The conduct and triangulation of the two methods
enhanced credibility and dependability of the results.
The Themes
Criminal background. Determining the themes required identifying
the type of acts each BSK committed (or charged) to identify the code. For
example, the codes included kidnapping, robbery, battery, rape, shooting,
strangulations, and auto theft described the behaviors committed by the
identified BSK. From the criminal behavior code came identified themes
(see Table 4).
Sexual deviance. Determining the themes required reviewing the
classifications identified by Hickey (2006) for rape, child predation, sadism,
and paraphilia. The next step included identifying if the expressions of
sexual deviance occurred in conjunction with the murders. From the codes
and categories, identified themes in sexual deviance (see Table 4).
Social development. Determining the themes for the BSKs started
with coding the highest level of education, IQ scores (if available), any
diagnosed mental illness or disorders, and the BSK’s ability to adapt his
criminal and social behaviors to blend in with norms. Social development
codes also identified known athleticism, addictive behaviors, and military
association. The codes and categories provided a focused theme on social
development (see Table 4) and exposure to strain during childhood into
adulthood.
Familial data. The themes identified during the first coding cycle (see
Table 4) included the exposure to childhood traumas (abuse, abandonment,
and various levels of violence), the amount of parental support, sibling
relationships. The second cycle addressed the relevance in the SLT of
aggression and the themes of positive or negative parental support and the
type of strain experience (i.e., negative or positive, per GST).
These are defined and described in the Results.
Table 4
First Cycle Coding Themes for 14 Black Serial Killers in Texas
Case
No
Criminal
background
Sexual deviance Social
development
Familial data
1 theft,
physical
assault,
murder with
physical
assaults;
sexual
deviance
violent rape without
murder
no HS
diploma
No data
available –
2 theft,
physical
assault,
murder with
violent rape without
murder
no HS
diploma and
mental
retardation
negative
familial
support
physical
assaults;
sexual
deviance
3 theft,
physical
assault,
murder with
physical
assaults
murder with nonviolent
masturbation/molestation
mental
retardation
and drug
addiction
(athlete)
supportive
family
influence and
environment
4 no warning
and/or prior
pattern
(discrepant
case)
Non-violent voyeur
without murder
(discrepant case)
military and
mental
disorder -
social and
intellectual
adaptive
(athlete)
supportive
family
influence and
environment
5 sexual
deviance;
theft;
matricide;
same day
murders
violent rape (including
minor(s)) without
murder
mental
retardation
and drug
addiction
supportive
family
influence and
environment
6 theft;
chronic
physical
assaults;
murder with
sexual
deviance
murder with violent rape Military; no
mental
defect;
maladaptive
social
behavior
negative
influences,
limited
family
support
7 chronic
physical
assaults;
murder with
sexual
violent rape (with minor)
without murder
No data
available –
No data
available –
deviance
8 sexual
deviance;
theft and
physical
assaults with
murders
violent rape (with
minor(s)) without
murder
no HS
diploma,
mental
retardation
and social
defect;
criminally
adaptive
negative
family
support &
influences
9 physical
violence
and sexual
deviance
with
murders.
murder with violent rape
(incest - minor)
no HS
diploma,
mental
retardation
and social
defect;
criminally
adaptive
negative
family
support &
influences
(table continues)
Case
No
Criminal
background
Sexual deviance Social
development
Familial data
10 sexual
deviance;
physical
violence with
murders
violent rape (with
minor(s)) without
murder
no HS
diploma; no
social or
mental defect
negative family
support &
influences
11 physical
violence and
sexual
deviance with
murders.
murder with violent
rape
mental
defects;
socially and
criminally
adaptive
supportive
family
influence and
environment
12 sexual
deviance;
matricide;
physical
violent rape (with
minor(s)) without
murder
no HS
diploma; no
social or
negative family
support &
limited
positive
violence with
murders
mental defect influences
13 sexual
deviance;
physical
violence with
murders
violent rape without
murder
no
intellectual
defect,
socially
deficient and
criminally
adaptive and
mental defect
(athlete)
supportive
family
influence and
environment;
prone to
violence and
lies
(psychopath, or
BPD?)
14 physical
violence and
sexual
deviance with
murders
Violent rape w/o
murder, and murder
with violent sexual
deviance
(masturbation)
no HS
diploma, no
mental
defects;
socially and
criminally
adaptive
limited family
support and
influence.
Socially driven
The themes provided a meaningful method to answer the RQs and
identified a discrepant case that went in a different direction. The discrepant
case motivated the recommendations for future study. Some cases failed to
yield data necessary for coding; an anticipated limitation. Although archival
data fell into one of the six sources of evidence in case study research, the
strengths outweighed the weaknesses. Therefore, the data obtained remained
stable information for future studies, the ability to retrieve adequate data for
analysis might hinder the results (Yin, 2014).
Discrepant case. Case #4 met the initial screen criteria for inclusion in
the study (and identified in Hickey’s dataset (2019). However, Case #4’s
themes differed from the remaining BSKs in criminal background and
expressions of sexual deviance. For example, the themes of theft (robbery,
burglary, shoplifting, etc.) and physical violence (including sexual and
physical assaults) remained consistent for 13 of the 14 BSK subjects.
Recovered archival records for Case #4 did not indicate any prior criminal
convictions for theft or physical violence. The police records confirmed a
protective order against Case #4 for domestic violence. Case #4 had not
demonstrated the same chronic pattern of violent physical behavior
consistent with the other BSK subjects. Case #4 experienced brain trauma
from injuries in football and suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder
after his time in the military. The potential influence of the lower sodium
levels requires further study and consideration.
Moreover, 13 BSKs had identified themes of rape (with and without
murder) or sexually deviant behaviors that occurred during their murders
(sexual gratification, masturbation, and molestation). Data obtained on Case
#4 did not identify a criminal history of violence in his expressions of sexual
deviance. Case #4 had a documented history of non-violent sexual deviance
(voyeur and consensual sadism) in both police and court records. Data for
Case #4 did not identify a pattern of sexual violence in his behaviors or
sexual deviance, with or without an associated murder. Part of the data
analysis required avoidance of making the data fit into a desired idea or
preconceived results of the study.
One potential reason for the discrepant case included the current FBI
standard identifying an individual as a serial killer. The requirement stated
offenders must commit at least two murders (with an emotional cooling off)
to fall into the category of a serial killer (2008). Prior to 2008, the standard
required three or more murders, with emotional cooling off. Case #4 killed
four individuals at two different times (15 minutes apart). Case #4 provided
opportunities for recommendations and considerations in future studies, not
pursued in this study based on the bounded context.
Evidence of Trustworthiness
I took the necessary steps to maintain the trustworthiness of the data
collection procedures for the content analysis. The research design I
selected, considered each factor to meet the guidelines for an ethical and
empirical research, with a factually based conclusion. I used peer-reviewed
materials, when available, for content-analysis of data obtained. Scholarly
research has yet to thoroughly pursue research on BSKs. I obtained
supplemental archival data to confirm the court and police records, including
newspaper and magazine (electronic and archive) articles with interviews
with BSKs, prosecuting counsel, defense attorneys, victims, witnesses,
family, friends, and acquaintances of the subjects (Yin, 2014). Public access
to a Facebook account for one BSK, and televised interviews with another
BSK, provided the study limited access to a voice for the cases. Additional
factors employed to ensure adequate credibility included using faculty
members to review the study (Shenton, 2004).
The findings of the study allowed for the transferability using the
same bounded context of BSKs. Future studies should expand to include
BSKs outside of Texas and conduct interviews with BSKs, and archival
data. The research design allowed access to legal documents and vetted
materials originating from state, local, and county records through open-
record requests. The documents improved the dependability of the data via
triangulation of sources and the original process used to collect the
information. The Excel spreadsheet provided an adequate data management
tool to carry out the coding process used to produce the results. Last, using
an archival approach reduced reflexivity, no personal interactions resulted in
unintended influences (see Ravitch & Carl, 2016; Rubin & Rubin, 2012;
Shenton, 2004; Yin, 2014).
Results
In response to the primary research questions and the four sub-
questions: What are the common socialization experiences and expressions
of sexual deviance in BSKs? Seven of the 14 BSKs included in the case
study failed to complete high school and five had documented mental
retardation. The data collected for 12 of the 14 BSKs found a common
theme of negative family experiences and exposures occurred with 58.3% (n
= 7) during childhood. The common expression of sexual deviance in 93.0%
(n = 13) of the BSKs included rape (vaginal, oral, and sodomy) and sexual
molestation.
Family Origins and Childhood Experiences
Data found on the family and childhood experiences for 12 of the 14
BSKs determined seven (58.3%) experienced a negative parental
relationship that included neglect, emotional abuse, or abandonment
associated with violent childhood trauma (violent deaths, addictions, arsons,
poverty, and/or sexual/physical/mental abuse). Data for the remaining five
(41.7%) BSKs identified a positive family support system, only one (20%)
of those five had exposure to a violent childhood trauma. The data did not
confirm the presence of both parental figures during childhood in 78.6% (n =
11) of the BSKs cases. Data confirmed two BSKs had stepfathers and one
BSK had his biological father present during childhood (abuse committed by
biological father confirmed); whereas the familial data on the remaining nine
indicated the presence of one parent or the extended family during childhood
who assisted with child rearing or had knowledge of such actions.
The lack of a consistent father figure within the BSKs in Texas
suggests the importance of a positive paternal influence during childhood
development, and the parental styles effect on social developments (Bartol &
Bartol, 2012). Likewise, the excessive exposure to violence and childhood
traumas carried into the adult behaviors. Data gathered for the BSKs
demonstrated the onset of sexual deviance and violence in their adolescent
development.
Adolescent Developmental Experiences
Records on adolescent experiences for 13 of the 14 BSKs (92.9%)
found seven (53.9%) did not complete high school. Seven (53.9%) had a
history of mental illness or retardation. None of the BSKs graduated from
college. Three (23.1%) of the 13 participated in an organized sport. Records
confirmed three (23.1%) of the 13 BSKs demonstrated maladaptive social
behaviors during adolescent development into adulthood. Five (38.5%) of
the 13 demonstrated no documented mental or social defects.
Expressions of Sexual Deviance
Police and court records for 12 of the 14 BSKs (85.7%) confirmed
they committed multiple acts of rape (including vaginal, anal, and oral).
Seven (58.3%) of the 12 BSKs committed sexual assaults against minors.
Data confirmed five (41.7%) of the 12 BSKs committed at least one rape
associated with the murder. Data collected for seven of the BSKs who
raped/assaulted minors, confirmed one (14.3%) committed a murder during
the assault. Records confirmed 10 (71.4%) of the 14 BSKs murdered their
victims through strangulation, stabbing, or physical assaults (with or without
rape). Court testimony and records asserted the BSKs achieved sexual
gratification through the violence acts committed during the murders; a
sadistic expression of sexual deviance (Hickey, 2006).
Data confirmed the remaining two (16.7%) BSKs did not express rape
as a sexual deviance, associated with the murder. One (7.1%) committed a
sexual assault w/o penetration (molestation/masturbation) associated with
the murder victims. The other BSK’s records confirmed non-violent
expressions of sexual deviance without an associated murder (discussed in
the discrepant case). The data suggested rape (including vaginal, anal, and
oral) occurred as the most common expression of sexual deviance for the
BSKs in Texas. The violence against the murder victims (including
strangulation, stabbing, and physical assaults) fell into the paraphilia
category of sadism (Hickey, 2006).
Connection in Sexual Deviance and Family Origin, Childhood, and
Adolescent
Experiences
The connection of the familial origin, childhood, and adolescent
experiences to the sexual deviance started with a negative parental
relationship found in 58.3% of the BSKs subjects. The data obtained
identified BSKs in Texas had a lack of a consistent paternal presences during
childhood. Half of the BSK subjects either failed to complete high school or
had a documented history of mental retardation or illness. Three of the BSKs
continued to struggle with adjusting socially and demonstrated maladaptive
behaviors during adulthood.
After completing the second cycle of coding on sexual deviance, the
14 demonstrated expressions of sexual deviance; with 50% (n = 7)
experienced sexual pleasure (arousal) through rape, masturbation, and
sadism during one or more murders. The data collected confirmed rape as
the most prevalent expression of sexual deviance with the BSKs subjects
85.7% (n = 12). The figures seem to fall in line with studies conducted on
SVPs. Sexual deviance through sadistic behavior occurred (with and without
an associated murder) in 64.3% (n = 9) of the BSKs. Another common
expression of sexual deviance included child molestation (sadistic
pedophilia) with 50%
(n = 7) of the BSKs. (See Table 5).
Table 5
Expressions of Sexual Deviance in Black Serial Killers in Texas
Case
No.
1 2
3 4
5
6 7 8
1 X
2 X
3 X X
4 X X
5 X X
6 X X X
7 X X X
8 X X X X
9 X X X X
10 X X X X X
11 X X X
12 X X X
13 X X X
14 X X X X X
Note.
1= Rape (Vaginal and/or Oral)
2= Sodomy
3= Self-Masturbation and/or Molestation of Victim
4= Voyeur
5= Child Molester/Sadistic Pedophile
6= Sadism
7= Somnophilia
8= Necrophilia
All the BSKs experienced an identified level of strain described by
Agnew (1992), with most experiencing at least two of the three strains. For
example, the BSKs who attended college with athletic aspirations,
experienced injuries which resulted in leaving school, falling into addiction,
and experiencing depression. Other BSKs experienced the traumatic loss of
siblings and parents through death, murder, incarcerations, and
abandonment. Whereas some of the BSKs experienced childhood abuse
(sexual, physical, and emotional), lived in poverty, had parents with
addictions, and other noxious exposures that created strain. Majority of the
BSKs experienced the loss of positive stimuli and exposure to negative
environments.
Using Bandura’s (1971) SLT of aggression, the 14 BSK in the study
experienced or expressed aggression in their social environments and during
their childhood, in adulthood, or both. The 13 BSKs (92.9%) displayed at
least one of the four rapist types, one of the most aggressive forms of sexual
deviance, described by Hickey (2006): powerreassurance, power-assertive,
anger-retaliation, and anger-excitation.
The results of the study support the SLT of aggression and GST used
to anchor the study. The expressions of sexual deviance resulted from
negative relationships, positive and negative stains, and social learning with
BSK in Texas.
Summary
In conclusion, the common socialization experiences in BSK include
negative familial and socialization experiences. The result confirmed the
most common expression of sexual deviance includes rape. The next
common expressions included sadism and child molestation. The four sub-
questions, helped to guide the primary research question, found the common
socialization experience included limited education with a history of mental
retardation or mental illness. On the other hand, the results indicated a
unique socialization in BSK who had no history of mental retardation,
mental illness and demonstrated socially adaptive behaviors. The results also
confirmed two of the BSK demonstrated unique expressions of sexual
deviance to include voyeurism and necrophilia. The results confirmed the
most common characteristic in the family origin included negative familial
support with at least two of the three associated strains. In contrast with the
unique characteristic of the discrepant case that identified positive familial
support with no associated strain or one of the three strains. Last, the most
common childhood experience of the BSK included violence and childhood
trauma associated with aggression. In Chapter 5, these results will be
considered in light of the published research on serial killers and the chosen
theoretical frameworks, and how the findings reveal suggestions for future
research and professional application.
Chapter 5: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations
Introduction
The purpose of this study was to examine sexual deviance in BSKs in
Texas. The primary source for data included archival records to explore the
reported familial, criminal, sociodemographic, psychological, and
expressions of sexual deviance of BSKs in Texas. The key findings of the
study indicated the most common expressions of sexual deviance in BSKs
includes rape, sadism, and child molestation. The SLT of aggression and
GST confirmed the influences of negative parental relationships and
childhood traumas and their contributions to the social learning of BSKs in
Texas.
Interpretation of the Findings
In response to the primary research question, BSKs in Texas commit
rape as the most common expression in sexual deviance. These results
confirmed other research, which had suggested African Americans compose
almost half of serial rapists and BSKs rape their victims (Bartol & Bartol,
2012; Hickey, 2006; LePard et al., 2015; Lester & White, 2014; Quinet,
2007; Salfati et al., 2015; Wright et al., 2016). The findings also suggested
BSKs do not rape their murder victims as a common practice; but instead
use sadistic acts during the murder to achieve sexual pleasure. Additionally,
the results differed from studies suggesting BSKs have limited education and
more stability within social development and less exposure to abuse
(Beckham & Prohaska, 2012; Lester & White, 2014). The current findings
for BSKs in Texas revealed most did not graduate high school, they
experienced strain and social aggression including social maladaptive
behaviors, violence, and abuse. The findings of my study found similar
results with the expression of sexual deviance. The act of rape, an aggressive
form of sexual deviance, could suggest a connection with the violence,
abuse, and aggression experienced during childhood developments both with
family and social experiences.
Research had also suggested similarities with premeditation and the
ability to avoid law enforcement with BSKs in South Africa and in the
United States. For example, a previous study suggested BSKs in the United
States demonstrated planning behaviors because of the need to have a place
to hide the bodies (Sorochinski et al., 2015). But the findings for BSKs in
Texas suggested the planning did not include hiding the bodies of victims.
The BSKs in this study killed their victims during fights, robberies, assaults,
or as an expression of sexual deviance including rape or sadistic acts, but
they rarely demonstrated behaviors to hide the bodies of their victims. The
findings also suggested BSKs targeted the missing-missing with intention to
avoid law enforcement longer. The results of this study also suggest mental
illness and retardation did not hinder BSKs in their ability to adapt both
socially and criminally. BSKs with low IQs demonstrated planning
behaviors to act out aggression and violence. The need for professional
psychologists in the field to expand research studies into BSK childhood
experiences, adolescent behaviors, including sexual experiences and
expressions will be discussed more fully in the following sections.
Primary Victim Selection
The research on BSKs suggested they killed individuals within the
same race and those deemed missing-missing. The studies on serial murders
also suggested victim selection of vulnerable individuals who include
homeless, runaways, and prostitutes (Branson, 2013; Hickey, 2015; Quinet,
2007). The results of my research suggested BSKs in Texas targeted adult
women as their most common victim (see Table 6), without regard to race.
Although the results confirmed BSKs who had a long span of killing (over
years) usually murdered the missing-missing to avoid detection from law
enforcement. Several BSKs confirmed they would target prostitutes and drug
addicts when seeking out victims. Case #14 stated he “…stayed in the
ghetto” to remain undetected and continued killing. The data also confirmed
the victim selection varied by race, age, socioeconomic status, and
occupations as well as geographic location to avoid detection by law
enforcement.
Studies suggested victims often fear blaming and shaming if they
reported a sexual assault (see Donley & Gualtieri, 2017; Hickey, 2015;
Lester & White, 2014; Quinet,2007; Walsh, 2005). My research suggested
BSKs had the ability to adapt their criminal behaviors to avoid police
detection, even with low IQs. For example, Case #8 who could only cook
eggs, adapted his criminal activities to avoid law enforcement and
burglarized at least 25 homes (TDCJ, 2020). He acted with forethought and
premeditation to avoid detection by law enforcement.
Some BSKs would also change their method of killing or physical
appearances from hair styles to weight gains and losses. Others would
purposefully seek out and commit crimes against the missing-missing or
across jurisdictions, and in some cases BSKs did both. The variation of
murder and the nomadic behavior allowed for a higher number of victims.
For example, Case #13 sought young White women ages 14-44. Case #13
targeted victims who would normally receive attention by both law
enforcement and news media; but then again, Case #13 varied his method of
killing his victims to include stabbing, strangling, and drowning victims.
Case #13 did not sexually assault his murder victims to reduce forensic
evidence left behind. Even with a low IQ, Case #13 socially adapted through
the confidentiality requirements of psychiatric facilities. He confessed his
dark desires with full knowledge the doctors could not disclose the
information to law enforcement. Case #13 moved between different
jurisdictions (cities and states), the most effective method Case #13
employed, the data suggested Case #13 traveled into Canada, when he lived
in Michigan, and connected to an unsolved murder (Leung, 2004; King,
1982; Mitchell, 2006; Montaldo, 2019; MI v #13, 2006; Whitley, 2003).
The BSKs in Texas had murder sprees with a wide range, with some
lasting a few hours with others spanning over 37 years. Most had killing and
crime sprees over several years. Some BSKs experienced gaps between
murders because of incarcerations in correctional facilities. Once released,
they resumed their violent and aggressive behaviors including assaults,
thefts, rapes, and additional murders. The delays in catching BSKs included
the lack of effective forensic evidence and DNA testing when they
committed the murders; cases went cold and remained unsolved.
Table 6
Murder Victim Selection of Black Serial Killers in Texas
Case
No.
Missing –
missing1
Children2* Adolescents3* Adult
Women4*
Adult
Men5*
Elderly6
*
1 X
2 X X X
3 X X X
4 X X
5 X X
6 X
7 X
8** X X X
9** X
10** X X
11 X X
12 X X X
13 X X X
14 X
Note.
1= Prostitutes, drug addicts, runaways, and homeless: All genders and ages
2= All genders aged 0 – 12
3= All genders aged 13 – 17
4= Ages 18 – 64
5= Ages 18 – 64
6= All genders aged 65 and older
* = No association with missing-missing
** = identity of one or more victims unavailable
Black Serial Killers and Law Enforcement Response
Prior research suggested there are factors influencing why BSKs fell
“under the radar” of both media and law enforcement. First, media attention
and focus affected how law enforcement prioritized and profiled offenders,
including the perception Black men lacked the intelligence to carry out long-
term murder. Second, law enforcement’s responses to reports of missing
individuals who lived as prostitutes, drug addicts, and runaways (Branson,
2013; Cottrell, 2015; Levi-Minzi & Shields, 2007). The findings of this
study suggested similarities with the law enforcement response, the adaptive
(and sometime nomadic) lifestyle, and limited police response made the
missing-missing less valuable, which continued to make them easier victims
for BSKs who had killings sprees over years.
In contrast, findings also confirmed BSKs remained within a
geographic area but adapted to avoid detection. The data confirmed police
often dismissed missing persons reports by family and friends of victims, as
a personal choice, if they were a known prostitute or drug addict. For
example, police closed investigations in Case #13 and Case #14’s murders,
ruling them as accidental deaths, overdoses, or natural causes. This inaction
allowed BSKs to continue murdering for extended periods.
Black Serial Killer Profile
Research suggested BSKs’ parents had higher frequencies of
incarceration and lower frequencies of social isolation in comparison to
WSKs (Lester & White, 2014). My research confirmed a pattern of parental
absence and similar reports of isolation in childhood as WSKs. Though
research had suggested a low exposure to childhood violence with BSKs
(Lester & White, 2014), the findings in this study suggested that exposure to
violence in childhood occurred in more than half of the cases. BSKs had
variations of familial backgrounds. Some BSKs lived in two-parent homes
and the dynamics differed, including blended families (step-relationships) or
lived in poverty. Most BSKs had childhood experiences with single parent
homes, a few lived with one or another parent at different times, and some
had no parental involvement during childhood. Data did not verify the
consistent involvement of the father across the cases. The absence of the
paternal figure in childhood development requires consideration in future
studies. BSKs shared similar experiences in childhood including traumas,
which included abuse and violence. For example, 92.9% (n = 13) of the
BSKs had criminal histories with violence in their past.
Research suggested that WSKs tend to fit into their social
environments (Arndt et al., 2004; Beasley, 2004; Hickey, 2015; Kraemer et
al., 2004). My research suggested BSKs demonstrated nomadic behaviors
and travel between cities and states to avoid detection. Some even altered the
killing methods and physical appearance between murders. Conversely,
BSKs demonstrated the same patterns as WSKs, and fit into their social
environments while they sought out their victims. Some BSKs committed
additional murders while on parole from prison. DNA evidence helped to
link BSKs to their victims’ years after the crimes. Case #14 committed
murders for almost 40 years before DNA linked him to three cold cases
(FBI, 2019). BSKs demonstrated the same skill to avoid detection, and
suggests the need for forensic psychologists to expand the research studies
on this population.
Social Learning Theory and General Strain Theory
The SLT (Bandura, 1971) and GST (Agnew, 1992) theorized that the
social aggression and strain experienced in childhood manifested into
deviant behaviors and aggressions. The results are consistent with the
conceptual premise of violence and aggression with associated strain in
childhood in GST. The results confirmed high levels of violence involved in
their criminal activities, including the murders, and are consistent with the
SLT of aggression and GST. The BSKs demonstrated a high level of
violence with associated murders, including rape; with only one resorting to
necrophilia. The data did not include criminal records from other states for
all the cases, a consideration for future studies. Studies suggested that WSKs
demonstrated more at-risk behaviors (i.e. setting fires, killing small animal)
compared to BSKs (Lester & White, 2014). My results suggested childhood
trauma, abuse, and violence occurred frequently with the BSKs.
Data did not indicate the at-risk behaviors identified by Lester and White.
SLT and GST studies demonstrated African American children can
become aggressive and violent which resulted in other-inflicted strain
(Agnew, 1992). The results suggested that BSKs demonstrated other
inflicted strains leading up to murders. BSKs, with and without mental
illness and impairment, did not alter the levels of other-inflicted aggression
presented from early adolescents. With exception to Case #13, the data did
not confirm psychological interventions to address the effects on the BSKs
social developments. Future studies need to determine if BSKs who
experienced strain and aggression in childhood received psychological
interventions.
Published research on SVPs found a lack of intimate or committed
relationships, or estrangements with partners, when they committed crimes;
or they hid their sexual deviance (see Chan et al.,2007; Maniglio, 2012;
Murray, 2017; Oliver et al., 2007; Simon, 2015). Research studies using SLT
and GST suggested almost 80% of sexual offenders and 46% of non-sexual
offenders experienced childhood (physical or sexual) abuse. Moreover,
African American men had a higher frequency of other-directed aggression
and deviant behaviors in response to strain (Burton, et al., 2002; Felson &
Lane, 2009; Jang, 2007). I found a similar connection with childhood
exposures to violence and aggression, including physical and sexual abuse,
and parental abandonment, which manifested into aggressive and violent
behaviors. The violent crimes committed by BSKs included theft, assaults,
murders, and various expressions of sexual deviances. The sexual pleasure
experienced through the sadism included beating (with hands and objects),
chocking (with hands and items), stabbing, and stomping the victims. This
type of aggressive behaviors supported the SLT of aggression and GST used
to anchor the study and results.
Limitations of Study
The study had several limitations. First, I did not conduct direct
interviews with BSKs, their friends, family, or social acquaintances.
However, Case #14’s recorded interviews (later televised) that provided
additional data to interpret and gave a voice to one case. A second limitation
was the scope that required BSKs had a criminal (including a sex related
charge) connection in Texas.
The risk of personal bias diminished by limiting professional contact
with Dr. Hickey in selecting cases and analyzing the data. The case study
approach, using archival data, created the risk of reaching required data
saturation. Using the set criteria for inclusion the study included 14 BSKs
and enhanced data saturation potential. Limited access to court and police
records for BSKs who committed crimes prior to 1993, reduced data
obtained to code familial experiences and social developments.
Recommendations
There are several recommendations for future studies. First, I
encourage researchers to consider BSKs with three or more killings, that
include an emotional cooling off period. Prior to the changes in 2008, the
FBI standard for serial killers required at least three or more killings, with an
emotional cooling off. The FBI, with various experts in criminology,
collaborated and changed the requirement to two or more killings (2008). As
a result, BSKs comprised 50% of the known serial killers based on the
current FBI standard. Two of the 14 cases (14%) committed the murders the
on the same day; both demonstrated an emotional cooling off that occurred
between the murders. Case #4 had two emotional cooling off occurrences
and demonstrated discrepancies with numerous factors involving criminal
history, sexual deviance, and social development when compared to the
other BSKs included in the study.
Additionally, future BSK studies can expand outside of Texas, as well
as internationally. Studies on BSK in South Africa identified both
similarities and differences with American counterparts (Labuschagne &
Salfati, 2015; Salfati et al., 2015). Additional studies outside of the Western
perspective provided different standards to categorize serial killers which
helped with a more specified and refined profile (Gresswell & Hollin, 1994;
Wiest, 2016). The results of my study suggested BSKs demonstrated a level
of planning and social adaptability not identified in BSKs available research.
For example, three of the BSKs made no efforts to hide or dispose of their
victims’ bodies, like the BSKs in South Africa (Sorochinski et al., 2015).
Additional recommendations include using the trauma control model
or motivational model for future studies on BSKs. Hickey (2015) suggested
that the combination of environment, psychosocial, and biology factor into
sexually motivated murders. The results suggested childhood trauma and
violence carry into the adult behaviors of BSKs, including physical violence
associated with murders. Future research should focus on comprehensive
studies of this population, to include interviews with BSKs (when possible),
their family, friends, acquaintances, police investigators, and attorneys to
capture the voice of the subject, their perceptions, and perspectives of others.
In lieu of interviews, I attempted to obtain and review mitigation reports and
prolonged the data gathering process, and I did not obtain desired
documents. If future researchers obtain the interview data, this negates the
need for such reports. The results support the need to expand empirical
research for BSKs and I recommend forensic psychologists conduct
comparative and relationship-based quantitative studies.
Implications
The unique and consistent findings offer a meaningful contribution to
the forensic psychology community and adding to the literature on BSKs.
The common theme of negative parental support (and associated strain) with
childhood trauma indicates a potential connection to aggression, sexual
deviance, and serial murder as an adult. The data confirmed the presence of
aggression during social development of the 14 BSKs either during
childhood or expressed at an adult. I plan to use the result for presentations
to law enforcement agencies at the local, state, and federal level. Providing
law enforcement with additional data could assist with the pursuit and
capture of this population. I plan to give presentations, discussing the
negative familial exposure and strain during childhood, focused at the
juvenile justice system.
Furthermore, the implications of this study can assist various law
enforcement agencies. Presentations can assist agencies with investigation
practices and techniques to help identify victims of BSKs, who would
otherwise go unnoticed or unidentified as victims of a serial killer. For
example, law enforcement agencies should review the procedures in place
when responding to missing persons reports or deaths of the missingmissing
population. Far too often, agencies dismiss the reports as a voluntary choice
when the individual lives a transient lifestyle, allowing BSKs longer crime
sprees. The lack of a comprehensive investigations into the cause of deaths
for the missing-missing, as in Case #14, suggested a dismissive approach in
providing closure for the victims and their families. Law enforcement
agencies, using systems to capture forensic evidence and search DNA
profiles compared to cold cases, increased the number of BSKs identified.
The lack of communication between law enforcement agencies in sexual
assaults, missing persons, and murders allowed BSKs to prey upon women,
elderly, and the missing-missing. Additional implication included increased
communications between jurisdictions, and sharing of information on
criminal activities, to identify patterns more quickly.
Conclusion
In summary, the purpose of the study described the expressions of
sexual deviance in BSKs. The study determined BSKs rape their victims as
the most common expression in sexual deviance. The study also suggested
BSKs do not always murder the victims they rape, and instead express
sexual deviance through sadistic acts. The results of the study determined
BSKs remain out of the social spotlights and off the radar of law
enforcement agencies. The study suggested that BSKs prey upon all levels of
society, and across racial demographics. Although the missing-missing
remain a vulnerable and easily forgotten victims, BSKs kills women,
children, and men. BSKs who committed murders over extended time used
various methods to kill their victims as an adaptive method to avoid
detection.
The results of the study suggested BSKs have a common pattern
during childhood. BSKs exposed to abuses, aggression, and violence within
their families and social development did not receive attention or a proper
outlet. The underreporting of psychological interventions of African
American boys could result from the belief systems that do not encourage
weakness (Lester & White, 2014; Voison et al., 2013). BSKs with a limited
education or intellect demonstrated an adaptability to aid with their criminal
activities. The socially adaptive behaviors and criminally adaptive skills
demonstrated by BSKs with lower IQ suggested a level of planning,
premeditation, and deception. The finding conflicted with profiles on serial
killers. This misconception benefited the BSKs population as they continued
to navigate below the radar; until DNA matches (found by computers)
caught up to them. The potential for a connection in expressions of sexual
deviance and a lack of paternal figures during childhood requires the
consideration of future studies.
The research on WSKs provided law enforcement agencies and
researchers with a vast pool of data to profile perpetrators and reduce the
number of their victims. Documentaries on WSKs (i.e. Ted Bundy, Jeffery
Dahlmer, and Todd Kohlhepp) provided intrigued audiences hours of
information into their lives, motives, and victims. Meanwhile, BSKs (like
their White counterparts) also have the appearance of normalcy
(Arndt et al., 2004; Beasley, 2004; Hickey, 2015; Kraemer et al., 2004) and
continued to thrive undetected by law enforcement, family, friends, and co-
workers. Case #11 lived a normal life, working as a waiter and taking care of
his family. His common-law wife found it hard to believe she lived with a
serial murderer; until DNA evidence linked him to a series of rapes and
murders near their home. Case #14 methodically and with malice murdered
almost 100 women, for almost four decades, across the United States.
Black men commit serial murder. BSKs present a social problem that
requires more research and law enforcement consideration. Empirical
research needs to explore the effects of exposure to aggression, violence, and
strain during childhood on African American. Additionally, studies on the
expressions of sexual deviance in BSKs, and the possible connection to
paternal involvement. The results of the case study demonstrated BSKs
possess an adaptive skill, a flexibility with victim selection, and variation of
expressions in sexual deviance; not hindered by mental impairments or
limited education. Last, research on BSKs would allow for a more accurate
profile to assist law enforcement agencies. The social aggression and strain
experienced during childhood manifest into actions, including rape and
sadistic violence. Additional research on BSKs would provide beneficial
information to develop interventions for at risk youths. Addressing the
aggression and strain experienced during childhood might provide a healthy
outlet. Left unaddressed we have a society at risk of finding a place on the
carrousel of victims, spinning in the mind of a predator.
