Locked Gates_ Japan_s Immigration Quandary in the Face of Economi-10-117

Introduction and Research Plan

1.1 Background and Context:

In today's highly globalized world, most developed countries are experiencing a

declining labor force and aging populations. This makes it more important than ever for

policymakers, economists, and social scientists to understand how these trends interact

and impact each other. Several developed countries' productivity is constantly threatened

to decrease due to a downward shift in the labor force (Lal 2023, 17). This decline in the

labor force stems from a dual phenomenon: a reduction in new entrants to the workforce

and the retirement exodus of individuals surpassing the average age of employment. In

addition to this conundrum, age longevity due to improved living conditions and health

services adds demands to increase welfare and post-retirement services – putting an

additional source of fiscal strain (Powell 2024, 18). Many developed nations, prominently

represented by the G7 countries such as Japan, Germany, Italy, France, Canada, and the

United Kingdom, grapple with unprecedented statistics indicative of diminishing fertility

and an aging population (Prskawetz et al. 2008, 306). Therefore, revising and

understanding the policies geared toward accepting and integrating new immigrants from

different nations is important.

Despite these demographic issues pertaining to low fertility and an aging

population, there is a growing consciousness that policies drafted and implemented by

developed countries must be reshaped and adapted, particularly regarding immigration

issues. The new policies, in essence, will aim to create a vision where welcoming labor

immigrants and integrating them plays a role in mitigating challenges presented by age

and fertility demographics.

Creating an inclusive view of immigration may be a promising approach that calls

for serious discussion. This shift seeks to not only identify the sociological pressures,

such as the need for labor that push for immigration, but also look at the beneficial

socioeconomic outcomes of a diverse and lively migrant population (Hass et al. 2019). As

a result, policy reform advocacy points out how immigration becomes a strategic means

of addressing the relationship between the growing aged populace and the present

migration trends.

Out of the several nations struggling with low fertility and aging populations,

Japan stands out as an interesting and puzzling case. Japan is grappling with one of the

most pressing issues of our time- an aging population. With over 25 percent of its

population over 65, the country is experiencing a rapid demographic shift (Green and

Kadoya 2015, 63). In just 25 years, the number of adults aged 65 years or more has nearly

doubled, from 14.6 percent to 28.7 percent (Davison and Peng 2021, 2578). This trend

and a declining birth rate have led to a population decrease of 1.7 million lives since

2010. The Statistics Bureau of Japan reports a decrease of 263,000 people in just one year

from 2017 to 2018, or -0.21% per year (Davison and Peng 2021, 2578). These trends are

expected to intensify, with projections indicating a population decrease of 20 million by

2045, with over one-third of its residents over 65 (Davison and Peng 2021).

Figure 1: Births/Deaths/Marriages/Divorces Graph in Japan

The graph above was produced by Nippon, an online newspaper that offers a wealth

of information about Japan, covering its politics, economy, culture, and society (Nippon

2015). The combination of problems that Japan faces, including rapid population aging

and a declining birth rate, brings the country to a turning point, raising the possibility of

a fall in the workforce (Haig 2011). To properly analyze the intricacies of Japan's

situation, it will be necessary to explore, among others, the most important factors. These

components include excavating Japan's depiction of history, deconstructing evolving

demographic trends, scrutinizing cultural and social dynamics, and analyzing the public

sentiments and discourse that are prevalent nowadays (Lu 2019).

Some of these policy reform advocacies in Japan include the Japan Center for

Economic Research (JCER) and The Japan Institute for Labor Policy and Training

(JILPT). Reports from the JCER have been released, arguing that more immigration is

necessary to mitigate the negative economic effects of an aging population. According to

the assessment, Japan can sustain its declining labor force and preserve its economic

vitality by allowing a limited influx of foreign labor (JCER 2017). On the other hand, the

JILPT is a think tank that studies and offers policy suggestions regarding labor-related

matters, such as immigration's potential to lessen the effects of demographic decline.

Their research frequently highlights the necessity of all-encompassing strategies for

immigrants' social and economic integration (Holbrow and Nagayoshi 2016). This thesis

does not argue in favor or against immigration. Instead, it sheds light on the immigration

policies adopted by several developed countries and the extent to which they mitigate the

reality of an aging population.

There are several types of immigration: labor migration, asylum migration, and

return migration (Wickramasinghe and Wimalaratana 2016, 16). Labor immigration

occurs when individuals move across borders to seek employment, whether highly skilled

or low-skilled (Wickramasinghe and Wimalaratana 2016, 17). There are different types

of labor migration, including temporary, seasonal, and permanent. This thesis is limited

to examining labor immigration as it would be the antidote to reversing the demographic

challenges in Japan.

This dissertation aims to investigate the complex links between aging populations

and labor immigration policies in Japan from the point of view of policy analysis and the

political economy of international migration. By examining the political dynamics

through which immigration policies are conceived, formulated, and implemented, this

study seeks to understand and assess the mechanisms driving the politics of migration in

Japan.

1.2 Research Question:

Why is Japan not allowing more labor immigrants despite the demographic and

economic needs?

This question is especially relevant because, throughout this study, the Japanese

government has followed a restrictive migration policy despite its demographic needs.

That said, it is crucial to highlight that any recent relaxation of these stringent migration

policies does not represent the post-Second World War period. Hence, it does not render

the research puzzle irrelevant.

This thesis seeks to reveal the core complex internal political processes that

dictate labor immigration policies in the Japanese immigration policies after the Second

World War. By examining historical and institutional factors alongside the political

ideologies of the present day, this study tries to create a comprehensive understanding of

why labor immigration reforms have not been undertaken in Japan. This dissertation will

tackle the nation-building processes, including nationalism, maintaining cultural

homogeneity, and vested interests of the elite political class, the LDP, and the concerns

that affect the country's decision-making processes regarding immigration.

The Japanese political system, ranging from the political cabinet to the National

Diet, labor and business organizations, and political parties, is hesitant to adopt a more

liberal labor immigration policy largely due to nationalistic sentiments. Japan has

traditionally seen itself as a homogenous country, supported by its cultural narratives and

insular history (Lie 2001). Some scholars argue that the notion of Japan’s ethnic

homogeneity is a myth since, ethnically, Japanese South Americans face discrimination

in Japan. Historical evidence proves that ancient Japan included several ethnic groups of

heterogeneous origins. Up to the ninth century, immigration and invasion from China and

Korea persisted. By that time, about one-third of the noble clans in the Chinese-style

capital of Heian (modern-day Kyoto) were Chinese or Korean (Murphy-Shigematsu

1993, 63). As representatives of a higher cultural legacy, immigrants were welcomed as

nobles, priests, craftsmen, and highly educated professionals. A large portion of Japanese

culture was built upon the literary, artistic, and religious traditions they had assimilated

(Murphy-Shigematsu 1993, 63).

However, because of this feeling of cultural distinctiveness, immigration policy

has been a cause for concern that a flood of foreigners may upset social cohesion and

weaken cultural identity (Burgess 2010). Immigration laws in Japan are also heavily

influenced by the dynamics of the political system. Conservative positions on

immigration changes can come from political elites' frequent emphasis on preserving their

position of authority and influence (Tsuda 2006, 161). These political figures might

oppose any changes to policy that might annoy their supporters, who might see more

immigration as a danger to social stability and employment security. On top of that,

groups such as labor unions have a vested interest in keeping labor immigration intake

at a record low. This research is expected to ground insights into the policy-making

landscape in Japan, where it dissects hitches and openings in immigration system reforms

toward addressing the demographic and economic needs.

1.3 Relevance and Importance of the Research:

This thesis sets out to untangle a puzzling phenomenon: why does Japan, unlike

most G7 countries, stick to its guns and not open its doors wider to welcome more

immigrants despite facing low fertility rates and an aging population? This question hits

home because it delves into the unique cultural, historical, political, and economic

influences shaping Japan's immigration politics and policies.

The research outlined in the introduction is relevant and important for several

reasons. Firstly, as mentioned in the introductory paragraph, the intersection of

immigration and aging populations poses challenges (Lal 2023; Prskawetz 2008).

Developed countries, represented by the G7 forum, are facing a decline in the

Economically Active Population (EAP) due to retirement and lack of entrants to the labor

market, therefore inviting an investigation of the dynamics that shape and influence

immigration politics (Sanderson and Scherbov 2007, 545).

Secondly, the relevancy of this research stems from the urgency of understanding

and shaping immigration policies to address the demographic and economic challenges

posed by aging populations, with a growing recognition of the need for inclusive

immigration policies (Sanderson and Scherbov 2007). Understanding the consequences

surrounding the lack of immigration to Japan serves as a potential tool that could assist

policymakers in developing coherent and more effective strategies to address labor

shortages and promote economic growth. Thirdly, this research is important because it

explores and investigates the internal dynamics that shape Japan’s politics of immigration

(Haig 2011).

Lastly, by grounding insights into Japan's policy-making landscape, the study

seeks to dissect barriers and opportunities for immigration system reforms, contributing

to a comprehensive understanding of Japan's immigration policies and their implications

(Lu 2019). The politics of immigration in Japan are shaped by complex political factors,

ranging from domestic politics to public opinions and historical legacies. Domestic

politics stem from the conservative base of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP),

which tends to support preserving cultural homogeneity, which has historically made the

party wary of immigration. Another domestic factor is the labor unions. In the past,

Japanese labor unions have either been skeptical of or opposed to labor immigration.

Concerns regarding domestic workers' working conditions and job security are the root of

this criticism. Concerned about greater competition in the labor market, unions fear that an

influx of foreign workers may drive down salaries and result in worse working conditions.

They also worry that immigrant workers, who frequently accept lower pay and

unfavorable working conditions, may be preferred by employers, weakening domestic

workers' negotiating leverage (Tsuda 2003).

Last but not least, Japan's approach to immigration is also deeply influenced by

its historical legacies. The nation's isolation (Sakoku) from the 17th to the 19th centuries

created a strong feeling of cultural distinctiveness and a long-standing custom of little

contact with outsiders. Japan's stringent immigration restrictions persisted even after the

end of Sakoku, emphasizing preserving ethnic homogeneity (Morris-Suzuki 2010). While

Japan preserved its cultural distinctiveness, it was a country of emigration after the end

of the Sakoku era.

The post-World War II era's experiences further influenced Japan's immigration

policies. There was less immediate demand for foreign labor because domestic labor

played a major role in the economic miracle of the 1960s and 1970s. However, the

demographic changes and economic stagnation that followed in the 1990s and beyond

exposed the shortcomings of this strategy, leading to small but meaningful policy

adjustments (Tsuda 2006). The exploration of the politics of immigration allows the

analytical consideration of the various historical and political factors that shape the

political processes through which policies are formulated and pursued. Decisions related

to the economy are strongly influenced by the frameworks of institutions and ideologies,

which impact how these decisions are made and what they entail.

In summary, this research sheds light on the complexities of aging populations,

migration policies, and political dynamics in Japan, offering insights that can inform

policy discussions and reforms to address demographic and economic challenges. In

summary, investigating why Japan is not allowing more immigrants despite demographic

and economic needs is not only pertinent to understanding Japan's immigration politics

but also offers valuable insights into broader global migration dynamics and political

processes.

1.4 Theoretical Framework in Migration Research:

Migration theories emerged in the mid-twentieth century and include prominent

theories such as neoclassical migration, dependency, world systems, dual labor market, and

critical globalization (Bueno and Prieto-Rosas 2019, 2). Classical migration theories

focus on economic and demographic factors driving migration and often emphasize

individual decision-making processes. On the other hand, critical migration theories offer

a broader and more nuanced understanding of migration by incorporating social, political,

and cultural dimensions. These theories include dependency theory, world systems

theory, dual labor market theory, postcolonial theory, critical race theory, feminist

migration theory, and transnationalism (Vertovec 2001, 573). Critical migration theories

challenge the assumptions and limitations of classical theories by focusing on power

relations, identities, and structural inequalities.

Between very abstract big theories and specific empirical hypotheses are mid-

range theories. Rather than thoroughly explaining every social phenomenon, they aim to

elucidate particular facets of social life, like specific institutions, actions, or occasions.

Mid-range theories are detailed enough to be empirically testable and helpful for

explaining certain social occurrences. Yet, they are also sufficiently generic to be relevant

to various situations, according to Robert K. Merton, who established the idea (Merton

1968, 39). Historical institutionalism and identity politics are considered theoretical

paradigms because they are approaches to constructing and understanding sociopolitical

phenomena under study.

This thesis will rely on historical institutionalism and identity politics as

theoretical paradigms because they offer frameworks that bridge the gap between grand

theories and empirical observations, providing specific yet flexible lenses for analyzing

political phenomena. Historical institutionalism and identity politics bridge the gap

between “grand” migration theories and empirical observations by providing middle-

range frameworks to analyze specific migration dynamics. Historical institutionalism

explains how path dependencies and institutional arrangements constrain policy changes,

shaping long-term migration policies based on historical precedents (Pierson 2000).

Identity politics emphasizes the role of cultural and societal narratives in influencing

migration attitudes, accounting for how collective identities affect policy preferences

(Haddad 2007). Together, these frameworks link macro-theoretical insights with detailed

case studies, offering nuanced interpretations of migration phenomena.

1.5 Historical Institutionalism:

Historical institutionalism is a theoretical framework that examines how

institutions—defined as rules, norms, and procedures—shape political behavior and

outcomes over time. It emphasizes the importance of historical context and path

dependency, arguing that past decisions and established institutions constrain and

influence current and future political actions (Thelen 1999, 371). This approach often

focuses on the processes of institutional development, stability, and change, highlighting

how initial policy choices create long-term effects and enduring political patterns

(Pierson 2000). Historical institutionalists study how political institutions evolve and

interact with social, economic, and political forces to produce particular outcomes

(Steinmo 2008, 124).

Identity politics is another theoretical framework that examines how political

positions, ideologies, and policies are shaped by aspects of individuals' and group’s

identities, such as race, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and religion. It emphasizes the role

of identity in understanding political behavior and the importance of recognizing and

addressing the distinct experiences and struggles of various social groups (Crenshaw

1991). Identity politics argues that marginalized groups mobilize around shared aspects

of their identity to achieve political recognition, equality, and justice (Bernstein 2005).

This framework is often used to analyze social movements and the dynamics of power

and representation in political systems (Young 1990).

As a theoretical framework, identity plays a key role in political mobilization

because shared identities can bring people and groups together to pursue shared political

objectives. Activists and politicians use these common identities to mobilize support and

advance legislative changes. For example, the American civil rights movement,

spearheaded by individuals like Martin Luther King Jr., inspired African Americans and

their supporters to struggle for equality and civil rights by focusing on their shared racial

identity (McAdam 1999). Similarly, feminist movements have successfully pushed for

women's rights by using gender identification, leading to important social and legal

changes (Ferree and Mueller 2004).

Furthermore, electoral politics can benefit from identity politics. To win votes,

politicians frequently reference their supporters' identities. This identity-based

campaigning strategy focuses on meeting certain identity groups' unique needs and goals.

In the case of Japan and labor immigration, identity politics has garnered political and

social mobilization in terms of the political base and interest groups such as the Japan

Federation of Employers' Associations who have a vested interest in immigration because

they have advocated for the inclusion of highly qualified foreign workers within specific

parameters to address labor shortages and enhance economic competitiveness. They have

emphasized the need for policies that allow the immigration of skilled professionals,

particularly in sectors facing significant labor shortages. In summary, identity politics

provides a critical lens for understanding political mobilization and interest formation. It

highlights how shared identities can serve as a powerful catalyst for collective action and

policy advocacy, shaping political landscapes and advancing social justice (Bernstein

2005; Young 1990; Crenshaw 1991).

1.6 Conceptualizing Migration Policies: Setting the Dependent Variables

When conceptualizing migration policy as the dependent variable, examining a broad

range of institutional areas that shape and influence this policy in Japan is essential. Below

are three variables that this thesis will explore.

1- Immigration Laws and Regulations. Immigration rules and regulations are an

important topic to research because they provide the fundamental framework for deciding

who is permitted to enter and remain in the nation. This covers many visa and residency

permit kinds. Japan has always had tight immigration laws, especially when it comes to

unskilled labor. Understanding this policy component requires understanding the

Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act, which was most recently changed in

2018 to add additional categories for foreign workers (Tsuda 2006, 45; Weiner 2004,

107).

2- Labor Market Access. Another subsumed factor is labor market access, which

includes regulating employment rights and integrating foreign workers into the workforce,

another crucial institutional area. This includes labor regulations that restrict the kinds of

employment migrants can perform, their ability to change occupations and the protections

that come with them. As an example, the Technical Intern Training Program (TITP) has

come under fire for its poor track record of assisting interns in making the move to full-

time employment, which is indicative of larger issues with labor market integration

(Sugimoto 2014, 213; McCargo 2012, 193).

3- Social Security and Healthcare Access. Healthcare and social security access is

another important aspect of immigration policy. The inclusion of these policies is

reflected in the degree to which immigrants are covered by Japan's social security

programs, which include pensions, unemployment compensation, and disability

insurance. While long-term visa holders and permanent residents may enjoy comparable

rights to Japanese nationals, temporary or informal workers sometimes do not (Calder

1988, 102). Access to healthcare is important because regulations determining whether

immigrants are eligible for Japan's universal healthcare program reveal how inclusive

public health services are (Schoppa 2006, 41).

1.7 Combined Application:

A comprehensive understanding of Japan's resistance to labor immigrant

acceptance can be obtained by combining historical institutionalism and theoretical

frameworks of identity politics to explain immigration policies. The persistence of past

trends and institutional legacies in shaping modern behaviors and policies is highlighted

by historical institutionalism. Regarding immigration policy, Japan's experiences with

foreign labor throughout the colonial era and the post-World War II era have had a

significant influence. A cautious and controlled approach to foreign labor in modern

times, for example, has resulted from the exploitation and discrimination Korean and

Chinese laborers endured during Japan's imperial period. Another pivotal point occurred

when Japan chose to rebuild and industrialize using its labor force following World War

II. Due to these historical experiences, institutions now follow norms and practices

prioritizing social stability and cultural homogeneity more than economic

immigration liberalization (Thelen 1999; Pierson 2004). Even though Japan urgently

needs foreign labor due to its aging population and dropping birthrate, its restrictive

immigration policies are nevertheless influenced by the institutional structure built in this

historical setting.

On the other hand, identity politics examines how identification characteristics,

such as nationality, ethnicity, and cultural background, influence political beliefs and

agendas. Public opinion and political debate in Japan are greatly influenced by the

emphasis on upholding a uniform national identity. The perception of cultural purity and

distinctiveness, which underpin this nation's identity, is thought to be endangered by the

immigration of foreign labor. In Japan, politicians and political movements frequently

use these identity-based worries to gain support for immigration restrictions. Thus, the

unwillingness to welcome labor immigrants stems from the ongoing dynamics of identity

politics and historical and institutional legacies. Opponents of more open immigration

policies are further entrenched by nationalistic and conservative political groups,

highlighting the possible cultural and social disruptions resulting from increased foreign

workers (Bernstein 2005). One can comprehend how Japan's past experiences and strong

national identity influence its current stance on labor immigration by integrating historical

institutionalism and identity politics.

1.8 Argument:

Through an analysis of the politics of migration, historical institutionalism, and

identity politics, several hypotheses emerge to shed light on the underlying factors that

shape the immigration approaches of Japan and European countries. As will be established

in the following chapter, the case of Japan presents a plethora of factors that affect

immigration policies and politics that could be understood from the lenses of historical

institutionalism and identity politics. During the nation-building process after the Second

World War, Japan relied on the domestic labor force to offset the destruction and

devastation of the war. The case of Japan further proves that the influence of cultural and

historical factors is particularly pronounced. Deeply ingrained narratives of racial and

cultural homogeneity, combined with a tradition of seclusion, significantly shape

attitudes and policies toward immigration (Lu 2019).

This dissertation argues that the Japanese government’s hesitance to adopt more

inclusive immigration policies is rooted in a desire to preserve and safeguard its domestic

labor market. The argument against labor immigration by labor unions posits that the

more organized labor, the fewer immigrants allowed in. Also, political conservatism

manifested in the long rule of the LDP and bureaucratic barriers contribute to resistance

against immigration reforms, reflecting concerns about job displacement and backlash

from conservative constituents and vested interests within the bureaucracy (Tsokkinen

2019; Strausz 2019).

On the other hand, what sharpens the puzzle is Europe’s response to labor

immigration after the Second World War. The implicit comparison this thesis will adopt

will examine how Europe’s response radically differed from Japan's. Countries like

Germany and France began adopting immigration policies to welcome labor immigrants,

albeit from former colonies like France. Since 1945, most European countries have

formulated, implemented, and revisited several immigration policies. Japan has recently

eased and relaxed its traditionally strict stance on labor immigration through several

programs, such as the Specified Skilled Worker Visa (SSW) in 2019. The SSW visa

category created a regulated avenue to enter about 345,150 medium-skilled workers over

five years (Rehm 2021, 144). However, despite these changes, the measures fall short of

reversing the country’s demographic challenges. The number of foreign workers admitted

remains modest compared to the scale of Japan’s aging population and declining birth rate.

There were 22,567 foreign nationals with SSW visa status overall as of March 2021, much

fewer than the administration had anticipated (Rehm 2021, 145). As of 2023, the SSW

program had attracted fewer workers than projected, raising doubts about its effectiveness

in stabilizing Japan’s labor force.

1.9 Methodology:

This research design analyzes and explains why Japan refuses to accept labor

immigrants. Therefore, to strengthen the argument, this thesis utilizes an implicit

comparison approach with other OECD countries to understand better how migration

politics can affect population demographics and economic stability. The following

chapter will include the theoretical and conceptual framework, laying the foundations for

the hypothesis and argument that historical institutionalism and identity politics serve as

sufficient frameworks through which Japan’s reluctance to welcome labor immigrants

could be understood.

The initial part of the thesis will include a historical background chapter with an

overview of Japan’s and Europe’s response to labor shortages after the Second World War.

Following that is the literature review chapter, which looks into the different laws and

regulations surrounding migration. It will also examine the factors contributing to the lack

of response to the challenges of aging populations, falling fertility rates, and evolving

migration policies in the remaining G7 countries.

However, despite the similarities between Japan and the rest of the G7 nations,

pertaining to low fertility and aging populations, Japan remains inflexible to changing

laws and regulations to accommodate and integrate immigrants. Therefore, this

dissertation will also present cases of G7 countries, such as Germany and France, actively

altering immigration laws and introducing integration programs to facilitate a smoother

transition to immigrants. Given the similarities in population aging, G7 countries differ

in immigration regulation, making this research particularly intriguing.

This positivist research design utilizes qualitative data to comprehensively

address the pressing research questions and hypotheses. The initial data sources,

including demographic statistics, migration trends, labor force statistics, and policy

documents, will be retrieved from highly reliable sources such as national statistical

offices, international institutions, and government publications. This dissertation will also

rely on policy documents, governmental announcements, academic literature, and media

reports that will be meticulously analyzed to understand the migration population in

Japan.

While this is a single-case study, in order to theoretically frame the argument and

hypotheses of this research, this thesis will rely on implicit comparisons of other

European countries. Using the response of Germany and France to labor shortages after

the Second World War, the thesis will demonstrate how Japan remained the outlier in

adopting new labor immigration policies despite similar shortages.

This section of the dissertation will utilize the Method of Most Similar Systems

Design (MSSD), which is typically a comparative method, with Germany and France as

case studies demonstrate the similarities between them and Japan yet significant

differences, especially on the implementation of immigration policies to tackle low

fertility and aging population (Anckar 2008, 390). This design is particularly relevant as

it compares identical constant variables to help explain different outcomes. However,

despite its strong theoretical foundation, the MSSD method has one major practical

drawback. This drawback is that it is almost impossible to control all variables given the

restricted number of countries in question (Anckar 2008, 390).

Additionally, a conceptual framework will be developed, integrating theoretical

perspectives, and variables such as institutional factors and political ideologies will be

considered to analyze the policy responses of all countries in question (Bermingham

2020; Erumban and van Ark 2016). To ensure the validity and reliability of findings, this

thesis will avoid broad-brushing brushing Japan as an essentialist country. Instead, it will

focus on political and decision-making processes. Through this rigorous research design,

the study aims to contribute valuable insights that can inform evidence-based policy

formulation regarding demographic change and migration governance in Japan.

1.10 Limitations of the Study:

To thoroughly investigate the complex links between aging populations and

migration policies in Japan, several practicalities, potential obstacles, and limitations must

be addressed. Accessing and interpreting reliable data on immigration policies and

demographic trends in Japan can be challenging, especially when government documents

and statistics are often in Japanese, necessitating translation and cultural context

understanding. This process can be time-consuming and prone to misinterpretation (Befu

2001). Furthermore, the intricacies of Japan's immigration policies are influenced by a

mix of historical, cultural, and political factors that require deep contextual analysis

(Green and Kadoya 2015).

The sensitive nature of immigration policy discussions in Japan, influenced by

nationalistic sentiments and concerns over cultural homogeneity, could limit the openness

of policymakers and stakeholders to participate in interviews or share detailed

information. This sensitivity presents a significant barrier to gathering comprehensive

and candid insights (Strausz 2019). Additionally, while comparative analysis of

immigration policies in other G7 countries like Germany and France can provide valuable

insights, it must be approached cautiously to avoid oversimplifying complex national

narratives. These countries' unique historical, cultural, and socio-political contexts may

limit the generalizability of findings to Japan (Boswell et al. 2016).

Moreover, the fast-changing nature of global migration trends and demographic

shifts means that data and policies could evolve during the research. This dynamic

environment necessitates continuous updates, potentially altering the research direction

to remain relevant and accurate (Castles et al. 2019). Understanding the consequences

surrounding the lack of immigration to Japan serves as a potential tool that could assist

policymakers in developing coherent and more effective strategies to address labor

shortages and promote economic growth. Thus, this research aims to contribute valuable

insights that can inform evidence-based policy formulation regarding demographic

change and migration governance in Japan.

In summary, investigating why the Japanese government is not allowing more

immigrants despite demographic and economic needs is not only pertinent to understanding

Japan's immigration politics but also offers valuable insights into broader global migration

dynamics and political processes. By grounding insights into Japan's policy-making

landscape and employing mid-range theories, particularly historical institutionalism and

identity politics, this study seeks to dissect barriers and opportunities for immigration system

reforms, contributing to a comprehensive understanding of Japan’s immigration policies and

their implications.

CHAPTER TWO

Theoretical and Conceptual Framework

2.1 Introduction:

Identity politics became central in political practice and analysis in the 1980s. It

discusses the distribution of power and representation in society. It stems from

understanding the complexity of people’s identity and how it affects their lives. Identity

politics disrupts fixed frameworks of thought that do not capture the richness of race,

gender, and other forms of social categorization.

This thesis will discuss identity politics to understand how the identities of

politicians and the decision-making bodies influence immigration regulation. This

chapter delves into the different definitions of identity politics. It critically engages with

the core tenets of identity politics, including the emphasis on representation, recognition,

and the politics of difference (Fraser 1997, 69). In doing so, this thesis will focus on the

emergence and influence of identity politics in the Core Countries. Consequently, the

following discussion will demonstrate how identity politics plays radically different roles

in why some countries, in this case, continental Europe, chose to loosen immigration laws

after the Second World War. In contrast, others, like Japan, did not. It will explore how

identity politics seeks to transform political and social institutions in Japan and

continental Europe by implementing various immigration laws and policies.

The reason for including continental Europe in the comparison is to demonstrate

how identity politics has been capable of influencing the implementation and passage of

immigration laws and policies that either restrict or allow foreign nationals to work and

reside in different nations. The result of the comparison is that stringent immigration laws

in Japan could be traced back to identity politics held by the incumbent ruling party.

Whereas in the latter case of continental Europe, the turnover and diversity of the political

spectrum inevitably affect the laws pertaining to immigration. Moreover, the chapter

addresses the critiques of identity politics, such as concerns about fragmentation,

essentialism, and political polarization (Lilla 2018). The chapter will highlight its enduring

relevance and transformative potential in contemporary political analysis by situating

identity politics within broader social and historical contexts. Consequently, this chapter

will analyze how identity politics shape decision-making processes relating to

immigration in Japan and Europe.

2.2 Defining Identity Politics:

The term “identity politics” has been used in scholarly articles since the late

1970s. It proposes a political stance based on an existing social identity; therefore,

identity always precedes politics. The phrase "identity politics" was originally coined by

Anspach in 1979 to describe the activism of disabled persons to change their own and

society's perceptions of them (Bernstein 2005, 47). According to Mary Bernstein (2005),

only three academic journal articles over the following ten years used the term identity

politics in their abstracts. The term was used to discuss three topics. Firstly, it discussed

ethnicity as a modern form of politics. Secondly, it was a critical pedagogy that combined

a Marxist commitment to politics with poststructuralist insights regarding subjectivity.

Finally, it discussed general efforts by status-based movements to foster and explore

members' cultural identities (Bernstein 2005, 48). By the middle of the 1990s, identity

politics in general and nationalism in specific had become popular.

According to Bernstein (2005), there are three main ways to define and understand

the concept of identity politics: the neo-Marxist approach, the new social movement

approach, and poststructuralist/postmodern analyses. This debate of the different

definitions highlights the significant differences in opinion on the definition of identity

politics. Still, it also poses a targeted set of research issues tackled in the next section

(Bernstein 2005, 49). The research on identity politics by Bernstein (2005) explores the

relationship between political stance and personal experience. It also looks into the

reasons behind the understanding and portrayal of status identities as essentialist or

socially constructed, as well as the strategic challenges faced by movement organizers

when the identities that center a movement also serve as the foundation for oppression.

In addition, Bernstein (2005) examines the appropriate moments to attribute movement

outcomes to status identities and the ways to connect collective action to particular

conceptions of power to shed light on the cultural and political objectives of identity

politics. The following are the three most prominent definitions of identity politics:

1.The Neo-Marxist Definition:

The neo-Marxist perspectives of identity politics are more about the structural

matters concerning power and domination. These approaches often revolve around two

key theoretical assumptions of Marxist and neo-Marxist theory: the assumption that class

division is the essential form of domination, oppression, and conflict and the perspective

that the emancipatory actors seeking to overcome class differentiation and struggling for

economic justice are the major agents of social transformation (Bernstein 2005, 50). In

neo-Marxism, identity is a super-structure and product of economic processes. Therefore,

Japan does not want to alter economic processes to avoid changing the Japanese identity.

Hence, identity politics is not always viewed as a political practice that seeks to

transform relations of power but is interpreted in terms of symbols, culture, or the mind.

This perspective sometimes results in normative political demands that deny the

significance of identity politics. In these analyses, culture is seen as existing outside and

beyond institutions, politics, and economy rather than as formative of, constitutive of, and

as providing the parameters for institutions. Bernstein (2005) states that Polletta (2002),

Swidler (1995), and Williams (2004) also point out that this division results in a view

where the class is not a constantly changing cultural or psychological entity and where

social-based identities are not institutional or economic. As Sewell (1992) pointed out,

there are usually blind spots in the intersections between class and status identities.

2.The Poststructuralist and Postmodern Definitions:

The postmodernist analyses diverge from the neo-Marxist perspective by

conceptualizing power as inherently tied to the existence of status categories. In this view,

identity politics exhibits and strengthens these categories, leading to further regulation

and domination rather than alleviating inequality (Bernstein 2005, 56). Therefore,

organizing based on status identities is considered essentialist and ineffective in

addressing power structures (Bernstein 2005, 56).

There are various critiques of identity politics, beginning with its failure to

acknowledge intersectional identities, question societal constructions of status categories,

and refrain from essentializing group identities (Bernstein 2005, 58). It is believed that

identity politics fragments broad issues into small groups, impeding the establishment of

coalitions and constructive political engagement. Other critiques of the NSM theory

include isolating political economy from identity and culture (Bernstein 2005, 55). Critics

see groups supporting minority organizations of identity politics as focusing only on

identity production. Additionally, it ignores conservative social movements that center

on values, culture, and identity, which results in normative political assessments of

identity politics (Bernstein 2005, 55).

Bernstein's neo-Marxist notion of identity politics provides a strong foundation

for critical engagement when addressing Japan's unwillingness to welcome labor

immigrants. This viewpoint highlights the class divide as a primary source of oppression

and conflict and places emphasis on the structural issues of dominance and power. It fits

well with Japan's sociopolitical dynamics, where immigration regulations and political

discourse are strongly rooted in national identity and cultural homogeneity.

Because it focuses on how power structures and class divisions impact policy

decisions, the Marxist notion of identity politics is especially useful for assessing Japan's

position on labor immigration. One way to see Japan's resistance to labor immigration is

as a way to preserve national identity, ingrained economic interests, and social cohesion.

This viewpoint helps us understand why political and economic elites oppose adjustments

that could upset the established power structures (Bernstein 2005, 50).

Throughout modern history, a homogenous elite has dominated Japanese politics,

believing that social stability and economic prosperity depend on cultural uniformity.

Policies prioritizing national identity more than hiring foreign workers reflect this

viewpoint (Sellek 2000). The neo-Marxist perspective explains how these elites construct

immigration laws to maintain their power, guaranteeing that identities of class and status

stay fixed and unassailable. The underlying causes for Japan's strict immigration laws and

the opposition to labor immigration as a way to prevent upsetting the country's established

social order are revealed by this structural analysis.

It is also crucial to mention Benedict Anderson’s seminal work, published in

1983, on imagined communities. In his book, Anderson analyzes nationalism and argues

that a country is a socially constructed community imagined by its citizens who identify

as belonging to a particular group (Anderson 1983, 13). According to Anderson,

nationalism emerged in the 18th and 19th centuries, when nations defined themselves in

national terms (Anderson 1983, 15). In the case of the Japanese government, the

emergence of nationalism after the Second World War, coupled with the determination

to rely on the domestic labor force to rebuild the nation, contributes to understanding

identity politics and its role in immigration policy.

2.3 Neo-Marxism, Identity Politics, and Historical Institutionalism:

Examining the intersections between identity politics—as described by Neo-

Marxist theory—and Japan's institutional and historical background is crucial to critically

engaging with this framework. The emphasis on class differences draws attention to how

the political class maintains power by using national identity as a tool. In order to get

support from the public, politicians frequently invoke cultural homogeneity, playing on

nationalistic feelings and concerns about cultural dilution. This tactic serves to both

support their political stance and deflect criticism of labor market problems and

economic disparities that could be resolved through immigration (Williams 2004).

Furthermore, the neo-Marxist viewpoint emphasizes how culture and identity are

used symbolically in political discourse. In Neo-Marxism, cultural narratives that depict

immigrants as possible risks to societal harmony and economic stability are used in Japan

to support restricted immigration policy. The political elite's opposition to labor

immigration is legitimated by this cultural framing, which plays a crucial role in

influencing public opinion (Polletta 2002). Japan's unwillingness to admit labor

immigrants can be fully understood by applying the Neo-Marxist approach, which

focuses on constructing and mobilizing these cultural narratives.

The analysis is significantly enhanced when historical institutionalism and

identity politics are combined. Historical institutionalism highlights how historical

legacies and institutional structures influence present-day policies (Thelen 1999). Japan's

current immigration laws result from its historical isolation and cultural preservation

efforts. The post-World War II era, marked by swift economic expansion and

recuperation, strengthened a national identity prioritizing cultural uniformity and

economic self-reliance. Due to the perception that labor immigrants threaten the

socioeconomic structure that has been painstakingly constructed over many years, these

historical trajectories have institutionalized a reluctance to accept them. This reluctance

even extended to the descendants of Korean migrants to Japan and the ethnic- Japanese

in Latin America.

It is clear how historical institutional choices and cultural narratives continue to

shape current immigration policies by fusing historical institutionalism with the neo-

Marxist idea of identity politics. This integrated paradigm makes it possible to analyze

Japan's immigration policy nuancedly, emphasizing how institutional structures, identity

politics, and historical legacies interact to shape labor immigration laws.

In conclusion, in conjunction with Bernstein's neo-Marxist definition of identity

politics, historical institutionalism offers an effective lens through which Japan's

unwillingness to welcome labor immigrants can be critically examined. By shedding light

on the structural and cultural elements that support immigration laws, this method

provides a thorough grasp of the political and economic dynamics at work.

To comprehend how identity has become institutionalized in Japan within the post-

war reconstruction framework, it is necessary to discuss the distinct political economy of

Japan’s development and its divergences from the Western European context. These

factors of reconstruction and reestablishment of a new identity shaped Japan’s post-

World War II national identity. This resulted in a national closed insular nationalism that

developed with time.

2.4 From Post-War Reconstruction to Insular Nationalism,

Institutionalization of Identity Politics in Post-War Japan:

Japan's post-war reconstruction was distinct from that of Western Europe. This is

not because it was conducted under the supervision of the Allied Occupation, which

imposed a new constitution emphasizing peace, democracy, and human rights. However,

the U.S.-led reconstruction efforts also sought to revive Japan’s economy as a bulwark

against communism, which led to the preservation of many pre-war elites and the

country's rapid industrialization. This process reinforced an economically driven national

identity and was culturally insular, as Japan sought to modernize without significantly

altering its homogeneous societal structure (Dower 1999; Johnson 1982, 12-14). The

national identity then transformed into identity-based interests in the years to follow.

Party politics and insular nationalism have significantly influenced the creation

of labor immigration laws. This insular nationalism was largely institutionalized thanks

to the efforts of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which has dominated Japanese

politics since the 1950s. Since its founding, the LDP has ruled Japan for 64 years. Their

rule was interrupted a couple of times in 1993 and 2009. Prioritizing social stability and

economic expansion over cultural variety, the LDP's policies have long supported the idea

that Japan is a homogeneous nation-state. Policies that focused on maintaining Japanese

cultural standards and limited immigration helped to institutionalize this narrative even

as Japan assimilated into the world economy (Calder 1988, 98; McCargo 2012, 67).

The distributional alliances and economic interests are another element that shows

how identity politics were institutionalized through the interests of legislators and

policymakers. Immigration policy in Japan has been significantly shaped by the corporate

community and labor unions, who frequently share the LDP's nationalist viewpoint.

Large corporations and trade associations have typically favored the restricted and

controlled admission of migrants to safeguard domestic workers and preserve social

cohesion, even though they have occasionally acknowledged the need for foreign labor.

Labor unions have also frequently been cautious about hiring foreign laborers because

they worry about declining salaries and job security. This alliance of interests has

influenced laws that prioritize homegrown remedies above more lenient immigration

laws, such as those that promote increased birth rates and female labor force participation

(Schoppa 2006, 35). Businesses are also an important part of the LDP coalition and

believe that they found a way around the problem of labor shortage and the high cost

of production in Japan by investing in automation as well as by outsourcing in South

Asian countries such as Taiwan and Korea (Park 2001, 847).

The manner in which these identities- and interest-based issues are ingrained in the

legislative and regulatory frameworks controlling migration indicates the

institutionalization of identity politics in Japan. Japan has conservative immigration

policies that put national identity and economic stability ahead of multiculturalism. These

policies include the 1990 Immigration Control Act Amendment and the 2018 introduction

of new resident statuses. The institutionalization of nationalist identity inside the political

and economic structures has resulted in these measures, as maintaining Japan's cultural

homogeneity is crucial to the country's interests (Weiner 2004, 104–106; Tsuda 2006,

45). The following chapter, “Historical Background,” lays out the main components and

evolution of immigration policies in Japan.

2.5 Identity Politics as a Theory: Framework and Applicability

As applied to identity politics, middle-range theory can explain Japan's reluctance

to accept more immigrants despite its aging population and declining fertility by focusing

on specific societal, cultural, and institutional dynamics. The theory of identity politics

also explains why continental Europe has, over the decades, accepted and changed

policies to welcome and integrate immigrants into their societies. Therefore, the identity

politics approach provides a detailed analysis of how collective identities and social

structures influence policy decisions.

When applied to Japan, there are core elements of identity politics as a middle-

range theory. These elements will be revisited and explored in-depth in the coming

sections of this chapter. However, for background purposes, the components of political

identity in Japan include the historical narratives that play a crucial part in shaping

contemporary policies. Japan’s isolation during the Edo period, followed by the

controlled modernization of the Meiji period, reinforced the country’s hostility and

cautious approach toward foreign influence. The empirical evidence suggests that Japan’s

political identity could be largely attributed to the periods of isolation and cultural

preservation (Lie 2001).

Japan implemented a sakoku (closed country) policy during the Edo period,

essentially cutting itself off from the majority of the outside world. Fears about foreign

influence, especially from Western nations, were perceived as threatening Japan's social

order and political stability, which motivated this approach. During this period, Japan

was dominated by the Tokugawa Shogunate, which imposed stringent regulations on

international trade, social relations, and even the travel of Japanese citizens abroad

(Totman 1995). Tokugawa Ieyasu founded the Tokugawa era, which ruled Japan from

1603 until it was abolished in 1868 during the Meiji Restoration. The Tokugawa era

spanned a whopping 265 years, which earmarked Japan as a nation that enjoyed relative

peace, rigid social order, and isolation (Gordon 2021). A deep-seated aversion to foreign

influence and a desire to preserve cultural and socioeconomic homogeneity were

engendered by this isolationist posture.

Japan started down a road of regulated modernization when the country entered

the Meiji period. Though they did it selectively, the Meiji leaders understood that Japan

needed to strengthen itself against Western forces by assimilating certain Western

institutions and technologies. Modernization initiatives were handled carefully to prevent

foreign influence from undermining Japan's sovereignty or destroying its sense of cultural

identity. The idea of kokutai (national essence), which highlighted Japan's distinct cultural

and spiritual character, occurred during this time, strengthening the idea that Japan had to

remain on guard against outside influence (Gordon 2021).

The continuation of these policies is demonstrated by the strict immigration laws

in Japan, which put social stability and cultural integrity ahead of practical economic

considerations (Morris-Suzuki 2010). Instead of being immigration laws per se, the

Sakoku and Kokutai policies were part of a larger national isolationist campaign that

successfully stopped immigration. The main goals of the policies were to safeguard Japan

from perceived external threats and maintain the country's social order and cultural

uniformity.

The other theoretical framing is the political and institutional frameworks through

which political institutions and power structures that reinforce identity-based policies

could be examined. Given the long-term incumbency of the LDP’s rule, there seems to

be no room to loosen the stringent immigration policies (Haddad 2007). Although

demographic challenges in Japan present a need for more open immigration policies,

identity politics encourages higher domestic birth rates and increased female workforce

participation over accepting more immigrants. This highlights the prioritization of

cultural identity over economic pragmatism. In this case, identity politics override

economic considerations in policymaking.

The identity politics approach explains Japan's reluctance to accept more

immigrants by highlighting the significant role of cultural homogeneity, historical

context, political frameworks, and public opinion. These elements collectively shape a

national identity that prioritizes cultural preservation, often at the expense of addressing

demographic and economic challenges through immigration.

2.6 Historical Institutionalism: Classical Definitions

When discussing how identity politics impacts immigration policies and

regulations, examining how policies are formed from a historical institutionalist (HI)

perspective becomes crucial. Coined in the early 1990s, historical institutionalism is

neither a particular theory nor a particular approach (Steinmo 2008, 118). It makes the

most sense when viewed as a method for researching politics and social change. This

approach differs from other social science techniques because it focuses on historical

issues, addresses how institutions impact behavior and results, and pays attention to real-

world empirical questions (Steinmo 2008, 118).

According to Steinmo’s classical approach, the easiest method to understand

historical institutionalism (HI) is to place it in a historical and comparative framework,

highlighting its unique features and highlighting its historical and comparative origins.

This is essentially an HI explanation of historical institutionalism. Scholars who focus on

institutions focus on institutions' roles and the rules they set. Within this tradition, some

students concentrate on formal institutions and regulations, while others deal with

informal norms and rules (Steinmo 2008, 124). Formal and informal institutions play a

significant role in politics by influencing the strategic behavior of those involved in a

given decision and who participate in it.

In the social sciences field, there are three types of institutional analysis: historical

institutionalism, sociological institutionalism, and rational choice (Steinmo 2008, 125).

The common denominator between all three institutional analyses is the consensus

regarding their shared perception of institutions as laws governing behavior. They

diverge in interpreting the characteristics of the entities whose behavior or actions are

being shaped (Steinmo 2008, 126).

1. Rational Choice School: According to the rational choice school, people are

rational individualists who weigh the advantages and disadvantages of their

options. Institutions are significant, according to rational choice institutionalists,

only because they help shape people's strategic behavior (Steinmo 2008, 126).

They contend that because people are calculating actors looking to maximize their

own or their group's gain, they adhere to norms. Those who belong to the rational

choice school cooperate because doing so benefits more than not cooperating.

They abide by the law because it benefits them (Steinmo 2008, 126).

2. Sociological Institutionalism: On the other hand, sociological institutionalists

believe humans are inherently social creatures. According to this theory, people are

"satisfiers" who behave in predictable ways rather than being as self-interested or

"rational" as rational choice theory would have it (Steinmo 2008, 126).

Sociologists believe that institutions are more than just sets of guidelines that

people must follow in order to function; they also shape how people view the

world.

3. Historical Institutionalists: Finally, historical institutionalists believe humans

are self-interested rational actors and norm-abiding rule followers. They argue

that human behavior depends on them, the circumstances, and the regulations

(Steinmo 2008, 126). This claim may seem quite self-evident, but it significantly

impacts how we approach political science. It is also crucial to mention that

economic decisions, such as policy on labor migration, are embedded in

institutions.

A historical institutionalist rejects the notion that people are merely strategic

actors who employ rules to further their agendas or that people are just rule followers.

Even so, a historical institutionalist may not give much thought to these matters (Steinmo

2008, 126). The HI scholar is interested in learning why a series of immigration policy

decisions were made or why a particular result happened. Any major political result is

most likely best understood as the result of both interest maximization and rule-following.

In the case of Japan, historical institutionalism will be utilized as an explanatory

framework to highlight how structural determinants of decision-making, such as party

systems and electoral rules, have shaped the Japanese political context since the adoption

of the 1947 constitution. Consequently, this thesis will establish the connection between

historical aspects and compare recent empirical events that will assist in answering the

research puzzle.

2.7 Historical Institutionalism and Applicability to Migration:

Historical institutionalism could be applied to immigration by analyzing how

political structures, institutional legacies, and historical settings impact immigration laws

and practices. Several aspects are examined in recent research on historical

institutionalism and immigration, such as the function of institutional entrepreneurs, the

impact of political and economic environments, and the long-term stability of

institutional frameworks. In order to comprehend immigration policies, historical

institutionalism has been used, looking at how institutional legacies and historical

circumstances influence current policy choices. The ability of institutional frameworks

to endure can help or impede the adjustment of immigration laws to reflect the changing

social and economic landscape.

According to the more recent work by Pierson (2000), path dependence and

institutional legacies—the idea that past decisions and established institutions shape

present and future policy decisions—are emphasized by historical institutionalism. This

idea is essential in explaining why some immigration laws have endured throughout

time and how historical occurrences like significant political shifts or colonial legacies

have influenced present immigration laws. For instance, immigration laws in former

colonial powers are frequently influenced by their past colonial experiences, which has

an impact on the groups most likely to immigrate as well as how they are welcomed.

The theory of Historical Institutionalism is crucial in political science analyses and

for this research for two reasons. Firstly, the “historical” aspect acknowledges that

political evolution must be viewed as a process that takes place across time (Pierson 2000,

264). In the case of Japan, this is demonstrated by the lack of historical change in

immigration policy and the reluctance to alter them, resulting in status quo immigration

regulations. Secondly, it is “institutionalist” in that it emphasizes how many political

ramifications of these temporal processes today are ingrained in institutions, be they

norms, policy frameworks, or bad rules (Pierson 2000, 265). For demonstration purposes,

in the case of Japan, early restrictive immigration laws may continue to create more

rigorous measures due to institutional inertia and policy feedback processes, making

significant improvements difficult. As established and will be further elaborated on, Japan

has been ruled by the LDP since the 1947 constitution, making policy reforms seem

impossible.

Another area where historical institutionalism applies to immigration is how

critical junctures and policy shifts affect it. According to historical institutionalism, there

are crucial turning points—moments of profound upheaval that upend established

institutions and pave the way for novel policy approaches (Capoccia and Kelemen 2007,

342). Important turning points in immigration history, including wars, economic

downturns, or significant political upheavals, can result in significant changes to

immigration laws. Institutional entrepreneurs frequently seize this chance to advocate for

changes or fresh perspectives on immigration (Capoccia and Kelemen 2007, 342). The

critical juncture being researched in this thesis is after the Second World War. While

Japan's homogeneous cultural policies stayed largely unchanged due to various historical

and social circumstances, post-World War II reconstruction in Western Europe led to

more permissive immigration policies to meet labor shortages. That said, it is crucial to

state that modern Japan was subject to a homogenization process as part of nation-

building under Meiji through suppressing cultural and linguistic variants, as in Okinawa

and Hokkaido.

Moreover, historical institutionalism identifies mechanisms of gradual

institutional change. According to Streeck and Thelen (2005), historical institutionalism

investigates how slow, gradual changes and institutional drift can produce major policy

shifts over time, even as important junctures can result in rapid transformations. This

viewpoint contributes to understanding how immigration laws and policies change

gradually by gradual modifications instead of drastic adjustments (Streeck and Thelen

2005, 3). These dynamics are demonstrated by how nations modify their immigration

laws in reaction to shifting political or socioeconomic demands without altogether

revising their institutional structures.

2.8 Migration Policies and Regulations: Structural Determinants:

Prior to diving into the decision-making and structural determinants in Japan, it

is crucial to provide a brief background on the Japanese political structure. Japan’s

political fabric is complex. Being a constitutional monarchy, Japan has been dominated

by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) since 1955. The LDP was formed by merging

two conservative parties: the Liberal Party and the Japan Democratic Party. This

consolidation aimed to counter the influence of socialist and communist parties in the

post-war political environment (Curtis 1999). The LDP is a nationalist and conservative

political party that has ruled continuously since 1955, with several defections in 1993 and

2009. From 1955 until 1993, the LDP enjoyed almost four decades of incumbent power.

The other digression was from 2009 until 2012, when the Democratic Party of Japan won

the election. In total, the LDP has ruled Japan for five decades. Before the introduction

of the 1955 system, Japan was a nation-state that existed since the Meiji Restoration in

1868, and it remained so until the adoption of the constitution in 1947.

The LDP has a significant membership base, including politicians, local assembly

members, and grassroots supporters. According to the latest available data, the party

claims to have around 1 million members. However, the exact number can fluctuate based

on various factors, including political climate and other factors influencing membership

motives (Curtis 1999). The LDP also holds majority seats in the National Diet, including

the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors. In the 2021 general election,

the LDP won 261 out of 465 seats (Pugliese and Wallace 2021, 75). The LDP and its

coalition partner, Komeito, maintain a significant presence in the House of Councilors.

As of the 2022 election, the LDP holds 119 out of 248 seats (NHK 2022).

2.9 Conclusion:

The theoretical framework presented concludes by emphasizing the value of

historical institutionalism in explaining the continuity and slow development of Japan's

immigration policies. This approach provides a thorough lens through which to examine

the structural factors that influence political decision-making in Japan by looking at the

interaction of route dependence, institutional legacies, and crucial junctures. The

following chapter, which moves on to the literature review, will expand on this

framework by discussing previous research on migration policy, examining how

theoretical ideas have been used in empirical investigations, and placing this study in the

context of a larger body of scholarly work.

CHAPTER THREE

Literature Review

3.1 Introduction:

Japan's migration policy is a complex and multifaceted issue deeply intertwined

with the country's historical, cultural, and modern political evolution. To fully understand

the current state of Japan's migration policy, it is essential to examine it through identity

politics and historical institutionalism, as these frameworks provide valuable insights into

the underlying factors that shape policy decisions and their outcomes. This literature

review section is organized into several key sections. First, it examines the evolution of

immigration policies in Japan and other countries of emigration in the global north. Next,

the literature review tackles the demographic and economic pressures and examines how

an aging population ultimately strains the social welfare system and overall economic

well-being. The focus then shifts to Japan’s policy landscape and institutional factors that

govern immigration. This section examines how a complex set of political, economic,

and social aspects shapes Japan’s policies. Finally, a section will be dedicated to

exploring how cultural and social dynamics influence Japan’s approach to immigration.

3.2 Classical Migration Theories and Japan:

This thesis must state that the intermediate theories suggested do not invalidate the

classical migration theories that explain the labor movement. While classical migration

theories also offer valuable foundations for comprehending migratory trends in Japan, they

must be modified to consider the nation's historical, institutional, and cultural unique

characteristics. Japan's selective and restrictive migration policies emphasize supplementing

these theories with viewpoints such as identity politics and historical institutionalism to fully

reflect the intricate interactions between various elements impacting migration policy.

For example, neoclassical migration theory focuses on how labor market dynamics

and wage disparities influence migration (Bueno and Prieto-Rosas 2019, 2). Although there

is a theoretical need for migrant workers due to Japan's economic expansion and labor

shortages, the nation's immigration laws frequently favor short-term employment over long-

term migration, making it challenging for workers to secure permanent residence. This

selected method demonstrates how Japan's institutional and political frameworks alter

neoclassical forecasts by prioritizing immediate economic demands over more extensive

labor market integration.

The phenomenon mentioned earlier does not discredit neoclassical migration theory.

The case of Japan proves that even though there are a few streams of temporary

migration paths to Japan, foreign nationals, driven by several push factors, still took

advantage of numerous visa programs upon their introduction. The number of foreign

workers in Japan is unknown, although they are becoming increasingly significant. An annual

study on the number of foreign workers reported by employers is published by the Ministry

of Health, Labour, and Welfare (MHLW); however, the data is not complete or trustworthy

since it leaves out significant worker categories and excludes unreported employees because

of the data collection procedure (Hennings and Mintz 2017, 103). Although foreign workers

are important overall, how many there are is still unknown, and only a few academics have

provided estimates (Hennings and Mintz 2017, 103). Despite that, it is reported that in 2009,

the number of foreign nationals reached 562,818 (Yamada 2010, 10). The number increased

in the 2015 census, which estimated the number of nationals to be 2,232,189 (Hennings and

Mintz 2017, 108). This increase, therefore, does not discredit neoclassical migration theories.

However, despite the rise, the low numbers of working foreign nationals from 2009 to 2016

demonstrate a decrease in intake given the demographic challenges.

Therefore, according to Douglass and Roberts (2003), Japan is no longer immune

from the globalization of labor migration. While the numbers and figures for labor

immigration to Japan remain marginal compared to other OECD countries, the numbers are

slowly and steadily increasing.

3.3 Historical Institutionalism, Identity Politics, and Japan's Immigration Response:

Japan's post-war immigration policies significantly differed due to its unique

historical and institutional context. After WWII, Japan also faced severe economic

challenges and labor shortages. However, Japan's historical experiences and institutional

frameworks favored a more insular approach. The country's homogeneity and cultural

emphasis on social harmony and ethnic purity influenced its reluctance to accept large

numbers of foreign workers (Thränhardt 1999, 214).

Historical institutionalism helps explain Japan's restrictive immigration policies

through the concept of path dependency. Unlike Europe, Japan had the labor force and

drive to revive the economy without the desperate need for foreign labor. Also, Japan's

pre-war and wartime experiences, which included forced labor and colonization, created

a cautious approach to foreign labor (Lie 2001). Post-war policies focused on rebuilding

the nation, emphasizing self-sufficiency and internal social cohesion. The Immigration

Control and Refugee Recognition Act of 1951 set stringent controls on immigration,

reflecting these historical and institutional influences (Dugar 2023, 94).

Therefore, from a historical institutionalist and identity politics perspective,

Japan, the only country in history to be atomically bombed, was able not only to recover

but to do so miraculously and efficiently. Essentially, Japan has acclimatized to the worst

crises without outside assistance, making incumbent politicians believe they can shoulder

the current demographic crisis using the same approach. A strong emphasis on ethnic

homogeneity and national identity has characterized identity politics in Japan. This

cultural ideology has reinforced the notion that Japan should remain ethnically

homogeneous, further justifying restrictive immigration policies. Even though Japan’s

ethnic homogeneity is a myth, incumbent politicians and many Japanese citizens see that

foreign laborers bring in more harm than good (Befu 2002).

The reluctance to accept foreign labor is also linked to fears of social disruption

and cultural dilution. The Japanese government has prioritized policies that preserve

social harmony and minimize potential conflicts arising from ethnic diversity. This

approach is evident in the strict regulations and oversight of programs like the Technical

Intern Training Program (TIPT), which has been criticized for not providing adequate

protection and support for foreign workers (Human Rights Watch, 2019).

The divergence in post-war immigration policies between Europe and Japan can

thus be attributed to differences in historical institutional contexts and identity politics.

Europe's embrace of immigration was driven by economic necessity, institutional

frameworks promoting integration, and inclusive identity politics that valued human

rights and multiculturalism. In contrast, Japan's restrictive approach was shaped by its

historical experiences, institutional emphasis on homogeneity and self-sufficiency, and

identity politics prioritizing ethnic purity and social cohesion.

Japan's policy landscape and institutional factors in migration have been

influenced by historical beliefs and institutional factors, beginning with the early nation-

building efforts in the Edo period. Until 1868, Japan established a national identity built

around ethnic purity and social cohesion. Following that, the Meiji Restoration period

from 1868 to 1912 saw Japan rapidly modernize and centralize its government while

maintaining cultural continuity. This period reinforced the notion that Japan’s success

depended on its unique cultural and social fabric. This belief continues to influence

immigration policies (Jansen 1995 This review examines the important institutional

aspects that impact Japan's migration policy, such as immigration legislation, labor

market entry, social welfare, healthcare, education, cultural assimilation, and political

involvement, within the overall framework of Japan's identity and institutional growth

since World War II.

3.4 Japan’s Migration Policy: Identity Politics and Historical Institutionalism:

Historical institutionalism provides a strong structure for examining the

continuity and evolution of Japan's migration policy. This method highlights how the

historical past and institutional patterns influence current policy choices. Japan's

migration policy after World War II is heavily influenced by its historical background

from the Edo period's isolation, Meiji-era modernization, and post-war reconstruction

during Allied occupation (Schoppa 2006, 41). These past events have instilled a careful

attitude towards outside influence and the movement of people from other countries,

resulting in enduring strict regulations on immigration that are still in place today (Calder

1988, 102).

As stated by Tsuda (2006), Japan's immigration policies have been greatly

influenced by its historical past, particularly the negative effects of World War II. The

loss resulted in a rearrangement of Japan's sense of self and a focus on ethnic uniformity,

impacting the nation's resistance to welcoming foreign workers. Understanding Japan's

migration policy requires knowledge of its historical context, as past decisions influence

current choices. Another factor is Japan's ample supply of domestic labor, making

employing them more convenient than foreign workers.

Furthermore, Schoppa (2006) maintains that Japan's institutional structures have

developed in a manner that hinders the incorporation of migrants, particularly those with

low skills. The post-war economic growth in the country solidified a favoritism towards

employing local workers, backed by powerful unions and businesses that were cautious

of foreign rivals. This resulted in policies that supported the short-term entry of foreign

workers without offering routes to permanent residency or citizenship, a pattern that

persists in contemporary migration policy (Schoppa 2006, 41). As mentioned in the Japan

immigration policy timeline, few changes have been made, leading to a rarely revisited

policy. Alternatively, examining Japan's migration policy through the lens of identity

politics, which considers how social identities influence political behavior and policy

results, offers a valuable perspective. In Japan, identity politics has been strongly linked

to ethnic uniformity and national identity, influencing the creation of strict immigration

policies.

According to Sugimoto (2014), Japan's strict immigration policies are largely

influenced by its self-image as a country with a mostly homogenous population. The

focus on Japanese culture is unique and pure and has resulted in the marginalization of non-

Japanese, particularly individuals from other Asian nations, in Japanese society. The

discrimination experienced by Korean and Chinese residents in Japan, based on their

identity, is seen in both legal and social contexts. Even though they have lived in Japan

for many generations, they are frequently denied citizenship and equal rights (Sugimoto

2014, 119).

Weiner (2004) notes that identity politics in Japan has been influenced by the

economic and social policies of the post-war era, which focused on fast industrialization

and economic expansion. These measures contributed to developing a national identity

strongly linked to economic prosperity and social unity, pushing aside individuals who

did not conform to the Japanese ethnic and cultural norms. This has led to a migration

policy that is both stringent and choosy, giving preference to migrants who can smoothly

integrate into Japanese culture or have sought-after skills (Weiner 2004, 107).

3.5 Immigration Laws and Regulations:

Japan's migration policy is based on its immigration laws and regulations, which

have historically been stringent, especially towards unskilled labor. Historical

institutionalism, focusing on path dependency and institutional continuity, elucidates

why Japan has upheld strict immigration controls. The Immigration Control and Refugee

Recognition Act, first created in 1951 and revised several times, demonstrates the

institutional resistance to major changes in immigration policy (Weiner 2004, 107; Tsuda

2006, 45). The 2018 changes to this law, which added new groups for overseas

employees, reflect a careful change instead of a drastic change from previous methods,

highlighting the gradual progression of immigration policy in Japan's system.

Identity politics is also a key factor in influencing Japan's immigration policies,

starting from the period of isolation before World War II. The Japanese national identity

developed after the war has focused on homogeneity and cultural purity due to the impact

of defeat and occupation (Sugimoto 2014, 119). This isolationist nationalist attitude,

characterized by identity politics, has led to resistance to welcoming foreign workers,

especially those seen as culturally or ethnically different from the majority population in

Japan. Focusing on preserving a uniform society has resulted in policies that prefer skilled

workers as more capable of fitting into Japanese society (McCargo 2012, 78).

3.6 Labor Market Access:

Labor market access is another critical dimension of Japan's migration policy.

Historical institutionalism provides a framework for understanding how Japan's labor

market has been structured to limit the integration of foreign workers. Japan's

immigration regulations, especially the revisions made in recent times, have mostly been

unable to deal with the country's persistent lack of labor effectively. Even with new visa

categories to entice foreign workers, the root problem remains unsolved due to

various factors.

The 2018 amendment to the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act

introduced new visa categories, including the Specified Skilled Worker (SSW) visas.

These visas were created to attract international employees and address gaps in the

workforce within sectors like building, farming, and caregiving. Nevertheless, the strict

criteria, such as language proficiency assessments and technical competency evaluations,

have greatly constrained the number of qualified candidates. Furthermore, the policy's

favoritism towards skilled labor instead of unskilled labor does not match the current

requirements of Japan's economy, which has a greater need for unskilled or semi-skilled

workers (Oishi 2012, 1081).

Additionally, the cultural and institutional obstacles present in Japan have

discouraged numerous prospective migrants from viewing Japan as a viable option for

employment. Japan's strict employment norms, such as prolonged work hours and a focus

on uniformity, create challenges for foreign workers trying to assimilate into the

workforce. Furthermore, minimal focus has been on offering sufficient social support,

including language learning and cultural orientation, which are crucial for successfully

assimilating migrant workers (Liu-Farrer 2020, 112).

The Technical Intern Training Program (TITP), introduced in 1993, was

ostensibly designed to provide skills training for foreign workers from developing

countries, but in practice, it has been criticized for exploiting migrant labor without

offering a clear path to long-term employment or integration (Calder 1988, 102; Schoppa

2006, 41). This program reflects the institutionalized barriers to full labor market

participation for migrants, which have been reinforced by powerful distributional

coalitions, including business interests that prefer a flexible, low-cost labor force and

labor unions that resist the inclusion of foreign workers to protect domestic jobs.

From an identity politics perspective, excluding migrants from the broader labor

market is tied to Japan's post-war identity, prioritizing social harmony and economic

stability. The M- shaped curve phenomenon, where women leave the workforce after

childbirth and return later in life, often in lower-paying, part-time roles, parallels the

limited opportunities available to migrants, reflecting broader societal norms that

prioritize certain forms of labor participation over others (Sugimoto 2014, 124; McCargo

2012, 80). These norms are deeply rooted in Japan's post-war economic model,

characterized by a paternalistic approach to labor relations and a preference for stability

over diversity.

To sum up, Japan's current immigration strategies have not successfully addressed

the labor shortages because of strict qualifications, inadequate support for assimilation,

and abusive practices within the TITP. Japan has been unable to attract and keep the

required foreign workforce to support its economy due to these problems arising from a

diminishing domestic labor force.

3.7 Access to Healthcare and Social Security Benefits:

Access to social security and healthcare is an essential factor in migration policies

that directly affect the welfare and assimilation of migrants. Japan's social security

system, which covers pensions, unemployment benefits, and disability insurance, was

created for a workforce expected to be the same throughout their lives, posing challenges

for migrants in fully utilizing these benefits (Weiner 2004, 109). The reason migrants are

not included in these systems can be explained by historical institutionalism, which

emphasizes how inflexible Japan's welfare institutions are and the difficulties in making

them suitable for a more varied population.

Identity politics makes this matter more complex by reinforcing the perception of

migrants as outsiders, thus excluding them from social security and healthcare systems.

Japan's focus on cultural and ethnic uniformity has resulted in prioritizing the well-being

of native Japanese people over foreign residents. This can be seen in the restricted

availability of healthcare for temporary and undocumented workers, who frequently

encounter obstacles in obtaining medical treatment (Sugimoto 2014, 119; McCargo 2012,

78). The hesitation to incorporate migrants into these systems shows a larger societal

inclination to uphold a distinct separation between "insiders" and "outsiders," a crucial

element of Japan's post-war national identity.

3.8 Political Participation and Legal Rights:

Political participation and legal rights play a key role in migration policy,

influencing migrants' ability to integrate fully into Japanese society. Japan has been

hesitant to grant political rights to migrants due to historical institutionalism, which

highlights the persistence of political institutions that have historically kept foreign

residents out of the political sphere. The restricted chances for migrants to participate in

politics, such as being unable to vote in local elections or become members of political

parties, demonstrate the overall institutional obstacles to complete integration.

Identity politics has a notable impact on shaping migrants' political participation

and legal rights. Prioritizing the political rights of native Japanese citizens over those of

foreign residents is a result of the focus on creating a uniform national identity. This is

apparent in the restricted options for migrants to obtain permanent residency or

citizenship, which mirror the wider societal hesitation to fully embrace migrants as

integral to the Japanese nation (Calder 1988, 102; Schoppa 2006, 41). The continuation of

these measures underscores the difficulties of reconciling Japan's post-World War II

national identity with the growing diversity of its population.

An intricate combination of identity politics and historical institutionalism

influences Japan's migration policy, ultimately shaping the overall approach. Japan's

strong focus on preserving a unified national identity, along with the entrenched

resistance of its political and social structures, has led to the implementing of policies that

hinder the assimilation of migrants into Japanese society. This literature review

thoroughly explores the factors shaping Japan's migration policy and the challenges it

faces in meeting the needs of a diverse population through analyzing key areas like

immigration laws, labor market access, social security, education, cultural integration,

and political participation. The significance of evaluating identity and institutional factors

in the research of migration policy, especially in a nuanced and deeply rooted setting like

Japan, is emphasized by the findings of this analysis.

Since the end of World War II, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has

dominated institutional forces that support Japan's immigration policy. In the past, the

LDP supported measures emphasizing economic expansion while preserving social

stability. Due to this, immigration policy has become more cautious, focusing on short-

term rather than long-term solutions. One such program is the Technical Intern Training

Program (TIPT), which attempts to fill labor shortages but does not provide a road to

permanent residency (Shipper 2008). Furthermore, immigration policy is significantly

shaped by Japan's bureaucratic institutions. These highly autonomous and influential

organizations have a history of prioritizing policies that support social stability and

cultural preservation (Shinoda 2013). These institutions' conservative bent and important

influence over the creation of public policy have solidified Japan's stringent immigration

policies.

In conclusion, historical institutionalism and identity politics play a major role in

Japan's unwillingness to accept labor immigrants. The historical legacy of post-war

economic growth, the focus on cultural homogeneity, the LDP's domination, and the

significant influence of bureaucratic institutions combine to create a framework for

immigration policy that is conservative and restrictive. These elements highlight the

intricate interactions that have shaped Japan's immigration laws between institutional

dynamics, identity politics, and historical legacies (Yamamoto 2012; Takenoshita 2016;

Kodama 2015; Shipper 2008; Shinoda 2013).

The post-World War II era presented Europe and Japan with significant

challenges and opportunities in rebuilding their war-torn societies. While Europe

embraced immigration to address labor shortages and foster economic recovery, Japan

maintained a more restrictive approach to immigration. This divergence can be

understood through historical institutionalism and identity politics lenses. This section

will further elaborate on the reasons for the divergent responses. As previously

established, historical institutionalism emphasizes the role of historical contexts,

institutional structures, and path dependency in shaping policy decisions. After WWII,

Europe faced extensive infrastructure damage and significant labor shortages. The

Marshall Plan and other reconstruction efforts necessitated a large workforce that was not

readily available domestically due to war casualties and demographic shifts (Hansen

2003). In response, many European countries, such as Germany and France, implemented

guest worker programs to recruit labor from countries like Turkey, Italy, and former

colonies (Castles 1986; Herbert 1990). The thrust of the argument is the immediate

willingness of countries like Germany and France to realize the need for foreign laborers

to build and sustain their economies. Below is a table that puts the labor force size in

Japan, Germany, and France before and after the Second World War in perspective.

Figure 2: Labor numbers before and after WWII

Country

Labor Force Size in

1939 (millions)

Labor Force Size in

1950 (millions)

Source

Japan

34.5

33.4

(Mitchell 1975)

Germany

21.8

(Overy. 1995)

France

19.5

18.7

(Mitchell 1975)

Japan, Germany, and France had large labor forces before World War II,

indicating their industrial and agricultural success. While researchers found it difficult to

estimate exact labor numbers, these figures underscore the differential impact of World

War II on the labor forces of these nations, with Japan emerging from the war with a

growing workforce, while Germany and France faced declines. Japan had about 34.5

million laborers in 1939, Germany 25 million, and France 19.5 million (Mitchell 1975).

These nations' labor force compositions underwent substantial changes following

the war. Japan's post-war reconstruction efforts and population growth propelled the

country's labor force to reach about 33.4 million by 1950 (Mitchell 1975). In contrast,

Germany experienced a decline in its labor force to 21.8 million due to the split of the

nation, territorial losses, and the high cost of the war (Müller 2004, 253). Due to a slower

recovery and changes in its population, France likewise had a minor fall in its labor force,

reaching 18.7 million. Fifteen years after the Second World War, in 1965, Japan’s labor

force stood at 64.4 million (Sorrentino 1983, 25). Germany’s labor force was 58.7

million, and France’s was 57.7 million (Sorrentino 1983, 25).

Common economic, demographic, and structural factors pushed the number of

workers in Japan to increase by 5 million from 1939 to 1950. Thus, Japan began a long

reconstruction process during and after World War II, leading to a rapidly growing

economy. Economic expansion created employment opportunities across various sectors

during the late 1940s and early 1950s, especially in manufacturing, construction, and

services (Gordon 2021, 236).

The change in population status also brought about this increase in the workforce.

After the war, Japan experienced a baby boom that helped boost the size of the potential

workforce. The reduced mortality level due to better health care and living standards also

helped increase the population and workforce size (Dower 2000, 215). Moreover, Japan

saw a significant structural shift from an agriculturally based economy to an industrial

and urban one. They migrated from the countryside to urban areas and joined the industrial

sector, thus expanding the workforce (Maddison 2007, 97).

In the reconstruction process after the war, the Japanese government also

implemented several measures to organize and mobilize labor. This period witnessed an

increase in the labor force because of policies that included infrastructure reconstruction,

industrialization, and the reabsorption of soldiers and citizens displaced during the war

(Maddison 2007, 134).

Looking at the historical context of the decades following the Second World War

and the different responses of nations that suffered grave human and financial losses

explains Japan’s reluctance to loosen immigration laws. Furthermore, coupling identity

politics with historical institutionalism and path dependency is a stronger case to describe

the events that make Japan a research puzzle. The institutional frameworks established in

the post-war period laid the foundation for subsequent immigration policies. For example,

Germany's recruitment agreements with Turkey and other countries were

institutionalized through bilateral treaties that facilitated the flow of migrant labor

(Martin 1994). These arrangements created a path dependency, where initial policies

shaped subsequent decisions, leading to the establishment of immigrant communities and

the eventual need for family reunification policies.

For example, after the Second World War, Germany introduced the

“Gastarbeiter,” or the guest worker policy. It aimed to employ labor migration to revive

the nation’s severely impacted economy. This program started during the 1950s and the

1960s, during the “Wirtschaftswunder,” meaning the ‘economic miracle,’ a time of rapid

economic growth, aiming to eliminate continuing staff shortages through foreign workers.

The German government signed bilateral labor recruiting agreements with many

countries on December 20, 1955, starting with Italy (Herbert 1990). This enormous

program of induction of the labor force occurred when nearly 100,000 Italians moved to

Germany by the end of the 1950s.

In 1960, recruitment from West Germany was escalated with the signing of

agreements with Greece and Spain. An approximate of 400,000 Greek and Spanish

laborers had migrated to Germany by 1964, boosting the labor power in Germany

(Martin 1994). With Turkey, the most important union was reached on the 30th of

October in 1961. The Turkish workers were further boosted through this arrangement,

and while the figure was estimated at 453,000 in 1961, it shot to 851,000 in 1977,

according to Castles (1986). Additional understandings were made to broaden the door

to absorb different types of workforce: Morocco in 1963, Portugal in 1964, Tunisia in

1965, and Yugoslavia in 1968.

The Gastarbeiter program was designed to be a short-term migration with

expectations of the workers returning to the country of origin after some stipulated period.

However, many of those temporary workers decided to stay in Germany for a long time

or made Germany their permanent home, which changed the country's demography and

the growth of multiculturalism in the soy. This measure challenged the society’s

togetherness and assimilation into sociable communities even as it gave critical

workforce personnel (Herbert 1990).

Over 2.6 million foreign workers had settled in West Germany by the early 1970s,

dramatically altering the demographic and cultural makeup of the nation. The legacy of

the "Gastarbeiter" program is still visible in the diverse German society, especially in the

sizable Turkish minority. This program demonstrated the difficulties of immigration and

integration policies while also playing a significant part in post-war reconstruction and

economic prosperity (Martin 1994). Identity politics also played a crucial role in shaping

Europe's post-war immigration policies. The devastation of WWII fostered a sense of

European solidarity and a commitment to human rights and economic cooperation. The

founding of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the subsequent

formation of the European Economic Community (EEC) were driven by ideals of

integration and collective growth, which extended to the labor market (Geddes and

Scholten 2016).

The inclusivity of identity politics in Europe can be seen in policies that granted

citizenship and social rights to immigrants from former colonies, as in the case of France,

which integrated immigrants from North Africa and West Africa (Hansen 2003). This

inclusive approach was driven by economic necessity and a commitment to uphold human

rights, as enshrined in documents like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of

1948. Make no mistake, though. This is not to say that Europe is a continent that is free

from human rights abuses based on culture, race, and ethnicity. However, through identity

politics, one can understand that several European nations have acclimatized to foreign

labor, especially the highly skilled ones, to advance.

3.9 Conclusion:

Understanding the post-war immigration policies of Europe and Japan through

the lenses of historical institutionalism and identity politics reveals the complex interplay

of historical contexts, institutional frameworks, and cultural ideologies. While Europe

leveraged immigration to fuel economic recovery and foster integration, Japan's insular

approach was driven by historical experiences and a cultural emphasis on ethnic

homogeneity. These differing responses highlight the importance of considering

historical and cultural factors in formulating immigration policies.

The following chapter, “Historical Background,” dives into a summary of the

modern Japanese political system and provides an overview of historical Japan. The chapter

will also examine the different immigration programs drafted and implemented in Japan,

Germany, and France.

CHAPTER FOUR

Historical Background

4.1 Historical Context Pre-1945:

One of modern history's most amazing success stories is Japan's prominence as a

worldwide economic and political force. Although there are well over 6000 islands in

Japan, many are deserted. Most of the nation's land comprises the four largest islands:

Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, and Shikoku (Paxton 1990, 758). Despite its modest size,

the archipelago is home to 128 million people, making it the tenth most populous country

in the world. Montana's equivalent of its land is home to these people. Despite having

essentially little natural resources, based on the International Monetary Fund’s 2024 data,

Japan’s nominal GDP ranks third in the world, behind the United States and China.

Although Japan has a high per capita income, its labor force and long-term economic

prospects are negatively impacted by low birth rates and an aging population. Japan is the

world's second most prosperous and productive nation, after only the much bigger United

States. Still, both Japan’s high-tech society and rich cultural legacy are thriving.

Japan's rich history dates back 30,000 years to when people first arrived from the

Asian continent. This is known as the Paleolithic period. The Jōmon and Yayoi were two

of the first cultures. With the arrival of Chinese and Korean, the Japanese culture evolved

and transformed through many phases (Asia 2019). Japan was united into a powerful state

headed by an emperor in the eighth century. Emperor Kammu relocated the nation's

capital from Nara to Kyoto in 794 (Asia 2019). With the beginning of the Heian period,

Japan's unique culture began to take shape, resulting in the development of art, poetry,

music, and literature throughout the following millennium. The Imperial Court ruled

over Japan for around 300 years, and then a feudal age began to last for the next 700 years

(Asia 2019). The samurai, a warrior governing class, emerged during this period. The

shogun was the head of the most powerful samurai clan—a civil conflict known as the

Onin conflict began in 1467 and lasted for roughly ten years. The Sengoku period, often

known as the time of warring states, is said to have begun at this point. It involved the

feudal warlords known as daimyo and the shogun (Asia 2019). In Japanese history, the

Sengoku era was marked by societal unrest, political scheming, and almost continual

warfare. Under Toyotomi Hideyoshi, Japan was reunited in 1590. Japan, renowned for its

literature and art, experienced times of military rule and imperialism. It is still a

parliamentary constitutional monarchy with certain ancient Japanese cultural remnants

(Asia 2019).

Japan's historical context, particularly its nation-building processes and periods

of isolation, significantly influences its current immigration policies (Lu 2019).

Understanding this historical background provides essential insights into why Japan

remains reluctant to accept immigrants despite demographic and economic pressures.

Firstly, Japan's immigration policies have been shaped significantly by its historical

context, which includes its period of isolation during the Edo era and its subsequent

modernization in the Meiji era. During the Edo period (1603-1868), Japan was under the

rule of the Tokugawa shogunate, which established a policy of Sakoku, the notion of

national isolation. This policy restricted foreign influence and trade, limiting interactions

with the outside world to a few select partners, such as the Dutch and Chinese, through

the port of Nagasaki. The isolationist policies aimed to maintain political stability and

protect Japanese culture against external influences (Totman 2014). The phases of early

isolation and feudal Japan instilled a sense of cultural homogeneity and national identity

that persists today.

Following the Edo period, the Meiji Restoration in 1868 marked the end of the

Tokugawa shogunate, the beginning of rapid modernization in Japan, and the end of the

isolation policies. This period saw the country open its borders and adopt Western

technologies and institutional structures to avoid colonization and enhance national

strength. The Meiji government pursued policies of industrialization and centralization,

fostering a strong sense of national identity and unity (Jansen 1995). After that, Japan's

modernization during the Meiji era eventually led to its imperialist ambitions in the early

20th century. Japan sought to expand its influence in Asia through military conquest,

leading to the colonization of Korea, Taiwan, and parts of China.

However, the defeat in World War II ended Japan's imperial expansion and forced

it to rebuild as a pacifist state under American occupation. The post-war period saw Japan

adopt a new constitution, renouncing war and focusing on economic recovery (Dower

2000). World War II's aftermath saw Japan retreat from its imperial ambitions and adopt

a more insular approach (Green and Kadoya 2015). Therefore, this period is crucial for

understanding how historical experiences shape Japan’s contemporary immigration

policies and attitudes. Post-war Japan and the economic miracle from the 1950s to the

1980s transformed it into a global economic power. This period reinforced a strong sense

of national pride and cultural homogeneity. The notion of a homogenous Japanese society

became a core of national identity, further entrenching resistance to foreign influences

(Weiner 2004).

It is crucial to highlight that Japan was a significant emigration state in the late

19th and early 20th centuries, with millions of Japanese peasants leaving the country to

settle in the New World, particularly in the United States, Peru, Ecuador, and Brazil. This

mass migration aligned Japan with European nations that experienced similar outflows

during that period, driven by economic hardship and the search for better opportunities

abroad (Munck et al. 2013, 65; Iguchi 2002).

4.2 Demographic and Economic Pressures:

Japan's demographic crisis and economic pressures are central to the debate on its

immigration policies. It has become imperative to understand how the meeting of

demographic and economic pressures has translated into the current immigration policies.

As previously established, Japan is facing one of the most severe aging crises in the world.

The aging population presents several challenges, including increased healthcare and

pension costs and a shrinking labor force (Fukawa, 2022). Japan's Total Fertility Rate

(TFR) has been below the replacement level of 2.1 children per woman for decades. 2020,

the TFR was 1.34, significantly contributing to the population decline, according to the

Statistics Bureau of Japan. This demographic trend results in a shrinking workforce and

increased dependency ratios, where fewer workers support more retirees.

Japan's declining population directly impacts its labor market. Key industries like

construction, agriculture, and care services face severe labor shortages. The shortage is

exacerbated by the reluctance to accept foreign workers in significant numbers, which

limits the economy's ability to sustain growth and competitiveness (Yoshino et al. 2019,

21). Consequently, Japan has experienced prolonged economic stagnation since the early

1990s, often called the “lost decades.” The shrinking workforce and increased social

security costs due to the aging population strain public finances and hamper economic

dynamism (Funabashi 2015).

Japan has, in fact, the highest public external debt, and now it is the most indebted

country in the entire world. A recent analysis indicated that Japan’s debt-to-GDP ratio

stood slightly over 250 percent, higher than other developed countries. This extremely

high level of debt has led to increased concerns regarding the long-term viability of the

fiscal policies in Japan and the potential future volatility. The increased debt is, in a way,

attributable mainly to times of slow growth, price deflation, and the comprehensive

attempts by the government to promote development through fiscally expansive policies.

Also, as the population of Japan has grown older, the burden on public funds has

increased as social security and healthcare expenses have surged, which has put the

country’s debt on the rise (Sugimoto 2014, 134; McCargo 2012, 85). Economic pressures

create a need for policies that can revitalize growth, including potentially liberalizing

immigration.

Several political dynamics and actors shape immigration policies, especially in

the face of severe demographic and economic challenges. The Japanese government,

particularly the Ministry of Justice, oversees immigration policy and plays a central role

in shaping and enforcing immigration laws. The government's conservative stance on

immigration reflects broader societal attitudes and historical preferences for cultural

homogeneity (Sugimoto 2014, 120). In addition, political parties, especially the ruling

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), significantly influence immigration policy. The LDP,

traditionally conservative, often aligns with public sentiment favoring restrictive

immigration policies. However, there have been recent indications of gradual shifts

within the party towards more pragmatic approaches to immigration driven by economic

necessity (Sakanaka 2020). Besides the political landscape, Japan's business sector,

particularly industries facing acute labor shortages, advocates for more flexible

immigration policies. Organizations such as the Keidanren (Japan Business Federation)

have called for increased acceptance of foreign workers to sustain economic growth and

competitiveness (Haig 2011, 225).

Figure 3: Key pieces of legislation and policy decisions regarding migration in Japan, organized chronologically:

Year

Legislation/Policy

Description

1868

Meiji Restoration

At the beginning of Japan's modernization efforts, policies were introduced to encourage the emigration of Japanese

to other countries, especially to the Americas and Southeast Asia (Weiner 2004, 58).

1910

Annexation of Korea

Koreans became subjects of the Japanese Empire: migration to Japan increased under imperial rule (Chapman 2008,

437).

1924

Immigration Act of

1924 (USA)

Though not a Japanese law, it significantly impacted Japanese migration, as it restricted Japanese immigration to the

United States, leading to shifts in migration patterns (Weiner 2004, 66).

1947

Alien Registration Act

All foreigners in Japan were required to register with the government, which marked the beginning of the legal

framework for managing foreign residents in post-war Japan (Lie 2001, 35).

1952

San Francisco Peace

Treaty

Koreans and Taiwanese living in Japan lost Japanese nationality, setting the stage for post-war migration policies

focusing on maintaining a homogeneous Japanese society (Chapman 2008, 440).

1981

Immigration Control

and Refugee

Recognition Act

Established the legal framework for modern immigration control, including provisions for refugee recognition, an

effort to formalize immigration laws in line with international standards (Weiner 2004, 72).

1990

Immigration Control

Act Amendment

Allowed entry of foreign workers temporarily under trainee and technical intern programs (Weiner 2004, 7).

2008

Basic Plan for

Immigration Control

Updated policy framework aimed at addressing labor shortages while maintaining strict control over long-term

immigration; focused on temporary and skilled labor (Chapman 2008, 453).

2012

Revised Immigration

Control Act

Introduced the “Points-based Preferential Immigration Treatment for Highly Skilled Foreign Professionals” (Lie

2001, 52).

2018

New Residency

Statuses

Introduced two new residency statuses to attract foreign workers, especially in sectors facing severe labor

shortages, such as construction and agriculture (Weiner 2004, 80).

4.3 Political Structure of Immigration Decision-Making in Japan:

In Japan, governmental organizations and players at all levels participate in a

systematic process determining political decisions. The general process of decision-

making in Japan consists of several steps, ranging from policy formulation drafting and

consultation to passing the legislation and implementation and monitoring. This thesis

examines the timeframe after the Second World War, when all regulations, including

immigration policy, were set by the General Headquarters Supreme Commander for the

Allied Powers (GHQ SCAP). The Alien Registration Imperial Ordinance, declared in May

1947, redefined Japanese citizenship, making Koreans and Chinese nationals who had

previously held Japanese citizenship foreigners. This was the emperor's last ordinance

before the new constitution was enacted. At the same time, strict immigration controls

were implemented due to many illegal immigrants entering Japan.

Immigration-related political decisions in Japan are made through a complicated

procedure marked by institutional complexity and centralized decision-making authority

involving several parties. The Prime Minister, the Cabinet, the Ministry of Justice, the

Immigration Services Agency, the National Diet, and several advisory committees are

the main players in this process. The agenda-setting for immigration policy is largely the

responsibility of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet. As the leader of the government,

the prime minister can suggest policy changes and shape the legislative agenda (Roberts

2018). The Prime Minister and other ministers make up the Cabinet, which is in charge

of approving important immigration-related policy decisions and crafting legislation.

The Immigration Services Agency of Japan, a division of the Ministry of Justice, is

responsible for managing foreign resident registration, supervising immigration control,

and enforcing immigration laws and policies (Kondo 1995, 2).

Japan's legislative body, the National Diet, is heavily involved in the legislative

process. The House of Representatives and the House of Councillors are the two houses

that make up the Diet. Both chambers must approve laws and modifications pertaining to

immigration. Before a bill is signed into law, it usually goes through several readings and

committee reviews. Committees frequently handle immigration-related issues, including

the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Judicial Affairs Committee (Kashiwazaki and

Akaha 2008). Expert committees and advisory councils have an impact on immigration

policy as well. These groups, which could include researchers, business executives, and

civil society representatives, offer suggestions and carry out analyses to support public

policy formulation. For instance, the Ministry of Justice receives policy guidance on

immigration matters from the Immigration Control Council.

Decisions about immigration policy can also be influenced by public opinion and

the media. Politicians frequently consider public opinion and media coverage when

developing and enforcing immigration laws. For example, debates about immigration

reform may be sparked by concerns about international relations, labor market demands,

and demographic issues (Kashiwazaki and Akaha 2008).

4.4 Historical Institutionalism and Identity Politics in Japan:

Japan saw the drafting and passing of the 1947 constitution during political and

economic unrest. The emergence of the LDP to power in 1955 and its continued

incumbency further strengthened the grasp of immigration laws and regulations. The LDP

is also known for its internal factionalism, where several factions compete for influence

and leadership within the party. These factions are crucial to the party's internal politics

and decision-making processes. There are five major factions: the Hosoda faction, the

Motegi faction, the Nikai faction, the Kōchikai faction, and the Kishida faction. The

Hosoda faction is one of the largest and most influential factions. It is historically linked

to former Prime Ministers like Shinzō Abe (Park 2001, 455). These factions influence

leadership elections, policy decisions, and the distribution of key party and government

positions.

The LDP's policy platform includes economic growth, strong national defense,

conservative social values, and incremental reforms. This appeals to a broad spectrum of

the Japanese electorate, from business leaders to rural voters (Curtis 1999). The LDP has

a sophisticated electoral strategy, leveraging its extensive grassroots network. This

includes strong ties with local politicians, business groups, agricultural cooperatives, and

other influential organizations (Pempel 1998, 172). The party effectively uses its

extensive organizational infrastructure to mobilize voters, particularly in rural areas

where they have a stronghold (Scheiner 2006). Through coalition building, the LDP has

maintained an alliance with Komeito, a smaller party with a significant support base

among members of the Soka Gakkai, a Buddhist organization. This coalition helped the

LDP secure a stable majority in the Diet (Curtis 1999). The LDP also possesses a strong

leadership and adaptability model. Its ability to adapt to changing political landscapes

has been crucial. The party often undergoes internal reforms and leadership changes to

stay relevant. For instance, former Prime Minister Shinzō Abe's economic policies,

known as "Abenomics," were a significant shift aimed at revitalizing the Japanese

economy (Maruoka and Rose 2023, 28). The aforementioned internal factions also

provide a mechanism for leadership renewal and policy innovation and prevent

stagnation (Scheiner 2006).

Last but not least, the LDP benefits from a generally favorable portrayal in major

media outlets. The party's historical role in Japan's post-war economic miracle and its

image as a stabilizing force contribute to its enduring support (Pempel 1998, 185). The

LDP's emphasis on stability and continuity appeals to many voters, especially in

uncertain times.

The LDP's dominance in Japanese politics results from its comprehensive strategy

that includes a strong policy platform, effective electoral strategies, coalition building,

adaptability, and favorable public perception. The party's internal factions, while

sometimes a source of conflict, also ensure dynamic leadership and policymaking,

contributing to its long-term strength. This long-standing political dominance has

significantly influenced Japan's policy decisions, including those related to immigration,

through the lens of identity politics. This conservatism extends to its approach to

immigration, where the party advocates for maintaining Japan's cultural and ethnic

homogeneity to preserve social harmony and national unity (Shinoda 2013).

The LDP's long tenure has provided a remarkable degree of policy continuity and

stability. This has allowed the party to implement and sustain long-term policies

reinforcing traditional Japanese cultural values and national identity (Pempel 1998). The

continuity and stability would maintain status quo policies and prevent the introducing

and passing of new bills to address demographic challenges. The impact of the LDP also

goes beyond policy continuity. The LDP has consistently emphasized policies that

promote cultural homogeneity and preserve national identity. This focus is thus reflected

in Japan's stringent immigration policies and the prioritization of policies that encourage

higher domestic birth rates and workforce participation among women over accepting

foreign workers (Strausz 2010, 250).

Japan has aimed to raise birth rates and female employment in the past few

decades by using policy, and unfortunately, it failed miserably. The ‘Angel Plan’ and all

the other attempts at improving the working conditions of the female workforce and

childcare have not stabilized the birth rate. The birth rate decreased from 1.57 in 1989 to

1.36 in 2022, which is still well below the replacement rate of 2.1 (NIPSSR 2023). Despite

women joining the workforce in higher numbers in 2021 than in 1980 – from 57% to 70%

– there remain significant barriers, such as wage disparities and a lack of flexibility for

childcare. These measures are moderate because most female employees are still forced

to decide between family and work (OECD 2023).

The so-called “Angel Plan,” implemented in 1994, enhanced employment

protection for parents on leave and child-care services to address these issues.

Nevertheless, it is important to note that these initiatives only proved inadequate in

halting the downtrend in birth rates. In 2002, the Plus One Policy and the New Angel

Plan in 2004 continued similar lines by focusing on extending family aid; however, both

have led to extremely few results. Nevertheless, Japan’s population is aging rapidly

within a short time frame. It thus faces challenges in sustaining its human labor and social

welfare bodies without relying heavily on foreign labor (NIPSSR 2023).

Culture and tradition concerning gender roles and responsibilities significantly

influence society, making it difficult for the programs to succeed. A lot of pressure is still

placed on the shoulders of women in Japanese culture for them to prioritize family

responsibilities over career-oriented achievements, thus discouraging most of them from

pursuing childbirth or employment. The situation makes it more difficult for women to

successfully manage work and family life because of the absence of accessible and

reasonably priced childcare options and the extended work weeks customary in Japanese

enterprises (OECD 2023).

The "M-shaped curve" phenomenon, in which women frequently leave the

workforce after having children and return later in life, usually in lower-paying, part-time

employment, has also made it difficult for Japan to focus on boosting the participation of

women in the workforce. This trend emphasizes how difficult it is to achieve workplace

gender equality and how little effect initiatives meant to keep women in the job

throughout their peak childbearing years have (OECD 2023). This is not to say that Japan

has not implemented immigration programs in the past. The following chapters will

demonstrate that Japan has, over the years, accepted labor immigrants, which is also

evidenced by the acceptance and naturalization of ethnic Chinese and Korean immigrants.

That said, the government, led by the LDP, remains extremely conservative regarding

expanding immigration and integration programs.

In conclusion, rather than allowing more foreign workers, Japan has attempted to

raise domestic birth rates and female labor force participation; nevertheless, these

initiatives have not always been successful. In order to overcome its demographic and

economic concerns, Japan may need to reevaluate its strategy and maybe rely more on

immigration, given the ongoing drop in birth rates and the difficulties experienced by

women in the workforce (NIPSSR 2023; OECD 2023).

Identity politics also plays a crucial role in shaping the LDP's policy decisions.

The emphasis on preserving a unique Japanese identity and cultural homogeneity is a

central theme in the party's approach to governance, influencing a wide range of policies

beyond immigration. The LDP's stance on immigration is also shaped by public opinion.

Many Japanese citizens share concerns about the impact of immigration on cultural

identity and social stability. The LDP maintains its political support base by aligning its

policies with these concerns. A deep-seated belief influences these policies' importance

of a homogenous national identity. This belief translates into resistance to large-scale

immigration, which is seen as a potential threat to Japan's social cohesion and cultural

integrity (Burgess 2010).

The long-standing dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan's political

fabric since 1955 has significantly influenced the country's policy decisions, particularly

regarding immigration. By emphasizing cultural homogeneity and national identity, the

LDP has reinforced identity politics as a central factor in its decision-making process.

This seemed to have a path-dependency effect by imposing constraints on the ability to

shift immigration policies afterward. This has led to policies prioritizing preserving

Japan's unique cultural and social fabric over addressing demographic and economic

challenges through increased immigration. While the ruling party in Japan has held anti-

immigration sentiments, the apple has not fallen too far with the Japanese public, the

constituents, and the voters.

The notion of national identity and nationalism is widely prevalent in the Japanese

society. Although several political scientists have drawn a line distinguishing national

identity of one’s belonging to a nation and the ethnic identity that is often characterized

by a shared sense of history, language, culture, and ancestry, this thesis does not

necessarily make the same distinction (Kyselova and Kironska 2024, 217). According to

very few surveys held by the Japanese public, the general sentiment and perception of

foreigners and immigrants is not very open. The results among the voting population are

that nationalist sentiments and political conservatism have had a negative impact on the

potential future of immigrants and refugees in Japan (Kyselova and Kironska 2024, 216).

This is not to say Japan is completely free from foreign residents and immigrants.

According to the most recent statistics, foreign nationals comprised over 2.5

percent of Japan's population in 2022, up from 1.62 percent in 2013. In that particular

year, there were about 3.1 million foreign inhabitants overall. However, despite the

depleting numbers of foreign nationals in Japan, the government has continuously refused

business requests to admit large numbers of foreign laborers, and the dominant elite

conception of Japanese national identity suggests that large numbers of immigrants would

undermine and fundamentally alter what it means to be Japanese. This is why Japan has

few foreign residents (Strausz 2019, 31). On the other side of the coin, potential

immigrants do not see Japan as an attractive destination. Even when Japan did allow

South Americans of Japanese descent (known as "nikkeijin") to enter the country, they

were mostly admitted as workers rather than as prospective citizens going back to their

native country (Strausz 2019, 30).

The aforementioned historical factors play a role in influencing Japan's

immigration policies. Despite facing demographic challenges such as a rapidly aging

population and declining birth rates, Japan has maintained restrictive immigration

policies. The Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act of 1951 and subsequent

amendments have focused on controlling the entry and stay of foreigners, with limited

provisions for permanent settlement (Tsuda 2006). Moreover, the notion of the

nihonjirun, meaning the theory of Japanese uniqueness, has long favored the idea of a

racially and culturally homogenous nation (Lu 2019). This narrative of previous history

has nurtured a profound identification and togetherness among Japanese people, making

large-scale immigration less appealing to many Japanese citizens and policymakers. This

perspective fosters a sense of exclusivity and resistance to integrating foreigners into

Japanese society (Befu 2001).

Japan's reluctance to accept immigrants is deeply rooted in its historical

experiences and nation-building processes. This historical emphasis on cultural

homogeneity has shaped Japan's approach to immigration, with policymakers often

prioritizing social cohesion and cultural preservation over demographic rejuvenation

through immigration (Sugimoto 2020). From the isolationist policies of the Edo period to

the emphasis on cultural homogeneity during the post-war economic miracle, Japan

has

developed

strong

sense

national

identity

that

resists

foreign

influences.

Understanding this historical context is crucial for analyzing contemporary immigration

policies and their implications for Japan's demographic and economic challenges. The

following table provides an overview of the major immigration programs and policies

introduced in Germany and their respective timelines.

Figure 4: Key labor immigration programs in Germany since the 1950s

Year

Program/Policy

Description

1950

Gastarbeiter Program

Recruitment of foreign workers to rebuild Germany's economy (Rudolph 1996).

1955

Recruitment Agreement with Italy

Germany signed the first formal guest worker agreement to bring Italian workers (Steinert 2014).

1960

Recruitment Agreement with

Greece and Spain

Extended the guest worker program to include workers from Greece and Spain (Hansen 2003).

1961

Recruitment Agreement with Turkey

One of the most significant agreements, bringing large numbers of Turkish workers to Germany

(Chin 2007, 137).

1973

Anwerbestopp (Recruitment Stop)

The recruitment of foreign workers was officially halted due to the economic downturn, but many

stayed (Triadafilopoulos 2013, 79).

1990

Foreigners Act (Ausländergesetz)

Comprehensive regulation of foreign entry, stay, and employment (Joppke 1999, 89).

1993

Asylum Compromise

Constitutional amendment restricting asylum rights (Hailbronner 1994, 17).

2000

Green Card Initiative

Program to attract IT specialists (Kvist 2004, 241).

2000

Citizenship Reform

Allowed for the acquisition of German citizenship through birth in Germany, easing the integration of

immigrant children (Schönwälder and Triadafilopoulos 2012).

2005

Immigration Act

(Zuwanderungsgesetz)

Comprehensive immigration reform focuses on integration (Boswell and Hough 2013).

2016

Integration Act (Integrationsgesetz)

Legislation aimed at improving migrant integration (Triadafilopoulos 2012, 133).

2020

Skilled Immigration Act

(Fachkräfteeinwanderungsgesetz)

Law to attract skilled non-EU workers (Joppke 2024).

4.5 The Evolution of Identity and Immigration in Germany:

Germany's approach to immigration has evolved gradually from a guest worker

policy to a more inclusive immigration framework that acknowledges the lasting presence

of immigrant communities. This change has been shaped by historical institutionalism and

identity politics. Over time, it was noticed that many guest workers stayed in Germany

instead of returning to their home countries, resulting in policy changes to help them

integrate into German society. The 2000 Citizenship Reform and the 2005 Immigration

Act show Germany's efforts to establish more inclusive methods for defining identity

and citizenship (Triadafilopoulos 2013, 83). Nevertheless, the impact of the first guest

worker initiatives on temporary stays and exclusivity still influences current discussions

about immigration in Germany. The central issue in German politics is integrating large

immigrant populations while preserving a cohesive national identity. Identity politics,

shaped by immigrant communities and the wider German society, has been influential in

molding these discussions and resulting policies (Chin 2007, 138; Triadafilopoulos 2013,

81).

When considering the components of immigration policies, employment

opportunities, and healthcare and social security access in Germany, it is evident how

these factors have influenced the country's approach to labor migration, especially after

World War II. Germany's post-war labor demand and the changing identity politics

towards immigrant communities present an interesting example of how these factors

influence each other within the context of historical institutionalism. France’s

immigration policies after the Second World War emerged under the same conditions as

Germany. Both countries shared stark similarities between war devastation and casualties

to a dwindling labor force.

Figure 5: Major Immigration Programs and Policies in France Since WWII

Year

Program/Policy

Description

1945

Ordinance of 2

November 1945

Established the legal framework for immigration and integration, emphasizing

the need for immigrant workers in post-war reconstruction (DeLey 1983).

1974

Suspension of Labor

Immigration

Ended labor immigration due to economic downturns and rising

unemployment, shifting focus to family reunification (Haus 1999).

1981

Mitterrand's

Regularization

Program

Granted legal status to approximately 130,000 undocumented immigrants,

reflecting a more inclusive approach under the Socialist government (Collett

2005).

1993

Pasqua Laws

Introduced stricter immigration controls, making it harder for immigrants to

acquire French nationality (Mung 2003).

1997

Chevènement Laws

It aimed to integrate immigrants while maintaining strict controls on new

arrivals, balancing inclusion and restriction (Wenden 2004).

2003

Sarkozy's

Immigration Law

Focused on attracting skilled labor while tightening controls on family

reunification and asylum seekers (Marthaler 2013).

2007

Law on Immigration

Control, Integration,

and Asylum

Further tightened immigration controls, including the introduction of DNA

testing for family reunification applicants and a language test as a prerequisite

for long-term residence permits (Dove 2013).

2011

Law on Immigration,

Integration, and

Nationality

Introduced measures to encourage highly skilled immigration while imposing

stricter controls on illegal immigration and making it harder for immigrants to

obtain French nationality (Cabon and Lacaze 2012).

2018

Asylum and Immigration

Law

Aimed at reducing the time for processing asylum applications and increasing

deportations of those whose applications were rejected. It also introduced

measures to attract more highly skilled workers to France (Geddes and Scholten

2016).

4.6 Historical Institutionalism and Identity Politics in Europe:

European identity politics is equally complex, particularly because it has changed

significantly compared to Japan since the Second World War. In many respects, the post-

Second World War era significantly impacted modern European identity politics and

nationalism. Deep psychological wounds from the Holocaust's horrific atrocities and

enormous human and material losses resulted in a strong distaste for nationalism and

violence, as well as a yearning for peace and unification throughout all of Europe (Judt

2005).

The destruction caused by the war spurred attempts to avert similar disasters in the

future, leading to the foundation of the European Union (EU) with the founding of the

European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the European Economic Community

(EEC) in 1957. By fostering economic unity and collaboration, the EU hoped to reduce

the likelihood of war among its member states (Dinan 2004). Prominent efforts like the

Marshall Plan aimed to foster economic cooperation and prevent future conflicts (Judt

2005, 90). This initial phase focused more on economic recovery and less on identity

politics, as the primary goal was to rebuild and ensure stability.

These fierce nationalistic beliefs that sparked the conflict were widely rejected

throughout Europe. With an emphasis on human rights and common principles, national

identities in post-war Europe became more inclusive and cooperative (Kershaw 2015).

National identities were further defined during the Cold War by separating Europe into

Eastern and Western blocs, each influenced by the US or the USSR. Eastern European

nations adhered to socialism and communist ideas, whereas Western European nations

supported democratic and capitalist ideals. The dissolution of the Soviet Union and the

end of the Cold War reshaped national boundaries and identities (Gaddis 2005; Cox

2018). German reunification followed. Europeans now feel more united than ever thanks

to the EU's development. National identities coexist with European identity, defined by

common ideals of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. This influences how

individuals view their role in a broader European framework (Risse 2015, 38; Fligstein

2008, 124). Post-World War II, international organizations like the UN, NATO, and EU

have shaped national policies and identities around the values of multilateralism and

internationalism by offering frameworks for collaboration and conflict resolution

(Ikenberry 2019, 165).

In continental Europe, identity politics can be defined as a political strategy where

people of a certain religion, race, and social status create their socio-political associations

and abandon the idea of large political coalitions to fight for the rights of their community.

The context in which identity politics has risen in Europe is post-World War II, which

forced the continent to reconstruct and reconsider national identity. This European

approach, which covered everything from childcare to interstate legal norms, represented

more than just the bureaucratic practices of the EU and its member states at the start of the

twenty-first century. It also posed a global challenge to the US and the alluring "American

way of life," serving as a beacon and model for future EU members (Judt 2005, 8).

However, identity politics was not dominant during the Cold War because the world was

divided between the Western capitalist camp and the Eastern communist bloc.

Nonetheless, with the end of the Cold War, the Soviet Union collapsed, and Germany was

reunified and, in the process of establishing new national identities, became a matter of

concern (Garton Ash 1993).

The European empires were rapidly decolonized throughout the post-war era as

well. As they lost their colonies and had to assimilate returning colonial inhabitants and

immigrants from previous colonies, former colonial powers like the UK, France, and

Belgium saw profound changes in national identity (Shipway 2007). Due to the need for

post-war rebuilding work, many people from former colonies and other areas immigrated

to Western Europe. Many European nations became more multicultural due to this

movement, which sparked discussions about integration, multiculturalism, and national

identity by upending established national identities (Hansen 2000, 225; Lucassen 2005,

115).

On the other hand, Japan adopted strong assimilation programs during its imperial

era to assimilate Chinese and Korean immigrants into the Japanese empire. In keeping

with the idea of "imperial subjecthood" (kokumin), these policies included initiatives to

promote Japanese cultural traditions and mandate the use of the Japanese language among

colonial subjects (Weiner 2004, 58–61).

However, this absorption strategy was drastically changed once Japan lost World

War II. Japan's new constitution, drafted during the Allied occupation, signaled a

dramatic break from imperial policy in the post-war era. As a result of the constitution's

emphasis on democracy, human rights, and giving up militarism, opinions on Japan's

identity and how it treats its former colonial subjects have changed. As a result,

assimilation efforts were discontinued, and Chinese and Korean immigrants who had

lived in Japan for many generations were stripped of their Japanese citizenship. Rather,

due to Japan's transition from an expanding empire to a more exclusive nation-state, these

populations experienced legal and social discrimination (Lie 2001, 29– 35).

This policy reversal starkly contrasts the assimilation attempts before and throughout the

war. It highlights the shift in Japan's national identity, as these minority groups were

marginalized despite having longstanding ties to the nation due to the post-war emphasis

on a homogeneous and ethnically Japanese society. Knowledge of Japan's current

immigration and diversity difficulties, where the legacy of post-war policy continues to

impact perceptions toward foreigners and ethnic minorities in Japan, requires a

knowledge of this change (Chapman 2007, 436).

The post-war economic requirements and decolonization were the main factors

that affected the cultural and ethnic diversity in Europe by promoting massive

immigration from the colonies to create diverse communities in Europe, especially from

Africa, Turkey, and, more recently, the Middle East (Castles et al. 2019). This

immigration spree has been credited for having played a significant role in the formation

of the current identity politics, sometimes leading to religious and ethnic conflict, as noted

by Fetzer and Soper (2005, 157). The 1970s were marked by economic crises, including

the oil shocks of 1973 and 1979, which led to economic downturns and high

unemployment in many European countries. These crises exacerbated tensions between

native populations and immigrant communities as competition for jobs and resources

intensified (Judt, 2005, 337). While research has shown that there is no competition

between migrant and native workers in Europe, the economic difficulties contributed to

the rise of far-right and nationalist movements, which began to exploit identity politics

to gain support. Consequently, right-wing populism as a response to the growing

immigration and perceived threats to national culture has been evident in several

European countries with the National Rally in France, Alternative for Germany (AfD),

and the League (La Lega) in Italy, among others, adopting cultural protectionism and anti-

immigrant policies (Wodak 2015). On the other hand, liberal and progressive movements

have supported multiculturalism, human rights, and immigration policies, resulting in the

liberalization of immigration policies in some parts of the world (Banting and Kymlicka

2006).

The politicians themselves have contributed to the transformation of immigration

policies as well. There is a new political elite in the EU member states that is younger,

and those politicians are more globalized and have a multicultural education, which

makes them more accepting of diversity and immigration (Mudde 2019). Today, many

European leaders have an economic, legal, or international relations background, which

results in a rational approach to immigration as a tool to solve the problems of shortage of

labor and demographic crisis (Kriesi et al. 2008). This change has also been propelled by

economic factors that have influenced the need for the same. The aging population and

low birth rates in many European countries have created a demand for a workforce. Thus,

immigration is now an economic imperative for Europe to ensure continued economic

growth and to support social welfare programs (Zimmermann 2005, 2). As a result of the

need to boost their economies in the face of global competition, European countries have

come to appreciate the value of skilled migrants and, hence, the policies that encourage

economic migration (Triandafyllidou 2016, 75).

It has also been important to consider the international factors shaping society.

The European Union has played a crucial role in influencing immigration policies through

regulations and directives on human rights and freedom of movement of persons.

Moreover, international organizations such as the United Nations and various non-

governmental organizations act on behalf of migrants and refugees, changing national

policies to reflect global norms and standards (Betts 2011, 109). These policies are also

shaped by public opinion and the desire to win the electorate's vote. As for the opinions

regarding immigration, the population is generally polarized, but the younger and

urbanized population is becoming more accepting of multiculturalism (Ceobanu and

Escandell 2010, 316). Electioneering forces seek votes from immigrant groups and liberal

citizens and thus shift their language and policies to be more liberal (Boswell and Hough

2008, 331). Therefore, the patterns of immigration policies in continental Europe are a

multifaceted process influenced by identity politics, economic demands, changes in

political generations, and global trends. Identity politics as a result of ethnicity tends to

polarize between the preservation of cultural identity and multiculturalism; however, the

changes in demography and economic globalization have made immigration policies less

rigid and more realistic.

After World War II, there was a universal distaste for extreme nationalism. Still,

in the last few decades, far-right nationalism has come back in response to immigration,

economic hardships, and perceived threats to national identity. What is different from the

state nationalism that dominated Japan after WWII is the recent surge in right-wing

populism from outside the ruling classes in most European countries. This surge emerged

with a strong anti-EU and not just anti-migrant attitudes and policies. In several European

nations, parties and movements calling for tighter immigration laws and national

sovereignty have become popular (Mudde 2007, 281). European countries have different

commemorations and memories of World War II, shaping national identities. For

instance, a cautious approach to nationalism results from the great emphasis on

Vergangenheitsbewältigung (coming to terms with the past) in Germany. On the other

hand, nations in Eastern Europe might highlight the hardships they endured under both the

Nazi and Soviet occupations, influencing their current national narratives (Herf 1997,

24). This can be seen in countries like Hungary with Viktor Orban's populist government

and the emergence of populist parties across the European political structure, including

Italy, Poland, and Austria.

4.7 Conclusion:

Identity politics has become crucial in political science by addressing how race,

gender, and social factors influence power and representation (Fraser 1995, 70). This

chapter explores the theory's principles—representation, recognition, and politics of

difference—along with challenges like fragmentation. Emerging from 20th-century

social movements, identity politics questions rigid identity definitions and emphasizes

social structures (Bernstein 2005). Japan's post-war national identity and cultural

homogeneity reflect this theory, shaping restrictive immigration policies amid economic

needs (Lu 2019; Haddad 2007). Comparatively, Europe's post-WWII focus on unity has

fostered multicultural policies through the EU and evolving social attitudes (Judt 2005;

Kershaw 2015).

CHAPTER FIVE

Findings

100

Findings and Analysis

5.1 Introduction:

As previously established in Chapter 1, developed countries face unprecedented

demographic challenges, evidenced by an aging population and declining birth rates.

These challenges result in significant socio-economic challenges as the workforce

sharply declines with no clear signs of replacement (Prskawetz et al. 2008, 306). These

developed countries, particularly represented by the G7 summit, but not limited to them,

are often characterized by high levels of development, advanced economies, and aging

populations. With the aging populations leading to a shrinking labor force, increased

dependency ratios and greater pressure on the social welfare systems are now in effect.

In 2019, the United Nations predicted that by 2050, one in six people worldwide would

be over 65, with the proportion being even higher in developed regions (Yoshino et al.

2019, 21). Consequently, several G7 nations have already begun addressing these

challenges by encouraging higher birth rates and implementing immigration policies to

replenish the workforce with younger, economically active individuals.

However, out of the several nations that began formulating and passing bills

allowing more labor immigrants, Japan remains an outlier case, with laws that have not

been altered much over its rich history. This section of the thesis presents the findings and

analysis of the Japanese case while also including an implicit comparison with Germany

and France, which are cases that took different paths despite facing the same

circumstances following the Second World War.

101

5.2 Findings: Japan's Reluctance to Accept Labor Immigrants After World War II

Based on the previously established argument, it becomes clear that Japan's reluctance to

accept labor immigrants after the Second World War can be analyzed effectively through

historical institutionalism and identity politics frameworks. These theoretical lenses

reveal how Japan's immigration laws, labor market access, and healthcare policies are

deeply intertwined with the country's historical trajectory and political identity and show

the decisions taken by politicians and other key stakeholders.

Historical institutionalism offers a framework for understanding the persistence

of these identity-driven policies. It argues that institutional structures and policies are path-

dependent, meaning they evolve from and are constrained by historical legacies. Japan's

current immigration policies can be traced back to its post-war period when established

institutions prioritized economic growth and social stability over diversity and inclusion.

The bureaucratic and political institutions solidified during this time have continued

influencing decision-making processes, reinforcing the exclusionary aspects of identity

politics in migration policy (Thelen 1999, 396). After World War II, Japan faced severe

labor shortages similar to those in Germany and France. However, unlike these countries,

Japan chose not to recruit foreign workers on a large scale. Instead, Japan relied on its

labor force, supported by technological advancements and efforts to increase domestic

birth rates (Sellek 2000, 96). This decision can be traced back to Japan's Meiji-era policies

and the post-war emphasis on rebuilding a homogeneous nation-state, which was

institutionalized through legal and social frameworks that prioritized national unity over

including foreign labor (Schoppa 2006, 50).

102

5.3 Identity Politics and Immigration Policy in Japan:

Identity politics in Japan, deeply rooted in a historical and cultural context,

significantly influences how the nation perceives and manages immigration. Japan's sense

of national identity, characterized by a homogeneous and ethnically cohesive society,

has historically resisted incorporating foreign elements. This resistance is not merely a

contemporary phenomenon but is rooted in Japan's post-war national reconstruction.

After World War II, Japan's efforts were directed toward rebuilding its economy and

national identity, emphasizing a clear distinction between the Japanese and "others." This

exclusionary identity is reflected in its stringent immigration policies, which have

traditionally favored the preservation of cultural and ethnic homogeneity (Burgess 2004).

This discourse has been institutionalized within Japan's immigration laws and regulations,

which usually favor short-term, controlled migration through programs like the Technical

Intern Training Program (TITP) rather than permanent settlement (Yamanaka 1993).

The intersection of identity politics and historical institutionalism is evident in the

policy choices of Japanese politicians. Political actors operating within the established

institutional framework are influenced by the historical legacy of Japan's post-war

reconstruction and the ongoing cultural narrative of ethnic homogeneity. This dynamic

has led to the formulation of immigration policies that are restrictive and exclusionary,

particularly towards low-skilled labor immigrants. Politicians and policymakers, guided

by the prevailing identity politics, have used historical institutionalism to justify and

maintain these policies, arguing that Japan's social stability and cultural cohesion depend

on limiting foreign influence (Morris-Suzuki 2006, 124).

103

Out of the variables influencing immigration policies in Japan, immigration laws

and regulations in Japan have historically reflected a cautious approach to labor

immigration. The Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act, the cornerstone of

Japan's immigration policy, has been amended over time to allow certain categories of

foreign workers. Still, it remains highly restrictive, particularly towards unskilled labor

(Weiner 1997, 125). This legal framework manifests historical institutionalism and

identity politics, institutionalizing the nation's post-war preference for ethnic

homogeneity and protecting domestic labor markets from external competition.

Labor market access has similarly been shaped by Japan's desire to maintain

control over the composition of its workforce. Despite recent amendments to immigration

laws that introduced new visa categories for skilled workers, these changes have been

incremental and insufficient to address the country's labor shortages, particularly in

sectors such as healthcare and construction. The barriers to labor market access for foreign

workers, including strict job mobility and employment rights regulations, reflect the

underlying identity-based concerns about integrating non-Japanese individuals into the

workforce (Mori 1996, 113).

Last but not least, access to healthcare is another critical area where Japan's

reluctance to accept labor immigrants is evident. While Japan's healthcare system is

comprehensive for its citizens, foreign workers, especially those on short-term visas, face

significant challenges in accessing the same level of care. This disparity is partly due to

the bureaucratic complexities of the system and partly due to the political decision to

prioritize resources for Japanese nationals, reinforcing the notion of a homogeneous

national identity (Kingston 2011, 210).

104

The previously mentioned factors address pull and push actors shaping labor

immigration policies. It's crucial to recognize that while identity politics shapes the

preferences and motivations of political actors, historical institutionalism provides the

framework through which these preferences are translated into policy. The reluctance to

accept labor immigrants is not merely a reflection of Japan's identity but also a product

of institutional constraints and legacies that have developed over time. This dual approach

highlights how policies result from current identity politics and are deeply embedded in

Japan's historical institutional context. In conclusion, Japan's reluctance to accept labor

immigrants after the Second World War is deeply rooted in its historical institutional

framework and identity politics. The country's immigration laws, labor market

regulations, and healthcare access policies are not merely administrative decisions but

reflect a broader political and cultural identity that historical legacies and institutional

path dependencies have shaped. These factors have collectively influenced the interests

of politicians and policymakers, resulting in a highly controlled and restrictive approach

to labor immigration, even in the face of significant demographic challenges.

By integrating identity politics with historical institutionalism, it becomes clear

that Japan's migration policies result from a complex interplay between deeply rooted

cultural identities and longstanding institutional structures. These frameworks help

explain why, despite labor shortages, Japan has maintained restrictive immigration

policies. The decisions of politicians are thus shaped by both the need to align with

Japan's national identity and the constraints imposed by historical institutional legacies.

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5.4 Between Germany and France:

Following the Second World War, immigration laws have changed dramatically

in many nations, mirroring broader social, political, and economic shifts. Japan's

immigration laws are still more stringent than Germany's and France's. This chapter will

examine the different approaches these nations have taken in developing their immigration

policy, using the frameworks of historical institutionalism and identity politics and the

variables of immigration laws and regulations, labor market access, and social security

and healthcare access.

Historical institutionalism emphasizes how path dependency and established

institutions shape policy results (Steinmo, Thelen, & Longstreth 1992); identity politics,

on the other hand, highlights how national identity and public perceptions shape policy

(Calhoun 1994). These conceptual frameworks facilitate an understanding of how

historical events, institutional structures, and identity concerns have contributed to

differing levels of immigration system openness in these nations. After the Second World

War, Germany suffered grave human loss, resulting in the implementation of several

immigration programs to import foreign labor from several countries, starting with the

former colonies.

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5.5 Germany's Post-War Workforce Needs and Immigration Policies:

Following World War II, Germany encountered the massive task of reconstructing its

economy and infrastructure, both of which had been destroyed during the war. To tackle the

significant labor shortages that arose during this time, Germany started to seek labor solutions

from outside its borders. The nation started various guest worker initiatives to hire foreign

workers, mainly from Southern Europe and later from Turkey, to address the shortages in its

labor force. Initially, these workers were viewed as temporary visitors who would go back to

their home countries after a couple of years. Nevertheless, over time, many of these workers

established roots in Germany, resulting in considerable shifts in the country's demographic

makeup and politics related to identity (Hansen 2003, 48; Bade 1993).

5.6 Historical Institutionalism and Identity Politics in Germany:

Examining Germany's immigration policy and immigrant identities can be

approached by considering historical institutionalism and identity politics. Historical

institutionalism emphasizes that institutional structures and policies created in the past

still influence the present and future. Regarding Germany, the guest worker initiatives

implemented in the 1950s and 1960s are responsible for shaping the nation's present

immigration practices. Originally, these programs were created with a distinct separation

between "us" (Germans) and "them" (foreign workers), which emphasized a German

national identity that was exclusive and ethnocentric (Triadafilopoulos 2013, 79).

Immigrant populations have had a major impact on forming identity politics in

Germany. The original belief that migrant workers would return home led to a lack of

integration policies. Consequently, immigrant groups, especially the Turkish community,

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formed robust identities that were separate yet interconnected with the larger German

society. This dualism has sparked continuous discussions in Germany regarding the

definition of being German and who is entitled to it.

5.7 Immigration Laws and Regulations:

Germany's immigration policies after the war were greatly shaped by the

requirement to reconstruct the country and refill its workforce. The most important

initiative was the Gastarbeiter (guest worker) program, which started in the 1950s. This

program enabled millions of foreign laborers from Turkey, Italy, Greece, and Yugoslavia

to come to Germany with temporary work visas. It was assumed that these workers would

return to their countries after a few years, but many stayed for good.

The original intention of the Gastarbeiter program was not to assimilate these

workers into German society but to solely address economic requirements. The absence

of integration strategies caused these immigrant communities to mostly stay on the

outskirts of German culture, resulting in intricate identity politics that continue to impact

today. As the number of immigrants increased, Germany's laws gradually started to lean

towards acknowledging the necessity of implementing more thorough immigration and

integration policies (Triadafilopoulo 2012, 87).

Both legal regulations and economic demands have influenced immigrants' entry

into the German labor market. The Gastarbeiter program was the initial significant effort

that allowed foreign workers into the German labor market. Yet, due to the program's

temporal nature, numerous workers experienced restricted rights and encountered

substantial obstacles to advancement. In the past, the structure of the German labor market

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has typically been hierarchical, resulting in immigrants frequently being confined to low-

paying, low-skilled positions despite having more advanced credentials (Martin 2004).

That said, Germany's reunification in 1990 presented new challenges and

opportunities. Germany had to reconsider its labor policies due to the arrival of

immigrants from former Eastern Bloc countries and the necessity of helping them

integrate into the workforce. During this time, there were more organized ways for

immigrants to enter the workforce, yet there were still notable differences, especially

regarding job stability and opportunities for career growth (Faist 2000, 145). Another

crucial aspect affecting the acceptance of labor immigration in Germany is the integration

of immigrants into the country's social security and healthcare systems. In the beginning,

Gastarbeiter had restricted access to social security benefits, as their stay was meant to be

temporary. As more of these workers established permanent residence in Germany over

the years, labor laws protected their rights, along with the rights of native workers

(Brubaker 2009). Since applying the law to migrants is the best protection for native

workers, migrants' lower labor costs would threaten the natives' employment.

The argument around immigrants' healthcare access became more heated with

Germany's aging population and growing demands on the welfare system. Immigrants,

especially those who came through the Gastarbeiter program, often faced challenges in

accessing healthcare, with restricted services due to legal barriers or lack of knowledge

(Bommes 2000, 83). Recent changes have been made to tackle these problems, but

difficulties persist, especially for illegal immigrants and individuals with temporary

residency permits.

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5.8 Conclusion:

In conclusion, the labor immigration strategy in Germany has been greatly

influenced by the interplay of immigration policies, labor market entry, and access to

social security and healthcare. The Gastarbeiter program effectively filled short-term

labor needs but posed lasting integration and social inclusion issues. Germany is

experiencing a gradual change in its immigration policies as it tries to balance economic

demands, identity politics, and social welfare issues. These interactions show how the

past influences institutional practices and political identities, which still play a crucial

role in shaping Germany's immigration policies, especially concerning labor migration.

Like Germany, France had to reconstruct its economy post-World War II,

requiring foreign workers. Still, the development of France's immigration policies was

heavily impacted by identity politics and the institutional framework that defined the

country's political and social environment after World War II. Following World War II,

France had to reconstruct its destroyed infrastructure and stimulate its economy. In order

to address this need, France implemented different immigration schemes to bring in

workers from its previous territories, specifically from North Africa. In contrast to

Germany's Gastarbeiter program, France's immigration was originally associated with its

colonial past, attracting many immigrants from Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia

(Hargreaves 1995, 32).

The idea of Francité (Frenchness) was essential in molding immigration policies.

The French national identity has traditionally been based on cultural assimilation,

requiring immigrants to embrace the French language, culture, and values to integrate

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into society fully. The idea of immigrants blending in was challenged by their desire to

maintain their cultural identities, particularly for those from former colonies (Hall 2009,

5). French immigration policy became stricter during economic hardships during the

1970s.

The increase in unemployment caused by economic crises raised worries among

the public about the influence of immigration on the labor market. This was then used by

political parties, specifically those on the right, to gather backing by portraying

immigration as a danger to social unity and national identity (Ersanilli and Koopmans

2010, 779). French immigration policy was made stricter in response to economic

challenges in the 1970s. Concerns among the general population regarding the influence

of immigration on the job market have been exacerbated by increased unemployment

stemming from economic declines. Political parties, especially those on the right, utilized

this strategy to garner support by framing immigration as a danger to social unity and the

identity of the nation (Guiraudon 2008, 370). The suspension of labor migration in 1974,

prompted by the oil crisis, marked a significant turning point in French immigration

strategy.

This policy change signaled the start of a stricter strategy that prioritized managing

immigration and assimilating existing residents in France. The policy shift was motivated

by economic considerations and the need to uphold social unity amidst growing diversity

(Schain 2008, 91). The National Front (now National Rally) took advantage of concerns

about immigration to gain popularity in France during the 1980s and 1990s, leading to

far-right political movements (Fysh and Wolfreys 2003, 50). The party's language

portrayed immigrants, specifically from Muslim-majority nations, as not fitting in with

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French culture and values. This form of identity-based politics had a notable impact on

immigration regulations, resulting in more stringent measures and the advocacy for

policies that strengthen the integration of immigrants (Bowen 2007, 214). The Pasqua

Laws of 1993 and the Chevènement Laws of 1997 exemplify legislation that

demonstrated the conflict between the requirement for labor and the political priorities of

preserving national identity. The Pasqua Laws, which were introduced to make it harder

for immigrants to gain French nationality, demonstrate the increasing impact of identity

politics on policy decisions (Coste 2008, 91).

The influence of political parties and politicians has significantly determined

France's immigration policies. The Socialist Party, for instance, has historically pushed

for more inclusive policies, aligning with its backing from immigrants and urban

populations. On the other hand, center-right parties like the Republicans have frequently

advocated for stricter guidelines, supporting voters worried about national identity and

safeguarding French culture (Escafré- Dublet 2007, 2). France's immigration policy

development shows the complicated relationship among economic requirements, identity

politics, and the objectives of political figures. These factors still influence the current

discussion on immigration in France, as recent policies demonstrate the conflict between

inclusiveness and preserving a unified national identity.

Like the case of Germany, the evolution of France's immigration policies cannot

be fully understood without considering the impact of identity politics and the interests

of political actors. French national identity, deeply rooted in Republicanism and laïcité

(secularism), has played a central role in shaping the country's approach to immigration

(Adam-Troian, Arciszewski, and Apostolidis 2019, 924).

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The French state has historically promoted an assimilation model where

immigrants are expected to adopt French culture, language, and values. This expectation

has been a cornerstone of French identity politics and has influenced immigration policies

that emphasize cultural integration over multiculturalism. As a result, immigration

policies have often been designed to ensure newcomers conform to French cultural

norms, sometimes leading to tension between the state's assimilationist expectations and

the diverse cultural identities of immigrant populations (Hargreaves 1995, 78). The

nationalities of labor immigrants prove the expectations of integration and assimilation

into the French culture after the Second World War. As mentioned in the previous section,

the first newcomers were of Algerian, Moroccan, and Tunisian descent.

Political interests have also played a significant role in shaping immigration

policies in France. The rise of the far-right National Front in the 1980s, with its strong

anti-immigration stance, pressured mainstream political parties to adopt more restrictive

immigration policies to counter the growing influence of the far-right. For example, the

Pasqua Laws of 1993 were a direct response to the increasing popularity of the National

Front. They were designed to tighten immigration controls and reduce the number of

immigrants who could acquire French nationality (Bowen 2007, 95). The Socialist Party,

on the other hand, has traditionally been more supportive of inclusive immigration

policies, reflecting its base of support among immigrant communities and working-class

voters. The Mitterrand government's regularization program in 1981, which granted legal

status to many undocumented immigrants, was motivated by humanitarian concerns

and the need to maintain political support among immigrant communities (Freeman 2015,

96).

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In recent years, the debate over immigration in France has become increasingly

polarized, with identity politics playing a central role. The tension between the need for

labor immigration and concerns about national identity has led to a complex and often

contradictory set of policies. On the one hand, there have been efforts to attract highly

skilled workers to support the French economy, as seen in the 2018 Asylum and

Immigration Law. On the other hand, there has been a continued emphasis on strict

controls over immigration and the promotion of cultural assimilation, reflecting the

enduring influence of identity politics on French immigration policy (Geddes and

Scholten 2016, 102).

In conclusion, France's immigration policies since World War II have been

shaped by a combination of historical institutional factors, identity politics, and the

interests of political actors. The tension between the need for labor to support economic

growth and concerns about maintaining a cohesive national identity has led to a complex

and often contentious immigration policy landscape in France.

This thesis has examined Japan's reluctance to accept labor immigrants in the

post-World War II era, utilizing the theoretical frameworks of historical institutionalism

and identity politics. Japan's immigration policies, labor market regulations, and social

security systems have been deeply influenced by its historical trajectory and the engrained

notion of ethnic homogeneity. The study's findings suggest that Japan's post-war national

identity and institutional structures have created a restrictive and limited approach to

labor immigration, significantly different from the more inclusive policies seen in

Germany and France.

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The Japanese state's identity politics, which emphasize cultural and ethnic

homogeneity, have shaped its immigration policies. This national identity, rooted in the

historical context of Japan's post-war reconstruction, has resulted in policies prioritizing

preserving a unified national culture over integrating foreign labor. Unlike Germany and

France, where post-war labor shortages led to more open immigration policies, Japan has

remained hesitant to adopt similar measures, reflecting its unique sociocultural context.

Historical institutionalism further explains the persistence of these restrictive

policies. Japan's post-war institutions, designed to maintain social stability and cohesion,

have resisted change. The guidelines established during this period have continued to

influence Japan's approach to labor immigration, reinforcing the state's preference for

internal workforce solutions over foreign labor. For instance, Japan's policies have favored

initiatives to increase domestic birth rates and female workforce participation rather than

opening the labor market to immigrants (Sugimoto 2014, 119; McCargo, 2012, 78).

In contrast, Germany and France, which faced significant labor shortages after

World War II, developed immigration policies that were more inclusive of foreign

workers. These countries recognized the need to integrate immigrant populations into their

labor markets and social systems, which led to the development of comprehensive

immigration laws and welfare policies that facilitated the entry and integration of foreign

labor. Germany's Guest Worker Program and France's post-war immigration policies

illustrate how identity politics and institutional arrangements can evolve to accommodate

labor needs while managing the social integration of immigrants (Weiner 1997; Calder

1988, 102).

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In both European cases, identity politics played a role in shaping immigration

policy, but the outcomes were different due to the countries' distinct historical

experiences and institutional contexts. While Germany and France eventually embraced

multiculturalism to some extent, Japan's institutional and cultural frameworks have

continued to promote a more homogeneous society, limiting the acceptance and

integration of labor immigrants.

Locked Gates_ Japan_s Immigration Quandary in the Face of Economi-10-117

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