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Chapter 1: Introduction
Immigration Background and Historical Context
Immigration has been a phenomenon throughout human history; one that continues to
evolve due to the drive of economic, political, and cultural factors which contribute to the vital
demographic, economic, and cultural shifts in the world (Appleton et al., 2006; Beine et al.,
2001; Plass-Christl et al., 2021; Pong & Landale, 2012; Suárez‐Orozco, 2001). Thus, migration
has resulted in societies being transformed by the shifting currents of a variety of cultural
traditions and social dynamics thus altering the demographic landscape in nations around the
world (Chuang & Tamis-LeMonda, 2009). Furthermore, for immigrant parents, international
migration generates unique socio-cultural circumstances that bring both challenges and positive
changes throughout the cultural difference’s adaptation (Berry et al., 2006; Sun & Mulvaney,
2021).
Throughout the history of immigration, this phenomenon has been categorized as forced
or voluntary, despite the common knowledge that migrants relocate for a variety of reasons and
often with no clear distinction between forced and voluntary migrants (Bauman, 1996; Karatani,
2005; Kempf, 2006; Money & Taylor, 2016; Tsegay, 2023; Wiese, 2010). Some of the reasons
people migrate voluntarily is to improve their circumstance monetarily and reunite with family;
while those who are forced or involuntarily migrate often due so to escape circumstances such as
violence, war, and persecution (Perreira & Pedroza, 2019; Tsegay, 2023).
Over the years, researcher on the flow and process of migration has contributed to the
literature on migration and provided models that explain various viewpoints and aspects that
inform the understanding of this phenomenon (Alonso & Piore, 1981; Boeri et al., 2012; Bollyky
et al., 2022; Gans, 1963; Knowlton et al., 1989; R. Lee, 2003; Mayda, 2009; Money & Taylor,
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2016; Passaris, 1989; Rosenblum & Kate, 2011; Salt, 1997; Todaro et al., 1992; Yu, 2016). For
instance, Alonso and Piore (1981) believed that immigrants should be seen as target earners, who
work to raise a certain amount of money before returning to their home country, since they work
filthy, unsafe, and tough tasks in the labor markets of modern nations with the purpose of going
back home after their earning goals have been met. This target earners perspective emerged
during the 1970s and 1980s as immigrants aspired to return home after meeting their financial
goal and therefore did not get attached to their jobs in the United States. They understood they
were joining the workforce, temporarily enduring less than ideal working conditions that
Americans found unacceptable because their jobs were only an economic necessity (Alonso &
Piore, 1981; Gans, 1963; Yu, 2016).
Similarly, E. S. Lee’s (1966) push and pull model posits that migration can be attributed
to the various existing local and global factors. In addition, Passaris (1989) explored the
economic model further analyzing the pull and push factors which motivate people’s decision
leave their country of origin. Some of the factors that may push immigrants to abandon their
native countries are the lack of economic opportunity and political oppression; On the other
hand, factors that may pull immigrants to a specific country are labor force, access to different
resources, and political autonomy (Bollyky et al., 2022; R. Lee, 2003; Passaris, 1989). Moreover,
according to Rosenblum and Kate (2011), the push and pull elements in conjunction with social
networks are structural determinants that drive international migration.
In addition, Borjas (1989) developed a neoclassical economic model that identified labor
markets as the primary driving force behind international migration. According to this model,
people react to the need for labor across international borders by relocating to regions where they
will receive the maximum return on their investment (Borjas, 1989; Money & Taylor, 2016).
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Likewise, the neoclassical theory supports the notion that the demands of jobs and their financial
benefit are the cause of migration and immigration (Gonzalez‐Gorman, 2021; Hicks, 1963).
Furthermore, Todaro et al. (1992) provided a description of the ways in which patterns of
migratory flows are influenced by other international monetary flows, which in turn might drive
movement across international borders. The many different ideas that underpin migration have
developed alongside the patterns and factors that influence individuals’ decision to migrate.
The act of migrating brings various experiences and difficulties, not only for the
individual but also, and often, for their families (Solheim et al., 2012). This is specifically true
when the choice to migrate is prompted by difficult economic circumstances and seen as an
instrument to reach financial goals with the well-being of family members in mind. According to
Parrado and Ocampo (2019), when migration is viewed as a process, this suggests those who
migrate operate in a series of steps related to the determination to travel out of one’s country of
origin, return, migrate again, and decide to remain in a host country or return to their native
country; all choices are connected to other situations in people’s lives. Consequently, the
different combinations of life experiences and decisions on migration lead to an array of stories.
Decisions about the migrating process are interlaced events that conclude the configurations of
immigrant populations in host countries including the essence of those who choose not to
migrate or to return to their countries of origin. On the other hand, Rosenblum and Kate (2011)
and Solheim et al. (2012) asserted that individuals do not decide to abandon their lives, homes,
and families on impulse. Instead, individuals arrive at these conclusions due to a combination of
structural forces, which are notoriously difficult for governments to influence. Consequently, the
political climate and living conditions, peace and stability of immigrant’s home countries are key
factors that influence individuals’ choice to migrate (Tessema & Ng’oma, 2009; Tsegay, 2023).
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The rate of international immigration increased by 69% between the years 1990 and 2017
(The United Nations, 2017), caused by a wide variety of factors, depending on the individual and
their circumstances. Some people who migrate voluntarily do so in hopes of improving their
economic situation and getting back to their relatives at some point. According to Perreira and
Pedroza (2019), involuntary migrants and refugees are frequently subjected to persecution,
violence, or war in the countries from which they fled. Statistics show that more than 70 million
individuals throughout the world have been forcefully displaced from their homes (The United
Nations Refugee Agency, 2023). This adds another layer of complexity to the experiences that
every immigrant goes through in their daily lives.
According to Parrado and Gutierrez (2016), migration patterns are not consistent across
the globe. However, there is a correlation between the selectivity of migrants and the level of
socioeconomic development in their countries of origin. Most people decide to migrate to high-
income countries like the United States or Europe due to the higher level of economic and social
stability in those regions. People have long moved in search of better economic possibilities for
themselves, a safer and more prosperous life for their children (Batalova, 2022; Heyman et al.,
2018), or protection from conflict (Keller et al., 2017; Peña-Sullivan, 2020), persecution, or
natural catastrophes. Some people migrate in search of better economic prospects for themselves
which can help them support families who stayed behind (Solheim et al., 2012). Other motives
include reunification with their family and improving their economic situation (Perreira &
Pedroza, 2019). However, technology has made it much simpler to keep close contact with
family and friends back home, send money back to the place of origin, and engage in the nation's
political, economic, and cultural life from which immigrants originated (Batalova, 2022). Today,
moving for a job or study is more common and accessible than before. As a direct consequence
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of this, the number of people moving around the world has dramatically expanded over the last
few decades.
Furthermore, Kirmayer et al. (2011) shared that the decision to migrate is followed by
three primary transitions: (a) adjustment in personal connections and reestablishing social
networks, (b) alterations in the socio-economic system, and (c) transformation in the cultural
system. Ward and Batalova (2023) share that the majority of immigrants are adults seeking to
improve their lives and the lives of their family. Although immigrants can be found working in
various industries and at skill levels across the board, they are most employed in lower-skilled
fields such as agriculture and construction due to factors such as language proficiency and
immigration status.
Immigration in the United States
With 40 million foreign-born individuals living within its borders, the United States is
home to the largest immigrant population in the world (Budiman, 2022). Since the 1850 census,
the percentage of the immigrant population has ranged from 10% to 15%; the estimated
percentage for the past two decades is 13.7% (Batalova et al., 2020). Throughout history,
numerous immigration laws have hindered and facilitated immigration. Since the 1800s, the
United States has received a significant number of immigrants from European countries who, in
search of a prosperous life, came to the United States, escaped political turmoil and economic
troubles in their own countries (Ward & Batalova, 2023). In addition, Chinese immigrants
arrived, with the majority of them finding employment on the transcontinental railroad. The late
1800s and early 1900s witnessed an increase in European migration with an influx of immigrants
seeking economic opportunity or refuge from persecution. These immigrants contributed to the
nation's industrial prosperity and marked the peak of European immigration. The Immigration
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Act of 1924 established severe quotas based on individuals’ citizenship, with a preference for
Western European people. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 eliminated quotas based
on a person's country of origin and focused on recruiting experienced employees and
bringing families together. This resulted in increased immigration from countries in
geographically closer regions such as Latin America as well as from the Middle East, Asia, and
Africa. Recent decades have seen a shift in immigration patterns, with considerable numbers of
immigrants coming from Mexico, China, India, the Philippines, and countries in Central
America. The nation's discourse is still heavily influenced by immigration policy and challenges
revolving around border security and unauthorized immigration (Batalova, 2022).
The massive influx seen in the recent decades has brought immigrants from Latin
America and Asia, display a significant shift from country of origin in the mid-1900s when the
majority of immigrants arrived from Europe (Ward & Batalova, 2023), to the present day, when
57% of the immigrant population has ties to Mexico, Cuba, Vietnam, China, India, El Salvador,
the Philippines, and the Dominican Republic (Batalova et al., 2020). Besides the diversity in
origin, age, gender, reasons for their decision, and socioeconomic status in their country of origin
contribute to the unique immigrant experiences before and after migration (Diaz et al., 2017; D.
X. Rodríguez et al., 2020; Shor et al., 2017). Upon arrival, immigrants frequently encounter
significant and acute cultural tensions, resulting in stressful situations. As immigrants assimilate
into American culture, they influence it by introducing novel methods of being and doing as
household values blend with those acquired in the community (Calderon-Berumen, 2020). These
tensions are frequently a result of their immigration status and the support to which they are
entitled or not entitled, depending on their immigration classifications, which correspond directly
to their eligibility for various types of benefits (D. X. Rodríguez et al., 2020), and determines
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access to various opportunities (Waters & Gerstein-Pineau, 2015). For example, under the
Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PWORA), signed into law in
1996 by President Bill Clinton, both authorized and unauthorized immigrants may not be eligible
to receive services related to housing, disability, food assistance, post-secondary education or
health insurance (Gonzalez‐Gorman, 2021). Furthermore, due to an unauthorized status,
immigrant individuals and their families experience stressors, such as anxiety, as they live in fear
of deportation (López & Crea, 2021; Vargas & Ybarra, 2016). In 2017, 35.2 million immigrants
in the United States were authorized, compared to 10.5 million who were not. Three-quarters of
the immigrant population are authorized, while 23% are unauthorized (Budiman, 2022). The
various stresses associated with immigration status can affect immigrants' socioeconomic and
private lives.
Immigration may be a social determinant of health or factor that affects health outcomes
(Castañeda et al., 2015; Hamilton et al., 2021; Morey, 2018; Perreira & Pedroza, 2019; D. X.
Rodríguez et al., 2020). There are connections between immigration and the risk of mental health
issues caused by factors both before and after immigration, such as wartime experiences, direct
violence and/or trauma, financial hardships, separation from loved ones and social circles, and
racial or ethnic discrimination (D. X. Rodríguez et al., 2019). Despite the need for mental health
support to contend with the complexities of the immigration process, a lower percentage of
immigrants utilize mental health services. These disparities are caused by language barriers, lack
of insurance, unemployment, social support, mental health awareness, and other health-related
services (Derr, 2016). While the active pursuit of wellness may be considered universal, the
meaning and attainment of wellness can vary depending on cultural backgrounds and global
migration experiences (Joe et al., 2022).
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Immigration in California
The United States hosts the highest number of international immigrants in the world
(Ward & Batalova, 2023); it is projected that those immigrants and their descendants will
account for 36% of the population growth through 2065 (Batalova et al., 2020). The top three
states that are home to 45% of the US immigrant population are California with 24%, Texas
with 11%, and Florida with 10%; California is home to the biggest number with 10.6 million as
of 2018. Of 10.6 million, 3.8 million are children with immigrant parents (Ward & Batalova,
2023). As of 2021, 55% of immigrants residing in California had obtained citizenship by
naturalization, and about 22% were undocumented (Perez et al., 2023). The majority of
immigrants in this state are from Latin America (49%) and Asia (39%) with the largest
populations migrating from Mexico with 3.9 million.
Current Study
Considering the higher likelihood of maternal involvement in their children's education
compared to paternal involvement (Coyl-Shepherd & Newland, 2013), this study specifically
examines the role of mothers. To be more precise, the study will focus on interviewing Latin
American mothers at a middle school with specific demographics. The term Latino/a is used
throughout the study to refer to the participants and immigrant families. Moreover, this research
will focus on the best practices, support, and challenges the participants experience in their role
as mothers of adolescents. Exploring this phenomenon is crucial since there is limited study on
how the wellness of children living with immigrant is affected in later developmental stages in
life such as pre-adolescence and adolescence (Hamilton et al., 2011; Hernandez & Charney,
1998; Loi et al., 2021; Mendoza, 2009).
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To understand the defining terms employed in this research, the investigator delved into
the interpretations of the terms Hispanic and Latino. Hispanic, a word that includes culture and
history and originates from the Latin word Spain. Consequently, it denotes those who speak
Spanish as a shared characteristic (Oxford English Dictionary, 2023).
Conversely, Latino/a originates from the Spanish word Latin and specifically identifies
individuals who speak Romance languages. In the English language, the word Latino, used in
short for Latino-Americano, refers to people or communities descendent of a Latin American
country previously under Roman governance, encompassing countries such as Italy, France, and
Spain (Mize & Delgado, 2012). Furthermore, the terms Latino/a and Hispanic have and continue
to be used interchangeably in politics, immigration, and academics, assuming that those
characterized by these labels share the Spanish language, look alike, and share the same ancestry
(Marcus, 2020), the reality is that this is far from the truth. Embracing these terms contributes to
the dominant narrative of such a particular Spanish-speaking community (Gutierrez & Almaguer,
2016). While Spanish is a language spoken in various Latin American countries and by many
immigrants, it is not the only language or dialect. According to Davis (2000), the terms Hispanic
and Latino have been defined by academicians, each being preferred by different groups. For
example, Spanish-speaking Euro-centric societies prefer the term Hispanic, whereas the term
Latino, which was born from a grassroots social movement, is preferred by Spanish speaking
intellectuals and academics based in the United States prefer the term Latino for political
reasons. These terms were created to address the experiences of Latin American immigrants
within the United States (Oboler, 1995). However, these terms are now projected beyond the
U.S. borders into a broader cultural topography to refer to an entire continent, inferring that its
population is a homogeneous one. It is imperative to acknowledge these terms, their origins and
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use while considering that Latin America has some of the most culturally and genetically diverse
populations found anywhere in the world (Wade et al., 2014), as a result of years of international
migration. As of recently, most Latinos in the United States are U.S.-born with a total of 62. 5
million self-identifying as Latino in 2021; of those 62.5 million, 19.9 million were immigrants
and 42.6 million were native born (Ward & Batalova, 2023).
Immigrant Parents
International immigrants encounter a distinctive sociocultural context in which parents
may have positive and negative experiences as they and their families learn and acclimate to the
variations in culture found when arriving to the host countries (Sam, 2006; Sun & Mulvaney,
2021). During cultural adaptation, it is essential to recognize diverse approaches and differentiate
between specific contexts, time periods, individuals, procedures, and other areas such as
parenting (Bornstein, 2017; Sun & Mulvaney, 2021). The social framework and traditional
culture are concepts that alter the attitudes and behavior of parents and the process of
acculturation, which increases the intricacies of parenting as they debate between cultural values
and routines of both cultures (Bornstein & Cote, 2004; Sun & Mulvaney, 2021).
The composition of immigrant families can vary between authorized, unauthorized, and
mixed-status families. In 2021, approximately 18 million American children under the age of 18
lived in a household with at least one immigrant parent. This group made up 26% of the 69.7
million children under the age of 18 in the United States, which was up from 19% in the year
2000 and 13% in the year 1990 (Ward & Batalova, 2023), and more than four million U.S.-born
children have unauthorized immigrant parents (Barajas-Gonzalez et al., 2021; Capps et al.,
2016). As immigrant parents’ employment and other benefits may depend on their immigration
status, often impacting their poverty levels and access to basic resources. For example,
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unauthorized parents are not eligible to receive services relating to housing or health insurance,
consequently affecting if their children receive these services although they may qualify (Sidhu
& Song, 2019). Of the 18 million immigrant children, 25.1% live in families who are low
income; 14% of immigrants in the US were considered poor, falling below the poverty threshold
due to their family incomes in comparison to US-born children who were at 13% (Ward &
Batalova, 2023). These numbers support the notion that a possible reason for migration might be
due to immigrant families desire to invest in their children's education to encourage their child’s
and family social mobility. Positive selection is anticipated to impact immigrants' integration into
host societies, given that parental education is one of the most significant predictors of children's
educational performance (van de Werfhorst & Heath, 2018). Another strong predictor of
immigrant children’s educational and occupational achievement is parents’ country of origin
(Fernández-Kelly & Portes, 2008; Pong & Landale, 2012).
Parental cognitions are the parents' objectives, attitudes, expectations, and ideas regarding
their children's development, childrearing, and parental role (Cote et al., 2015; Sun & Mulvaney,
2021). These views have an impact on the way parents structure their home and how they
educate their children (Costigan & Su, 2004; Goodnow, 2010; Sun & Mulvaney, 2021). The way
recently migrated parents assimilate these cognitions guide their parenting practices; therefore, it
is essential to comprehend parenting in immigrant communities to better understand how
parenting cognitions differ in the context of assimilation (Bornstein & Lansford, 2010). These
same parent cognitions inform parent behaviors based on their culture construct of self-
perception on their parenting skills (Bornstein, 2015; Sun & Mulvaney, 2021), such as parental
fulfillment, parental perception of expertise, and their capability to balance social responsibilities
along with their parenting obligations.
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Immigrant Mothers
Parenting is a phenomenon in itself, but being an immigrant mother presents unique
challenges and experiences as mothers are motivated to migrate to provide a more prosperous
future for their children, despite the challenges that come with being undocumented (Lopez et
al., 2018). Upon their arrival, immigrant mothers desire to be good mothers based on their
cultural idea of what this looks like. However, as a philosophy, ideal motherhood requires
immigrant mothers to engage in child-centered, expert-guided, and financially costly mothering
behaviors (Giles, 2014). These concepts do not always correspond to immigrant mothers' cultural
beliefs and circumstances, which for many are constantly evolving, just as mothering is an
ongoing, unresolved, and delicate process (Calderon-Berumen, 2020; Springgay & Freedman,
2012). In terms of adaptation and motherhood, learning becomes crucial for immigrant women.
Researchers have examined the social construction of motherhood is perceived by female
migrants and the way they negotiate mothering styles and make parenting decisions in their
native and host countries (Vesely et al., 2018). In the process, they recreate their identities and
seek social support in the host country, but they also begin to acquire the new language, become
employed, and develop mothering skills (Zhu, 2020). In many instances, however, the
experience and knowledge of immigrant mothers have been depreciated, ignored, and even
rejected. They are frequently described as having low skills or no skills, possibly due to their
limited English fluency and educational attainment when they lived in their native countries
(Delgado, 2013; Zhu, 2020).
Though many women view motherhood as a blessing, having a child as an immigrant
mother can cause a breakdown in the migration and assimilation process due to the disconnect
and loneliness immigrant mothers experience (Falicov, 2000; Paris, 2008; Sluzki, 1979).This
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disruption is often due to limited financial and social resources, and can result in challenges
including psychological struggles, family violence, and/or neglect of children (Falicov, 2000;
Paris, 2008). Immigrant mothers rely on their traditional values while incorporating the resources
and services of the new environments they are transitioning to address these issues and continue
the adaptation process (Calderon-Berumen, 2020). Due to their legal status, these resources and
services may not be readily accessible to them, creating additional obstacles that can affect their
mental health and lead to substance abuse and violence (Blackwell, 2005; López & Crea, 2021;
Paris, 2008; Perez-Foster, 2001). Immigrant mothers are also vulnerable due to their lack of
connection, as many are unemployed (López & Crea, 2021; Paris, 2008). When children of
immigrant mothers observe their mothers' inability to acclimate to their new environment,
interpersonal conflicts can arise, resulting in attachment issues (Lieberman, 2004; López & Crea,
2021; Moro, 2003; Paris, 2008). This is especially true for mothers who suffer from depression,
anxiety, or posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which hinders their ability to manage with their
own pain and suffering while allowing them to comfort their children when necessary (López &
Crea, 2021). Furthermore, immigrant mothers who are separated from their children during
migration are more likely to experience depression than mothers who have their children with
them (Paris, 2008).
Statement of the Problem
As the immigration phenomenon continues to shift and inform the political climate across
different sectors in the United States, immigrant mothers face many challenges with various
circumstances informed by their legal status, home environment, socioeconomic status, parent
cognitions and levels of support (Abrego & Menjívar, 2011; Cardoso et al., 2018; López & Crea,
2021). With the influence they can have on new generations, immigrant mothers are a crucial
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component in the success of future generations; however, the resources available to support them
in their parenting efforts are often limited or culturally irrelevant. By sharing their perspectives,
strengths, and ideals, they can shift the misconceptions and perceptions that are part of the
dominant culture.
Purpose Statement
The purpose of this phenomenological study is to explore successful strategies and
practices employed by Latin American immigrant mothers to support their children in their
educational journey. This research explores how immigrant mothers’ unique experiences and
circumstances inform their mothering perceptions and practices. Therefore, this study aims to
determine the strategies and best practices that Latin American immigrant mothers employ to
support their children's academic success, the challenges that immigrant mothers face in
supporting their children’s academic success, and the way immigrant mothers measure their
success in supporting their children. Furthermore, based on the experiences of Latin American
immigrant mothers, this study will explore the recommendations participants have for supporting
the success of their children.
Research Questions
The following research questions (RQ) were addressed in this study.
● RQ1: What strategies and best practices do immigrant mothers employ to support
their children's academic success?
● RQ2: What challenges do immigrant mothers face in supporting their children’s
academic success?
● RQ3: How do immigrant mothers measure their success in supporting their children’s
academic success?
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● RQ4: Based on their experiences, what recommendations would immigrant mothers
have for supporting the success of their children’s academic success?
Theoretical Frameworks
Parenting is a personal endeavor that, although embraced and shared alongside others, is
an experience defined differently by every parent with the increasing demands of today’s society,
placing parents under considerable and unprecedented pressure (Curran & Hill, 2019; Lin &
Szczygieł, 2022). In the process, challenges and strengths are developed, and how they are
addressed informs the experiences and perceptions. Thus, the appreciative inquiry (Cooperrider
& Srivastva, 1987) approach suits this study. Appreciative inquiry assumes that individuals
possess strengths which can be cultivated allowing them to serve as the starting point for
transformation (Enright et al., 2014). It is grounded on the assumption that when experiences are
shared, learning happens, and these learnings can be implemented to inform future research and
action. Therefore, it is an empowering method for conducting research, providing immigrant
mothers with an expanded understanding of their mothering practices, their children's
experiences, and a positive outlook on the future (Enright et al., 2014). Appreciative inquiry
focuses on the aspects of appreciation and inquiry (Cooperrider & Whitney, 2005). Through
appreciation, participants recognize the positive attributes of people and the world around them
to see the strengths and opportunities that can improve their life. Inquiry allows them to explore
and discover new possibilities through an open mind and willingness to move forward. Whitney
and Trosten-Bloom (2010) share five fundamental principles support the optimistic nature of
appreciative inquiry:
1. The constructionist principle refers to the language that individuals utilize to shape
the reality they experience.
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2. The positive principle focuses on the positive can help to maintain effective
change.
3. The simultaneity principle emphasizes that change begins to happen when
questions are asked.
4. The poetic principle highlights individuals as continuously evolving, and the
evolution that happens when attention is focused on that change.
5. The anticipatory principle underscores how a positive mental picture of the future
can help bring about positive transformation.
Tschannen-Moran and Tschannen-Moran (2011) offered a framework for
operationalizing the principles of AI, which they have termed the 5-D Cycle: define, discover,
dream, design, and destiny. In the define phase, immigrant mothers will first agree to participate
in this study and share their unique experience. Participants will then identify, characterize, and
value the best aspects of their mothering and supporting practice during the discover phase. In
the dream phase, participants will identify and apply the values they find effective and
essential to what they consider an ideal future as immigrant mothers successfully supporting
their children. The design phase is where they will construct their ideal future to accomplish it
during the in the destiny phase. Notably, the purpose of the final phase of the cycle is to
empower immigrant mothers and encourage them to engage in reflective practices to facilitate
and support their growth.
As part of appreciative inquiry's discovery phase, it is necessary to identify immigrant
mothers' most effective parenting techniques. Recognizing its definition provides a foundation
for a deeper understanding of best practices. The term "best practices" refers to a
procedure established or proposed as a widely applicable standard based on research and
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experience demonstrating that it produces optimal results (Merriam-Webster, 2023). Particularly
in sectors that support immigrant mothers, such as parent training programs, best practices
should correspond directly with cultural heritage, experiences, and circumstances (Castro et al.,
2004; Lau, 2006; Leidy et al., 2010a; Williamson et al., 2013). Parenting programs are essential
because at least one in five children under the age of five in the United States experience
behavioral problems at an early age; these problems are correlated to issues that persist into
adulthood in their family, academic, and social functioning (Sayal et al., 2015). However, the
design and evaluation of these programs is frequently done by English-speaking White families
of non-Hispanic descent. Due to 25% of youth in the US, ages 0-18, live in a household that has
at least one immigrant parent, 23% of them are English learners who use a language other than
English to communicate at home, with approximately 45% being Hispanic, Black, or Asian
(Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2022), the creation and evaluation of parenting programs should be
culturally relevant. This might be why individuals from racial minorities and non-English
speaking families tend to enroll in parenting programs less and if they enroll, they have the
tendency to withdraw (Reyno & McGrath, 2006).
This inability in parenting programs to include families of diverse racial/ethnic
backgrounds is unfortunate, as children’s behavioral problems and needs go unmet in
underserved communities where they encounter life circumstances and institutional barriers to
care that increase their risks. It has been found that having parental programs that reflect the
cultural norms, values, and experiences of those participating will increase the likelihood and
willingness to engage (Sidhu & Song, 2019). Participation and attendance of underserved
populations may increase if parenting programs for racial/ethnic minorities are manualized
(Barrera et al., 2011). Parenting practices are oftentimes informed by factors surrounding culture
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such as attitudes, preferences, communication codes, and behavioral competency standards
(Bornstein, 2012); therefore, it is imperative for parenting programs to consider culture in their
design and evaluation.
In the dream phase, participants will identify and apply the values they find effective and
essential to what they consider an ideal future as immigrant mothers successfully supporting
their children (Tschannen-Moran & Tschannen-Moran, 2011). Immigrant mothers are usually the
ones who engage in their children’s education along with keeping their culture alive (Calderon-
Berumen, 2020; Tummala-Narra, 2020). However, some immigrant communities have a varied
understanding surrounding the concept of education that goes beyond academics and includes
instilling moral, social, and personal responsibility in children (Durand & Perez, 2013). In turn,
educación, is the foundation for all other learning, including academics; it refers to the
proficiency in other spaces like the social environment where the respect for dignity and
individuality is valued and promoted (Valenzuela, 2010). These values will be identified and
acknowledged during the dream phase to create a clear picture of what they envision their ideal
future looks like and how they can achieve it. The design phase allows participants to create their
ideal future to accomplish it during the in the destiny phase. Notably, the purpose of the final
phase of the cycle is to empower immigrant mothers and encourage them to engage in reflective
practices to facilitate and support their growth.
The implementation of the 5-D cycle requires emotional intelligence skills to bring
awareness to themselves and to the people that they engage with, which can provide
opportunities to manage their own emotions to support the relationship they have with others.
This dynamic between awareness and management serves as the foundation for the concept of
the ideal future they wish to work towards. Goleman (2012) posited that women with only high
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intelligence naturally demonstrate intellectual confidence, can express their thoughts clearly, and
have many interests, moreover, they are more likely to experience challenges in expressing
feelings like anger, and seem to be prone to anxiety, rumination, and guilt. On the other hand, an
emotionally intelligent woman is assertive, directly express her feelings, is confident, finds
meaning in life, adapts to stress, and is more social. As opposed to highly intellectual women, a
woman who is emotionally intelligent will rarely feel anxious or guilty. Therefore, learning and
practicing emotional intelligence skills can be beneficial for immigrant women as they assimilate
to the new culture and face challenges that affect every aspect of their life, including their
parenting ways.
In facing barriers and learning to cope with challenges that limit them to live a life of full
potential, immigrant mothers often find themselves isolated and focused on their goal of
providing a better life for their children (Calderon-Berumen, 2020). Oftentimes, their stories are
unknown and kept for fear of the consequences, the perceptions, and repercussions they might
draw. Nonetheless, immigrant mother experiences can be shared through their testimonio, thus
elevating their voices and the form in which they make meaning of their journey and reality
(Hesse-Biber, 2010; Nakphong et al., 2022). Participants will describe their experiences as an
immigrant mother, the injustices they have lived as part of their journey and expand on the ways
in which those experiences have affected their lives (Blackmer & Curry, 2012; Huber, 2009;
Yrigollen-Robbins, 2022). This study provides participants the opportunity to provide a different
version of what is known as the predominant narrative (Yrigollen-Robbins, 2022) and in the
process share their reality.
20
Significance of the Study
Currently, the United States is in the process of a demographic transformation. According
to the projections, the country will become a minority-majority nation by the year 2045 (Frey,
2018), meaning that people of racial minorities will make up the majority of the population. This
change has already taken place for children younger than 9 years old, where non-White children
make up over 50% of the young population (Mordechay & Orfield, 2019). This has several
implications for immigrant mothers who gave birth at a higher percentage (7.5%) than U.S.-born
mothers (5.7%) in 2018, according to Budiman (2022). Due to their many barriers and
challenges, immigrant mothers experience psychological stressors which can have extensive
health consequences in their own lives and the lives of their children (Non et al., 2017).
Previously, research has focused on the effects unauthorized status on immigrants themselves
(Hainmueller et al., 2017; Orrenius & Zavodny, 2012), but less in known about the possible
intergenerational effects of unauthorized status on their well-being of their children (Hainmueller
et al., 2017). Therefore, it is imperative that this population receives the support necessary to
address and cope with their challenges providing a better opportunity for them to support their
children well-being and success.
When immigrant mothers are integrated into a new culture that values their background,
they can strengthen not only the relationships with their family and the community they live in
but also the nation’s population and economy (Zhu, 2020). Thus, perceiving immigrant mothers
as learners opens the opportunity for them to become active participants in their communities
leveraging from their stories and being empowered to support their children. By doing so, Social
support is correlated with positive impact on mothers living in stressful situations (Taylor et al.,
2015), therefore development of neighborhood collective efficacy can greatly impact immigrant
21
mothers who often struggle with stress and depression to effectively cope and parent (Miller &
Tolan, 2018). Neighborhoods provide high social capital support to its residents by fostering
supportive relationships outside of immediate families impacting mothers and children with
connections with other parents, teachers, and neighbors (Parcel & Bixby, 2015).
According to Varela (2008), immigrant parents are not as involved in their child’s
education. However, it is also stated that researchers fail to acknowledge and create a deeper
understanding about the diversity among immigrant populations and the situations they face as it
relates to parental involvement. Consequently, the lack of success of their children is oftentimes
attributed to the lack of parent involvement (Nyemba & Chitiyo, 2017), which usually translates
to parent’s lack of interest or care as it relates to their children’s education (Ariza, 2002; Poza et
al., 2014; Varela, 2008). The perceptions of what is and is not continues to create their story in
society, one that adds to the challenges they face regularly. Zhu (2020) posits that there is
insufficient research on the way immigrant mothers assimilate into their local community,
explore different ways of learning, and become active participants in a society that shares
different cultures. The expectation of immigrant mothers’ assimilation must come with the
development of coping strategies that are effective for them as they face stress in the process,
which is another area of study that needs attention (Non et al., 2017).
Investing in immigrant mothers’ well-being may also change the civic and political voice
of immigrants. The potential influence they can have on their children, who are at the heart of the
demographic shift, can have significant implications in the nation’s political future. Even though
the immigrant population is underrepresented in spaces where decisions are made, the active
participation and preparation of immigrant families can result in a shift in political power that
has the potential to expedite immigration reform. This assumes that immigrant political power
22
and voice represent support for the immigrant community. Furthermore, in order to accomplish
the 2030 Agenda’s pledge stating that no one will be left behind, migrants must be included in
the policymaking and planning stages to make sure that the policies that affect immigrants are
both gender responsive and child sensitive (The United Nation Public Brief, 2022).
The results of this study can be used by educators, community leaders, and policy makers
to inform the design of programs and policies centering the well-being of children of Latin
American immigrants. Leveraging the interconnectedness between these sectors can have a
positive impact in adequately supporting future generations by providing culturally sensitive and
family centered supports to immigrant families, specifically immigrant mothers, to address the
challenges and stressors affecting this population and consequently their children.
Assumptions of the Study
The following key assumptions have been identified and taken into consideration in this
study:
• The participants answered the interview questions (IQs) genuinely.
• The participants interviewed are immigrant mothers who have either foreign-born or
U.S.-born school age children.
• The researcher bracketed their personal experiences with the research topic and
engaged in the coding process from an objective point of view.
Limitations of the Study
The results of the study could be affected by some limitations that are inherent to
phenomenological research. The interpretation of the data may have been subject to bias, which
is the first limitation. According to Creswell and Creswell (2018), it is suggested that the
researcher bracket their values, views, and personal experiences concerning the topic of the
23
research. For example, the researcher in this study experienced being an unauthorized immigrant
child and is an immigrant mother, which could have altered her analysis of the conducted
interviews. This limitation is addressed and discussed in Chapter 3. Second, the study was
limited to immigrant mothers at one school site. Therefore, the participant’s responses may not
represent the extensive population of immigrant mothers. Third, due to the sensitive research
topic, the participants may feel apprehensive about answering questions about their experiences
and current circumstances. Fourth, participants may hold biases based on their experiences,
support access, and circumstances as immigrant mothers. Lastly, this study was conducted at a
charter school in the Los Angeles County with a predominantly Latin American population thus
limiting its results to Latin American mothers living within that specific area and who have
children attending the school where the study took place.
Definition of Terms
The following key terms are defined to provide a clear context.
● Acculturation. The cultural adaptations developed as a result of sustained contact
between diverse cultures following immigration (Bornstein, 2015).
● Assimilation. The process through which aspects of immigrant group individuals and
mainstream communities end up mirroring each other, implies an impact on all
parties in economic, political, and sociocultural dimensions.
● Educación. Relates to the family's role in instilling moral, social, and personal
responsibility in children, which is the basis for all other learning. Although the term
includes formal academic instruction, it also refers to the proficiency in other spaces
like the social environment, where the dignity and individuality of others is respected
(Valenzuela, 2010).
24
● Enculturation. Involves the socialization and maintenance of an individual’s cultural
beliefs (Eitle et al., 2009).
● Ethnic identity. The inner evolution of self as part of an ethnic group (Phinney et al.,
2001)
● Familismo. A sentiment of closeness within members of a family, founded in loyalty
and solidarity (Harwood et al., 2002)
● Immigrant. A term frequently used in North America to describe a person who has
left their native country and lives in another country; frequently are phrases include
"international migrant," "foreign-born," and "migrant" (Bolter, 2019).
● Mental health. A state of well-being where a person acknowledges their own
capability, can handle everyday challenges, can work effectively, and can contribute
to their community (World Health Organization: WHO, 2022).
● Mix-status families. Families with both U.S. citizens or lawfully present migrants and
unauthorized immigrants (Capps et al., 2016).
● Naturalized citizens. Individuals who underwent the process to gain the privileges and
obligations of citizenship in the nation of their choice, usually after a set period as
permanent residents (Bolter, 2019).
● Neighborhood collective efficacy. A form of social capital that engages and creates
ties withing residents of a neighborhood to collaboratively work on their collective
goals (Sampson et al., 1997).
● Parent cognitions. These refer to parents’ goals, mindsets, expectations, and ideas
about their children's growth, their way of raising them, and their role as a parent
(Cote et al., 2015).
25
● Permanent resident. Legal residents, not citizens of the country, in most
circumstances obtain this status by job, family links, or other means; status is required
before applying for citizenship. In the United States, they are referred to as lawful (or
legal) permanent residents (Bolter, 2019).
● Temporary lawful resident. Individuals allowed to work after meeting specific criteria
(time in the country, minimal criminal record), and are protected from deportation
(Bolter, 2019).
● Testimonios. First person narratives describing the injustices they have lived and the
ways in which those experiences have affected their lives (Blackmer & Curry, 2012).
Chapter Summary
For generations, immigration as a human phenomenon has evolved and continues to do
so; people worldwide have made choices to engage in the process of migrating to other countries
creating complex shifts in their personal lives and the lives of their loved ones. These shifts have
also affected laws in host countries that create challenges for unauthorized immigrants. These
barriers affect families due to their immigration status and eligibility for benefits and support.
Although migration challenges affect all migrants, immigrant mothers are uniquely affected due
to the circumstances surrounding their story and the influence they have on their children
(Calderon-Berumen, 2020).
Chapter 1 introduces the historical background of immigration providing a brief overview
of international migration, immigration in the United States, immigrant parents and immigrant
mothers. The intent of the study was to explore successful strategies and practices employed by
immigrant mothers to support their children in their educational journey. Via carefully designed
research questions, the researcher explored the strategies and best practices that immigrant
26
mothers use to support their children's academic success, the challenges that immigrant mothers
face, the way immigrant mothers measure their success in supporting their children, and the
recommendations immigrant mothers have for supporting the success of their children.
The theoretical framework guided participants to develop and practice emotional
intelligence through the appreciative inquiry (AI) process in which they will define, discover,
dream, design, and their destiny, and inform best practices through their testimonios. Ultimately,
the aim of the research was to bring awareness, empower and encourage immigrant mothers to
engage in reflective practices to facilitate and support their growth. This study can significantly
impact our future generations by strengthening the support system of children who are part of
immigrant or mix-status families through the empowerment of their mothers.
The limitations of the study are explained and include the researcher’s biases which could
have altered her analysis of the conducted interviews, the fact that the study was limited to
immigrant mothers at one school site, the participants possible apprehension in answering
questions about their experiences and current circumstances, and the biases they might hold due
to their experiences, support access, and circumstances as immigrant mothers. This study
assumed that the participants are immigrant mothers who have foreign-born, U.S.-born, or both
school age children, answered the IQs genuinely and that the researcher bracketed out their own
experiences with the research topic and approached the coding process from an objective point of
view. Also included are the definition of terms related to the research topic to provide a clear
context. The results of this study will help inform and develop parental programs focusing on
immigrant mothers to better support them by taking into consideration their individual
experiences and understanding the influence they can have on their children and future
generations.
27
Chapter 2: Literature Review
This qualitative research explores successful strategies and practices immigrant mothers
employ to support their children's academic success. This study investigated how immigrant
mothers' experiences and circumstances shape their perspectives and motherhood practices. The
views of these immigrant mothers help shift the dominant narrative, thereby recognizing and
promoting their inherent capabilities. Furthermore, this research has the potential to inform and
advance programs and policies that support immigrant mothers in becoming active participants
in their communities by leveraging their stories and becoming empowered to support their
children.
Parent interventions can significantly impact immigrant families by enhancing protective
factors to address immigrant experiences, the stressors they endure daily, and the different
circumstances that inform their decisions and practices (Fuentes‐Balderrama et al., 2022;
Marsiglia et al., 2018; Taylor & Ruiz, 2017). A family-centered, strength-based, and culturally
sensitive approach can provide the necessary support for immigrant families, specifically
immigrant mothers, to address the stressors associated with being an immigrant and to better
support their children as they navigate new experiences (Brockway et al., 2021; Lozano et al.,
2022). Thus, this literature review explores the stressors that affect immigrant women and their
repercussions on their lives and their children’s lives. Furthermore, this study honored and
examined the diverse stories of immigrant mothers from Latin American countries; thus, the
researcher utilized the term “Latino/a.” Furthermore, all immigrant mothers had at least one
adolescent child; therefore, the study focused on the impact of mothering practices on teenage
youth. Details of the study’s population are discussed in Chapter 3.
28
Immigration Context and Background
The phenomenon of immigration extends beyond the physical movement of people from
their place of origin to a different nation; it includes other circumstances that influence
individuals' choices to depart from their birth country, including poverty and violence (Keller et
al., 2017; Peña-Sullivan, 2020; R. Phipps et al., 2022). Individuals who migrate often relocate
from their country of origin—typically characterized by economic instability and poverty—to
destinations that provide greater stability and prosperity (Brădăţan & Kulcsár, 2013; Docquier &
Rapoport, 2007; Kempf, 2006; Martin & Zürcher, 2008; Parkins, 2010; Wiese, 2010). This
pattern of migration creates a sense of unpredictability and inconsistency (Money & Taylor,
2016). Immigration, being a complex phenomenon, involves various research areas spanning
disciplines, such as economics, sociology, political science, and geography (Fussell, 2012;
Money & Taylor, 2016; Skeldon, 2018; Solheim et al., 2012). Thus, immigration has varying
degrees of influence on the choices and circumstances of individual immigrants. Economists
explore the effects of immigration on different socioeconomic groups and the economies of both
the countries of origin and the host countries (Money & Taylor, 2016). For example, economists
examine immigrants’ positive influence on industrial manpower and national tax bases (Treyz &
Evangelakis, 2018) and how they impact the labor force, consequently becoming a driving force
to the growth of the hosts country economy (Beine et al., 2001; Tsegay, 2023).
Sociologists have examined how immigrants assimilate into a host country while
maintaining connections to their place of origin (Money & Taylor, 2016). For example,
immigrant mothers who leave their children in their country of origin continue to support them
by sending money home as they plan for reunification (Hondagneu-Soleto & Avila, 1997; Paris,
2008). Political scientists have analyzed the fundamental goals of immigration laws and their
29
role in regulating the entry and treatment of immigrants (Money & Taylor, 2016). According to
Gonzalez‐Gorman (2021), immigration statutes over the years have served to appease the
attitudes of the citizens of the United States and protect the nation from enemies both domestic
and foreign. An example is Executive Order 13769, which later became the Presential
Proclamation 9723, and is commonly known as the travel ban (Vesely et al., 2018). The travel
ban enforced restrictive travel and suspended the distribution of visas to citizens from seven
countries with a high Muslim population, consequently affecting the attitudes and emotions
towards the Islamic religion or those who practice it.
International migration is a multifaceted phenomenon that has far-reaching implications
for several stakeholders (Fussell, 2012; Skeldon, 2018; Tsegay, 2023). Beyond its impact on the
migrants and their families, it engenders significant political challenges for the receiving nations,
the societies of origin, and even the transit societies along their migratory routes (Money &
Taylor, 2016). These fields of study offer a more comprehensive understanding of the various
facets of global migration and contribute to understanding the factors that compel individuals to
depart from their place of origin.
Immigration has surfaced as a politically driven theme in numerous nations, such as the
United States among other Western countries (Czaika & Di Lillo, 2018; Giangoni, 2019; R.
Phipps et al., 2022). The immigration flow has significantly contributed to demographic,
economic, and cultural transformations in countries around the world (Pong & Landale, 2012).
The impact of immigration on areas such as health care services and the education system has
been of concern for government officials in several nations (Dabach et al., 2018; J. K. Kim et al.,
2017; R. Phipps et al., 2022). According to Suleman et al. (2018) and R. Phipps et al. (2022),
these concerns often generate circumstances in which immigrants consistently encounter
30
discrimination and prejudice in their host nations, regardless of their duration of stay. Encounters
with discrimination can detrimentally impact the perception of safety and security among people,
families, and communities, thereby influencing their psychological well-being (R. Phipps et al.,
2022; Tummala-Narra, 2020).
Immigrant families originate from different global regions and migrate to the United
States with their culture, values, experiences, and resources often informing their parenting
ideologies and practices, all of which have a significant influence on the environments in which
their children are raised (Chao, 2000; S. Y. Kim & Wong, 2002; Loi et al., 2021; Tajima &
Harachi, 2010). Upon arriving in the United States, immigrant families bring a distinct set of
traditions, cultural attitudes and beliefs, ways of knowing, dreams, and aspirations (Zinn &
Wells, 2013). In addition, immigrant families and young individuals encounter various forms of
distress during the entirety of the migration process, as well as difficulties during resettlement
(Santiago et al., 2021; S. Torres et al., 2018) that can impact their opportunities in this country.
Therefore, to better understand the potential impact of immigration on children's outcomes, it is
necessary to consider not only the ancestral background of the parents but also their immigration
experiences (Glick et al., 2012).
In recent years, there has been a notable influx of immigrants from South and Central
American countries, as well as Mexico, constituting the largest demographic group in migration
at 52% (R. Phipps et al., 2022). This influx of migrants arriving at the southern border of the
United States is driven primarily by violence, civil unrest, and poverty in their countries of
origin, which are often politically motivated; thus, their decision to migrate and find the
resources to relocate is considered a survival strategy (Marsiglia & Menjívar, 2004; Paris, 2008).
However, the circumstances that fuel their decisions may not satisfy the U.S. criteria for political
31
asylum when they arrive. Consequently, many migrants opt for alternative means of entry into
the country to safeguard the well-being of their families and themselves (Heyman et al., 2018).
For many immigrants, the process of resettling is characterized by insecurity, which
generates fear among individuals due to the persistent risks of detention by the United States
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), separation from their families, unemployment,
and limited access to health care services (S. J. García, 2018; Ingram, 2020; R. Phipps et al.,
2022). The repercussions of such circumstances are illustrated by W. Cervantes et al. (2020),
who comprehensively analyzed the central Mississippi ICE raid, which elucidated detrimental
effects on the psychological and physical well-being of unauthorized immigrants and their
children. The authors highlighted the immediate and enduring stress experienced by individuals
following such enforcement actions.
The extent of the trauma experienced by immigrants varies depending on their unique
circumstances. For example, if they have other traumatic experiences, much of their trauma is
correlated to factors like social support (M. Park & Katsiaficas, 2019; R. Phipps et al., 2022) or
access to the necessary resources (Perreira & Pedroza, 2019; R. Phipps et al., 2022), and their
level of acculturation (R. C. Cervantes et al., 2018; R. Phipps et al., 2022). Immigration trauma
can be prolonged and potentially affect the well-being of immigrants for the length of time they
stay in the country that receives them (R. Phipps et al., 2022; Sangalang et al., 2018). Many
immigrants share similar challenges, including limited English fluency and low educational
achievement in their home country (Delgado & Delgado, 2007; Paris, 2008). Upon arrival,
unauthorized immigrants fear immigration authorities—more specifically, women live with fear
of being deported and separated from their children (Abrego & Menjívar, 2011; López & Crea,
2021; Paris, 2008).
32
The stress associated with migration can affect immigrant parents in various ways.
Parent- related outcomes such as parent-child relationship quality and parenting challenges are at
risk when parents experience symptoms of stress like posttraumatic stress symptoms (PTSS) and
posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) increasing the risk for parent abusive behavior (R. Phipps
et al., 2022; Wamser-Nanney, 2019). When immigrant parents have a traumatic immigration
experience, their children and grandchildren are at risk of being psychologically affected by the
transmission of intergenerational immigration trauma (R. M. Phipps & Degges-White, 2014; R.
Phipps et al., 2022; Ramos et al., 2016).
Immigration Stressors and Repercussions
Immigration stressors and challenges are usually part of the migration process, beginning
with the decision to migrate to a new country (Joe et al., 2022). Upon arrival, immigrants often
face discrimination, acculturation, language barriers, and the constant threat of deportation
(Barajas-Gonzalez et al., 2021; Dreby, 2012), which can complicate integration into the host
country. Consequently, these stressors can impact immigrants’ mental health and well-being,
which interfere with social, emotional, and academic functioning (Fazel et al., 2005; Santiago et
al., 2021) and make it crucial for support systems and resources to be in place to assist
immigrants in navigating these challenges. Their circumstances can also complicate their
experience in a host country and hinder their ability to fully integrate into society and access the
necessary resources and opportunities for success. The Latino community is particularly
vulnerable to these stressors.
Acculturation
Adapting to a new culture, language and social norms, also known as acculturation, is a
significant stressor in Latino/a immigrants as they navigate their new environment oftentimes
33
causing an overwhelming feeling and isolation (Calderon-Berumen, 2020; Lozano et al., 2022;
L. Torres et al., 2012). This stress can impact immigrants’ mental health and well-being (Lozano
et al., 2022), exacerbating their challenges with integrating into society.
Berry (1997) posited that immigrants embrace four distinct acculturation strategies:
assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization. Assimilation entails ultimately
adopting a new culture and abandoning one's cultural origin. Integration encompasses the
preservation and incorporation of elements from both host and traditional cultural frameworks.
Separation entails preserving one's cultural history while avoiding engagement with the new
cultural context. Marginalization is a phenomenon that arises when individuals experience
challenges in safeguarding their cultural heritage and face limitations in fully participating in the
dominant culture. These tactics have the potential to either function as protective factors or have
adverse effects on immigrants. As an illustration, the integration process can be a safeguarding
element for an individual's psychological well-being. Conversely, experiencing marginalization
can lead to adverse health consequences (Berry et al., 2006; Sun & Mulvaney, 2021).
The rate and level of acculturation within families can lead to disparities, resulting in
elevated stress levels among parents (Lozano et al., 2022; Smokowski et al., 2008). Immigrant
parents and their children often choose different strategies when it comes to acculturation. For
example, children often undergo a process of assimilation into the culture of the United States,
resulting in an increased level of acculturation. Conversely, parents create separation by
preserving their cultural practices and traditions. Consequently, children may exhibit
disobedience as they transition towards an independent and autonomous perspective, leading to
the disintegration of families and a detrimental effect on the whole family dynamic. When
confronted with these pressures, parents must decide on the cultural norms, rituals, and practices
34
they can adopt and modify (L. R. Williams et al., 2017). According to Paulus et al. (2019),
acculturation differences and the breakdown of familismo can lead to persistent conflict and
various stressors associated with acculturation. These factors, in turn, can contribute to less
effective parenting practices (C. R. Martinez, 2006) and heightened stress levels experienced by
parents.
Parents are required to manage the acculturative stressors and stress associated with the
responsibilities of parenting and the difficulties faced within the family unit (Lozano et al.,
2022). The impact of stressors related to acculturative stress on parents was observed regardless
of their nativity status, leading to reported psychosocial distress (Lozano et al., 2022; L. Torres,
2010) and substance use (Lozano et al., 2022; Lui & Zamboanga, 2018). Acculturation can be a
risk or protective element for Latino families, as it generates acculturative stress (Salas-Wright et
al., 2015). On the one hand, it has been noted that parents with lower levels of acculturation may
encounter elevated levels of stress because of feeling isolated and difficulties in communicating
due to language barriers (C. S. Lee et al., 2013). Conversely, parents with higher levels of
acculturation may also experience stress. Still, this stress may be attributed to factors such as
discrimination or stigmatization as they have greater exposure to the dominant society (Grove &
Zwi, 2006). Furthermore, higher levels of acculturation increase the risk of maladaptive
behaviors and psychological outcomes such as depression (Lozano et al., 2022; L. Torres, 2010)
Discrimination
Upon arrival, immigrants begin a life in which they seek employment, a place to live and
sometimes desire to return to school, it is in these places where they oftentimes face
discrimination. Discrimination can create additional barriers for immigrants, limiting their
opportunities and hindering their ability to participate in society fully. In addition, cultural
35
differences and stereotypes can also contribute to the marginalization of immigrant communities,
making it even more challenging for them to overcome these barriers and establish a sense of
belonging in their new home.
The growing anti-immigrant situations and barriers, create constant instances of legalized
discrimination towards Latino families (Ayón & Becerra, 2013; Ayón & García, 2019). In this
context, the policies that enforce immigration criminalize immigrants thus justifying the legal
framework under which they operate (Ayón & García, 2019; Childers & García, 2016).
Regardless of their legal status, Latino parents continue to observe how discriminations affects
their families (Ayón et al., 2012; Ayón & García, 2019). Discrimination can be experienced at
various levels, such as interpersonal level (towards a group of people), a personal level, and at a
structural level (in which discrimination is executed by institutions and displayed on a larger
scale; Krieger, 2014). For example, immigrant parents can face interpersonal and structural
discrimination in their attempt to be involved in their child’s education. At a personal level,
school personnel may disregard immigrant parents’ efforts to participate due to their lack of
English proficiency. Structurally, low-paying jobs and job insecurity due to legal status can
affect immigrant parent participation in their child’s education (MacKinnon et al., 2022).
Furthermore, the experiences that immigrant parents have along with the way they react to said
experiences influences the way their children’s experience discrimination (Ayón & García, 2019;
Umaña-Taylor & Guimond, 2010). Moreover, mothers who experience discrimination at their
children’s schools tend to disengage and be less involved, but it is imperative to participate in the
educational experiences of their children (Barajas-Gonzalez et al., 2022; Hill & Torres, 2010;
Quiñones & Kiyama, 2014). Hence, discrimination and its effects are correlated with anxiety and
depression and increased psychological distress in Latina immigrants, similar to the constant
36
state of threat due to the possibility of deportation (Ayón et al., 2015; Barajas-Gonzalez et al.,
2020, 2022; García, 2018; Garcini et al., 2019; Salas et al., 2013).
Language
Language barriers affect immigrant communities by hindering effective communication
and access to information. Approximately 20.8 million of the 45 million immigrants in the US
have limited English Proficiency (Ward & Batalova, 2023). Latino immigrants are highly
discriminated because of their language proficiency (Ayón & Becerra, 2013; Ayón & García,
2019). Tasks such as daily tasks, seeking employment opportunities, and fully engaging in social
interactions become challenges for immigrant mothers due to their limited English proficiency.
Moreover, language barriers can perpetuate feelings of alienation and frustration, further
exacerbating the difficulties immigrants face in integrating into their new society.
Besides the language barriers faced by immigrants in social environments, at home, conflicts
may arise due to their limited English proficiency as well; immigrant parents might feel more
comfortable speaking their native language, whereas their children have become accustomed to
communicating English, and these issues can impact the mental health of parents and children
increasing the potential for substance use (Lozano et al., 2022; Smokowski et al., 2008).
Furthermore, immigrant parents’ language proficiency is crucial to their children’s academic
performance (Pong & Landale, 2012). Due to this language barrier, immigrant parents are less
likely to adopt and implement strategies conducive to academic achievement, such as going to
the library or reading at home. Moreover, families with limited English engage less in literacy
activities with their children (Pong & Landale, 2012; Schneider et al., 2013).
37
Immigration Status
Immigrants’ legal status can be a great source of stress. Upon arrival and depending on
their source of entry to the country, immigrants can be authorized or unauthorized. Their legal
status determines their ability to work, receive health care, and access civic opportunities in their
host country (Barajas-Gonzalez et al., 2021; Hamilton et al., 2021; Letiecq et al., 2022; Waters &
Gerstein-Pineau, 2015). It also impacts their eligibility for specific government programs and
services, such as education and housing assistance (Gonzalez‐Gorman, 2021). Additionally, legal
status can affect an immigrant's ability to travel freely within the country or internationally
(Hamilton et al., 2021).
Immigration policies impact immigrants’ circumstances and can increase immigrant
health disparities (Philbin et al., 2018) as they are associated with the fear of deportation,
consequently increasing the risk of emotional distress among immigrants who enter the United
States without inspection or who remain without valid visas (O. Martinez et al., 2015). For
unauthorized immigrants, the fear of deportation is related to adverse mental health outcomes as
this can result in separation from family, communities, and employment (Bojorquez et al., 2015;
J. E. Morris & Palazuelos, 2015). For immigrants who have experienced persecution and are now
seeking asylum, mental health outcomes are commonly known to be associated with the pre-
migration experiences in their home country and the dangers encountered during the migration
process (Temores-Alcántara et al., 2015).
Unauthorized immigration introduces an additional layer of intricacy to the distressing
facets of the immigration process and can potentially generate disparities in the outcomes of their
children (Derose et al., 2007; Garcini et al., 2017; R. Phipps et al., 2022). According to Santiago
et al. (2018), mixed-status families experience persistent fear regarding deportation, which can
38
be linked to a state of chronic stress. This fear might adversely affect the psychological and
physiological well-being of unauthorized individuals and their authorized family members
(López & Crea, 2021; Yoshikawa & Kalil, 2011). Moreover, it can potentially influence the
holistic welfare and cohesion of the entire familial structure. According to Rubio-Hernandez and
Ayón (2016), young children tend to absorb this dread. The persistent worry harms children’s
attendance in educational settings and their capacity to concentrate and engage in learning.
Unauthorized status presents distinctive and intricate challenges for the developmental trajectory
of children (López & Crea, 2021; Rusch et al., 2020; Yoshikawa et al., 2016). According to a
study conducted by Perreira et al. (2018), there is a notable correlation between having a parent
who was born in a foreign country and experiencing heightened levels of anxiety symptoms, as
well as an increased vulnerability to alcohol consumption.
Particularly for immigrant mothers, their legal status affects their parenting behaviors and
their capacity to work (León-Pérez et al., 2021). Abrego and Menjívar (2011) argue immigrant
mothers’ ability to practice good mothering skills, per societal standards, is restricted by their
liminal legality of unauthorized legal status. For instance, due to the fear of deportation and
discriminatory treatment by police, immigrant mothers are discouraged from engaging in daily
tasks such as being involved in their children's education, completing daily tasks or engaging in
community events with their children (Abrego & Schmalzbauer, 2018; León-Pérez et al., 2021;
Non et al., 2017). Due to the fear of collaboration among different entities such as immigration
officials and health professionals, immigrant women may bypass services that could support
their families under different circumstances. Ultimately, this system avoidance can have negative
consequences in the children of immigrant mothers as they might not receive the services they
benefit from (Brayne, 2014; León-Pérez et al., 2021). The existing distrust in the various entities
39
can negatively affect the relationships, and access to supports and resources immigrant mothers
look for when in need. When experiencing distrust, expectations are assessed and viewed as a
negative, often implying fear of another person or entity (Lewicki & Wiethoff, 2000).
Anti-Immigrant Policies
Anti-immigrant policies affect immigrants by creating a hostile environment that fosters
discrimination and exclusion as it criminalizes them and threatens their well-being, ultimately
causing immigrants to stay away from public places because they fear deportation (Abrego &
Lakhani, 2015; Ayón, 2017; Ayón & García, 2019). These policies can lead to increased fear and
anxiety, depression, and PTSD (D. X. Rodríguez et al., 2020) and are linked to negative overall
health and well-being in immigrants with different immigration statuses (D. X. Rodríguez et al.,
2020; Vargas & Ybarra, 2016). Furthermore, Ayón et al. (2015) posit that the current
sociopolitical climate and the existing restrictive immigration policies expose immigrant families
to amplified discrimination and hate crimes which endanger family relationships among
immigrant families. The increasingly anti-immigrant environment has made it more difficult to
parent among unauthorized parents and mixed-status households (Chávez et al., 2012; Brabeck
& Sibley, 2015; López & Crea, 2021). The fact that these anti-immigrant sentiments are also
reflected in the national policy and media manifests itself in children of immigrant families as
psychological violence in the form of feeling threatened, fear, and uncertainty (Barajas-Gonzalez
et al., 2021). These sentiments can gravely impact how safe a child feels in their daily
interactions with their family and friends, ultimately affecting their wellbeing and development
(Barajas-Gonzalez et al., 2021). Moreover, the fear and worry inflicted by this adverse
immigration climate provoke high levels of anxiety in adolescents born in the US, increasing
parental stress in parents of those adolescents (Eskenazi et al., 2019; Roche et al., 2018).
40
Immigration Trauma
Restrictive immigration laws and policies, along with law enforcement, provoke fear and
stress in immigrants, disrupting their families and communities and threatening their well-being
in the United States (Cardoso et al., 2021; Gomez Cervantes & Mejivar, 2020; Hamilton et al.,
2021; Valdivia, 2019). Immigration trauma affects not only individual immigrants but also their
families and communities. The experiences of leaving one's home country, often due to violence,
persecution, or economic hardship, can leave lasting psychological scars. These traumas can
manifest in symptoms such as anxiety, depression, and PTSD, making it even more difficult for
immigrants to adjust and thrive in their new environment. According to Desjarlais et al. (1995),
immigration trauma refers to the experiences preceding, during, and following the migration
process, wherein individuals undergo physical relocation, potentially leading to heightened
psychological distress. In addition, Perez-Foster (2001) categorized the different stages of trauma
as: pre-migration, migration, temporary resettlement, and long-term settlement. The concept of
pre-migration trauma encompasses the various circumstances that influence individuals' choices
to depart from their place of origin, including but not limited to severe poverty or violence
(Keller et al., 2017; Peña-Sullivan, 2020; R. Phipps et al., 2022). Migration trauma encompasses
the dangerous journeys immigrants undertake as they migrate from their country of origin to the
destination country, a process full of significant risks (R. Phipps et al., 2022; Sangalang et al.,
2018). Temporary resettlement trauma can arise from several conditions, which are contingent
upon elements such as the fulfillment of political asylum criteria by immigrants, the accessibility
of potential assistance, and the proficiency in the host country's language for effective
communication (I. Kim, 2015; R. Phipps et al., 2022; Sangalang et al., 2018). Long-term
settlement trauma pertains to the ongoing challenges immigrants face in obtaining and
41
maintaining fundamental human necessities, such as jobs and housing, while confronting societal
adversities, including discrimination (Perez-Foster, 2001; R. Phipps et al., 2022). Furthermore,
PTSS and PSTD are considered factors that affect parent-related outcomes (Wamser-Nanney,
2019).
Mental Health
The mental well-being of immigrants is often overlooked and inadequately prioritized,
leading to a scarcity of appropriate services and support due to the neglect of cultural differences
(Quiñones-Mayo & Dempsey, 2005). This can exacerbate immigrants' obstacles and hinder their
ability to adapt effectively to society. Moreover, the long-lasting consequences of immigration
trauma on future generations are seen in children and grandchildren. Immigrants may also
experience mental health challenges due to their familial heritage. Children's susceptibility to
individuals with mental health disorders extends beyond their childhood. There is an observed
heightened probability of encountering negative mental health consequences at specific points in
an individual's lifespan, a phenomenon commonly referred to as transgenerational transmission
(Christiansen et al., 2019; Reck et al., 2016).
As Walsh (2002) posited, individuals who undergo migration may develop fortitude and
adaptability due to enduring catastrophic events and ongoing challenges. However, it is crucial to
recognize that immigration trauma can engender mental health disorders, substance abuse, or
instances of violence due to their detrimental effects on the physical and psychological welfare
of immigrants (Blackwell, 2005). Furthermore, immigration trauma has been substantially
correlated between the accumulation of stressors and unfavorable mental health consequences in
parents and children (Ornelas & Perreira, 2011; Rusch et al., 2020; Santiago et al., 2018).
Similarly, Plass-Christl et al. (2021) found that offspring of individuals with mental health
42
disorders are more vulnerable to experiencing psychological and developmental difficulties
compared to children whose parents do not have mental health concerns. When parents exhibit
cognitive impairments, children have an elevated psychological vulnerability, which may
manifest in socioeconomic decline, interpersonal disputes, parental separation, or neglect
(Falicov, 2000; Paris, 2008).
The psychological stress affecting immigrant parents is a challenge for their children as
they grow into adulthood; for example, in young children, it can have an adverse effect on their
immediate and long-term mental well-being (Fricke et al., 2020; Stein et al., 2014). In
adolescents, these parental experiences can impact their holistic development, affecting physical,
social, emotional, and educational achievement (Wong, 2006). There is a significant correlation
between stressors and adverse mental health repercussions in both parents and children (Santiago
et al., 2018). For children of parents who are diagnosed with a mental health disorder, the
consequences can be worse as this makes them more vulnerable to developing similar mental
health challenges in comparison to children of parents who do not have mental health concerns
(Plass-Christl et al., 2021). Besides the risk of developing similar mental health challenges,
children of immigrants with mental health concerns can also experience a socioeconomic
decline, interpersonal issues, separation from their parents, and neglect due to their risk of higher
psychological vulnerability (Falicov, 2000).
Mental health challenges greatly impacts families that have experienced being in
detention centers (Keller et al., 2003; MacLean et al., 2019; Mares & Jureidini, 2004). Mares and
Jueridini (2004) shared that individuals, adults, and children in immigration detention centers
experience higher levels of unfavorable mental health consequences, such as sadness and
anxiety. More specifically, children who are in detention centers tend to have more social,
43
emotional, and behavioral challenges than children who live in the general community (MacLean
et al., 2019; Sarkar & Gupta, 2017; Zwi et al., 2017). These challenges can generate not only
mental health disorders but also substance abuse or instances of violence due to their detrimental
effects on the physical and psychological welfare of immigrants (Blackwell, 2005).
Age at Time of Migration
In accordance with Glick et al. (2012), parents' age at the time of migration (childhood,
teenage years, or adulthood) and the possible developmental stage during their migration period
is not often considered when analyzing the repercussion their migration journey has in their
children. However, the age and developmental stage in which immigrant parents experience
migration is the foundation for their adaptation process, which can impact their children’s
outcomes (Conde-Agudelo et al., 2005; Loi et al., 2021). Furthermore, the age at time of arrival
has been correlated with educational attainment; the older the immigration journey happens, the
less likely immigrants are to succeed academically (Allensworth, 1997; Chiswick &
DebBurman, 2004; Hirschman, 2001; Landale et al., 1998).
The age at which individuals arrive in the United States is more impactful than the
duration of their parents' residency there. This impact is because the age of arrival directly affects
their proximity to the migratory process and the duration of their exposure to developmental
events within the United States. The timing of parental migration offers valuable contextual
information regarding the developmental experiences of individuals and the factors that
influenced them. For instance, when immigrant parents migrate during their childhood years,
between the ages of 0 and 12, they experience earlier developmental stages as they engage in
school activities and establish relationships with their peers within the host country's
environment (Diaz‐Strong & Meiners, 2007; Rumbaut, 2004). Parents who migrated during their
44
adolescent years, ages 13 to 21, bring a certain level of developmental knowledge acquired in
their country of origin. This might provide challenges in reconciling conflicting expectations
from their families and from the host country as they transition into adulthood (Fuligni, 2001;
Glick et al., 2012). The parenting styles of individuals are often influenced by their exposure to
both their native culture and the culture of the new country in which they reside. As a result,
these parenting styles are typically not firmly rooted in any one culture. Some of these
experiences could be attributed to structural obstacles that result in subpar academic performance
or immediate entry into the workforce upon arrival, thereby skipping the educational system
entirely (Oropesa & Landale, 2009). Moreover, parents who immigrate as adults (over 21) have
gone through their educational and developmental processes in their countries of origin.
Additionally, the absence of prior enrollment in American educational institutions may restrict
parents' comprehension of the academic standards set for their children (Goldsmith & Kurpius,
2017; Plunkett & Bámaca-Gómez, 2003).
The age at which a mother arrives can significantly influence the social development of
her children since it is influenced by the developmental experiences that shape her parenting
practices (Glick et al., 2012). Mothers who undergo migration throughout their adolescent years
may encounter challenges establishing and maintaining peer ties during this critical
developmental period. Consequently, parents may experience reduced efficacy in managing and
supporting their children's social activities, resulting in diminished sociability among their
children. Adult migrants may exhibit higher levels of cognitive development and may possess a
deeper understanding of parenting patterns prevalent in their country of origin. Thus, they are
more likely to recognize disparities in parenting practices between their native and host cultures.
In general, children of mothers who migrated after adulthood have more favorable outcomes than
45
children of moms who are native-born or who migrated at earlier stages of development (Barclay
& Myrskylä, 2016; Goisis et al., 2017; Myrskylä et al., 2013).
Parents who immigrated to the United States during their adolescence or adulthood
underwent socialization development in a distinct setting compared to the one in which they
raised their children (Diaz‐Strong & Ybarra, 2016; Glick et al., 2012). This can lead to
differences in parenting styles and cultural values, which can, in turn, affect the well-being of
their children. For example, parents who grew up in a collectivist culture may prioritize
interdependence and conformity, while their children may be exposed to individualistic values in
their American upbringing. Similarly, adolescents must manage the cognitive, socioemotional,
and biological developmental stages alongside the numerous transitions that are part of the
migration journey (Collins & Laursen, 2004; Collins & Steinberg, 2007). These differences can
create both challenges and opportunities for immigrant parents as they navigate the balance
between preserving their culture and adapting to the new norms of their host country.
Parenting
Parenting combines the practices, goals, and styles parents employ to raise their children
(N. Darling & Steinberg, 1993; Kokkinos & Vlavianou, 2019), thus having significant influence
in children’s development from birth to adulthood (Bibi et al., 2013). Since most of the vital
human interactions of children occur with their parents (Yadav et al., 2021), parents’ interactions
with their children become essential in their development. However, parents face the increasing
demands of today’s society, which places them under considerable and unprecedented pressure
(Curran & Hill, 2019; Lin & Szczygieł, 2022). This pressure can lead parents to set higher
expectations for themselves and their parenting, and in their efforts, they increase their stress and
fatigue, often ending in exhaustion ( Lin, Szczygieł et al., 2021; Lin & Szczygieł, 2022). This
46
state of exhaustion can lead to parental burnout, a psychological syndrome in which parents feel
depleted in their role as a parent, lack fulfillment, and become emotionally distant from their
children (Lin & Szczygieł, 2022; Roskam et al., 2018; 2021). Mikolajczak et al. (2019) posit that
the ability for parents to properly recognize, express, comprehend and regulate their emotions,
can serve as a robust protective factor against parental burnout (Lin & Szczygieł, 2022; Mayer &
Salovey, 1997; Petrides et al., 2016).
For immigrants, the single act of migrating to a new country to ensure a brighter future
for their children is a parenting decision that motivates immigrant parents to undergo the
sacrifices (Ayón & García, 2019; Perreira et al., 2006; Yrigollen-Robbins, 2022). Parenting
encompasses fostering and directing a child's growth while offering affection, assistance, and
structure. These actions can be described as deliberately allocating parental efforts and resources
to influence their children’s overall welfare, growth, and conduct (Smetana, 2017). This
definition suggests that the actions undertaken by parents can impact the acquisition of aptitudes,
behavioral tendencies, ethical principles, and motivational factors essential for adolescents to
function effectively within societal and cultural contexts (Campione-Barr & Smetana, 2019;
Dávila et al., 2021). According to Heath (2006), there are six different kinds of parents, each
with different characteristics: (a) the nurturer, who attends to the child's physiological needs; (b)
the protector, who ensures the child's safety; (c) the lover in a filial sense, who experiences deep
affection for the child; (d) the guide and teacher, who imparts knowledge about the functioning
of the world; (e) the designer, who shapes and mediates the child's environment; and (f) the
spiritual model, who serves as a role model for spirituality. Parents with a robust sense of
efficacy are firm in their determination to overcome the obstacles that impede achievement.
Similarly, children who witness their parents’ success navigating challenges are more inclined to
47
cultivate a robust belief in their capabilities and to triumph, such as in their academic pursuits,
especially in unfavorable conditions.
It is possible to interpret parents' choice to emigrate as a conscious effort to improve their
children’s economic and educational prospects (Solheim et al., 2012). Furthermore, research
indicates that generally immigrant parents hold high aspirations for the academic success of their
children and are willing to sacrifice to ensure better opportunities (Bruhn, 2022; Cuevas, 2019;
MacKinnon et al., 2022; Randles, 2021). This highlights the importance of understanding the
sociocultural context in which these families decide to emigrate and the repercussion it can have
on their children's academic outcomes.
In immigrant families, another factor that can positively influence children's academic
outcomes is their families’ strong connection to their cultural values found in la familia (the
family) and la educación (the education; Auerbach, 2007; Goldsmith & Kurpius, 2017). Parental
enculturation, characterized by strong bonds to the native culture, is strengthen when parents
transmit cultural values and norms to their children (Ayón & García, 2019; Calzada et al., 2012).
This connection is typically measured through ethnic identity, language proficiency, and cultural
capability (Calzada et al., 2012). For example, children with strong ethnic identity and fluent in
their native language tend to perform better academically. However, it is crucial to consider that
the sociocultural context in which these families decide to emigrate can also impact their
children's academic outcomes.
The level of family functioning and closeness consistently contributes to resilience
concerning mental health and drug use outcomes (Perreira et al., 2018). Latino children from
immigrant families in economically-disadvantaged areas may encounter a shortage of support
options within their educational institutions or neighborhoods. Therefore, acquiring this
48
assistance from their familial units is paramount (Perreira et al., 2018). These findings highlight
the importance of strong family bonds and support systems for Latino children in immigrant
families. It suggests that in the absence of adequate support options in their surroundings, the
role of their families becomes even more crucial in promoting their academic success and well-
being. Due to the importance of family support for immigrant children, it is imperative to note
the correlation between the caregiving skills and mental health state of caregivers (Gutman et al.,
2005) and how low social support affects caregivers’ mental health (Quinn et al., 2014).
Parenting Styles
Parenting styles can significantly influence children’s and adolescents’ development and
behavior (Batool & Lewis, 2020). Baumrind (1971) and Maccoby and Martin (1983) identified
the following parenting styles: authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and neglectful. Parents
who engage in authoritative parenting are responsive to the needs of children but also set clear
expectations and rules (Baumrind, 1967; Kokkinos & Vlavianou, 2019). This style has been
correlated with outcomes that benefit the child in a positive way, such as increasing self-esteem
and performing better academically (Areepattamannil, 2010; Kokkinos & Vlavianou, 2019). On
the other hand, authoritarian parenting is characterized by strict rules, little flexibility, and
minimal emotional affection and may lead to lower self-esteem and increased aggression in
children (Kokkinos & Vlavianou, 2019; Steinberg, 2001). Characteristics of authoritative and
authoritarian parenting styles are correlated with emotional intelligence in adolescents (Argyriou
et al., 2016; Wu et al., 2020). A combination of these parenting style characteristics—
responsiveness, warmth, and demandingness—are associated with higher emotional intelligence
in children (Alegre, 2010; Wu et al., 2020).
49
Parents who practice permissive parenting exercise little control and minimal demands
and practice responsiveness and affection (Kokkinos & Vlavianou, 2019; Walker, 2008). Parents
who are neglectful or uninvolved have little to no interaction, do not regulate, and demonstrate
little love (Kokkinos & Vlavianou, 2019). On the other hand, positive parenting has been shown
to positively contribute to the development of children’s emotional intelligence (Alegre, 2010;
Batool & Lewis, 2020). For example, when parents demand in a positive manner and are
responsive to their child’s emotions, children tend to have higher emotional intelligence;
conversely, children whose parents are demanding and have critical attitudes have lower
emotional intelligence (Wu et al., 2020). Therefore, when parents employ more positive than
harmful parenting practices, their children demonstrate a better balance of emotional skills
(Batool & Lewis, 2020; M. C. G. Linares et al., 2018).
There are conflicting views on Latino parenting practices, in some instances they are
identified as authoritarian, adverse, controlling, and unpredictable (Cardona et al., 2000; Parke et
al., 2004), while others describe Latino parents as authoritative, protective, and responsive
(Calzada et al., 2012; M. A. Rodríguez et al., 2009). These conflicting parenting style
descriptions are influenced by socioenvironmental and contextual factors that affect Latino
parenting styles. Upon arrival, Latino immigrants tend to settle in economically-disadvantaged
neighborhoods that lack resources that can assist them in raising their children, thus making
parenting challenging (Ayón & García, 2019; Cruz-Santiago & Ramirez García, 2011). Due to
potential harm in these high-risk neighborhoods, Latino parents engage in more restrictive and
punitive practices to protect their children (Ayón & García, 2019). Economic adversity and
perceived dangers in these neighborhoods also affect Latino parents as they experience more
depressive symptoms (White et al., 2009).
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Gender Roles
Gender roles hold various parenting stereotypes that can further exacerbate the challenges
faced by immigrant moms. There are stereotypes associated with the roles of father and mother,
particularly for mothers (Ross-Plourde et al., 2021; Valiquette-Tessier et al., 2015). The notion
of biological essentialism, which suggests that mothers are inherently predisposed to excel in
caregiving roles, has been found to have greater relevance to mothers than fathers (B. Park et al.,
2015; Ross-Plourde et al., 2021).
There is a consensus that moms tend to assume more responsibilities than fathers (Ross-
Plourde et al., 2021; Villicana et al., 2015), particularly in immigrant mothers from Mexico and
Central and South America living in the United States who tend to be primary caregivers for
children at home and school (MacKinnon et al., 2022; Posey-Maddox & Haley-Lock, 2016).
However, traditional expectations of mothers as primary caregivers and fathers as breadwinners
may clash with the realities of immigrant families, where both parents often need to work long
hours to provide for their families (León-Pérez et al., 2021; Parrado & Flippen, 2005). This can
lead to guilt and inadequacy for immigrant moms, who may struggle to balance their roles as
caregivers and providers in a new country (León-Pérez et al., 2021; Nomaguchi & Johnson,
2016). For many immigrant women, the work and domestic obligations create compounding and
challenging circumstances due to the work-family conflict they experience daily due to the
adaptation to a new country, poverty, low-wage employment, and traditional parenting
expectations (León-Pérez et al., 2021). Zong and Batalova (2018) and León-Pérez et al. (2021)
highlight that immigrants usually have low-wage and low-status jobs that are often highly
physically challenging, and with minimal opportunities for growth. In addition, the working
51
conditions are less than ideal, such as high levels of insecurity, no benefits or paid time off, and
irregular schedules (Halpin, 2015; Kalleberg, 2009; León-Pérez et al., 2021).
Ultimately, the kind of occupation and unfavorable working conditions further exacerbate
circumstances—specifically, parental stress (León-Pérez et al., 2021; Nomaguchi & Milkie,
2017). Even though employment allows parents to fulfill some of their parenting demands, there
are drawbacks as it prevents them from adequately caring for their children (Nomagachi &
Johnson, 2016). For example, mothers who hold a job with unstable hours find it challenging to
create and maintain family routines, have less time to spend with their families and fulfill
caregiving responsibilities, and have challenges finding adequate childcare, leading to family
conflict (Coley & Lombardi, 2014; León-Pérez et al., 2021; Prickett, 2018).
Family conflict can emerge due to the specific immigrant family situations, the
expectations of gendered roles, and how these expectations are broken when mothers enter the
U.S. labor market upon arrival (Schmalzbauer, 2011; Vesely et al., 2018). Immigrant mothers’
roles change as they begin to earn an income. At the same time, they maintain their traditional
roles, adding more obligations to their existing workload instead of letting go of some of their
responsibilities. Consequently, Latina immigrants have changed the meaning of motherhood by
adding employment to their existing mothering and wife obligations (Pessar, 1999). Part of the
gendered obligations relate to their children. According to the different gender roles society
correlates with mothers and fathers, mothers have greater responsibilities relating to the
emotional education of their children than fathers (Alavi et al., 2017). Society expects that
mothers are more nurturing and emotionally available for their children. In contrast, fathers are
expected to focus on supporting their children financially and disciplining them when necessary.
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These gendered expectations can lead to a more significant burden on mothers when fostering
their children's emotional well-being through the implementation of their parenting practices.
Parenting Practices
Parenting practices affect children in various ways, shaping their development and well-
being (Batool & Lewis, 2020). Positive parenting practices, such as rule setting, manifestation of
emotions, parent-child communication, and parental involvement, can lead to better social skills,
academic performance, and mental health outcomes for children. On the other hand, a child’s
behavior and psychological development can be hindered by the use of harmful parenting
practices, such as harsh discipline or neglect. Furthermore, according to Frick et al. (2010),
adolescents’ emotional, academic, and behavioral development can be predicted by the parenting
practices, such as using appropriate strategies for children’s adaptation to circumstances as well
as being nurturing. Other parenting practices that are known to influence psychological and
behavioral adjustment and academic achievement are support and control (Kokkinos &
Vlavianou, 2019; Russell et al., 2010).
Rule Setting
Implementing rules in parenting is of utmost importance as it plays a pivotal role in
creating and maintaining high expectations and limitations for children, and they exert an
influence on their adolescent behavior (Dávila et al., 2021; D. X. Rodríguez et al., 2019).
Moreover, they serve as a safeguarding element in situations involving potential risks (Dávila et
al., 2021; De Looze et al., 2012) and foster positive adolescent development (Dávila et al., 2021;
Grolnick et al., 2015). Rules help youth understand expectations, develop self-discipline, and
learn the consequences of their actions. Additionally, rule setting fosters a sense of security and
stability in a child's life because it provides clear expectations and acceptable behavior.
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Manifestation of Emotions
Manifesting emotions is also essential for raising emotionally intelligent children amidst
immigration challenges. Expressing and receiving affection is a protective measure against
societal influences in adolescents (Marion et al., 2014). Moreover, this practice has been shown
to benefit the adaptation of adolescents (Miranda et al., 2015). By openly expressing and
discussing emotions, parents teach their children how to identify and manage their feelings
(Batool & Lewis, 2020; Denham et al., 1997). This helps children develop empathy, build
healthy relationships, and navigate conflicts effectively. In addition, encouraging emotional
expression creates a supportive and safe environment conducive to children sharing their
thoughts and concerns with their parents with ease.
Communication
Communication between parents and children is crucial. According to Hollmann et al.
(2015), parents expressing their views and values while incorporating emotional factors can
produce favorable results, such as a positive correlation between improved parent-child
communication and academic achievement (Dávila et al., 2021; Trung & Ducreux, 2013). By
actively listening to their children and engaging in meaningful conversations, parents can
validate their emotions and help them understand the impact of their actions on others. This
fosters a sense of self-awareness and teaches children how to effectively communicate their
needs and boundaries, leading to healthier relationships and improved conflict-resolution skills.
Additionally, regular communication allows parents to provide guidance and support, ensuring
that children feel understood and valued in their emotional experiences.
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Relationships
Parental-adolescent relationships can serve as an environment conducive to the
development of autonomy in adolescents, as parents provide opportunities for expressing the
reasoning behind activities, acknowledging emotions related to these activities, minimizing
controlling behaviors, and granting them the freedom to decide whether to participate in said
activities (Dávila et al., 2021; Ryan et al., 2015; Soenens et al., 2017). In families of diverse
backgrounds, parent involvement is positively correlated with children’s academic success
among other aspects of children’s development (Gonzalez-DeHass et al., 2005; Grolnick, 2014;
Jeynes, 2007; Sanders, 1998). Furthermore, behaviorally speaking, children do better when
parents are involved (V. G. Morris & Taylor, 1998; Nyemba & Chitiyo, 2017; Price, 2002).
Parents face a significant challenge in directing their teenagers and fostering healthy
autonomy development. Parents’ active involvement can impact adolescents' experiences of
actions driven by genuine desire or internalized values (Soenens et al., 2017). Among the
parental activities correlated with adolescent autonomy are rule setting (Dávila et al., 2021; Ren
et al., 2017), demonstrating affection (Dávila et al., 2021; Kocayörük et al., 2015),
communicating (Dávila et al., 2021; Wuyts et al., 2018), and being involved (Dávila et al., 2021;
Wang & Cai, 2017).
Immigrant parenting practices vary greatly depending on cultural backgrounds and
individual circumstances that often reflect a combination of traditional values and beliefs from
their home country and adaptations to the new cultural environment in which they live (Tamis-
LeMonda et al., 2014; Vesely et al., 2018). Immigrant parents may prioritize education,
discipline, and respect for authority while navigating the challenges of raising children in a
different society.
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Integration of Motherhood and Acculturation
Upon arrival in a foreign nation, immigrant mothers are confronted with the need to
acclimate to a novel way of life, characterized by various challenges. Some of these challenges
include but not limited to economic hardship, limited employment opportunities and access to
financial resources, language barriers, disparities in cultural norms, residing in unsafe
communities, and the presence of anti-immigrant sentiments that pose a risk of deportation and
potential separation from their families (Cardoso et al., 2018; Vesely et al., 2018). In addition to
these challenging stressors, Latina immigrant women endure feelings of shame, loneliness (due
to loss of connection with loved ones and not fitting in), and conflict (between customs and
values from their country of origin and new ones they are exposed to; Calderon-Berumen, 2020).
Immigrant mothers must adapt to the conflicting parenting constructs as they negotiate their
mothering practices (Vesely et al., 2018).
The challenges informing their acculturation process affect immigrant mothers’ mental
health, impacting the way they perceive their motherhood journey. These challenges can exert a
substantial influence on the mental and physical wellness of immigrant mothers and can increase
the risk for depressive symptoms (Calzada et al., 2019; Ornelas & Perreira, 2011). Depressive
symptoms pervasively impact Latina immigrants who are subject to added challenges that affect
their mental health (Barajas-Gonzalez et al., 2022; Garcini et al., 2017; Ornelas & Perreira, 2011;
R. Phipps et al., 2022).
The acculturative challenges can also affect immigrant mothers’ capacity to fulfill their
children's fundamental needs. The integration process might be further complicated by the
challenges of navigating intricate services such as health care, education, and social services
(Roberts, 1995; Solheim et al., 2012; Waldinger, 2008). However, immigrant mothers often
56
bring strength and resilience to their role as caregivers, drawing from their diverse backgrounds
and ongoing migration challenges (Paris, 2008; Walsh, 2002). With suitable support systems,
they can successfully navigate motherhood’s complexities while embracing their cultural
heritage and instilling a sense of identity in their children. Mothers who have more social support
engage in more positive parenting practices and tend to experience less depression (Ayón &
García, 2019; Lyons et al., 2005).
Mother’s Self-Efficacy
An individual’s assumption that they can influence their life circumstances is known as
self-efficacy (Bandura, 1997; Calzada et al., 2019; Tschannen‐Moran & Tschannen‐Moran,
2011). High self-efficacy correlates with lower levels of anxiety and depression (Maddux &
Gosselin, 2003); individuals with high self-efficacy have been found to contend more effectively
with stressful events (Hartley et al., 2008). The various factors that affect immigrant mothers
cause stress and anxiety and consequently reduce their level of self-efficacy (Gates, 2017).
Likewise, a mother's high sense of self-efficacy is also associated with their children’s self-
efficacy beliefs. It is also a strong predictor of children’s success, even more than parenting style
(Ali, 2008; Ardelt & Eccles, 2001; Wu et al., 2020). Furthermore, maternal high self-efficacy
directly correlates with children’s psychosocial adjustment and academic achievement (Ali,
2008; Jones & Prinz, 2005).
Children’s Outcomes
The outcomes of children of immigrant families can vary greatly due to factors like
socioeconomic status, legal status, and parental involvement. Some children of immigrant
families may face similar challenges as their parents, such as language barriers, cultural
adjustment, and discrimination, which can impact their educational attainment and well-being .
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However, children of immigrant families also exhibit remarkable resilience and determination,
often surpassing the achievements of their parents and contributing significantly to their
communities and society.
Academic
Immigrant mothers influence their children's academic achievement as they often
prioritize education and place a strong emphasis on academic success (Yrigollen-Robbins, 2022).
This can lead to higher expectations and increased engagement in their children's education,
consequently improving educational outcomes and motivation (Goldsmith & Kurpius, 2017;
Olivos et al., 2011; S. Park & Holloway, 2018). Immigrant mothers may also instill cultural
values and traditions that promote resilience and perseverance, positively impacting their
children's development and well-being. Various studies have indicated that in general mothers
exhibit an increased level of attentiveness toward their child’s academic performance and
increased engagement in educational activities (Coyl-Shepherd & Newland, 2013; Dávila et al.,
2021; Hsu et al., 2011). This heightened involvement has been found to positively impact
academic outcomes (Lansford et al., 2018), with maternal participation emerging as a significant
predictor of adolescent academic achievement. Since educational interest tends to decline during
the teenage years and mothers have the ability to positively influence their children’s educational
achievements, supporting mothers increase involvement in their children’s academic journey can
significantly impact their academic outcomes (Dávila et al., 2021; Gnambs & Hanfstingl, 2015;
Lerner & Grolnick, 2019).
Efficacy, levels of involvement, and stress are all connected with maternal participation.
In low-income households and environmental circumstances, women’s parental efficacy better
predicts children's self-efficacy and academic performance (Ali, 2008; Ardelt & Eccles, 2001).
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Mothers' efficacy views are linked to their children's self-efficacy and academic achievement. On
the other hand, reduced levels of involvement occur due to lack of time and stressful life events
(Grolnick, 2014; Grolnick et al., 2015; Hoover-Dempsey et al., 2005).
Wellbeing
The definition and achievement of wellness may differ depending on a person’s cultural
identity and migration experience, although the pursuit of wellness might be universal (Joe et al.,
2022). Due to the multitude of challenges immigrant mothers face, they are at higher risk of
mental health problems. Consequently, their mental health can impact their children's well-being
(Non et al., 2017). Kopala-Sibley et al. (2017) stated that a child’s healthy development can be
threatened by maternal depression, which can consequently increase children’s poor mental
health outcomes. Furthermore, children of mothers who suffer from depression can be exposed
to inadequate parenting practices (Vreeland et al., 2019), which, in turn, affects parent-child
development, interactions with peers, and developmental outcomes (Elgar et al., 2007; López &
Crea, 2021). The stress and anxiety associated with adapting to a new culture and navigating
unfamiliar systems can take a toll on an immigrant mother’s mental wellbeing, resulting in
challenges in being involved in their child’s education. Furthermore, language barriers and
limited social support networks can exacerbate feelings of isolation and increase the risk of
mental health issues among immigrant mothers. This psychological distress may also impact
youth since their internalizing symptoms are correlated with their mothers’ acculturative stress
and depressive symptoms (Calzada et al., 2019), which can indirectly affect their academic
performance. Adolescents’ experiences can profoundly affect health and well-being that lasts a
lifetime (G. C. Patton et al., 2016), especially since, for many individuals, mental health
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disorders have their onset during their adolescent years (S. Darling et al., 2021; Kessler et al.,
2007; Paus et al., 2008).
Adolescence
A critical developmental stage is adolescence, the transition phase from early childhood
to adulthood, between the ages of 10 and 19 (Yadav et al., 2021). This transitional period is
crucial as it encompasses health and developmental needs for adolescents, as well as knowledge
and skill development, such as managing emotions and navigating relationships. These skills are
imperative not only to healthy adolescent years but also to practice and acquire the attributes and
abilities to engage in and fulfill adult responsibilities. However, it is essential to note that
successful adolescent development involves both adults’ and adolescents’ responsibilities;
however, this can pose potential conflicts for those involved in the process (Quiñones-Mayo &
Dempsey, 2005). In this intergenerational process, parents are expected to provide a nourishing
environment and foster maturing opportunities, and adolescents are expected to take advantage
of such opportunities by being open to the experiences (Kokkinos & Vlavianou, 2019; Roeser et
al., 2000). Similarly, emotional intelligence can play an integral role in the development of
adolescents through these years as it fosters prosocial behavior.
Prosocial behavior is a fast-developing and key adolescent competency (Batool & Lewis,
2020; Santrock, 2001). This developmental stage is vital in adolescents’ emotional and social
development because they can be easily influenced by those with whom they frequently interact,
such as their parents. Prosocial behavior positively impacts adolescents’ development as they
move into adulthood. Some of these positive effects include academic achievement (Caprara et
al., 2000), higher levels of self-esteem (Laible et al., 2004), growth in identity and maturity
(Furman & Sibthorp, 2013), and positive civic perspectives (Zaff et al., 2008). To foster these
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prosocial behaviors and positive outcomes, it is essential to actively promote socialization
experiences within the home dynamics as they promote general wellbeing for adolescents
(Gallitto & Leth‐Steensen, 2019; Hastings et al., 2015). Parents can model their prosocial
behavior expectations by being supportive and demonstrating interest in their children’s needs,
and creating space for children to safely mimic them doing what is expected (Eisenberg et al.,
1991; Spinrad & Gal, 2018). More specifically, the responsiveness and support provided by
parents develop behaviors directly correlated with their children’s prosocial and ethical
development (Farrant et al., 2012), which can have enduring effects on adolescents’ moral
reasoning and prosocial competence (Carlo et al., 2007, 2011; Gallitto & Leth‐Steensen, 2019;
Padilla-Walker et al., 2018).
Other Challenges in Immigrant Motherhood
Transnational Mothering
For mothers in developing nations, migration is often a means of family survival
(Schmalzbauer, 2004). Mothers who migrate and leave their families—specifically, their
children—behind are known as transnational mothers (Sternberg & Barry, 2011). As they
migrate to pursue financial stability and safety, transnational mothers learn to navigate different
national contexts (Gálvez, 2019). Within these national contexts, immigrant mothers try to
maintain a sense of motherhood in both countries (Baldassar et al., 2007). Transnational mothers
engage in mothering practices by sending remittances to their families to continue caring for
their children (Hoang et al., 2015). They maintain ongoing long-distance communication using
various forms such as telephone, e-mail, and social media (Madziva, 2016; Molina, 2015). The
separation from their children negatively affects these mothers’ health and well-being,
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consequently making them vulnerable to health disparities and poor-quality lifestyles (Thurston
& Vissandjée, 2005).
COVID-19
The COVID-19 pandemic affected individuals worldwide. The stressors originating from
the pandemic exacerbated family circumstances such as domestic conflict (Arenas-Arroyo et al.,
2021), financial challenges (Cameron et al., 2020), loneliness (Killgore et al., 2020), loss of
employment (Capps et al., 2020), and childcare (Neece et al., 2020). Adding to their challenges
was the desire to assist family members in their country of origin during the pandemic
(MacKinnon et al., 2022). These stressors had a more significant impact on Latina mothers, in
particular, who were at higher risk of mental health disorders due to the combination of higher
COVID rates and their already existing socioeconomic circumstances (Lara-Cinisomo et al.,
2021). Furthermore, the pandemic will potentially have negative repercussions on maternal
mental health and consequently on their parenting, due to the compounded stress experienced.
Children With Disabilities
Mothers with children with disabilities face extra stressors, such as the demand of their
child’s needs, the toll it takes on a parent's mental health and the lack of resources—all of which
lead to negative experiences. Latina immigrant mothers experience more negative emotions than
White middle-class women due to structural factors such as language barriers, lack of knowledge
of available support, and discriminatory immigration policies (Cohen et al., 2020; Fountain &
Bearman, 2011; Magaña et al., 2014; Tienda et al., 2006). Generally, immigrant parents can
receive emergency and basic care; however, services relating to mental health or chronic
conditions are contingent to their legal status or employment (Nakphong et al., 2022), making it
difficult for immigrant parents to receive adequate care for their children with disabilities if they
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are unemployed or unauthorized. Nakphong et al. (2022) urged policymakers to separate health
care from legal status and collaborate to guarantee immigrants' access to essential and inclusive
health care.
Protective Factors
As immigrants navigate the different stressors and barriers, protective factors provide
refuge amidst the uncertainty of their circumstances. Protective factors for immigrants include
familismo, community support networks, and ethnic identity (Ayón & García, 2019). These
factors can help immigrants navigate acculturation challenges, language barriers, and
discrimination.
Familismo
Familismo involves loyalty, reciprocity, and solidarity within familial units while
emphasizing the preservation of familial bonds (Ayón & García, 2019; Calzada et al., 2013;
Marano & Roman, 2017). Ayón et al. (2010) identified the concept of familismo as a protective
factor against the detrimental consequences of acculturative stress on substance misuse. Higher
levels of involvement and lower levels of family conflict are associated with Latino parents that
report higher levels of familismo (Ayón et al., 2015; Ayón & García, 2019). Similarly, Sabogal
et al. (1987) associated familism with improved mental health profiles and better U.S.
adaptation. Ayón et al. (2015) stated that familismo also serves as a mitigating factor against the
adverse impacts of discrimination on mental health. Due to the high value that Latinos place on
close familismo, there is added stress related to parenting and family dynamics because of the
increased acculturative stress over time. Dillon et al. (2013) found that the sentiments associated
with familismo decline as immigrants transition from a preimmigration to a postimmigration
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context, thus weakening this cultural value and becoming less of a protective factor for
immigrant families.
The rate and level of acculturation within families can lead to disparities, resulting in
elevated stress levels among parents (Lozano et al., 2022; Smokowski et al., 2008). Immigrant
parents and their children often choose different strategies when it comes to acculturation.
Children often undergo a process of assimilation into the culture of the United States, resulting in
an increased level of acculturation. Conversely, parents create separation by preserving their
cultural practices and traditions. Consequently, children may exhibit disobedience as they
transition towards an independent and autonomous perspective, leading to the disintegration of
familism and a detrimental effect on the whole family dynamic. When confronted with these
pressures, parents must decide on the cultural norms, rituals, and practices they can adopt and
modify (Lozano et al., 2022; L. R. Williams et al., 2017). According to Paulus et al. (2019),
acculturation differences and the breakdown of familismo can lead to persistent conflict and
various stressors associated with acculturation. These factors, in turn, can contribute to less
effective parenting practices (Lozano et al., 2022; C. R. Martinez, 2006) and heightened stress
levels experienced by parents.
Ethnic Identity
A protective factor that helps against various risks is ethnic identity, which shapes
individuals’ self-concept (Ayón & García, 2019; Phinney, 2003). Ethnic identity can be a
protective factor for depressive symptoms (Ayón et al., 2010) and perceived discrimination
(Ayón & García, 2019; Perez et al., 2008). Immigrants with a high sense of ethnic identity also
have strong ties with other individuals from the same ethnic group, which creates a sense of
solidarity, increasing self-confidence and providing more resources to confront discrimination
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(Ayón & García, 2019). Furthermore, individuals’ strong ethnic identity facilitates social support
networks that can assist in developing coping strategies to address discrimination. As it relates to
youth, those that have strong ties to ethnic identity are more likely to demonstrate adaptive
behaviors such better academic performance and antidrug measures (Kulis et al., 2002; Supple et
al., 2006).
Social Support
Social support is a protective factor known to mitigate immigrants transition to a new
country and minimally affecting immigrants’ psychological wellbeing (Cardoso & Thompson,
2010; R. Phipps et al., 2022). Participating in community activities and maintaining connections
with their home country can help immigrants preserve a sense of belonging and identity,
contributing to their well-being. Additionally, a strong support system of friends and family
contributes to the emotional wellbeing through support and practical assistance while integrating
into a new society. Having access to social support and resources can also facilitate the
development of coping strategies and resilience in the face of challenges associated with
immigration (Non et al., 2017). These protective factors can help immigrants maintain a sense of
belonging and affiliation to their cultural roots, which can buffer the adverse effects of
acculturative stress and discrimination.
Interconnected Frameworks
Immigrant mothers’ experiences vary based on factors such as time of arrival, whether
they became moms in their country of origin or the U.S., whether they are transnational parents
with children in both countries, the challenges they faced during their migration journey, and
how those challenges affected them upon arrival and in their lives since arriving (L. Torres et al.,
2012). The challenges of motherhood and the added stressor of being an immigrant can
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negatively impact their mothering practices, consequently impacting the mental health and
overall well-being of their children (Fox et al., 2015; Non et al., 2017). How immigrant mothers
are viewed can also complicate matters. For instance, low-income immigrant mothers are
perceived as less resilient than middle- or upper-class mothers (Verduzco-Baker, 2015).
However, deficit-emphasizing approaches ignore the social-made macrocontextual constraints
caused by immigration rules and policies that limit their chances, well-being, and family
adaptation (Helms et al., 2011). These deficit attitudes ignore immigrant mothers’ talents and
unmatched resilience (Vesely et al., 2018). To change this discourse, immigrant women must be
recognized for their skills and allowed to envision their future with their children and families;
thus, this study benefits from an appreciative inquiry (Cooperrider & Srivastva, 1987)
framework.
Appreciative inquiry implies people can develop their abilities, which can ignite
transformation (Enright et al., 2014). It assumes that sharing experiences leads to learning, which
can guide future study and action. It is an empowering research method and theoretical
framework that can help immigrant mothers understand their unique experiences and mothering
practices and how those affect their children’s future aspirations (Enright et al., 2014). Although
appreciative inquiry is intended to assess organizational threats, challenges, and concerns
differently (Coghlan et al., 2003), it has also been used in other settings such as business,
education, nongovernment organizations, various health settings, and communities (Carter, 2012;
Coghlan et al., 2003; Schmied et al., 2019; Trajkovski et al., 2013; S. Watkins et al., 2016).
Because appreciative inquiry emphasizes the positive aspects of the participants’ lived
experiences, the process provides a sentiment of commitment, confidence, and assertion that
those going through the process have experienced success and know how to create more of these
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moments (Hammond, 1996). Appreciative inquiry is founded in the notion of social
constructionism, echoing the belief that every person holds their own reality based on their
perceptions and experiences and that truth encompasses the multiple realities and contexts of the
individuals shared understandings (Coghlan et al., 2003). This truth assumes that language,
knowledge, and action work together and are inseparable (Grant & Humphries, 2006). To better
understand these individual realities, testimonios are also an ideal framework.
Testimonios are first-person narratives in which an individual discloses their story
depicting the impact that the injustices they suffered affected their lives (Blackmer & Curry,
2012), and in the case of immigrant mothers, the impact it can have on their kids and
consequently in the future generations. Via testimonios, people have the opportunity to provide a
narrative informed by their experience and one that differs from the dominant narrative
(Yrigollen-Robbins, 2022). In qualitative research, testimonios serve as personal stories in which
individuals illustrate their experiences with oppression, marginality, and mistreatment (Calderon-
Berumen, 2020). Appreciative inquiry reevaluates the problem by emphasizing the strengths and
success and from this stand point helps address concerns (Coghlan et al., 2003). Likewise,
appreciative inquiry research highlights examining the possibilities instead of the issues; it helps
participants identify strengths and positive aspects of their circumstances to reformulate their
current situation to discover positive change in new ways that are conducive to their growth and
wellbeing (Ghaye et al., 2008).
Cooperrider and Whitney (2005) posited that appreciative inquiry revolves around
appreciation and inquiry. Appreciation means recognizing the best in others and the world,
confirming strengths, successes, and opportunities, and discovering qualities that add to the value
of life. Inquiry requires discovery and exploration by posing questions and being open to
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viewing new possibilities. Both concepts require awareness of the circumstances and
environments and the self. seeking alternatives that lead to optimal results through negotiation
and compromise requires engaging and practicing emotional self-awareness (Xavier, 2005).
Emotional intelligence has several tenets, one of which is self-awareness, which, according to
Mayer and Salovey (1997), encompasses the following abilities: discern, evaluate and
demonstrate emotions, tap into and produce emotions promoted by thoughts, comprehend
feelings, and manage emotions to foster emotional growth.
The ability to practice emotional intelligence can have a dramatic impact on immigrant
parents— in particular, immigrant mothers. Pellitteri et al. (2006) stated that a parent's emotional
intelligence directly affects their child’s emotional learning. Thus, children develop emotional
intelligence competencies through their families either directly or indirectly (Matthews et al.,
2013; Zeidner et al., 2003). By explicitly teaching emotional abilities through conversation,
training, and coaching and by reinforcing these abilities, parents directly teach emotional
competence to their children. Similarly, parents may teach emotional competence by modeling
such competence in the way they respond to others. Within their family structure, children learn
how to express their feelings, use conflict resolution strategies, and negotiate disagreements
(Alavi et al., 2017). However, healthy interactions within families require parents to actively
engage in and practice emotional intelligence, particularly mothers, as it is known that they take
on greater responsibilities regarding the emotional education of their children (Alavi et al., 2017;
Núñez et al., 2020). It is important to further examine the correlation between the effects of
parents’ emotional intelligence on their children, specifically mothers’ emotional competencies
as they have greater influence on their children.
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As it relates to women and the various types of intelligence they can possess, Goleman
(2012) posited that emotionally intelligent women are assertive, can directly express their
feelings, are confident, find meaning in life, adapt to stress, are more social, and will rarely feel
anxious or guilty. On the other hand, a woman who does not possess emotional intelligence and
only intellectual intelligence naturally demonstrates intellectual confidence, can express their
thoughts clearly, and has many interests. However, they are more likely to experience challenges
in expressing feelings such as anger, and they seem to be prone to anxiety, rumination, and guilt.
Therefore, learning and practicing emotional intelligence skills can be beneficial for immigrant
women as they assimilate into the new culture and face challenges that affect every aspect of
their life, including their parenting ways, as emotional intelligence is a predictor of resilience
(Armstrong et al., 2011; Manicacci et al., 2019).
With a reflexive approach that combines appreciative inquiry and testimonios, immigrant
mothers can engage in a process that allows them to acknowledge themselves as the voice of an
essential individual with the ability to think, reflect, and create new meanings from their
experience (Beverley, 1989; Calderon-Berumen, 2020). Furthermore, immigrant mothers can
develop those abilities to spark change (Enright et al., 2014). Using appreciative inquiry and
their voice to share their experiences, immigrant mothers can validate their strengths and create a
plan to experience greater success in their motherhood journey and, more specifically, in
supporting their children’s success.
A practical way to engage in the principles of appreciative inquiry was presented by
Tschannen-Moran and Tschannen-Moran’s (2011) 5-D cycle, which includes the following
stages: define, discover, dream, design, and destiny. Immigrant mothers in this study offered
their unique experience at the define step. During the discover phase, participants identified,
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characterized, and valued the best qualities of their mothering and supporting practice. During
the dream phase, participants defined and applied the values they believed were beneficial and
necessary for achieving their ideal future as immigrant women supporting their children
effectively. The design phase is where they envision their perfect future to achieve it in the
destiny phase. Notably, the final stage of the cycle sought to empower immigrant mothers by
encouraging them to engage in reflective activities that enabled and supported their progress.
Mohr and Jacobsgaard developed the 4-I model, which approaches the appreciative inquiry
process slightly differently (J. M. Watkins & Mohr, 2001); The model introduces the following
four phases: initiate, inquire, imagine, and innovate.
Although there are differences between these two models, the language used for each
phase and the steps embedded in each stage illustrate the dynamic nature of appreciative inquiry
(Coghlan et al., 2003). Part of its dynamic nature is the positive approach to exploring the
phenomenon by emphasizing appreciation and inquiry (Cooperrider & Whitney, 2005).
Appreciation helps participants see the good in themselves, others, and the world and to find
ways to improve their lives. An open mind and willingness to move forward allow them to find
new possibilities through inquiry. To support the optimistic nature of appreciative inquiry,
Whitney and Trosten-Bloom (2010) shared the following five fundamental principles: (a) the
constructionist principle refers to the language that individuals utilize to shape the reality they
experience, (b) the positive principle focuses on how the positive can help to maintain effective
change, (c) the simultaneity principle emphasizes that change begins to happen when questions
are asked, (d) the poetic principle highlights individuals as continuously evolving and the
evolution that happens when attention is focused on that change, and (e) the anticipatory
principle underscores how a positive mental picture of the future can help bring about positive
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transformation. These fundamental principles worked interconnectedly to guide participants
through the appreciative inquiry process (Cooperrider et al., 2008; Tschannen-Moran &
Tschannen- Moran, 2011).
Notwithstanding, this dynamic nature of positivity can be seen as a weakness of the
appreciative inquiry process. Bushe (2011) stated that appreciative inquiry often overlooks the
negative and problematic aspects of situations or phenomena, emphasizing a dualistic view in
which the experiences, whether positive or negative, can be polarized to one end of the spectrum
or the other, leading to a one-sided focus. However, reflexivity is recommended in the
appreciative inquiry process to avoid a perspective that emphasizes either/or.
The appreciative inquiry process underscores that the interconnectedness between
individuals is imperative in the process; however, through this same process, it can be
challenging to ensure that all people are involved and engaged. Thus, finding and implementing
strategies that allow different voices to be heard is imperative. When collecting participants'
testimonios, immigrant mothers described their experiences and the injustices they have lived as
part of their journey and expanded on how those experiences have affected their lives (Blackmer
& Curry, 2012). This process allows participants to provide a different version of what is known
as the dominant narrative (Yrigollen-Robbins, 2022) and, in this way, dream of how that
narrative can be better and plan ways to achieve that new version of themselves.
Although testimonios are often used as personal narratives that depict experiences in
which individuals experienced oppression, marginality, and mistreatment (Calderon-Berumen,
2020), potentially causing a downward spiral of culpability and negative energy, through the
eyes of appreciative inquiry and its five interconnected principles, immigrant mothers could
engage in discovery and build strengths leading to an upward spiral in which they see
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possibilities and hope (Fredrickson, 2009; Tschannen‐Moran & Tschannen‐Moran, 2011).
However, this required immigrant mothers to become aware of the things that add significance,
abundance, beauty, and uniqueness to their lives to excite them about the potential of the future
(Langer, 2009; Tschannen‐Moran & Tschannen‐Moran, 2011). The notion behind this is that
challenges will always exist. Still, the positive becomes more critical when immigrant mothers
shift their focus to the positive things that exist in their unique circumstances (Tschannen‐Moran
& Tschannen‐Moran, 2011).
The shift in focus and increased awareness can enhance immigrant mothers’ emotional
competence, which has been a strong predictor to battle an array of stressors (Ciarrochi et al.,
2002; Crandall et al., 2015; Finzi-Dottan et al., 2011; Karimi et al., 2014; Lin, Szczygieł et al.,
2021; Petrides et al., 2016), such as parenting stressors (Crandall et al., 2015; Finzi-Dottan et al.,
2011; Lin, Hansotte et al., 2021). These parenting stressors and stressful events associated with
immigrant parents can be dealt with using coping skills developed with emotional intelligence,
thus adding to the benefits of emotional intelligence (Manicacci et al., 2019; Mayer & Geher,
1996; Salovey & Mayer, 1990). Furthermore, emotional intelligence promotes emotion
regulation and reduces stressors’ intensity through well-adapted coping strategies (Manicacci et
al., 2019; Moradi et al., 2011). Conversely, when coping skills are not used and negative
emotions such as anxiety are not controlled, negative parenting practices, such as neglect, can
arise (G. Lee & Kim, 2022).
Best Practices
Best practices in immigrant parenting can be identified by immigrant parents themselves
and other entities that see the effect of parenting on the children of immigrant parents. Some best
practices identified by immigrant parents include providing a stable and nurturing environment,
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setting high expectations for academic achievement, and encouraging involvement in
extracurricular activities, which can also contribute to positive outcomes for immigrant children
(Yrigollen-Robbins, 2022). Additionally, they foster a sense of cultural pride and identity,
maintain open communication lines with their children, and actively seek out resources and
support networks within their communities.
Community-based parent support programs can play a key role in supporting immigrant
families as they navigate the education system and access the necessary resources. In accordance
with Trivette and Dunst (2014), community-based parent support programs encourage resources,
support and assistance to parents in ways that improve parental functioning and foster the growth
and development of children. These programs provided parents information through workshops,
counseling services, and networking opportunities to support them in becoming competent in the
areas of need (Comer & Fraser, 1998). Immigrant mothers’ benefit from family-centered
programs instead of professionally centered ones and encourage capacity building instead of
dependency-forming practices (Dunst et al., 2008). Additionally, the well-being of immigrant
families can be fostered by intentionally developing partnerships among entities that share the
same goal such as schools, community organizations, and local businesses.
Challenges Immigrant Mothers Face
Latina immigrant mothers face various challenges in supporting their children in their
educational journey. These challenges include their limited knowledge of the education system
(Thao, 2009), language barriers (Nyemba & Chitiyo, 2017), and lack of opportunities and
resources due to their immigration status (Calderon-Berumen, 2020).
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Education System
Immigrant mothers are often unfamiliar with how the U.S. education system works; For
example, in their native country, Latin American immigrant mothers understand that students
must demonstrate mastery of the content and receive a passing grade in their exams to move on
to the next grade, while in the United States educational system, students move on to the next
grade without needing to meet such standards (Nyemba & Chitiyo, 2017). In general, parents are
expected to provide an adequate home environment to support their child’s social and emotional
growth which contributes to their educational achievement. However, often, when the student
does not perform well in school, the blame is placed on the home environment (Huber-Smith &
Williford, 2014). Conversely, the education system in Mexico and other Latin American
countries, encourages parents to provide nonacademic support that fosters characteristics such as
respect and hard work (Huber-Smith & Williford, 2014). Therefore, when parents learn that the
expectation is to be equal partners in their child’s education, they feel they are taking on the
teacher’s responsibility, which is a completely different concept for them (Huber-Smith &
Williford, 2014; Nyemba & Chitiyo, 2017).
Legal Status Hindrances
Upon arrival, immigrant mothers face many stressors associated with their legal status
(Non et al., 2022). For unauthorized and mixed-status families, the fear of deportation and
separation from their loved ones is a persistent worry (Diaz‐Strong & Ybarra, 2016; Green,
2019; Yoshikawa & Kalil, 2011). Similarly, employed immigrate mothers tend to work unstable
hours, making family time and caregiving responsibilities a challenge (Coley & Lombardi, 2014;
León-Pérez et al., 2021; Prickett, 2018). Furthermore, economic constraints and a lack of access
to resources can further hinder immigrant mothers’ ability to support their children's academic
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success. Despite these challenges, immigrant mothers often demonstrate incredible strength and
resourcefulness, finding creative ways to support their children's educational aspirations,
fostering a strong work ethic and appreciation for education (Yrigollen-Robbins, 2022).
Mental Health
Immigrant mother’s mental health is affected by their experiences with discrimination,
acculturation, language barriers, and the constant threat of deportation (Dreby, 2012).
Consequently, these stressors can impact immigrants’ mental health and well-being, interfering
with their social and emotional functioning (Fazel et al., 2005; Santiago et al., 2021). Due to the
lack of consideration of the complexity of an immigrant’s sociocultural and historic course in
their country of origin that led immigrants to migrate, their experiences through the migration
process, and the adaptation process upon arrival (Chirkov, 2009; De Torres & Lusk, 2018),
support systems are not always successful in providing the resources to meet the needs of
immigrant mothers. This population faces limitations in the health care system such as cultural
stigma, cost, language barriers, and lack of insurance and awareness of the available support
programs (Derr, 2016).
Discrimination
The presidential administration following the 2016 US Presidential election brought an
increase in rhetoric against immigrants and the Latino community (Canizales & Vallejo, 2021;
Newman et al., 2021), as well as several modifications to immigration policies that imposed
restrictions (Pierce & Bolter, 2020). This anti-immigrant rhetoric created a shift in the way
immigrants’ function and how they see themselves in this country (Green, 2019). Parents have
noticed and experienced an increase in racism and insecurity from the way they are blamed for
“stealing” Americans jobs to feeling unsafe in everyday activities with their children.
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Measures of Success
Immigrant mothers measure success in different ways, including their children's
academic achievements as well as their well-being and personal growth. They understand the
benefit of providing an environment that supports and nurtures their emotional and social success
(Aminabadi et al., 2012). Immigrant mothers often prioritize instilling values such as resilience,
empathy, and cultural pride, recognizing that these qualities contribute to their children's long-
term success in life beyond the classroom; thus, their focus is on education (Calderon-Berumen,
2020).
Immigrant communities have a varied understanding of the concept of education that
goes beyond academics to include instilling moral, social, and personal responsibility in children
(Auerbach, 2007; Durand & Perez, 2013). In turn, educación is the foundation for all other
learning, including academics; it refers to proficiency in other spaces such as the social
environment where respect for dignity and individuality is valued and promoted and includes
characteristics such as good manners, discipline, and respect (Durand & Perez, 2013; Goldsmith
& Kurpius, 2017; Valenzuela, 2010).
Some immigrant policies, such as the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA),
have positively impacted immigrant populations’ mental health and well-being (Patler & Pirtle,
2018; Siemons et al., 2016). Under this executive order, legal protections such as work
authorization and driver’s license eligibility became available for groups of unauthorized
immigrants who migrated to the United States as children.
Existing Literature Around Recommendations
The immigration process can have significant repercussions for those who undergo the
process and their families, primarily their children (López & Crea, 2021; Yoshikawa & Kalil,
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2011). Recommendations to support immigrant families, mainly immigrant mothers, can be
provided for various sectors. In education, one of the recommendations for immigrant mothers
supporting their children’s academic success is that they prioritize maintaining open lines of
communication with their children's teachers and school staff. This allows them to stay abreast
their children's educational progress and potential challenges they may be facing in the
classroom. Additionally, immigrant mothers actively seek resources and support networks within
their communities, as this can provide them with valuable information and guidance on
navigating the education system and advocating for their children's needs.
Mental Health
Mental health challenges are of great concern in Latina immigrant mothers due to the
challenges and stressors associated with the migration journey and acculturation process upon
their arrival (Tsegay, 2023). Immigration has the potential to cause traumatic experiences
making it a critical component for mental health providers to comprehend in order to understand
the potential repercussions this can have on individuals and their families (R. Phipps et al.,
2022). To better support the immigrant community, in an environment that has become
increasingly hostile over the last few years due to the enforcement of immigration policies and a
growing anti-immigrant rhetoric, it is imperative to acknowledge how the stressors they face
impact their wellness (Lozano et al., 2022). It is highly recommended to take the necessary
measures to detect early mental disorders in children whose parents have been diagnosed with a
mental illness along with proper interventions and support to the families (Reupert & Maybery,
2010). Moreover, parents can be better prepared to address instances of discrimination and
empowered to seek and find the necessary support in order to prevent these situations from
affecting their children. (Ayón & García, 2019).
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Support Programs
Parent Support programs aim to assist parents in their parenting practices by
strengthening their parenting capabilities and fostering new competencies to enhance their skills
and knowledge (Trivette & Dunst, 2014). There seems to be an inability for parenting programs
to include families of diverse racial/ethnic backgrounds, which is unfortunate. Children’s
behavioral problems and needs go unmet in underserved communities where they encounter life
circumstances and institutional barriers to care that increase their risks. This is often due to
parent programs focusing on surface structure adaptations in which they adapt to immigrant
communities by translating material but fail to modify it to meet the needs of immigrant families
(Barrera et al., 2002; L. O. Linares et al., 2006; Williamson et al., 2013). Therefore, it is
recommended for parental programs to adapt at a deep structural level in which they align with
the immigrant’s cultural values and community (Leidy et al., 2010b; Williamson et al., 2013).
Adaptations that reflect immigrant families’ cultural norms, values, and experiences of those
participating can likely increase their participation and willingness to engage in the program.
Conversely, non-English speaking families and those from racial minorities tend to enroll less
and also have the tendency to withdraw when they do not feel connected (Reyno & McGrath,
2006).
Public Schools
Public schools are responsible for supporting the children they serve, including their
families, as they are vital to children’s educational success. Families have different needs
depending on their socioeconomic status, students’ specific needs, and family circumstances.
Furthermore, schools with a high population of Spanish-speaking students need to consider the
multiple dimensions that exist within Latino families, as well as their cultural norms and
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expectations when engaging in family engagement measures to better support families in their
efforts (McWayne et al., 2013). Given that the education system in the United States differs from
that in Latin American countries such as Mexico, a crucial way to support immigrant mothers is
by explaining their expectations of the education system their children are a part of while helping
them to adapt to the change.
Service Providers and Policy Makers
Supporting immigrant families throughout their adaptation process can significantly
affect their circumstances, their wellbeing, and consequently, the wellbeing of their children.
Therefore, it is recommended to support immigrant families as they balance the competing
demands parent face in keeping their cultural expectations and build capacity in coping strategies
to address the acculturative stressors that also affect parenting (L. R. Williams et al., 2017). The
parenting and family-based interventions offered would be more beneficial if parent
acculturation level and family stressors were taken into consideration in order to provide specific
supports and interventions to prevent psychological distress among Latino parents and youth
(Lozano et al., 2022). The pace where immigrants were born informs how they address
acculturative stress, how they parent, and the family stress they face, thus making this a key
point to consider when developing and delivering parenting or family interventions to
intentionally assists in influencing the points of view and strategies to address the various
stressors. (Lozano et al., 2022). Due to the acculturation gaps between immigrant parents and
their children, acknowledging and reviewing the families’ acculturation dynamics as part of the
preventive measures can assist in preventing negative health outcomes (Lozano et al., 2022).
Particularly for Latina immigrant mothers, programs that increase their capacity at
various levels could be beneficial; for example, being able to engage in dialogue about their
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documentation status in a confidential and culturally elevating environment (Ayón et al., 2020;
Chavez- Dueñas et al., 2019; Cross et al., 2021). Moreover, immigrant mothers raising Latino
children in the US can benefit from fully comprehending their ethnoracial identity (García, 2017;
Viruell-Fuentes, 2011). In understanding their own ethnoracial identity, a two-generation
approach can assist mothers in supporting their children’s growth and adjustment by fostering
their children’s ethnoracial development (Ayón, 2016; Umaña-Taylor & Rivas-Drake, 2021).
Furthermore, Latino children demonstrate better social functioning when they experience
positive ethnic-racial attitudes (Barajas-Gonzalez et al., 2022; C. D. Williams et al., 2022).
Gaining a comprehensive understanding of immigrant motherhood within their specific
circumstances is crucial for dispelling misconceptions and unfavorable evaluations of at-risk
families (Vesely et al., 2018). It also educates service providers and legislators, enabling them to
interact with and support the welfare of immigrant families effectively. Research in this area is
necessary to better understand and respond to the specific contextual and cultural circumstances
of immigrant families and to provide services that facilitate their adaptation (Cardoso et al.,
2018; Vesely et al., 2018).
Critiques of the Topic
The way Latina immigrant mothers support their children’s academic success is not
always visible, as they tend to do so by holding high aspirations for their children (Bruhn, 2022).
Expectations and stereotypes make it difficult for Latina immigrant mothers to engage, become
involved, and navigate the U.S. education system (Bruhn, 2022; De Gaetano, 2007; Durand,
2018; Ishimaru et al., 2016). Nonetheless, immigrant mothers strive to become highly engaged in
their children’s educational journey, primarily because they firmly believe that ensuring a quality
education for their children is their responsibility as a mother (Bruhn, 2022; Oliveira, 2019). In
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many cases, immigrant mothers adhere to traditional roles in which they demonstrate agency in
aspects of their lives, such as parenting, caring for their families, and building community in the
new culture (Abrego & Schmalzbauer, 2018; Bickham Mendez, 2020; Bruhn, 2022). Although
the dominant narrative can portray immigrant mothers as neglectful of their children’s education,
researchers have acknowledged the conceptual constraints of combining culture with negative
consequences in mental health (De Torres & Lusk, 2018; J. M. Torres & Wallace, 2013; Viruell-
Fuentes, 2011). However, studies continue to overlook the significance of immigrants'
knowledge, attitudes, behaviors, and other factors that contribute to their positive health upon
arrival and in the long run (De Torres & Lusk, 2018), which can ultimately influence the well-
being of their children. These traditional roles and agency that immigrant mothers possess can
influence the common immigrant outcome often seen among this population: the immigrant
paradox. The immigrant paradox refers to better outcomes exhibited by immigrants despite
facing numerous challenges and adversities (López & Crea, 2021; Teruya & Bazargan-Hejazi,
2013). For example, according to J. I. R. García et al. (2012), foreign-born and native-born
children with immigrant parents demonstrate higher academic success than children of native-
born parents. Similarly, Calzada et al. (2019) posited that immigrant mothers originating from
Mexico fare better upon arrival from their country of origin than mothers who were born in the
United States (Calzada et al., 2019). Furthermore, children born in the United States to
immigrant mothers tend to be healthier than those born to U.S.-native mothers (Acevedo- García
et al., 2007; Giuntella, 2016; Parrado & Ocampo, 2019). Similarly, foreign-born youth have
better mental health and less substance use than their peers born in the United States, regardless
of their low socioeconomic status and the many immigration stressors they face (Alegría et al.,
2008; Castañeda et al., 2015; Perreira & Ornelas, 2011). This paradox can be attributed to factors
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such as strong family values and relationships, immigrant support systems, and immigrant
optimism (Crosnoe, 2012; Diaz‐Strong & Ybarra, 2016; Suárez-Orozco, 2001). However, it is
essential to note that the immigrant paradox is not universal and can vary depending on
individual circumstances and experiences.
Conclusion
This qualitative research explored the strategies and practices of immigrant mothers in
supporting their children's educational journey. It aimed to shift the dominant perspectives about
Latina immigrant mothers and promote their inherent capabilities. The research could advance
programs supporting immigrant mothers, empowering them to support future generations. It
emphasizes the importance of a family-centered, culturally sensitive approach in addressing
stressors and providing necessary support for immigrant families.
Chapter 2 reviewed literature exploring the phenomenon of immigration. Immigration
involves individuals’ physical movement from their country of origin to a different nation, often
resulting in economic instability and poverty. Immigration has various impacts on individuals,
including financial, sociological, political, and geographical aspects. It has significant political
implications for receiving nations, societies of origin, and transit societies along their migratory
routes and has been linked to political unrest in many countries, resulting in demographic,
economic, and cultural transformations.
Immigrant families bring diverse experiences, resources, parenting ideologies, and
linguistic backgrounds to the United States, significantly influencing the domestic environment
in which their children are raised (Calderon-Berumen, 2020). Due to the factors that characterize
immigration such as discrimination, anti-immigrant policies, limited resources due to legal
status, and language barriers, immigrant trauma can be prolonged and potentially affect the well-
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being of immigrants and their families’ lifespans (Letiecq et al., 2022). Intergenerational
immigration trauma can have an effect on of the children and grandchildren of those who
traumatic immigration experiences (R. M. Phipps & Degges-White, 2014; R. Phipps et al., 2022;
Ramos et al., 2016). Protective factors such as familismo, ethnic identity, and social support are
key to facing the challenges associated with immigration.
As immigrant families become acculturated with the new culture, parenting is often
associated with added stressors that can impact their children’s well-being. Parenting practices,
often informed by gender roles and the shift in those after migration, can impact children’s
wellness and academic success. To explore the phenomenon of Latina immigrant mothers
supporting their children’s academic success, an appreciative inquiry framework and testimonios
were employed to gain a better understanding of the participants’ lived experiences. Best
practices, challenges, and recommendations in different sectors provide insight to studies and
data regarding the phenomenon.
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Chapter 3: Research Design and Methodology
This research study aimed to explore best practices utilized by immigrant mothers in
supporting their children's academic success. A qualitative phenomenological approach was used
to collect data, to interpret participants’ experiences, and to explore the parenting strategies used
by the participants in their immigration journey and the impact those experiences have in
supporting their children’s academic success (Creswell, 2003). This chapter explains the research
design and methodology used to conduct this study, starting with restating the RQs, followed by
a description of the essence of the qualitative study and an explanation of the phenomenological
procedure. Next, the research design is explained, along with information regarding participant
selection and the protection of human subjects. The process employed to develop the interview
protocol is described, followed by the measures taken to ensure validity and reliability in the data
collection tool used in this study. Lastly, the researcher’s personal bias statement is presented,
and the data analysis procedure is illustrated.
Restatement of Research Questions
This phenomenological study used the following four RQs to guide the interview
protocol and this research:
• RQ1: What strategies and best practices do immigrant mothers employ to support
their children's academic success?
• RQ2: What challenges do immigrant mothers face in supporting their children’s
academic success?
• RQ3: How do immigrant mothers measure their success in supporting their children?
• RQ4: Based on their experiences, what recommendations would immigrant mothers
have for supporting their children’s success?
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Nature of the Study
Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed-methods are different approaches to research, with
quantitative representing studies using closed-ended questions and responses represented in
numeric data, qualitative using open-ended questions and responses associated with narratives to
understand a phenomenon, and mix-methods using a blend of both quantitative and qualitative
methods (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Within these approaches exist various types of inquiry
that help researchers decide on the most suitable design for their study; Denzin and Lincoln
(2017) called these different types of inquiry the strategies of design. Due to the nature of this
study and its emphasis on exploring and understanding the phenomenon of immigrant mothers
supporting their children's academic success, a qualitative approach was used. Qualitative
research includes inquiry methods such as grounded theory, phenomenology, and ethnography,
among others—all of which adopt the following concepts: (a) collecting data in a natural setting,
(b) having the researcher as the means to collect data, (c) gathering data using multiple data
sources, (d) engaging in process of data analysis used to identify themes, (e) examining and
making meaning from participants’ experiences, (f) organizing the data around theoretical
perspectives, (g) and providing a thorough view of the findings interpreted from the analyzed
data based on the participants responses (Creswell & Poth, 2018; Hatch, 2023; Marshall &
Rossman, 2016).
This study aimed to explore and understand immigrant mothers and their experiences as
they support their children's academic success; therefore, a qualitative approach was used. The
study included the development of questions, data collection in a natural setting, data analysis to
develop themes, and the interpretation of data to make meaning of the phenomenon (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). Furthermore, qualitative research honors an inductive style, emphasizing the
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individual purpose and the significance of relating the intricacies of the phenomenon. This is
illustrated by continuously reviewing the themes and the collected data to obtain a
comprehensive collection of themes. An inductive style methodology provides the researcher the
opportunity to gain a thorough understanding of the participants’ beliefs, circumstances,
experiences, and actions from their point of view (Maxwell, 2013).
An assumption in qualitative research is that through the process, the researcher learns
from the participants by using questions that elicit information based on the participants’ lived
experiences and not questions that are prescribed to receive the desired answers (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). Furthermore, Privitera (2017) stated that every participant in a qualitative study
will have a different and unique experience with the phenomenon and thus their own
interpretation of what they experience. In this case, every immigrant mother has experienced
different motherhood and immigration journeys creating unparalleled circumstances that inform
their parenting styles and the ways they support their children.
Every research method has strengths and weaknesses, phenomenology included. Some
strengths of a phenomenological design are the amount of in-depth data gathered through open-
ended questions and the subjectivity of the data analysis process that enriches the understanding
of the phenomenon (Creswell, 2013). Similarly, phenomenological research creates a greater
understanding of the phenomenon by describing how having greater knowledge can assist
individuals and different entities, such as organizations, in addressing the existing challenges
(Leedy & Ormrod, 2015). Conversely, a phenomenological study can have challenges. For
example, the researcher can hold biases regarding the phenomenon being studied, which can
affect the collection and interpretation of data if not addressed appropriately. In addition,
successfully selecting participants who have experienced the phenomenon being studied is
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crucial for exploring the phenomenon in depth; thus, finding the appropriate participant sample
may be a challenge (Creswell, 2013).
Methodology
This research employed a phenomenological research design aimed at capturing the
essence of the experiences of immigrant mothers supporting their children’s academic success
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Phenomenology research stems from philosophy and psychology
and involves the researcher interpreting the lived experiences participants shared about the
phenomenon being studied (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Because this design is founded in
philosophy and psychology, and typically involves conducting interviews to gather data (Giorgi,
2009), the culminating result captures the essence of the experiences of various participants
undergoing the same phenomenon (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
To capture participants’ experiences, qualitative interviews were conducted to gather
their points of view about the phenomenon. Qualitative interviews tend to be semi-structured and
open-ended to evoke greater details in the participants’ descriptions of their experiences
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Whyte, 1982), without imposing the researcher’s framework on the
participants (Mason, 2007). Within the interview protocol, follow-up questions may be used only
when the description of the participants’ experiences is unclear or lacks depth (Beck, 2013).
Giorgi (2009) noted that participants should be allowed to speak about their experiences, but the
researcher should gently redirect the participants back to describing their experiences if they
steer away. The researcher should also avoid asking any leading questions during the interview
process (Giorgi, 2009).
It is imperative to acknowledge the various strengths and weaknesses associated with the
study’s data collection tool: qualitative interviews. Creswell and Creswell (2018) stated that
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qualitative interviews are an effective tool that allows participants to share their experiences and
historical information, and due to the nature of semi-structured interview protocol, the researcher
can control the way the interview is structured. On the other hand, limitations to the qualitative
interview include the researcher’s presence, which can elicit biased responses from participants.
In addition, the information being gathered is processed through the participants’ perspectives,
and not all participants are articulate or perceptive during the interview.
Structured Process of Phenomenology
The process of phenomenology includes three interconnected components necessary to
comprehend the participants’ lived experiences (Giorgi, 2009). First, the researcher must engage
in bracketing to acknowledge their own assumptions of the phenomenon and to proceed with a
proper attitude when receiving the information gathered via interviews—as opposed adding to or
subtracting from the participants’ descriptions (Giorgi, 2009; M. Q. Patton, 2023). Second,
through the interview process, the researcher should provide the time and space for the
participants to describe their experience of the phenomenon in detail, focusing on the description
of events instead of the interpretation or explanation of those events (Giorgi, 2009). Lastly, the
researcher analyzes the descriptive data and meticulously extracts the essence of the descriptions
with the purpose of understanding the phenomenon being studied (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Appropriateness of Phenomenology
Phenomenology refers to the way a person understands and sees a specific event as
opposed to the way that same event exists outside of their perception (Leedy & Ormrod, 2015).
Phenomenological research explores a phenomenon as experienced by different individuals and
using qualitative interviews, the researcher gathers and analyzes data, concluding with the
essence of all participants’ experiences in relation to the phenomenon (Creswell & Creswell,
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2018). In this study, the researcher explored the phenomenon of immigrant mothers supporting
their children's academic success. The lived experiences of immigrant mothers are unique and
could inform about the phenomenon studied; thus, a phenomenological approach was appropriate
for this study.
Research Design
A qualitative phenomenological approach was used to answer the study’s RQs. Selection
criteria were established to gather data from all participants. These criteria applied to the analysis
of unit, population, sample size, and sampling technique for the study.
Unit of Analysis
This research study aimed to determine best practices used by Latin American immigrant
mothers to support their children's academic success. The ideal participant or unit of analysis for
this study was one immigrant mother who migrated from a Latin American country. Participants
needed to have at least one adolescent attending the public school where the study took place.
Population
The population of this study was composed of immigrant mothers who have migrated
from a Latin American country. These immigrant mothers live in Los Angeles County and have
at least one adolescent living with them and attending the public school where the study was
conducted. For this study, immigrant mothers were defined as women who have emigrated from
a Latin American country and who have at least one adolescent child living with them in the
United States and attending the school in which the study took place. Participants were selected
based on meeting the criteria and willingness to share their experiences.
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Sample Size
In qualitative research, participants are often selected based on specific criteria.
According to Fowler (2013), researchers should determine their sample size based on their own
analysis. Often, determining the sample size can be a tradeoff between a large sample that can
provide more precise data but be very time consuming and possibly costly (Creswell & Creswell,
2018). The number of participants for a study may vary depending on the qualitative design. For
example, Creswell and Creswell (2018) shared that for a narrative study, one or two participants
would suffice and for grounded theory research, 20–30 participants would be ideal. However, for
a phenomenological study, Creswell and Creswell (2018) shared that a range of three to 10
participants would work. Likewise, Thomas and Pollio (2002) recommended six to 12
participants for a phenomenological study, whereas Leedy and Ormrod (2015) recommended
five to 25. Conversely, saturation is also an approach to solve the sample size concern. In
saturation, the researcher stops collecting data when no new information is shared that provides
new insight into the phenomenon (Charmaz & Henwood, 2008). Due to the phenomenological
design of the study and consensus in the literature stating the benefit of having smaller groups to
explore the phenomenon in depth, the researcher used a purposive sample of 20–25 immigrant
mothers from the chosen population with the intent to interview 15 participants.
Purposive Sampling
In qualitative studies, it is ideal to purposefully select participants and settings that can
inform the researcher about the phenomenon (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). To plan accordingly
for a purposive sample, Miles and Huberman (1994) suggested considering where the study will
take place, who will be interviewed, where they will be interviewed, and how the interview will
take place. Furthermore, having a clear understanding of the research population can help
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identify participants who are optimal for the data being collected to explore the phenomenon
being studied (Patten & Newhart, 2018). Therefore, the selection of participants for this study
was Latin American immigrant mothers who have experienced the phenomenon of supporting
their children's academic success.
Participant Selection
In qualitative phenomenology studies, choosing participants who have experienced the
phenomenon being studied is imperative (Creswell & Poth, 2018; Maxwell, 2013). To reach the
desired number of immigrant mothers to participate in the study, the researcher engaged in the
following steps. A sampling frame was produced to begin the process. The generated sampling
frame was assessed, and eligible participants were selected using the established criteria for
inclusion and exclusion. Lastly, the criteria for maximum variation was created to produce a
sample of 20–25 participants with the intention to complete 15 interviews, however, there was no
need to use in this study.
Sampling Frame
This study took place in a middle school in Los Angeles County; site permission (see
Appendix A) was provided by the school administration. The sample frame for this study was
generated utilizing the ParentSquare communication platform used to communicate with parents
at the school where the study was conducted. Through this platform, parents have the option to
receive notifications via the ParentSquare app, text, or e-mail. The Institutional Review Board-
approved recruitment script (see Appendix B) was sent to all 450 parents who have a child
enrolled. Parents received the recruitment script as a direct message via their preferred
notification method. Mothers who met the criteria stated in the recruitment script and who were
interested in participating in the research self-selected and connected with the researcher via e-
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mail. The researcher contacted each participant who showed interest to ensure they met the
necessary criteria and used a purposive sampling method to identify the participants who had
experienced the phenomenon researched. The researcher connected with participants by replying
to the initial interest e-mail to continue the communication thread. This process yielded 15
participants who provided in-depth information based on their experiences.
Criteria for Inclusion
The researcher used the following criteria for inclusion in this study:
• mother of at least one child
• an immigrant mother living in the United States who migrated from a Latin American
country
• has at least one adolescent child attending the public school where the study took
place
Criteria for Exclusion
After the initial sample was established using the previously mentioned criteria for
inclusion, the sample was reduced further using the criteria for exclusion to reach the desired
sample size. The following are the criteria for exclusion that were used
• unable to conduct the interview in English or Spanish
• unavailable for an in-person interview during from January 2024 to May 2024
• unwilling to have the interview recorded
Criteria for Maximum Variation
After applying the criteria for inclusion and exclusion, an initial sample of 19 participants
and it was not necessary to use the criteria for maximum variation. The criteria of maximum
variation would have allowed the researcher to expand their criteria and have the opportunity to
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see a varied representation of participants of the study (Creswell & Poth, 2018). The criteria for
maximum variation would have included participants from other Latin American countries
different than those mothers who had already showed interest in the study, and having other
children in other schools and grade levels in addition to a child where the study was conducted.
Protection of Human Subjects
Qualitative research requires the researcher to conduct the research in an ethical manner,
primarily when collecting the data. According to Creswell and Poth (2018), there are three
guiding principles of ethical qualitative research; the first is respect for persons in which their
privacy is protected and consent for the study is acquired, the second is concern for their welfare
by minimizing harm, and lastly, justice by providing equitable treatment and enhancing
inclusivity. To conduct an ethical study, the researcher must ensure the participants’ rights,
safety, and welfare are protected; this was done by engaging in the following steps.
As part of the IRB application and the Pepperdine University requirements for working
with human subjects, the researcher completed the Collaborative Institutional Training Initiative
(CITI) Course (see Appendix C). The researcher received an IRB approval notice (see Appendix
D) prior to contacting participants to begin the data collection process. The IRB application
included a copy of the Informed Consent for Participation in Research Studies (see Appendix E),
the Recruitment Script (see Appendix B), and a copy of the Interview Protocol (see Appendix F).
All documents submitted with the IRB application were also be translated into Spanish due to the
population being studied. The completed application and necessary documents demonstrated to
the IRB that this study complies with the board’s requirements and guidelines for administering a
study ethically.
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Participants were contacted via a parent communication platform called ParentSquare and
received the recruitment script approved by the IRB (see Appendix B). As they had the option to
receive communication via app notification, text or e-mail, participants were able to self-identify
as immigrant mothers and confirm their interest to participate in the study by e-mailing the
researcher using the e-mail provided in the recruitment script. This initial e-mail was used to
continue the communication thread thereafter. After agreeing to participate, participants received
an e-mail acknowledging their interest, thanking them, and asking about their interview
availability. To proceed with the interview, all participants received a copy of the Informed
Consent for Participation in Research Studies (see Appendix E) in English and Spanish and were
asked to sign the document to proceed to the next step. The consent form participants received
was created in agreement with Pepperdine University’s Informed Consent for Participation in
Research Activity guidelines. Participants were notified that all data gathered would be used for
the purpose of research, and the purpose of the study was also shared. A copy of the interview
protocol (see Appendix F) was provided in English and Spanish to the participants, who were
notified that the interview would be audio-recorded and conducted in Spanish, if necessary.
Aliases were used for participants, and they were guaranteed confidentiality in this form. Their
identities were referenced as Participant 1, 2, 3, etc., in the narrative and documentation where
only the researcher knows their real identities. All data gathered are stored in a locked desk
drawer in the researcher’s office to which only the researcher has access.
Participants were notified that their participation in the study was voluntary and that there
were no consequences if they chose to withdraw consent from the study at any moment. They
were also reminded that they had a choice not to answer any of the IQs. Participants learned that
the risks of participation are minimal and might elicit emotions or thoughts due to the topic of
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the study and questions. Lastly, participants were also advised of the importance of their
participation in this study and how the findings could inform other immigrant mothers,
educational and community leaders, and policymakers on best practices to support children's
academic success.
Data Collection
All participants were invited to engage in the study via e-mail using the IRB-approved
Recruitment Script (see Appendix B); the participants received the recruitment script in English
and Spanish. The script introduced the researcher, what the study intended to achieve, and the
option for participants to share their interest in participating in the study. After participants
contacted the researcher and stated their preferred time for an interview, the researcher
confirmed the date and time of the interview. The consent form was attached to the confirmation
e-mail. All signed consent forms were collected via e-mail, regular mail, or in person, and semi-
structured interviews were conducted in person and audio recorded using a hand-held audio
recorder. Interviews were conducted within an hour and transcribed by the researcher. All
transcriptions were edited to change any identifying information with aliases. An Excel
spreadsheet was used to track the data, and participants were referred to as Participants 1, 2, 3,
etc. to diminish the risk of violating confidentiality. Collected data are kept in a locked drawer in
the researcher’s office. The researcher will destroy these data after the study is complete.
Interview audio recordings are stored in an external drive locked in a drawer in the researcher’s
office. Only the researcher holds a key to the drawer where all collected data are kept. The
interview recordings will be deleted after 2 years.
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Interview Techniques
Immigrant mothers were interviewed to collect data for this study. In qualitative research,
an interview is used to gather data through conversation and social interaction to better
understand the participants’ experiences based on their perspectives (Creswell & Poth, 2018).
The researcher established and used a semi-structured interview protocol with open-ended
questions to gather data for the RQs of this study.
In preparing to conduct the interviews, the researcher gathered the following materials to
facilitate the process: an audio recorder, a computer, three pens, and a notebook for notetaking.
To begin the interview, the researcher asked each participant whether she read and understood
the consent form and to confirm having the interview recorded. The researcher proceeded to
explain the structure of the interview process by explaining the semi-structured style IQs with
possible clarifying follow-up questions. An icebreaker was used to develop rapport between the
participant and the researcher, followed by the 12 IQs that correlated to the RQs of the study. All
interviews were conducted in person and in Spanish.
Throughout the interview, the researcher interacted with the participants minimally
(Gubrium, 2012), listened actively and limited acknowledging responses to small phrases, such
as thank you, to acknowledge the participant’s response and to encourage them to continue.
Hence, the researcher did not influence the responses of the participants. When needed, the
researcher used follow-up questions to clarify a participant’s response. Notes were taken to
record noticeable behaviors, such as triggered emotions. To finalize the interview, the researcher
thanked each participant for participating in the study.
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Interview Protocol
The following RQs were used to interview participants and gather data for this study.
● Icebreaker: Tell me how your experience as an immigrant has impacted your
motherhood journey?
● Follow-up: During which age range did you migrate to the United States? (0–12),
(13–21), (21+)
● IQ1: As an immigrant mother, think of the single most difficult challenge you have
faced in support of your children’s educational success.
○ What was that challenge?
○ How did you experience it?
● IQ2: What strategies and best practices did you employ, or what resources did you
seek to overcome this particular challenge?
● IQ3: What other similar challenges have you experienced in support of your
children’s education?
● IQ4: What strategies or best practices did you employ, or resources did you seek to
overcome these challenges?
● IQ5: Are you personally aware of similar challenges that other immigrant mothers
may have faced?
● IQ6: Are you personally aware of strategies or best practices employed or resources
sought by these immigrant mothers?
● IQ7: What was your ultimate goal in supporting your children’s academic success in
the United States?
● IQ8: How do you know whether you are successfully moving toward that goal?
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● IQ9: What does it mean/look like to successfully support your children?
● IQ10: What advice or recommendations do you have for those similar to better
support their children’s academic success?
● IQ11: If you could, what is the one thing you would do differently, to better support
your children’s academic success in the United States?
● IQ12: Was it all worth it, so far? How?
Relationship Between Research and Interview Questions
Qualitative research has two forms of questions: central and associated subquestions,
with several subquestions following a central question (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). It is
recommended that the researcher use no more than a total of 12 qualitative questions, combining
central and subsequent questions (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Interview and subsequent
questions must correlate with RQs in qualitative data collection. The purpose of the IQs is to
obtain an explanation of the phenomenon being investigated from the viewpoint of participants
experiencing the phenomenon (Creswell & Poth, 2018). Therefore, open-ended questions were
designed to provide the participants the opportunity to share their points of view and experiences
in supporting their children's academic success as immigrant mothers (Whyte, 1982). The
researcher used the study’s literature review to inform the design of the RQs and IQs. The
literature review identified that immigrant mothers’ experiences through their migration journey
influence their parenting decisions; therefore, the RQs were designed with these concepts in
mind. To further explore this phenomenon, the IQs correlated with the RQs (see Table 1) to
explore best practices, challenges, and recommendations from immigrant mothers to successfully
support their children academically.
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Table 1 R Q C Interview Questions
Research Questions and Corresponding Interview Questions
Research Questions
Corresponding Interview Questions
RQ1: What strategies and best practices do
immigrant mothers employ to support their
children's academic success?
Icebreaker: Tell me about your immigrant
journey.
Follow-up: How did that impact your
motherhood journey?
Follow-up: During which age range did you
migrate to the United States?
(0–12), (13–21), (21+)
IQ1: What supports have you engaged in to
assist you in supporting your child/ren?
IQ2: Are there any specific supports that helped
you assist your children's academic success?
RQ2: What challenges do immigrant mothers
face in supporting their children’s academic
success?
IQ3: What is the most difficult challenge in
being an immigrant mother?
Follow up: Have you had any challenges
supporting them academically?
IQ4: Can you tell me about other
challenges immigrant mothers in similar
conditions have experienced?
Follow-up: Can you think of any other
challenges?
RQ3: How do immigrant mothers measure their
success in supporting their children?
IQ5: How do you measure your success
as a mother?
IQ6: What does it mean/look like to
successfully support your children?
RQ4: Based on their experiences, what
recommendations would immigrant mothers
have for supporting the success of their
children?
IQ7: If you could go back and change one
thing in your journey as an immigrant mother,
what would it be?
IQ8: If another immigrant mother would ask
for your recommendation to successfully
support their children, what would you tell
them?
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Validity of the Study
Validity and reliability for the interview protocol were established for this study to ensure
that the correlation between the questions and the concepts of the RQs was acceptable.
Prima-Facie and Content Validity. The researcher originally developed eight IQs based
on the literature review findings to thoroughly explore the study’s RQs. After creating the IQs,
the researcher conducted a validation process to determine whether the questions were clear and
correlated with the study’s RQs. A thorough literature review, pertinent to immigrant mothers
and their journey in supporting their children's academic success, informed the construction of
each of the RQs. The determination that each IQ correlated to the RQs was made and the
questions were deemed easy to read and understand and, therefore, valid. Table 2 illustrates the
prima facie validity that was established.
Table 2 R Questions and Corresponding Interview Questions (Revised)
Research Questions and Corresponding Interview Questions (Revised)
Research Questions
Corresponding Interview Questions
RQ1: What strategies and best practices do
immigrant mothers employ to support their
children's academic success?
Icebreaker: Tell me about your immigrant
journey and how did it impact your
motherhood journey?
Follow-up: During which age range did you
migrate to the United States? (0–12), (13–
21), ( 21+)
IQ1: What supports have assisted you in
encouraging your child/ren academically?
IQ2: Are there any specific supports that
provided you with strategies to assist your
child/ren academically?
RQ2: What challenges do immigrant mothers
face in supporting their children’s academic
success?
IQ3: What is the most difficult challenge in
being an immigrant mother?
Follow up: Have you had any challenges
supporting them academically?
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Research Questions
Corresponding Interview Questions
IQ4: Can you tell me about other challenges
immigrant mothers in similar conditions have
experienced?
Follow-up: What other challenges come to
mind?
RQ3: How do immigrant mothers measure their
success in supporting their children?
IQ5: How do you measure your success as
a mother?
IQ6: What does successful support for your
child/ren mean or look like?
RQ4: Based on their experiences, what
recommendations would immigrant mothers have
for supporting the success of their children?
IQ7: If you had the opportunity to change one
thing in your journey as an immigrant mother,
what would it be?
IQ8: If another immigrant mother would ask
for your recommendation to support their
children successfully, what would you tell
them?
Peer-Review Validity. The interview protocol was validated by peer-review experts.
Table 2 illustrates the IQs and their correlation with the RQs. The researcher identified three
experts in the education field of study to participate in the peer-review process; the experts were
doctoral students with knowledge and experience working with immigrant families in an
educational setting. Their expertise in working with immigrant families and their knowledge of
research methodology made them qualified candidates to determine the validity and reliability of
the data collection tool. As part of the process, the peer reviewers received a peer-review form
(see Appendix G) with the IQs and were asked to provide feedback by commenting whether
• the questions correlate with the RQs
• the IQs are relevant to the RQs
• revisions are needed to make IQs more relevant to the RQs
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The peer-review validity process provided feedback and change considerations; the changes and
additions are reflected in the IQs in Table 2.
Expert Review Validity. The dissertation committee reviewed the revised RQs and
corresponding IQs as the expert review panel. It determined that the suggested recommendations
made by the peer reviewers needed further review to be adopted into the final interview protocol.
To elicit the necessary information from participants and to explore the phenomenon in depth,
modifications to the existing questions were made, and additional questions were added as
reflected in Table 3. The final interview protocol included an ice breaker, a follow up question,
and 12 interview questions.
Table 3 R Questions and Corresponding Interview Questions (Revised)
Research Questions and Corresponding Interview Questions (Revised)
Research Questions
Corresponding Interview Questions
RQ1: What challenges do immigrant mothers
face in supporting their children’s academic
success?
Icebreaker: Tell me how your experience as
an immigrant has impacted your
motherhood journey?
Follow-up: During which age range did you
migrate to the United States? (0–12), (13–
21), (21+)
IQ1: As an immigrant mother, think of the single
most difficult challenge you have faced in
support of your children’s educational success.
a. What was that challenge?
b. How did you experience it?
IQ3: What other similar challenges have you
experienced in support of your children’s
education?
IQ5: Are you personally aware of similar
challenges that other immigrant mothers may
have faced?
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Research Questions
Corresponding Interview Questions
RQ2: What strategies and best practices do
immigrant mothers employ to support their
children's academic success?
IQ2: What strategies and best practices did you
employ, or what resources did you seek to
overcome this particular challenge?
IQ4: What strategies or best practices did you
employ or resources did you seek to overcome
these challenges?
IQ6: Are you personally aware of strategies or
best practices employed or resources sought by
these immigrant mothers?
RQ3: How do immigrant mothers measure their
success in supporting their children’s academic
success?
IQ7: What was your ultimate goal in supporting
your children’s academic success in the United
States?
IQ8: How do you know whether you are
successfully moving toward that goal?
IQ9: What does it mean/look like to successfully
support your children?
IQ12: Was it all worth it, so far? How?
RQ4: Based on their experiences, what
recommendations would immigrant mothers have
for supporting the success of their children’s
academic success?
IQ10: What advice or recommendations do you
have for those similar to better support their
children’s academic success?
IQ11: If you could, what is the one thing you
would do differently, to better support your
children’s academic success in the United
States?
Reliability of the Study. According to Gibbs (2007), the researcher’s approach must be
consistent across various projects to demonstrate qualitative reliability. To achieve this, a few
procedures are recommended. The researcher revised transcripts for possible mistakes and
ensured the definition of codes remained the same throughout the coding process (Gibbs, 2007).
When multiple researchers are collaborating, communicating regularly to share notes and to
compare results is also advised.
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Pilot Study. A pilot study can be used in qualitative, quantitative, and mix methods
research. It is conducted to test and evaluate the effectiveness of a specific research instrument,
such as an interview protocol (Shakir & Rahman, 2022). This process can provide insights on
issues that might arise during the process and that have not been anticipated by the researcher, as
well as allow the researcher to become familiar with the process prior to conducting the study.
The pilot study aims to enhance the quality of the research (Guðmundsdóttir & Brock-Utne,
2010; van Teijlingen & Hundley, 2001). More specifically, pilot studies can improve the
reliability and validity of the study (Guðmundsdóttir & Brock-Utne, 2010). Due to the impact a
pilot study can have on a study, this process should be considered an essential part of any
qualitative research design (Y. Kim, 2010; van Teijlingen & Hundley, 2001). Therefore, the
researcher of this study conducted a pilot study to evaluate the effectiveness of the interview
protocol by conducting a mock interview with a participant who was not be part of the study but
who would qualify as a participant based on the established participant criteria. This process
provided the researcher a clear idea about whether the interview protocol would elicit the desired
data. No modifications were made to the interview protocol after the pilot study.
Statement of Personal Bias
This research study examined the phenomenon of Latin American immigrant mothers
supporting their children's academic success. Research studies should acknowledge the
researcher’s biases relating to conducting research (Creswell & Poth, 2018). The researcher of
this study is an immigrant mother from Latin America; thus, the researcher refrained from
discussing personal experiences with the participants during the interview. Based on the
researcher’s experiences, there were preconceived ideas and perceptions about the phenomenon
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being studied, the literature review information synthesized, and informal conversations with
immigrant families. Hence, the researcher engaged in processes that minimized bias.
Bracketing and Epoché
As part of a phenomenological study, participants’ experiences gathered through
interviews are illustrated by the researcher, providing meaning to the participants’ experience
with the phenomenon (Creswell & Poth, 2018). To approach the data from an unbiased point of
view, it was necessary for the researcher to acknowledge and set aside her experiences during the
process of data interpretation; this process is called bracketing or epoché (Moustakas, 1994).
Husserl (1962) posited that bracketing allows the researcher to obtain a purer understanding of a
concept. Saldaña and Omasta (2021) described epoché as bracketing personal experiences and
the influences the researcher might have on the study’s population.
Various methods can be used to achieve bracketing or epoché. Creswell and Poth (2018)
described using memo notes and reflective journals throughout the data collection process.
Doing this can assist in identifying biases via a reflective process. To bracket, the researcher
used a journal to take detailed notes to identify and label biases during the data analysis process
(Moerer-Urdahl & Creswell, 2004). In looking at these notes, the researcher can acknowledge
potential biases based on their knowledge of the phenomenon and abstain from using data not
provided by the participants during the data collection process. Furthermore, by openly sharing
their biases, the researcher stays aware of them while revising the findings and writing the results
of the study (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Data Analysis
There are various steps involved in data analysis of qualitative research. These steps are
to be followed sequentially, moving from specific to general, which involve various levels of
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analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Charmaz & Henwood, 2008; Creswell & Creswell, 2018;
Seidman, 2006). The five steps in the data analysis process include (a) the organization and
preparation of the data gathered, (b) observing and reading all gathered data, (c) beginning the
coding process of the data, (d) creating themes and descriptions of these, and (e) illustrating the
descriptions and themes created. In qualitative research, coding is described as grouping data
into different categories and finding a word representing each (Rossman & Rallis, 2012). This
process of identifying, analyzing, and documenting the various themes is also called thematic
analysis, which ultimately reports on the participants’ experiences, purpose, and reality as
indicated by the participants’ stories (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
I began the coding process by transcribing, proofreading, and cross-referencing audio
recordings and transcriptions. Each participant was given the label of Participant 1, Participant 2,
Participant 3, etc., to protect them and keep their information confidential. Notes were made
while proofreading transcripts, and annotations noted the following concepts and their
association to the RQs: best practices, strategies, challenges, and recommendations of Latin
American immigrant mothers supporting their children's academic success. As concepts
emerged, each were coded and organized into different categories using key words. The
organized data were arranged in a table to further group the information into thematic categories.
The researcher reviewed the transcripts and searched for quotes that synthesize and support the
themes categorized early in the process.
Interrater Reliability and Validity
In qualitative research, validity pertains to the researcher checking for the accuracy of the
research findings via specific procedures. On the other hand, qualitative reliability demonstrates
that the approach taken by the researcher is constant among various researchers and projects
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(Gibbs, 2007). Furthermore, interrater reliability presents an interpretative approach to revising
the coding (Creswell & Poth, 2018). The validity and reliability of the results analysis were
established using the following steps.
1. Baseline themes: Using the data collected, the researcher identified the concepts and
themes from the data from three interviews.
2. Interrater review: The researcher gathered a review panel of three doctoral students
experienced in coding and themes and acquainted with the qualitative research. After
sharing the data gathered and coded from the three interviews in the previous step, each
reviewer analyzed the data and provided recommendations for changes or modifications.
If the panel did not reach a consensus, the researcher consulted with the dissertation
committee.
3. Baseline themes (round two): The researcher conducted the same procedure in step
one with the remaining interviews once they are complete.
4. Interrater review: If a consensus had not been reached, the researcher would have
communicated and worked with the dissertation committee. However, a consensus was
reached and the researched did not need to discuss with the dissertation committee.
5. No consensus—expert review: If no consensus would have been reached between the
researcher and peer reviewers, the researcher would have communicated with expert
reviewers to come to final decision. This step was not necessary as consensus was
reached.
Data Presentation
In this qualitative study, semi-structured interviews were conducted to gather data on the
phenomenon. This data was then analyzed to better understand the phenomenon of immigrant
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mothers supporting their children's academic success. When analyzing qualitative data,
researchers summarize the findings, compare them to existing literature, express their own
perspectives on the findings, and give limitations and recommendations for future research
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The findings are presented in a narrative reflecting the
participants’ cultures and language while interweaving the participants' testimonios with the
researcher’s interpretations (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Qualitative research is valued for its
uniqueness in describing the experiences of the participants and the development of themes
within the context and site in which the study takes place (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Greene et
al. (1997) stated that good qualitative research is known for its uniqueness rather than its
generalizability. Thus, the researcher presented the study’s findings to honor the participants’
experiences as immigrant mothers supporting their children's academic success.
Chapter Summary
The purpose of this study was to analyze the phenomenon experienced by immigrant
mothers in supporting their children's academic success, thus a phenomenological qualitative
design was used. In this chapter, the researcher restated details about the RQs, and the qualitative
research design was explained. This explanation included a description of phenomenology, the
analysis of unit, the sample size of the study’s population, and purposive sampling. Information
on the protection of human subjects was also relayed. The criteria for inclusion and exclusion
along with the criteria for maximum variation were depicted. The researcher provided her
statement of personal bias and explained the process for developing the interview protocol as
well as the steps taken to ensure validity and reliability of the data collection tool. Lastly, the
procedures for data analysis were reviewed.
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Chapter 4: Data Analysis and Results
In the midst of a majority-minority shift in the United States (Frey, 2018), and the
growing number of immigrants and their children, immigrant mothers are key in supporting the
next generation. Therefore, this qualitative phenomenological research study explored how
immigrant mothers support their children in their academic journey. To gather data on their best
practices and strategies to support their children’s academic journey, immigrant mothers from a
middle school in Los Angeles County, California, were interviewed to learn more about how
they support their children academically. Their testimonios provided insight on their best
practices, challenges, and recommendations. This study aimed to answer the following RQs:
• RQ1: What challenges do immigrant mothers face in supporting their children’s
academic success?
• RQ2: What strategies and best practices do immigrant mothers employ to support
their children's academic success?
• RQ3: How do immigrant mothers measure their success in supporting their children?
• RQ4: Based on their experiences, what recommendations would immigrant mothers
have for supporting their children’s success?
An ice-breaker question, a follow up question and 12 interview questions were developed
as part of the interview protocol to assist in answering the four RQs. The IQs were used to
interview each immigrant mother who participated in the study. Prior to conducting the
interviews, inter-reliability and validity techniques were employed, and the following were the
final IQs:
• Icebreaker: Tell me how your experience as an immigrant has impacted your
motherhood journey?
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• Follow-up: During which age range did you migrate to the United States? (0–12),
(13–21), (21+)
• IQ1: As an immigrant mother, think of the single most difficult challenge you have
faced in support of your children’s educational success. What was that challenge and
how did you experience it?
• IQ2: What strategies and best practices did you employ, or what resources did you
seek to overcome this particular challenge?
• IQ3: What other similar challenges have you experienced in support of your
children’s education?
• IQ4: What strategies or best practices did you employ or resources did you seek to
overcome these challenges?
• IQ5: Are you personally aware of similar challenges that other immigrant mothers
may have faced?
• IQ6: Are you personally aware of strategies or best practices employed or resources
sought by these immigrant mothers?
• IQ7: What was your ultimate goal in supporting your children’s academic success in
the United States?
• IQ8: How do you know whether you are successfully moving toward that goal?
• IQ9: What does it mean/look like to successfully support your children?
• IQ10: What advice or recommendations do you have for those similar to better
support their children’s academic success?
• IQ11: If you could, what is the one thing you would do differently, to better support
your children’s academic success in the United States?
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• IQ12: Was it all worth it, so far? How?
Participants responded to the IQs by sharing their experiences on being an immigrant
mother in the United States supporting their children academically. To facilitate the data analysis
process and to ensure accuracy in the data collected, each interview was recorded and employed
a conversational approach.
Participants
For this qualitative research study, purpose sampling was used to gather the final group
of immigrant mothers who participated in the study. Initially, a purposeful sample of 19
participants was initially gathered from the immigrant mothers who self-identified as meeting the
criteria for inclusion. The goal was to interview 15 participants for this study. All immigrant
mothers were born in a Latin American country and had at least one child attending the school
where the research took place. Additionally, six (40%) of the participants had a child who
qualified for special education services, two (13%) had younger children (0–10 years of age), 12
(80%) had older children (14–21+ year of age), and three (20%) migrated to the United States
with a college degree.
Data Collection
IRB approval was received on February 1, 2024, recruitment began on February 2, 2024,
and data collection began on February 15, 2024. The Recruitment Script (see Appendix B) was
posted in English and Spanish on the school’s parent communication platform, ParentSquare.
Initially, four immigrant mothers shared their interest in the study by e-mailing the researcher
following the instructions found in the Recruitment Script. Having immigrant mothers self-
identify and follow the procedure to demonstrate interest in the study was more challenging than
anticipated. It took approximately 2 weeks from the initial recruitment script message to the first
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interview. The message was sent out four different times via ParentSquare over a period of 1
month; participants slowly contacted the researcher until a total of 19 participants shared their
interest. Sixteen participants agreed to the interview, but one did not show up to the scheduled
interview, and two did not respond to the e-mail that followed the initial interest e-mail.
A total of 15 participants agreed to the interview and signed the IRB approved inform
consent via e-mail or in person at the school site. All interviews took place at the school site, and
all interviewees were interviewed in Spanish. Participants were provided with a copy of the
informed consent and details relating to the purpose of the study, data confidentiality, and ability
to opt out were explained. Participants were also reminded about the opportunity to ask questions
about the study, and they gave permission to audio record the interview. Each interview was
intended to last approximately 60 minutes; however, interviews ranged from 23–90 minutes,
with an average of 40 minutes. The semi-structured interviews were conversational in nature
with researcher responses limited to acknowledging gestures and responses and follow up
questions to gain clarification from the interviewee. Table 4 displays the date each participant
was interviewed.
Table 4 D o the Part Int
Dates of the Participant Interviews
Participant
Date of Interview
1
2/15/24
2
2/15/24
3
2/16/24
4
2/16/24
5
2/16/24
6
2/21/24
7
2/22/24
8
2/22/24
9
2/26/24
10
2/26/24
11
2/27/24
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Participant
Date of Interview
12
2/28/24
13
2/29/24
14
3/5/24
15
3/6/24
Data Analysis
As part of the data analysis process, the researcher engaged in bracketing by journaling
before and after each interview and by writing down biases and thoughts about immigrant
mothers and the strategies they use to support their children academically. This process helped
the researcher focus solely on the data provided by participants during their interview while
engaging in the data analysis process. Participants’ responses were analyzed using coding
techniques of qualitative research.
All interviews were recorded using a hand-held device, and notes were taken during
every interview. The recordings from each interview were transcribed and key words, phrases,
and quotes were identified in Spanish. This data was used to pinpoint patterns found across the
different interviews which were then used to identify codes. Color coding was used to organize
all codes into an Excel spreadsheet to further identify themes in the data. The entire data analysis
process was conducted in Spanish to maintain the essence of the participants' testimonios.
Translating data to English was the last step conducted in order to write the narrative of the
study. Every effort was made to capture and maintain the essence of the participants' experience
by translating the narrative within the context of their testimonio when synonyms were not
clearly found or do not exist.
Interrater Review Process
The researcher used an interrater review to ensure coding and validity. The review panel
consisted of three doctoral candidates. The three candidates were part of the Graduate School of
Education and Psychology at Pepperdine University, one in each of the following doctoral
113
programs: Educational Leadership, Administration and Policy; Organizational Leadership; and
Learning Technologies. All three doctoral candidates were familiar with qualitative research and
data analysis. They were all biliterate in Spanish and had the ability to complete the interrater
review process in Spanish.
Once the researcher completed the first three interviews and the process of transcribing
and coding each of the interviews, the Excel spreadsheet with all the corresponding data was
shared with the peer-review panel via Google Docs. Each of the doctoral candidates provided
comments on the codes sheet after reviewing the information independently. The feedback was
considered, and the researcher engaged in dialogue with the peer-review panel and used the
feedback to modify codes accordingly. Once the remaining 12 interviews were completed,
transcribed, and coded, the results were once again shared with the peer reviewers and discussed
until a consensus was reached. The peer-review panel made suggestions as described in the next
sections.
Data Display
The coded data were organized by RQs and the corresponding IQs to identify the themes
revealed by the code words. The themes were depicted visually using frequency bar charts. The
frequency in the bar charts and tables was organized in descending order. Each visual included a
description of each of the themes and included participants' quotes gathered from the interview
transcriptions. All participants are referred to as Participant 1, 2, 3 etc. to protect their
anonymity.
Research Question 1
RQ1: What challenges do immigrant mothers face in supporting their children’s
academic success? To answer this RQ, participants were asked to answer the following IQs:
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• Icebreaker: Tell me how your experience as an immigrant has impacted your
motherhood journey?
• Follow-up: During which age range did you migrate to the United States? (0–12),
(13–21), (21+)
• IQ1: As an immigrant mother, think of the single most difficult challenge you have
faced in support of your children’s educational success.
o What was that challenge?
o How did you experience it?
• IQ3: What other similar challenges have you experienced in support of your
children’s education?
• IQ5: Are you personally aware of similar challenges that other immigrant mothers
may have faced?
Common sentiments and ideas among the participants’ responses were grouped and identified as
themes to respond to RQ1.
Icebreaker
The ice-breaker question was, Tell me how your experience as an immigrant has
impacted your motherhood journey? The answers to this question provided insight on the
participants’ journeys and yielded 15 responses that were grouped into five themes: (a) daily
living challenges, (b) language barrier, (c) family left behind, (d) repercussions of having an
unauthorized status, and (e) limited opportunities for progress (see Figure 1).
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Figure 1
Ice Breaker Coding Results
Daily Living Challenges. Daily living challenges is the theme that emerged with the
highest frequency as it relates to the participants’ immigration journey and the challenges
they faced upon arrival. Phrases and key words correlating with daily living challenges were
shared in 13 (86 %) of the 15 participant responses relating to their daily struggles. Examples
of these challenges were driving, communicating, going out, transportation, and being in an
unknown place. These daily living challenges often cause immigrant women to live in fear of
being deported and separated from their children (Abrego & Menjívar, 2011; López & Crea,
2021; Paris, 2008). For example, Participant 9 shared
There came a moment in my life that scared me, and I wanted to be hidden, I didn't
want to drive, I didn't want to go out, I was afraid the police would stop me. I was
13
11
6
5 5
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
Daily living
challenges
Language barrier Family left behind Repercussions of an
unathorized status
Limited
opportunities for
progress
Count
Themes
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
116
scared that if something happened, I would not be able to help my children because of
my situation.
Language Barriers. Participants expressed that language barriers greatly impacted
their motherhood journey. Of the 15 participants, 11 (73%) shared their experiences with
language barriers. The limited English proficiency can make it challenging for immigrant
mothers to navigate daily tasks and fully engage in social interactions (Ayón & Becerra,
2013; Ayón & García, 2019). Examples of these interactions were finding a job, shopping,
attending doctor visits, and helping children with homework. Participant 1 said
When I arrived, it was difficult for me because of the language, and because I arrived
in a city that I didn't know. I was pregnant and I had to find someone to help me find
a clinic and everything.
Similarly, Participant 15 stated
At first, the barrier was the language, when you go to the doctor and the pregnancy
check-ups begin, sometimes you get doctors who do not speak Spanish, and
sometimes there are translators, but it is a little complicated because what you feel
cannot be translated.
Family Left Behind. Leaving family behind was addressed by seven (46%) of the 15
participants. Those who mentioned phrases referencing the family they left in their country of
origin provided different and contrasting viewpoints. An example of a positive perspective to
leaving family behind was shared by Participant 8 who stated, “It was good to come because
that way I could help my family too, my grandmother, when she was alive, I helped her a lot,
also my aunts, when we can, we do it.” On the other hand, Participant 10 shared a more
challenging aspect of leaving family behind: “For me, the hardest thing was leaving my
117
family. Here, I only had my husband, I don't have family here. Every day I cried; it was very
hard to leave because I had never been separated from my family.” For new immigrant
mothers, the disconnect and loneliness experienced during this time in their lives can disrupt
the assimilation process (Falicov, 2000; Paris, 2008).
Repercussions of an Unauthorized Status. From the immigrant mothers who
participated in the study, five (33%) of the 15 participants shared how they experienced the
repercussions of an unauthorized status. Participants' legal status determines their ability to
work and if unauthorized, limits their family’s services such as health care and education
(Barajas-Gonzalez et al., 2021; Hamilton et al., 2021; Letiecq et al., 2022). Participant 3
expressed, “It was very difficult at first, coming as an immigrant, knowing another language,
not having a good job because I didn't have papers, now even helping my children is very
complicated, and as they grow older, it gets harder.” Other phrases that addressed the
repercussions of an unauthorized status were “not having papers affects the entire family”
(Participant 12) and “pay is worse when you do not have papers” (Participant 9).
Limited Opportunities for Progress. Migrating to the United States in many
instances is accompanied with limited opportunities for progress. Sentiments relating to
limited opportunities for growth were shared by five (33%) of the 15 participants. Participant
6 shared, “When you come as an immigrant, you don't have opportunities, you practically
have everything against you, because you don't have the language, you don't have papers,
you don't have anything to start with.” This example illustrates temporary resettlement
trauma that can arise from the inability to access assistance or communicate effectively (R.
Phipps et al., 2022; Sangalang et al., 2018). Temporary resettlement trauma can evolve into
long-term settlement trauma, which refers to the ongoing challenges immigrants face in
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obtaining and maintaining fundamental human necessities (Perez-Foster, 2001; R. Phipps et
al., 2022).
The Follow-Up
The follow-up question was, During which age range did you migrate to the United
States? (0–12), (13–21), (21+). All participants responded to the follow-up question. Six
(13%) of the 15 participants migrated between ages 0–12, seven (46%) migrated between the
ages 13–21, and six (40%) migrated as adults older than 21 years of age (see Figure 2). The
various developmental stages in which immigrant parents experience migration is the
foundation for their adaptation process (Conde-Agudelo et al., 2005; Loi et al., 2021). The
participants’ ages at the time of arrival correlates with educational attainment; migrating at a
later time decreases the likelihood of academic success (Allensworth, 1997; Chiswick &
DebBurman, 2004; Hirschman, 2001; Landale et al., 1998).
Figure 2
Follow-Up Results- Age Range at Time of Migration
47%
40%
13%
n = 15 (Single response per interviewee)
Age Range (13-21) Age Range (21+) Age Range (0-12)
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Interview Question 1
IQ1: As an immigrant mother, think of the single most difficult challenge you have faced
in support of your children’s educational success. What was that challenge and how did you
experience it? This question gave participants the opportunity to share their experience with the
most difficult challenge in supporting their children in their academic success. From the 15
responses provided, the following three themes emerged: (a) language, (b) unauthorized status,
and (c) child with special needs (see Figure 3).
Figure 3
Interview Question 1 Coding Results
Language. In supporting their children's academic success, language was the most
challenging aspect for the participants. Of the 15 responses obtained, seven (47%) of the
participants provided key words and phrases addressing language as the single most difficult
7
5
3
0
2
4
6
8
Language Unauthorized Status Child with Special Needs
Count
Themes
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
120
challenge. Pong and Landale (2012) stated that immigrant parents’ language proficiency is
crucial to their children’s academic performance; thus, the sentiments shared by the participants
explain their concern with this matter. For example, Participant 12 expressed that “my biggest
challenge was the language, and everything that comes with not knowing how to express myself
or being able to help my own children.” In addition, Participant 2 stated, “The biggest challenge
in supporting my children was language, because it means teaching my children a language that I
don't know.”
Unauthorized Status. Upon arrival, immigrants' ability to work and eligibility for
specific government programs and services such as education are limited due to their
unauthorized status (Barajas-Gonzalez et al., 2021; Gonzalez‐Gorman, 2021; Letiecq et al.,
2022). In answering IQ1, five (33%) participants shared that having an unauthorized status is the
biggest challenge they have encountered in supporting their children’s academic success.
Participant 13 articulated, “I couldn't be an example for my children because I don't have papers,
so I tell them to go to college, which is important and everything, but I can't be an example for
them.” Likewise, Participant 15 shared
Not having papers doesn’t help me for work, I would like to give my children a better life
and I can't because my job is very difficult and it is frustrating not being able to even
have a work permit to give them something better, and maybe even something better for
myself.
Furthermore, the limitations that come with being unauthorized can cause immigrant mothers to
feel guilty and inadequate as they struggle to find balance between their new roles as parents and
providers (León-Pérez et al., 2021; Nomaguchi & Johnson, 2016).
121
Child With Special Needs. For three (20%) of the 15 participants, having a child with
special needs was the main challenge they faced when supporting their child’s academic success.
Participant 7 stated
You don't expect to be the mother of a child with special needs, you don't expect that
news, I didn't know how to teach him, and I had to learn, and that took me about three
years of classes, meetings, therapies.
Vandergrift and Green (1992) posited that being an involved parent when having a child with
special needs goes beyond the purposeful participation and conversations with teachers; it
requires education on the child’s rights and time to participate in meetings about the child’s
educational plan.
Interview Question 3
IQ3: What other similar challenges have you experienced in support of your children’s
education? Participants had the opportunity to share other challenges they had experienced in
supporting their children’s education. The following five themes emerged from the participants’
responses: (a) child with special needs, (b) language, (c) lack of understanding the education
system, (d) repercussions of an unauthorized status, and (e) technology (see Figure 4).
Figure 4
Interview Question 3 Coding Results
765 5
3
0
2
4
6
8
Child with Special
Needs
Language Lack of
Understanding the
Educational System
Repercusion of an
Unauthorized Status
Technology
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
122
Child With Special Needs. Having a child with special needs was the theme identified
with the highest frequency as one of the other challenges encountered by seven (47%) of the 15
participants in the study. Due to the extraneous challenges that immigrant mothers face,
oftentimes causing system avoidance can create greater difficulties in assisting their children
when they qualify for special education services, as avoiding inquiring about services can result
in children not having their needs met (Brayne, 2014; León-Pérez et al., 2021). For example,
Participant 12 shared, “In my case, since my son has an IEP, I wonder how that is going to affect
my son's academic development, and I wonder what I am doing right and what I am doing
wrong.” Likewise, Participant 13 stated, “My son has autism, and it was difficult for me in the
sense that as a Hispanic you don't know the rules and they never helped him until he was in fifth
grade.”
Language. Language, along with culture and social norms, is a stress factor that makes
acculturation more difficult for immigrants as they navigate their new environment, often
making them feel overwhelmed and isolated (Calderon-Berumen, 2020; Lozano et al., 2022; L.
Torres et al., 2012). Six (40%) of the 15 immigrant mothers shared that language was a challenge
that they encountered when supporting their children academically. Participant 12 expressed the
following in regard to how she experienced a challenge with language: “Since one does not
know the language, one does not know where or who to turn to or who to ask for help, and we
are also afraid that we will have a problem.”
Lack of Understanding of the Educational System. Five (33%) of the 15 participants
shared that the education system in the United States is very different from the one in their home
country. Nyemba and Chitiyo (2017) posited that immigrant mothers are unfamiliar with the
education system in the United States, which focuses on moving students to the next grade rather
123
than demonstrating their mastery. Participant 14 shared that “here, the education is totally
different from what I was given in my country both at school and at home.”
Repercussion of an Unauthorized Status. The participants in this study shared that
being unauthorized not only affects them but their children as well. Five (33%) of the 15
participants shared about the repercussion of an unauthorized status in their experiences. In her
experience, Participant 15 expressed the repercussion of an unauthorized status as it affected “my
sons transition from high school to university, the need for a social security, it affects my son
greatly that I do not have social security, it takes away many opportunities.”
Technology. For some immigrant mothers, technology is both a challenge and a tool they
have access to and can use to manage difficult situations, such as assisting their children with
their homework, as it allows them to ease the stress by seeking support (L. Torres et al., 2012;
Wolfers, 2021). Of the 15 participants, three (20%) shared that through technology, they have
been able to address the language barrier. For example, Participant 3 shared, “I use my translator
to help my son. I put things in Spanish, and it translates them into English. I research what I don't
know or don't understand.”
Interview Question 5
IQ5: Are you personally aware of similar challenges that other immigrant mothers may
have faced? Participants shared their knowledge of challenges other immigrant mothers have
faced. Their responses yielded the following five themes: (a) language, (b) work schedule, (c)
unauthorized status, (d) children with special needs, and (e) support systems (see Figure 5).
124
Figure 5
Interview Question 5 Coding Results
Language. In sharing what they know about the challenges that other immigrant mothers
face in supporting their children academically, nine (60%) of the 15 participants shared that
language was the challenge that other mothers endured. For instance, Participant 13 stated
“Other immigrant mothers have the language challenge; they struggle with homework because
they don't understand it and then they can't help their children.” Immigrant mothers’ language
challenge is crucial as it can affect their children’s academic performance because they are less
likely to use strategies that support their children’s academic achievement (Pong & Landale,
2012).
Work Schedule. Immigrant mothers who work often face the challenge of fulfilling their
caregiving responsibilities and providing time to their families due to their unstable work hours
(León-Pérez et al., 2021; Prickett, 2018). Of the 15 participants, six (40%) shared they knew
other immigrant mothers who struggled with their work schedule and the time they were able to
dedicate to their children. For example, Participant 10 shared
9
6
5 5
4
0
2
4
6
8
10
Langugae Work Schedule Unathorized Status Children with
Special Needs
Support System
Count
Themes
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
125
I know friends who get up at 5 in the morning, take their children out to the women who
drop them off at school, then go to work, they don't get to take them to school, and when
they arrive at night, they come to eat, to wash, and prepare for other days, it is difficult.
Unauthorized Status. Six (40%) of the 15 participants explained how an unauthorized
status was also a factor that affected other immigrant mothers when supporting their children.
Having an unauthorized status fosters fear in immigrant mothers of being separated from their
children (Abrego & Menjívar, 2011; López & Crea, 2021). Participant 6 shared
Maybe we are so worried, so stressed because one lives from day to day, and when they
say, there are going to be raids at the companies, and you are going to work like this,
people are more worried about how to get out of the day, if I am going to arrive or not,
and they think, I don’t have papers, they're not going to help me, they're going to take my
children away from me, or things like that.
Children with Special Needs. Having a child with special needs was reported by five
(33%) of the 15 participants as being a challenge other immigrant mothers faced. In sharing her
experience, Participant 6 stated that in a conversation with another immigrant mother, “I told her
about the resources of the regional center. She told me, ‘I don't have papers, as immigrants we
can't,’ and I told her, ‘But your daughter was born here, and she has rights, and you can ask.’”
The fear that immigrant parents have due to their unauthorized status and the fact that they are
not eligible to receive services relating to health insurance can affect the services their children
receive, even though they may qualify for them because they are citizens (Sidhu & Song, 2019).
Support System. Immigrant mothers often face challenges that are informed by their
circumstances, such as home environment, socioeconomic status, and levels of support (Cardoso
et al., 2018; López & Crea, 2021). Four (27%) of the 15 participants shared that the lack of a
126
support system often creates a barrier when taking care of their children. Participant 15 stated for
her and other immigrant mothers
The challenge is not having family nearby, no support to be able to leave our children to
go to work, it’s very complicated, it is difficult because sometimes you don't know how
they are going to take care of our children.
Summary of RQ1
The purpose of RQ1 was to identify the challenges that immigrant mothers face in
supporting their children’s academic success. In analyzing key phrases and terms found in
participants’ responses to the ice-breaker question and three IQs, 10 themes emerged as
challenges faced by immigrant mothers: (a) language, (b) children with special needs, (c) support
systems, (d) unauthorized status, (e) work schedules, (f) lack of understanding of the educational
system, (g) technology, (h) daily living challenges, (i) family left behind, and (j) limited
opportunities for progress.
Research Question 2
RQ2: What strategies and best practices do immigrant mothers employ to support their
children's academic success? To answer this RQ, participants were asked to answer the following
three questions:
• IQ2: What strategies and best practices did you employ or what resources did you
seek to overcome this particular challenge?
• IQ4: What strategies or best practices did you employ or resources did you seek to
overcome these challenges?
• IQ6: Are you personally aware of strategies or best practices employed or resources
sought by these immigrant mothers?
127
Interview Question 2
IQ2: What strategies and best practices did you employ, or what resources did you seek
to overcome this particular challenge? Participants shared the strategies, best practices, and
resources they used to help them with the primary challenge they faced in supporting their
children’s education. The key words and phrases in their responses yielded the following four
themes: (a) resources offered by schools, (b) education, (c) technology, and (d) support system
(see Figure 6).
Figure 6
Interview Question 2 Coding Results
Resources Offered by School. Among families of diverse backgrounds, academic
achievement and children’s motivation are directly correlated with parent involvement
(Gonzalez-DeHass et al., 2005; Grolnick, 2014; Jeynes, 2007). For immigrant families, the way
to become involved is via the resources offered by schools. Of the 15 immigrant mothers, 13
(87%) shared their appreciation for the resources offered by schools. Participant 5 said, “I took
advantage of the school classes, and the courses that were within my reach, because sometimes
13
8
6
4
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
Resources offered by
school
Education Technology Support System
Count
Themes
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
128
one makes excuses, like the food, the house, and I became a volunteer mother and took
advantage of the resources.”
Education. In sharing the resources or best practices used to overcome challenges in
supporting their children’s academic success, eight (53%) of the 15 participants shared key
words or phrases that emphasized the theme of education. For example, Participant 2 shared,
“Primarily, I went to school to learn the language. Second, I also went back to school to be a
volunteer mother. I learned how the school works here to help my children in that way.”
Immigrant mothers demonstrate desire to learn and are more attentive towards their children’s
academic success and thus engage in educational activities consequently impacting their child’s
academic outcome in a positive way. Research has indicated that generally mothers exhibit a
higher level of attentiveness toward the academic performance of adolescents and increased
engagement in educational activities (Coyl-Shepherd & Newland, 2013; Dávila et al., 2021;
Lansdsford et al., 2018)
Technology. Six (40%) of the 15 mothers shared that technology is a resource that assists
them in managing the challenges they face when supporting their children academically.
Participant 3 shared, “Well, I go to classes, research and when I don't understand, I look it up on
the internet to learn.” Similarly, Participant 12 expressed, “Technology has helped us a lot.”
Technology has been a well-received resource by parents as it supports their parenting practices
via parenting websites and social media among other resources (Baker et al., 2017).
Support System. Upon their arrival, immigrant mothers seek social support as they
embark in the new stage of their lives and begin to learn the language, find employment, and
develop mothering skills to support their children academically (Zhu, 2020). In sharing their
strategies and best practices to support their children’s academic success, four (27%) of the 15
129
participants shared key words and phrases that identify seeking support systems as one of their
strategies. Participant 11 shared, “I looked for help, I went to workshops, I talked to older people
I knew, and I asked them how I could do things, and they guided me, I knocked on many doors.”
Interview Question 4
IQ4: What strategies or best practices did you employ, or resources did you seek to
overcome these challenges? Participants shared the best practices and strategies they employed
to assist them in overcoming the challenges they faced when supporting their children’s
education. From the 15 responses, the following three themes emerged: (a) available resources,
(b) support system, and (c) technology (see Figure 7).
Figure 7
Interview Question 4 Coding Results
Available Resources. As it relates to overcoming challenges that arose when supporting
their children academically, 14 (93%) of the 15 participants shared experiences with using
available resources as a support. When parents get involved and use available school and
community resources, students perform better academically and behaviorally (Nyemba &
14
8
5
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
Availbale Resources Support System Technology
Count
Themes
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
130
Chitiyo, 2017; Price, 2002). Participant 6 expressed, “I got involved, I learned, I went to all the
courses they gave us, the classes they shared, I started when my second child was in preschool.”
Support System. As immigrant mothers face stressful situations, having a support
system can have a positive impact in their lives (Taylor et al., 2015). Looking for and finding
social support was part of the experience participants shared as a best practice to overcome the
challenges they faced. Of the 15 participants, eight (53%) expressed different ways in which they
seek a support system. For example, Participant 10 shared, “At that time we went to church
together, and the pastor of the church is a literature teacher and psychologist, so I asked him for
advice.”
Technology. For immigrant mothers, the use of technology can create mixed feelings as
they try to support their children academically. When they use technology to support their
efforts, it decreases the stress and guilt they may feel when struggling to adequately support their
children (L. Torres et al., 2012). Five (33%) of the 15 participants shared their relationship with
technology as a best practice in supporting their children. Participant 14 stated, “I had to adapt
and understand the internet, and I used it to help me find information for my children, look for
good schools, and help them with their homework.”
Interview Question 6
IQ6: Are you personally aware of strategies or best practices employed or resources
sought by these immigrant mothers? The following three themes emerged from the participants
responses relating to the strategies, best practices, and resources other immigrant mothers use to
aid in the challenges they faced when assisting their children academically: (a) support system,
(b) resources offered by schools, and (c) technology (see Figure 8).
131
Figure 8
Interview Question 6 Coding Results
Support System. When asked about best practices or strategies other immigrant mothers
used to support their children, eight (53%) of the 15 participants alluded to the importance of
supporting each other in the process. Being part of the same neighborhood creates a support
system outside of their families that impacts mothers and their children as they form connections
with other parents and people from the community (Parcel & Bixby, 2015). For example,
Participant 2 said, “I think that all mothers take advice from other mothers, from what has
worked for them.” Similarly, Participant 9 shared, “At the beginning of the school year, we got
together and recycled uniforms, bought notebooks and pencils to help other mothers who did not
have the possibility of buying supplies for their children."
Resources Offered by School. One of the strategies used by other immigrant mothers to
support their children is resources offered by schools. Six (40%) of the 15 participants stated that
the resources offered by schools have assisted other immigrant mothers they know in supporting
their children. In many instances, the resources offered by schools are preventive measures to
help parents assist students. These resources can aid immigrant families in enhancing protective
factors to address the daily experiences and circumstances that inform their parenting practices
0
2
4
6
8
10
Support System Resources Offered by Schools Technology
Count
Themes
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
132
(Fuentes‐Balderrama et al., 2022; Marsiglia et al., 2018). Participant 12 shared, “At school, a lot
of help is given, such as to help children with their homework, how to review their grades, how
to access the Internet and find out many things.” Likewise, Participant 3 stated, “In our children's
school there are programs that encourage us or give us resources and tell us to go to that place to
receive help.”
Technology. Four (27%) of the 15 participants shared that technology was a strategy
used by other immigrant mothers to support their children. McDaniel (2020) posited that
technology can provide an efficient and accessible platform to guide parents through challenges
brought on by parenthood. Participant 14 shared that “some mothers have been helped with
online classes, it is a great option because many are at home and can study anywhere.” Similarly,
Participant 13 said that “Even if they don't speak English well, or don't understand it well,
sometimes they use their phone to translate.”
Summary of RQ2
The purpose of RQ2 was to learn about the strategies and best practices immigrant
mothers employ or the resources they seek to overcome challenges in supporting their children’s
academic success. Three IQs were asked, and the analysis conducted revealed five themes: (a)
resources offered by schools, (b) available resources, (c) education, (d) support system, and (e)
technology.
Research Question 3
RQ3: How do immigrant mothers measure their success in supporting their children?
Participants shared their experiences by answering the following IQs:
• IQ7: What was your ultimate goal in supporting your children’s academic success in
the United States?
133
• IQ8: How do you know whether you are successfully moving toward that goal?
• IQ9: What does it mean/look like to successfully support your children?
• IQ12: Was it all worth it, so far? How?
Interview Question 7
IQ7: What was your ultimate goal in supporting your children’s academic success in the
United States? Participants had the opportunity to reveal other challenges they had experienced
in supporting their children’s education. The following four themes emerged from the
participants responses: (a) education, (b) have own goals, (c) better opportunities, and (d) self-
sufficient (see Figure 9).
Figure 9
Interview Question 7 Coding Results
Education. As immigrant mothers support their children academically, they become
involved with their education because they believe that it is their responsibility to ensure their
children receive a quality education (Bruhn, 2022; Oliveira, 2019). Fourteen (93%) of the 15
participants believed that their ultimate goal was for their children to have the opportunity to get
a good education. Participant 9 said the following about her daughter
14
12
9
7
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
Education Have own goals Better oportunites than
me
Self-sufficient
Count
Themes
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
134
I want her to be a professional, and to be able to excel and do things, not only facilitate
her job, but her economy and an education. She has the same opportunities that I had but
I couldn't get them, so I want to make things easier for her and I ask that she be a person
who finds fulfillment in her studies.
Similarly, Participant 6 expressed
I have always told them, don't end up like me. I took them to work, cleaning houses, and
they would tell me, “Oh mommy,” and I told them, “You don’t want this?” then study.
“Do you want to end up like this?” then study.
Have Own Goals. Raising children to have their own goals was one of the ultimate goals
for 12 (80%) of the 15 participants. In raising their children, immigrant mothers engage in
parenting that guides children with affection, assistance and structure. These parenting actions
are intentionally used in efforts to influence their children’s growth and favorable behavior,
ultimately impacting the child’s skills, motivation, and tendencies that allows them to
successfully function in various contexts in society (Campione-Barr & Smetana, 2019; Dávila et
al., 2021; Smetana, 2017). Participant 14 stated
First of all, they must want to set their own goals because if one sets a goal for them, it is
not enough, they have to have their own goals. I tell my son ‘you have to keep in mind
what you really want, my goal is for you to become a university student, to have a good
life, because we are having a difficult time because we didn’t study, I want you to have a
career that you like more than anything, something that you are passionate about, not
something that is imposed on you, my goal is to support you.
Better Opportunities. The decision to migrate to the United States for many parents can
be seen as an act to provide their children with better opportunities, both economic and
135
educational (Ayón & García, 2019; Perreira et al., 2006; Yrigollen-Robbins, 2022). Nine (60%)
of the 15 participants expressed their desire for their children to have better opportunities. For
example, Participant 10 told her son, “You were born in this country, and this country helps
young people a lot, and they have many opportunities, take advantage of it, because I am here to
support you.” Participant 11 said, “I would like my son to be what I cannot be, there are so many
opportunities, since they were born here, I think that it is not as difficult for them as it is for us.”
Self-Sufficient. As immigrant mothers raise their children, they foster values such as
resilience and empathy in their children because they know these qualities contribute to their
children's long-term success in life beyond the classroom (Calderon-Berumen, 2020). Of the 15
participants, seven (47%) of them spoke about their goal to have their children exhibit qualities
and values that help their children become self-sufficient. Participant 7 stated
My goal was for my children to be responsible, to be educated and respectful, to feel
appreciation for this country, to go to a university, to fulfill their dreams, their goals, that
the opportunities are there but sometimes they have to look for them and find them, and
don't give up.
Similarly, Participant 2 said
The ultimate goal for me is that my children are professional people, that when I am no
longer with them, that they know how to defend themselves from the world, that they are
happy, that they do not need anything, that they do not need me.
Interview Question 8
IQ8: How do you know whether you are successfully moving toward that goal? The
responses to these questions reflected the participants’ perspectives on how they know whether
136
they are moving towards that goal. The 15 participant responses were grouped into three themes:
(a) educational options, (b) self-sufficient, and (c) support system (see Figure 10).
Figure 10
Interview Question 8 Coding Results
Educational Options. Many immigrants migrate in search of better economic
possibilities for themselves, and thus, in turn, are able to provide a more prosperous life for their
children (Batalova, 2022; Heyman et al., 2018). Of the 15 participants, 13 (87%) shared goals
related to providing their children better educational options. For example, Participant 1 stated,
“I think that if they continue on this path, they will graduate, at least from the university, at least
I know that they will have a career and have a better job.”
Self-Sufficient. Parents who provide opportunities for their children to express the
reasoning behind choice of activities, acknowledge emotions related to these activities, minimize
controlling behaviors, and grant them the freedom to decide whether to participate in activities
create an environment conducive to the development of autonomy in adolescents (Dávila et al.,
2021; Ryan et al., 2015; Soenens et al., 2017). For eight (53%) of the 15 participants, seeing their
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
Use resources Prioritize your
children
Perseviere Motivate your
children
Personal
Wellbeing
Count
Themes
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
137
own children become self-sufficient lets them know that they are on the right path to meeting
their ultimate goal. Participant 10 said the following about her son
When I see that he arrives alone and does his homework and tells me that he is done and
understands, I look at his self-confidence, and I am happy to see that he is interested in
doing his work and having good grades.
Support System. When integrating into a new society, immigrant mothers often
intervene and prevent their children from committing similar mistakes as their own or giving up
on their goals. These protective factors can significantly impact immigrant families in addressing
their experiences, daily stressors, and various circumstances that inform their parenting decisions
and practices (Fuentes‐Balderrama et al., 2022; Marsiglia et al., 2018). Thus, immigrant mothers
understand the importance of being their children’s support system and helping them meet their
goals. Six (40%) of the 15 participants indicated that they support their children through
encouragement. For example, Participant 14 said
My children continue to move forward, although there have been ups and downs, I think
there is a stage in which we feel that I don't think we will reach the goal, but we always
have to support them even though sometimes we feel that they no longer want to continue
studying, you have to encourage them. I feel like that has worked for me.
Interview Question 9
IQ9: What does it mean/look like to successfully support your children? Participants
offered their perspectives about what it means to successfully support their children. Four themes
emerged from participants' responses: (a) be involved in school, (b) help children achieve, (c)
guide them to be good people, and (d) provide what they need (see Figure 11).
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Figure 11
Interview Question 9 Coding Results
Be Involved in School. Ten (67%) participants shared that per their experience, being
involved in school was part of how they supported their children’s academic success. For
example, Participant 9 expressed
Here at this school, they are allowing me to come in, to speak, and that is why I have
followed everything they say, I try to attend and take the opportunities, and it helps me
help my daughter academically and my daughter is doing well.
When parents are involved in their children's lives and in school they perform better and have
fewer behavioral problems (V. G. Morris & Taylor, 1998; Nyemba & Chitiyo, 2017; Price,
2002). Similarly, Participant 14 said
Primarily, being present in their lives, in schools, in everything they do, because they will
know that they have someone who truly supports them in any situation, that is why it has
been very important to be in the meetings and in what they do.
10
7
6
4
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
Be involved in school Help children achieve Guide them to be good
people
Provide what they need
Count
Themes
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
139
Help Children Achieve. In the Latin American culture, the foundation to all learning is
education, which encompasses academics as well as the ability to excel in other spaces where
respect for dignity and individuality is valued and promoted. It includes characteristics such as
good manners, discipline, and respect (Durand & Perez, 2013; Goldsmith & Kurpius, 2017;
Valenzuela, 2010). Seven (47%) of the 15 participants shared that instilling a good educación
can help their children achieve. Participant 12 stated, “More than anything, I keep pushing them,
they are very good children and are on the right path, telling them that they have to go to school,
and I look at them making their goals, their own goals.” Participant 7 expressed
Supporting them is the most important thing. because who are you without the study?
You are a person but you are incomplete, and when you study, you have more doors
open, you feel fulfilled inside, your self-esteem grows, when you achieve a goal, your
interior rises, because you know that you fulfilled the desire in your heart, of your
childhood, of your adolescence, of your youth, it is something that is a priority, that may
not be easy but you do not hesitate to give up.
Guide Them to be Good People. As it relates to what it looks like to successfully
support their children, six (40%) of the 15 participants shared they know they have guided them
to be good people. In immigrant communities, the concept of education goes beyond academics;
it includes instilling moral, social, and personal responsibility in children (Auerbach, 2007;
Durand & Perez, 2013). Participant 10 stated
I feel that they have to learn that there is nothing wrong with a fall, or a bad day, or a
mistake, it makes them learn and value life more.” Similarly, Participant 6 shares, “I do
everything I have to do to make them good people, good students, respectful, because
that helps them a lot.
140
Provide What They Need. To assist adolescents in their development, both adults and
adolescents have responsibilities that can cause conflict; however, parents are expected to
provide a nourishing environment and foster maturing opportunities, and adolescents are
expected to take advantage of such opportunities by being open to the experiences (Kokkinos &
Vlavianou, 2019; Quiñones-Mayo & Dempsey, 2005; Roeser et al., 2000). In discussing what
supporting their children looks like, four (27%) of the 15 participants used key words and
phrases for the theme of provide what they need. Participant 9 stated
For me, whatever she needs for school, an eraser, a pencil, help with homework. I try not
to let her get frustrated, I try to pay attention to her uniform, in everything the school asks
for, I try to participate so that she feels supported and knows that school is important.
Similarly, Participant 6 stated
I am always trying to get them to eat breakfast, and do everything possible to help them,
if they are in exams, that they are not stressed, or I do not ask them to do other things
when they are stressed with exams, I try to help them as much as I can.
Interview Question 12
IQ12: Was it all worth it, so far? How? In answering this question, the participants
discussed whether and how supporting their children academically was worth it. Their responses
yielded the following four themes: (a) opportunity for a better future, (b) have overcome
challenges, (c) personal growth, and (d) they are good people (see Figure 12).
141
Figure 12
Interview Question 12 Coding Results
Opportunity for a Better Future. When the participants were asked if their journey in
supporting their children academically had been worth it so far, 14 (93%) of the 15 participants
agreed that it had been worth it because their children now have an opportunity for a better
future. Immigrant families often have high aspirations for their children's academic success and
are willing to sacrifice to ensure better opportunities (Bruhn, 2022; Cuevas, 2019; MacKinnon et
al., 2022; Randles, 2021). Participant 14 expressed
The sacrifice that we make as parents has been worth it because we know that one day we
will see the fruit and that is what drives us to move forward. I feel that everything we do
is not done in vain, the words that we leave in their hearts, they are not in vain, and I
know that one day, whether I am with them or not, they will remember those words of
impulse and that knowledge that we give them, they will remember them and they will be
successful.
14
6
4 4
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
Oportunity for a Better
Future
Have Overcome
Challenges
Personal Growth They are good people
Count
Themes
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
142
Similarly, Participant 1 said, “Yes, it was worth all the sacrifices, because there are better
opportunities here, educationally speaking, than in my country.” Participant 15 stated
Yes it was worth it because here, life is much better than over there, maybe here we are
poor or middle class, but we live better than we would have lived there, apart from that,
the education, at least here my children speak two languages, and they learned both for
free, but I wouldn't have had the means to pay for them to learn English, and here you
have more opportunities with the schools as well.
Have Overcome Challenges. Despite the challenges that immigrant mothers face daily,
they often demonstrate incredible strength and resourcefulness; they find ways to support their
children's educational goals and instill a strong work ethic and appreciation for education
(Yrigollen-Robbins, 2022). Six (40%) of the 15 participants agreed they have overcome
challenges and that has also made their experience worth it. For example, Participant 9 described
What I have done was worth it because my children are alive, maybe they didn't finish
school, I have a son who was a gang member and I got him out of there, and I can say
that I feel proud, although he was a very good student, now he looks back and says, “I
could have finished school.”
Personal Growth. Upon arrival, immigrant mothers adhere to traditional roles in which
they demonstrate agency in various aspects of their lives, such as parenting, caring for their
families, and building community in the new culture (Abrego & Schmalzbauer, 2018; Bickham
Mendez, 2020; Bruhn, 2022). In responding about whether it has all been worth it, four (27%) of
the 15 participants expressed that they grew personally in the process. Participant 6 shared, “Yes,
it was worth it because it made me grow as a person, I understand my children, and I try to give
them the best example.” Participant 6 stated
143
I think that everything I have done and how much I’ve been involved in the schools, and
everything I have learned I have done for them, and it has served me, I have done it for
them, but I have practiced it in myself, and I think that is why we have moved forward.
They Are Good People. As participants discussed what had made their support for their
children worth it, four (27%) of the 15 participants expressed that observing their children
become good people has made it worth it. Children can be taught to develop empathy, build
healthy relationships, and navigate conflicts effectively when parents discuss emotions and
actively teach and model how to identify and manage their feelings (Batool & Lewis, 2020;
Denham et al., 1997). For example, Participant 6 expressed, “I gave them and continue to give
them many life tools to be responsible.” Similarly, Participant 4 shared the following about her
children, “Everything we have been through has been worth it, I am proud of my children,
whatever they are, they have a good heart, they are not rude, and they are good people.”
Summary of RQ3
The purpose of RQ3 was to identify the ways immigrant mothers measure their success in
supporting their children. In analyzing the participants’ testimonios, the following 13 themes
emerged: (a) education, (b) have own goals, (c) better opportunities, (d) self-sufficient, (e)
educational options, (f) support system, (g) help children achieve, (h) guide them to be good
people, (i) provide what they need, (j) opportunity for a better future, (k) have overcome
challenges, (l) personal growth, and (m) they are good people.
Research Question 4
RQ4: Based on their experiences, what recommendations would immigrant mothers have
for supporting their children’s success? To answer this RQ, participants described their
experiences by answering the following IQs:
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• IQ10: What advice or recommendations do you have for those similar to better
support their children’s academic success?
• IQ11: If you could, what is the one thing you would do differently to better support
your children’s academic success in the United States?
Interview Question 10
IQ10: What advice or recommendations do you have for those similar to better support
their children’s academic success? Participants made recommendations to other immigrant
mothers based on their experiences in supporting their children academically. The key words and
phrases in their responses were grouped into the following five themes: (a) use resources, (b)
prioritize your children, (c) persevere, (d) motivate your children, and (e) personal well-being
(see Figure 13).
Figure 13
Interview Question 10 Coding Results
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
Use resources Prioritize your
children
Perseviere Motivate your
children
Personal
Wellbeing
Count
Themes
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
145
Use Resources. When making recommendations to other immigrant mothers supporting
their children academically, 13 (87%) of the participants recommended they use resources to
support their efforts. Non et al. (2017) posited that having access to social support and resources
can facilitate the development of coping strategies and resilience in the face of challenges
associated with immigration. Participant 5 recommended “that they do not give up, that they seek
help, especially when they do not have family here, look for community resources such as the
library, the park, the consulate, or the school itself.”
Prioritize Your Children. Immigrant mothers have great influence in their children’s
academic success as they make it their priority; due to their high expectations they are more
involved and consequently motivate their children to more positive educational outcomes
(Goldsmith & Kurpius, 2017; Olivos et al., 2011; S. Park & Holloway, 2018; Yrigollen-Robbins,
2022). Of the 15 participants, nine (60%) advised other immigrant mothers to prioritize their
children. For instance, Participant 12 encouraged immigrant mothers to
Look for resources and programs, go to English classes to be able to help their children,
stay informed of what is happening at school. I have seen that there is a lack of education
on the parents’ side, and I understand that we work and all that, but I don't know if it is a
lack of priority, or they don't know that there are so many resources available to help.
Persevere. Life and parenting as an immigrant mother can be difficult due to facing
barriers and learning to cope with challenges that limit them to live fully. Immigrant mothers
often find themselves isolated and focused on their goal of providing a better life for their
children (Calderon-Berumen, 2020). Six (40%) of the 15 participants encourage other immigrant
mothers to persevere. Participant 14 stated
146
Let's not give up, we have to keep going no matter how difficult it may be, we have to
continue supporting our children because they have a successful future here, and I have
always told them that this is a country of many opportunities, the only thing missing is
someone who wants to take advantage of them.
Motivate Children. Bruhn (2022) stated that Latina immigrant mothers supporting their
children’s academic success is not always visible, as they tend to do so by holding high
aspirations for their children. In making recommendations for other immigrant mothers, five
(33%) of the 15 participants stated that it is important to motivate your children. Participant 14
said
As parents, our job is to encourage and advise our children, to tell them how good and
how bad things can come out of a situation, everything that we sow in their hearts, one
day will bear fruit no matter how impossible it may seem. Great things in their heart, this
is what will result if we support them in everything and they want to move forward.
Personal Well-Being. Immigrant mothers face many challenges that can affect their
personal well-being and consequently the well-being of their children (Non et al., 2017). In
making recommendations for other immigrant mothers, five (33%) of the 15 participants used
themselves as examples when making their recommendations. For example, Participant 11 stated
how focusing on her personal well-being had helped her. She said, “I went to English classes,
mental health classes, and in previous times I was very quiet, everything affected me, now I
know that sharing what you feel can open many doors, and that can help other mothers too.”
Interview Question 11
IQ11: If you could, what is the one thing you would do differently, to better support your
children’s academic success in the United States? Each participant shared the one thing they
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would do differently to better support their children. Four themes emerged from their responses:
(a) go to school, (b) begin early, (c) learn English, and (d) use resources (see Figure 14).
Figure 14
Interview Question 11 Coding Results
Go to School. Seven (47%) of the 15 participants said that they would have liked to go to
school and continue learning if they had the opportunity. In most instances, immigrant mothers
wish they could have gone to school upon arrival, however, their legal status hindered those
dreams due to their lack eligibility for government programs and services, such as education
(Gonzalez‐Gorman, 2021). For example, Participant 6 stated
When I got here, I came with a college degree, and my idea was study and continue
working to learn English, but you know, when you arrive your reality is different, I didn't
have papers, if you want to study it costs more, and well I didn’t.
Similarly, Participant 4 shared, “I would focus on learning more so I can help my children
more.”
Begin Early. Upon arrival, immigrant mothers rely on their traditional values as they
integrate the resources and services of the new environments to address the challenges they face
7
5 5
4
0
2
4
6
8
Go to School Begin early Learn English Use Resources
Count
Themes
n = 15 (multiple responses per interviewee)
148
and to continue adapting. However, due to their legal status they might not be able to access the
resources and services that would support their efforts to successfully integrate to the new
environment, consequently affecting their mental health (Calderon-Berumen, 2020; López &
Crea, 2021). In answering what they would do differently to support their children’s academic
success, five (33%) of the 15 participants shared that they would begin looking for resources as
soon as they arrived, and they would begin early. As it relates to learning English, Participant 8
stated
I left a lot of what I wanted to do behind to dedicate myself to them, and I don't regret it
because I have the opportunity to do it at home too, at times, but if you come to this
country, as soon as we come, we have to do something, because otherwise we stay
stagnant.
On the other hand, Participant 13 said the following about her parenting practices: “If I could, I
would pay more attention to them from a young age, something I didn't do.”
Learn English. In immigrant households, children’s academic performance is correlated
to parents’ language proficiency as they are less likely to implement strategies conducive to
academic achievement if they are not proficient (Pong & Landale, 2012). Participants shared that
if they could do something differently to support their children’s academic success, they would
learn English. Of the 15 participants, five (33%) shared their desire to have prioritized language
proficiency in their journey. Participant 10 explained, “I would have learned English fully, I
would try to continue setting goals, so that my daughter sees that I am also making an effort, and
it would help me to have a good job.” Participant 14 expressed
I would have liked to have prepared myself more for my time as a mother and to have
studied the language because that is what has cost me much more. If I had prepared
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myself, I think that right now it would have been a little easier for me to support them
more in everything. and know the mechanism of the schools.
Use Resources. Immigrant mothers have often lived through traumatic events that are
correlated to factors such as social support (M. Park & Katsiaficas, 2019; R. Phipps et al., 2022)
or access to the necessary resources (Perreira & Pedroza, 2019; R. Phipps et al., 2022). In
reflecting on something they would do differently to better support their children, four (27%) of
the 15 participants shared instances in which they would look for and use the resources available
to support their growth and well-being. Participant 9 shared a personal account: "I would look
for a psychologist to help me with my fears.” On the other hand, Participant 10 stated, “I would
listen to my dad when he sent me to English classes in my country, I would have taken classes to
prepare myself and have a job now.”
Summary of RQ4
The purpose of RQ4 was to identify the recommendations immigrant mothers have for
supporting their children’s success. To answer this question, two IQs were asked, and the
following eight themes were identified: (a) go to school, (b) begin early, (c) learn English, (d)
use resources, (e) prioritize your children, (f) persevere, (g) motivate your children, and (h)
personal well-being.
Chapter Summary
This qualitative study was conducted to identify the best practices and strategies used by
immigrant mothers to support their children’s academic success. Fifteen immigrant mothers of
students at the school site where the study took place were interviewed to inform the study. All
participants were interviewed in person and answered 12 semi-structured IQs created to inform
the following four RQs (see Table 5).
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Table 5
Summary of Themes for Four Research Questions
RQ1. What
challenges do
immigrant
mothers face in
supporting their
children’s
academic
success?
RQ2. What
strategies and
best practices do
immigrant
mothers employ
to support their
children's
academic
success?
RQ3. How do
immigrant
mothers measure
their success in
supporting their
children?
RQ4. Based on
their
experiences,
what
recommendation
s would
immigrant
mothers have for
supporting their
children’s
success?
Language
Resources offered
by schools
Education Go to school
Children with
special needs
Education Have own goals Begin early
Support systems Technology
Better
opportunities
Learn English
Unauthorized
status
Support System Self-sufficient Use resources
Work schedules
Available
Resources
Educational
options
Prioritize your
children
Lack of
understanding
of the
educational
system
Support system Persevere
Technology
Help children
achieve
Motivate your
children
Daily living
challenges
Guide them to be
good people
Personal well-
being
Family left
behind
Provide what
they need
Limited
opportunities
for progress
Opportunity for
a better future
Have overcome
challenges
Personal growth
They are good
people
151
Chapter 5: Findings
Children of immigrant families often face challenges due to their parents' circumstances.
Navigating these challenges can impact their academic performance and opportunities. Mothers
are more likely to engage in their child’s education in comparison to fathers; thus, mothers
strongly influence and have high expectations for their children’s academic success (Coyl-
Shepherd & Newland, 2013; Dávila et al., 2021; Lerner & Grolnick, 2019). The support
available for immigrant mothers to properly prepare them to help their children is imperative to
the success of their efforts.
The purpose of this study was to gather best practices and strategies employed by
immigrant mothers to support children’s academic success. This research examined strategies,
best practices, challenges, and successes experienced by immigrant mothers, as well as mothers’
recommendations for other immigrant mothers to support their children academically.
Summary of the Study
A qualitative research study was designed to gather data from participants' testimonios
and concluded with capturing the essence of participants' experiences in relation to the
phenomenon (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Participants engaged in a semi-structured interview
that included 12 questions interview protocol that informed the four RQs of the study. The RQs
and IQs were informed by the literature review. Through this study, the phenomenon of
supporting children’s academic success from immigrant mothers’ perspectives was examined.
Participants in the study self-identified as immigrant mothers born in a Latin American
country and as having at least one child attending the school where the study was conducted. A
sample of 15 participants from various Latin American countries was gathered through self-
152
identification after receiving the approved IRB Recruitment Script via the school’s parent
communication platform, ParentSquare.
Semi-structured interviews were conducted to collect data. Each participant shared their
testimonio as she answered the 12 open-ended questions. Using prima facie validity, peer-review
validity, and expert review, the researcher determined the validity of the interview protocol. The
interviews were conducted in person and in the participants’ native language, Spanish. All
interviews were audio recorded using a hand-held recorder and transcribed by the researcher.
Common themes were identified by reviewing the transcripts and identifying key words, phrases,
and experiences. An interrater process was conducted to validate the themes, and upon
discussion and feedback, modifications were made. Thirteen frequency graphs illustrate the
findings that emerged from coding the experiences shared by the participants in response to the
IQs. The RQs were informed by the summaries of each of the interview questions.
Discussion of Findings
Table 5 summarizes the key findings that emerged for each RQ based on the answers to
the IQs. The findings illustrate the best practices, strategies, challenges, and recommendations of
immigrant mothers supporting their children’s academic success. A discussion of the results for
each question is provided.
Results for RQ1
RQ1: What challenges do immigrant mothers face in supporting their children’s
academic success? In analyzing the participant responses and the 10 themes that emerged for
RQ1, immigrant mothers identified various challenges in supporting their children academically.
Language proficiency was one of the top challenges expressed by the participants, affecting their
daily living activities, communication with others, and supporting their children academically. In
153
their efforts to support their children academically, technology is also a challenge for immigrant
mothers. Likewise, their lack of understanding of the educational system and their parental rights
is an obstacle in properly supporting their children, especially for the participants who have
children with special needs. Additionally, leaving their families behind and facing challenges
without a support system exacerbated their stress. Participants also shared the challenges that
stem from being unauthorized and how it impacts their daily lives and working conditions, as
well as their psychological well-being. Furthermore, they face limited opportunities for progress
which impedes them from living in better conditions, providing more for their families and
meeting personal goals.
Discussion of RQ1
The findings in RQ1 indicate the main challenges immigrant mothers face in supporting
their children’s academic success. These main challenges are grouped into the following four
areas: (a) language proficiency, (b) unauthorized status, (c) different educational system, and (d)
support systems.
Language Proficiency. For many Latin American migrants to the Unites States, one of
the main challenges is language. Lack of English proficiency impacts aspects of the participants’
daily lives and the way they support their children. Many of the participants and other immigrant
mothers they know share similar challenges, including limited English fluency and low
educational achievement in their home country (Delgado & Delgado, 2007; Paris, 2008). Their
limited language proficiency makes it challenging for immigrant mothers to navigate daily tasks,
seek employment opportunities, and fully engage in social interactions. These challenges can
perpetuate feelings of alienation and frustration, further exacerbating the difficulties they face
integrating into their new society. Furthermore, as MacKinnon et al. (2022) report, the lack of
154
language proficiency and legal status have affected the mothers’ ability to participate in their
child’s school due to demanding work schedules and job insecurity.
Unauthorized Status. Many of the participants arrived in the United States
unauthorized, a status that affects not only their daily lives and opportunities but those of their
children as their legal status is directly correlated to their poverty level and access to basic
resources. As stated by Blackwell (2005), López and Crea (2021) and Paris (2008), the lack of
access to these resources creates additional barriers that may result in mental health concerns
and, in some cases, substance abuse and violence In addition, because unauthorized immigrant
mothers are not eligible for certain services, such as housing, health insurance, and education, the
likelihood of their children receiving services they might qualify for decreases (Sidhu & Song,
2019). With over four million U.S.-born children living in a household with unauthorized
immigrant parents (Barajas-Gonzalez et al., 2021), the negative implications of this situation for
children increases due to parents’ constant fear of being deported and separated from their
children (Abrego & Menjívar, 2011; López & Crea, 2021; Paris, 2008).
Different Educational Systems. Education in Latin American countries varies from the
educational system in the United States; it encompasses aspects that go beyond academics, such
as fostering moral, social, and personal responsibility in children (Durand & Perez, 2013).
Participants shared challenges in adapting to the education system in this country both in school
and at home. To better support their children’s academic success, immigrant mothers shared a
few things that would help them in their efforts. For example, they would benefit from having a
better understanding of the educational system in the United States, knowing their rights and
responsibilities as their children grow and move from one grade to the next. They also expressed
how this knowledge would help them prepare for any challenges they encountered along the
155
way. Similarly, as their children grow older and come closer to higher education, immigrant
mothers are not able to assist their children in completing college applications, applying for
financial aid, and recommending the proper courses to take because as they are unfamiliar with
these processes (Tornatzky et al., 2002; Torrez, 2004).
Support Systems. Support systems can be found in families and in communities.
Immigrant mothers often find themselves away from their families, thus lacking support from
their them and feeling alone in a new place as they struggle between two cultures (Calderon-
Berumen, 2020). These feelings create stressful situations for immigrant mothers and impact
their parenting practices; thus, social support can have a positive impact on mothers living in
stressful situations (Taylor et al., 2015). Participants expressed the challenge of feeling confident
enough to trust and accept help from others when they constantly lived in fear of being found
and taken away from their children.
Results for RQ2
RQ2: What strategies and best practices do immigrant mothers employ to support their
children's academic success? In analyzing the participant responses and the five themes that
emerged for RQ2, strategies and best practices used by immigrant mothers to support their
children academically were identified. The participants expressed taking advantage of resources
offered by their children’s school and the community to support their efforts. They engaged in
education and learning opportunities to build their capabilities and support their children with
their homework. Learning to use technology as a tool was another strategy employed by the
participants; programs that helped them translate allowed them to stay informed and aware of
their child’s progress. Additionally, they cultivated support systems with other immigrant
156
mothers, in their places of community and with extended family members to assist them in their
daily lives and mothering practices.
Discussion of RQ2
The findings in RQ2 indicate the best practices and strategies mothers employ to support
their children’s academic success. These can be grouped into the following three areas: (a)
available resources, (b) support system, and (c) personal growth.
Available Resources. Resources are valuable tools that can assist people in different
ways and under different circumstances. Upon arrival, immigrant mothers are not always aware
of the resources available to them; their unique circumstances may deter them from searching for
help due to factors such as language barriers, unauthorized status, lack of knowledge, and lack of
access. However, immigrant mothers are resilient and resourceful and find ways to learn and use
resources that can help them, primarily because they know this act can positively impact their
children (Yrigollen-Robbins, 2022). Hence, they look for resources in the places they trust and
with which they become familiar, and then use these resources to build their support systems.
Support System. As immigrant mothers integrate into the new culture, they search for
and depend on support systems to guide them in an unknown place. They develop support
systems within their neighborhoods in places such as schools, churches, and community centers.
It is through these entities that immigrant mothers experience higher levels of support, which has
been correlated with positive parenting practices and decreased levels of depression (Ayón &
García, 2019; Lyons et al., 2005).
Participants agreed that due to their support systems, they were able to find resources and
guidance when facing challenges in their personal lives, thus supporting their children and
coping with stressful situations. Parcel and Bixby (2015) stated that neighborhoods provide high
157
social capital to its residents by fostering supportive relationships outside of immediate families,
which impacts mothers and children with connections to other parents, teachers, and neighbors.
Growth. Due to the ongoing challenges faced by immigrants during and after the
immigration process, they develop great fortitude and adaptability (Walsh, 2002). Immigrant
mothers must be able to adapt, which inspires their desire to grow. Immigrant mothers agreed
that continuous growth is beneficial in terms of adaptation to a new environment, learning skills
to help children academically, and accessing systems that help their family succeed. The
participants were cognizant of how the stress they endure daily can significantly affect their
children’s holistic development and impact different aspects of their children’s lives such as
emotional wellness and educational achievement (Wong, 2006). Thus, finding ways to grow is
significant to their success.
Results for RQ3
RQ3: How do immigrant mothers measure their success in supporting their children? In
analyzing the participant responses and the 13 themes that emerged for RQ3, immigrant mothers
identified ways in which they measure success when supporting their children academically. The
participants expressed feeling successful because they know their children have better
educational opportunities in this country. Similarly, they feel pride when their children take
ownership of their education and set their own goals. Additionally, immigrant mothers describe
the opportunity to assist their children in becoming self-sufficient and good people as success.
Thus, they feel fortunate being able to provide what their children need in order to live to their
potential. Ultimately, considering the different experiences in migrating and living in the United
States, the participants feel successful in having overcome the challenges and their personal
growth in the process.
158
Discussion of RQ3
The findings in RQ3 underscore the ways mothers measure their success to support their
children’s academic success. These can be grouped into the following four areas: (a) better
opportunities, (b) being able to provide, (c) ownership, and (d) growth.
Better Opportunities. A parent’s decision to migrate can be considered an act to support
their children (Ayón & García, 2019; Perreira et al., 2006; Yrigollen-Robbins, 2022). The
sacrifices they endure in the process provide their children with better opportunities (Bruhn,
2022; Cuevas, 2019; MacKinnon et al., 2022; Randles, 2021). Immigrant mothers know they are
providing their children a better future and feel successful knowing they have done everything
they needed to do to prepare them for their future. According to participants, another way they
measure success is the connection their children have with them, their family, and their
education. These two measures can positively impact their children’s academic outcomes
(Auerbach, 2007; Goldsmith & Kurpius, 2017).
Being Able to Provide. Immigrant families tend to settle in economically-disadvantaged
neighborhoods with limited supports available to students; therefore, the support children receive
in their family’s unit is imperative (Perreira et al., 2018). The participants shared their belief that
supporting their children to succeed academically encompasses more than help with homework
or being present at school as parent volunteers. It includes minimizing the effect of their
challenges and sacrificing for their well-being to provide them with the peace and structure to
succeed.
Ownership. Participants shared their pride when seeing their children taking ownership
of their future by being responsible and making decisions that support their success. By giving
their children, the opportunities to make decisions about participating in activities and
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acknowledging the process through sharing emotions about the activities, parents not only foster
a positive relationship with their children, but they also foster autonomy in them (Dávila et al.,
2021; Soenens et al., 2017). Participants also expressed their joy when older children have taken
advantage of educational opportunities and demonstrated that the sacrifices their parents have
made have been worth it. Above all, their children’s autonomy is a sign of them successfully
supporting their children’s academic success.
Growth. As immigrant mothers raising children in the United States, participants
expressed the significance of watching their children grow before their eyes. Growth is seen in
many aspects of their children’s lives, such as physical, academic, and emotional. When
immigrant mothers see that their children are performing well academically, are physically
healthy, and show signs of maturity through their conversations and actions, they feel successful.
For children to demonstrate this level of growth, mothers are intentional with specific actions
that increase children’s autonomy, such as setting rules, being affectionate, fostering good
communication, and being involved in their lives (Dávila et al., 2021; Kocayörük et al., 2015;
Ren et al., 2017; Wang & Cai, 2017; Wuyts et al., 2018). These actions are often affected by
their circumstances; however, their desire to see their children succeed motivates them to remain
consistent.
Results for RQ4
RQ4: Based on their experiences, what recommendations would immigrant mothers have
for supporting their children’s success? In analyzing the participant responses and the eight
themes that emerged for RQ4, the participants shared recommendations for other immigrant
mothers supporting their children academically. Primarily, taking advantage of the available
resources that provide opportunities to learn and educate themselves enhances their ability to
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support their children. Doing this immediately upon arrival maximizes the growth and
consequently their ability to assist their children and the impact they have on their academic
success. As part of their efforts to support their children academically, participants recommended
prioritizing their children’s wellbeing and being attentive to their different needs. Understanding
that supporting their children to be academically successful is a difficult task, perseverance and
focus on personal wellbeing were also recommendations for other immigrant mothers.
Discussion of RQ4
The findings in RQ4 indicate the most noteworthy recommendations for other immigrant
mothers to support their children’s academic success. These can be grouped into the following
three areas: (a) available resources, (b) prioritize your children, and (c) persevere.
Available Resources. As immigrant mothers arrive, grow personally, and become
involved in their children’s education, they significantly depend on personal networks as they
search for the necessary information and notice the benefits of accessing the available resources
(Allard, 2015; Lingel, 2011; Reyes et al., 2016). Participants recommend for other immigrant
mothers to take advantage of these supports. They also shared how they personally shared
specific resources to other mothers when they saw them struggling and saw the benefits of
offering their support as a resource as well. Specifically, in the Latino community, immigrants
meet many of their needs to gain basic information from those around them, including family,
friends, and churches (Flythe, 2001).
Prioritize Children. Although immigrants face many challenges in their daily lives as
they integrate into the culture, routines, and structures of their new environment, they also
convey strength and resilience in their caregiving roles (Paris, 2008; Walsh, 2002). Often, their
goal is simply to find a way to provide for their loved ones. With the lack of support,
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understanding of the educational system, and employment difficulties, their children suffer the
repercussions of these challenges and they manner in which immigrant parents address these
challenges. Thus, their parents’ goals, expectations, and ideas about their children's success have
a great impact on how they educate their children and the way they structure their home
(Costigan & Su, 2004; Cote et al., 2015; Goodnow, 2010; Sun & Mulvaney, 2021). Their parent
cognitions are the basis for their parenting behaviors including expertise, ability to balance social
and parenting obligations, and fulfillment of the expectations (Bornstein, 2015; Sun &
Mulvaney, 2021). Thus, engaging in practices that prioritize their children’s well-being may be
difficult, although they have the best intentions to do so and support their success. However,
participants implore mothers to do so, many of them wish they would have done so sooner.
Persevere. The participants who are employed shared how their roles changed as they
joined and remain in the workforce; they have added more obligations to their existing
caregiving responsibilities as opposed to letting go of some of those obligations (Schmalzbauer,
2011; Vesely et al., 2018). Although employment resulted in a better income, it also limited them
from adequately caring for their children (Nomagachi & Johnson, 2016). Immigrant women face
compounding parenting challenges, domestically and professionally, which lead to work-family
conflicts (León-Pérez et al., 2021). As they face adversity, perseverance can be hard to maintain.
This finding aligns with Yrigollen-Robbins (2022) study stating that immigrant mothers
demonstrate resilience, incredible strength, and resourcefulness by finding creative ways to
support their children's educational goals and instilling a strong work ethic and appreciation for
education. They often do so by fostering familismo which promotes loyalty, reciprocity, and
solidarity within their family, strengthening and preserving their family bonds (Ayón & García,
2019; Calzada et al., 2013; Marano & Roman, 2017).
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Noteworthy Findings
Immigrant mothers testimonios provided noteworthy findings beyond the information
intended through the interview protocol. Among these findings were other challenges,
perspectives and aspirations in their personal lives that either directly or indirectly affect their
parenting cognitions and strategies. For example, 12 of the 15 participants have older children
and shared conflicting views about raising their older adult children versus raising their younger
children. Mothers that identified having a support system and taking advantage of the available
resources feel that raising their older children was easier than it is raising their younger children
currently. The increased difficulty in raising their younger children is in part to larger social
emotional issues and technology concerns. On the other hand, some of the participants currently
seek support and resources to assist them in their efforts to raise their younger children as they
expressed their sense of parenting inefficacy with their older children due to their circumstances
and lack of support. Another theme with conflicting points of views is technology. Eleven of the
15 participants expressed that technology has become a useful tool to assist them in their daily
lives, including supporting their children academically, while simultaneously creating stressful
situations due to the challenges they have experienced due to access, social media and lack of
knowledge.
Another circumstance that emerged as a noteworthy finding was the participants
employment status. Those who were stay at home mothers, six of the 15 participants, shared they
felt fortunate for being able to focus on their children without having to worry about working
hours or limited time, and expressed feeling guilty acknowledging other immigrant mothers who
did not have that option. On the other hand, seven of the 15 participants who are employed,
expressed their desire for better working conditions and hours, and used their experiences to
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motivate their children to stay in school and take advantage of the opportunities they have.
Thirteen of the 15 participants also made reference to a time in which they are no longer with
their children, many times stemming from their fear of being separated due to their legal status or
unforeseen situations. Within this context, the participants also expressed that their sacrifices
were to provide a better future and the opportunity for an education which they wholeheartedly
believe is the legacy they will leave for their children.
As it relates to the participants age at the time of their arrival, the two participants who
migrated between the ages 0 to12 shared that although they learned the language and attended all
or most of their schooling in the US, they struggled with moving forward to higher education due
to being unauthorized. For those that struggled with language acquisition, they opted to teach
their children English only to minimize experiences of discrimination and bullying. Seven of the
15 participants migrated between the ages of 13 and 21 and shared that upon arrival, the goal was
to support their families whether in the US or their native country; Many of them joined the
workforce immediately after their arrival or soon after with minimal schooling in the United
States. Six of the 15 participants arrived as adults and their most common challenge was leaving
their family behind clearly understanding the repercussions of their undocumented status and the
likelihood of never seeing their families again.
Due to their experiences and overcome challenges as immigrant mothers, the participants
shared their desire to become advocates and support other immigrant mothers in navigating
systems that provide them the opportunity of an enhanced quality of life. Among the challenges
and circumstances shared by the participants were sense of inefficacy as a mother due to lack of
knowledge of student rights, domestic violence, attempted murder, gang violence, and losing a
child in a tragic accident. Despite their circumstances, the participants were grateful to be part of
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the study, share their testimonios and desire to see community programs aimed at supporting
their integration into the host society.
Implications of the Study
The goal of this study was to identify strategies and best practices for immigrant mothers
to support their children’s academic success. Best practices were identified in the areas of
support, access, and growth. The data gathered can be used by diverse stakeholders involved
with students’ academic success to better support immigrant families, primarily immigrant
mothers. Preventive parent interventions can significantly impact immigrant families by
enhancing protective factors to address immigrant experiences, the stressors they endure daily,
and the different circumstances that inform their decisions and practices (Fuentes‐Balderrama et
al., 2022; Marsiglia et al., 2018; Taylor & Ruiz, 2017). Thus, the findings can aid in supporting
schools and community-based programs in their approach to assist immigrant mothers in their
efforts to find the support and access to the necessary resources.
Schools
Schools set annual goals for parental engagement and involvement as part of their
accountability plans. However, strategic planning and budgeting for these accountability plans
should be intentional in order to provide adequate support to families, specifically those who
face the most detrimental challenges. Among these groups are immigrant families who may
struggle with language barriers and other stressors as part of their immigration status. Hence,
parent engagement measures should be informed by cultural norms, expectations and the
different dynamics of Latino families (McWayne et al., 2016). Using the study findings and
framework, schools can assist immigrant mothers in supporting their children’s academic
success.
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Community-Based Organizations
Community-based organizations can provide a family-centered, strength-based, and
culturally-sensitive approach and the necessary support for immigrant families—specifically,
immigrant mothers—to adequately address the stressors associated with being an immigrant and
to better support their children as they navigate new experiences (Brockway et al., 2021; Lozano
et al., 2022). With the many challenges and stressors immigrant mothers face, community-based
programs can use the findings of this study to provide supports to address concerns and to
connect families with resources that support their efforts to provide for their families. To do so,
Williamson et al. (2013) recommended that parental programs adapt at a deep structural level to
align with the immigrants’ cultural values. Hence, community-based organizations are ideal as
they create a non-stigmatizing environment conducive to families seeking services and offer
enrollment to their programs that is not contingent to various stressors faced by immigrant
families such as legal status, language proficiency, or insurance (Rusch et al., 2020).
Furthermore, through family-centered practices, families are treated with respect and dignity,
receive flexible and responsive supports, are provided with the necessary information to make
informed decisions, and receive resources that lead to optimal outcomes for parents and their
children (Dunst, 2002, King, 1999).
Application
In this study, immigrant mothers identified best practices, strategies, challenges and
recommendations, informing the García Integration Framework, which supports the integration
of immigrant mothers into the host society in in a way that they can successfully support their
children academically. As defined by Berry (1997), integration encompasses the preservation
and incorporation of elements from both mainstream and traditional cultural frameworks. Their
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testimonios informed the essence of this framework in conjunction with an appreciative inquiry
framework to guide their process to integration.
Hammond (1996) posited that appreciative inquiry emphasizes the positive and elevates
participants’ actual lived experiences. Thus, this process gives immigrant mothers commitment,
confidence, and affirmation that they are capable of creating moments of success. By engaging in
the appreciation and in the inquiry stages, immigrant mothers acknowledged their strengths and
opportunities and determined the things that help them grow while they explore, question, and
realize the possibilities (Cooperrider & Whitney, 2005). More importantly, appreciative inquiry
helps immigrant mothers see the good that exists in themselves and in those around them and
helps them seek ways to do better and be better.
The following key components emerged to support immigrant mothers' efforts: support,
access, and growth. Each building on the other beginning with trust and leading to integration.
The participants' experiences, challenges, and recommendations provided key elements under
each component to be address by the participants and the community-based organizations in a
collaborative manner. The framework is founded in trust to begin the process and ultimately to
have a positive impact in immigrant mothers' integration into the host society. The
interconnectedness of these testimonios’ key components and its appreciative inquiry foundation
is depicted in Figure 15. Via this practice model, community-based organizations can guide their
approach to assist immigrant mothers in their efforts to support their children academically. In
using trust and appreciative inquiry to elevate immigrant mother’s voices, this model provides
key components to be addressed by each stakeholder, immigrant mothers and community-based
organization, to move towards the goal of integration through support, access and growth. The
model can support in training community-based organizations staff, to appropriately assist
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immigrant mothers in navigating the existing systems, learn about their and their children’s
rights, provide differentiation and support in participants native language, and guide parents to
the adequate resources and opportunities for growth.
Figure 15
García Integration Framework-Appreciative Inquiry Grounded in Immigrant Mothers
Testimonios
Trust
The García Integration Framework is grounded in trust. Immigrant mothers face
unfathomable challenges due to their circumstances; thus, trusting others can be difficult,
especially when they are skeptical of other’s intentions, the possible negative outcomes and the
implications this can have in their children’s future. Hence, trusting people or organizations to
assist can be difficult for them, however, it is when immigrant mothers are able to genuinely trust
the process and the intentions of the individuals they work with that they allow themselves to be
vulnerable and willing to receive the necessary support.
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As defined by Lewicki and Wiethoff (2000), trust is the basis for people to share positive
interactions and build positive relationships. Lewicki and Wiethoff (2000) pointed out that trust
involves having positive expectations regarding others’ actions, implying that those who trust
believe in another person or entity. Ultimately, trust is strengthened through experiences,
positive behavior, good habits, and goodwill (Blois, 1999; Rousseau, 1998). Due to the distrust
immigrant mothers experience—which can potentially lead to system avoidance and not
receiving services for themselves and their children—trust becomes the foundation of this
framework (Brayne, 2014; León-Pérez et al., 2021).
To build trust among immigrant mothers, community organizations must hold space for
the participants' stories to be shared and honored. By engaging in conversations in a safe place
and manner, and with someone that makes them feel dignified and respected in their
circumstances, immigrant mothers will offer their unique experience as they engage in the define
step of the appreciative inquiry process (Tschannen-Moran & Tschannen-Moran, 2011). Their
willingness to engage in this strength base process is key to ignite new conversations and seek
new opportunities. As proposed by Whitney and Trosten-Bloom (2010), immigrant mothers will
engage in the first of five principles that facilitate the appreciative inquiry process, the
constructionist principle. This principle refers to the language individuals use to shape the reality
they experience (i.e., their testimonio).
Support
Support is the first component of the framework informed by the study. Support is
fostered among various groups through positive relationships and experiences with family
members, community organizations, and schools. It is recognized as an integral component that
aids in daily life challenges and that is imperative to the efforts of immigrant mothers. This
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component provides immigrant mothers the opportunity to engage in the discover phase and the
positive principle of appreciative inquiry. As part of the discover phase, participants identify,
characterize, and value the best qualities of their mothering practices (Tschannen-Moran &
Tschannen-Moran, 2011). This phase is supported by the positive principle, which focuses on the
benefits and the understanding that this forward-looking mindset can help maintain effective
change in the participants’ journeys (Whitney & Trosten-Bloom, 2010).
Community-Based Organizations. Community-based organizations can have a
significant impact on immigrant mothers’ lives as they support their children's academic success.
Community-based organizations partner with local schools, health service programs, and policy
networks to respond to the needs of the community and to support families (Cashman & Seifer,
2008; Hong, 2011; Thornburg & McClennahan-Means, 2013). To better support the efforts of
immigrant mothers, organizations can begin by fostering the trust initiated in the define stage and
exploring parents’ needs and goals. To begin, organizations should assist immigrant mothers
with understanding and navigating the systems in the United States. Similarly, providing clear
and detailed information regarding parents’ and children's rights is a vital way to learn about and
receive the necessary resources.
Navigating Systems. As stated by participants, the systems in the United States vary
greatly from those in their countries of origin; Some of these systems, include education and
health care. Gaining knowledge of the systems and their roles and expectations can greatly
impact mothers’ level of involvement, commitment, and partnership. Immigrant parents have
limited understanding of the academic standards and expectations for their children (Goldsmith
& Kurpius, 2017; Plunkett & Bámaca-Gómez, 2003); thus, being supported in navigating the
existing systems can result in positive experiences in supporting their children.
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Parents’ and Children’s Rights. Understanding parents’ and children’s rights is
imperative to the lives and experiences of immigrant families. When immigrant mothers know
their rights, stressful and unforeseen situations, such as domestic violence and special education
designation, become more manageable with the proper support and guidance. Vandergrift and
Greene (1992) posited that having a child with special needs requires parents to understand the
child’s rights in order to participate in meetings and conversations that revolve around their
educational plan, goals, and services.
Immigrant Mothers. Immigrant mothers face a challenging task as they balance the
competing demands that come with the traditional parenting practices in addition to building
capacity in supporting and strengthening their coping strategies; these best practices are
necessary to respond to various stressors that come with the challenges of parenting and family
(L. R. Williams et al., 2017). With the proper guidance and the ability to design their unique road
map, immigrant mothers can navigate the various systems of which they and their children are
parts. Through the discover phase immigrant mothers are supported in discovering the kind of
positive outcomes they want by seeking successful examples in the past and present (Tschannen-
Moran and Tschannen-Moran, 2011). By acknowledging the positive impact, they have made in
their children’s lives thus far, and envisioning how they can continue to do so, immigrant
mothers are supported and empowered.
Acknowledging Strengths and Aspirations. Participants shared their struggles with
accepting their needs as this often creates feelings of inadequacy and guilt. These feelings are
often the product of their struggles of acclimating to a new environment and lifestyle in which
novel situations arise, such as contradicting beliefs in traditional expectations of motherhood and
the need to provide (León-Pérez et al., 2021; Parrado & Flippen, 2005). By engaging in
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reflective practices, immigrant mothers can envision a clear picture of the best way to proceed
when creating a road map based on their identified strengths and aspirations. This also grants
immigrant mothers the opportunity to embrace areas that can help them and their children.
Road Map. Immigrant mothers, with their unique experiences, strengths, and challenges,
can see a positive impact from receiving intentional support, which trickles down to also impact
their children positively (Espeleta et al., 2019). However, knowing which supports to look for
and how to access them requires knowledge of the various systems, their functions, and how to
work within them. Family-centered programs encourage immigrant mothers to build capabilities
rather than simply engage in practices that create dependency (Dunst et al., 2008). These
capabilities allowed participants to create their unique road map with the support of community-
based organizations to discover the different ways systems work, to learn how those systems can
enhance their efforts to support their children’s academic success, and to identify the support
needed to achieve their goals based on their strengths and aspirations.
Access
Access, the next component of the framework—following and building on trust and
support—allows participants to engage in a reflective activity to acknowledge their needs and to
take ownership of their future. It is recognized as an integral component that aids in daily life
challenges and that is imperative to the efforts of immigrant mothers. This component provides
immigrant mothers the opportunity to engage in the dream phase and the simultaneity
principle. The dream phase provides participants the opportunity to define and apply the values
they believe are necessary for achieving their ideal future as immigrant women supporting their
children (Tschannen-Moran & Tschannen-Moran, 2011). Using the simultaneity principle,
immigrant mothers ask questions about themselves, their values, and their dreams, and via this
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process they move towards change. This change begins to happen when the participants feel safe
and are comfortable asking questions.
Community-Based Organizations. Providing access to resources goes beyond the
availability of said resources; it requires a much deeper understanding of the way those in need
of the resources are able to access said information. For example, immigrant mothers understand
the information, attend the sessions and the possible supports necessary to understand why the
resources are necessary and the benefits of participating. Because staff at community-based
organizations tend to share the community’s cultural values and speak the language, the
likelihood of immigrant mothers to engage in meaningful dialogue and receive the necessary
support in a dignified way increases (Roffman et al., 2003).
Language. Language is one of the main challenges identified by the participants of the
study. To fully understand the essence and purpose of each support, the language in which it is
presented must be understood and not just simply translated. When questions come up, having
someone who speaks the language fluently and understands the cultural nuances provides
comfort and fosters trust. Trivette and Dunst (2014) emphasized that the degree to which the
resources and support benefit families or hinders parenting competence depends on the way the
aid is offered and provided. For example, a resource is better received and understood when
explained in the participants native language and in a trusting environment. Hence, having staff
that share cultural values and speak the language of the community they serve validates the
organization's credibility (Rusch et al., 2020).
Differentiation. Part of providing access to all who need it is acknowledging the various
ways in which the information can be disseminated, the success of the different methods and
platforms, and the needs that are still not met after the various attempts. Being privy to the
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platforms used by immigrant mothers and their preferred communication methods can provide
ample opportunities to reach them and possibly other immigrant mothers who are in search of
resources. Additionally, capacity-building helps focus on skills that help parents obtain
resources, support, and services through relational and participatory approaches (Dunst et al.,
2008). These two methods provide differentiated approaches to meet the needs of those engaging
in the capacity building. Relational practices encompass using effective behaviors, such as active
listening and showing empathy, along with staff acknowledging and complementing parent
capabilities. Participatory practices revolve around behaviors that include participant choice and
involving immigrant mothers’ in obtaining resources and supports (Dunst et al., 2008; Trivette,
2007).
Immigrant Mothers. Due to their unique circumstances, many immigrant mothers feel
like a burden but believe in supporting their families. Often, they make the choice to sacrifice
their own well-being if it means their children will have better opportunities (Bruhn, 2022;
Cuevas, 2019; MacKinnon et al., 2022; Randles, 2021). This, however, can keep them from
recognizing their needs and helping themselves. The dream phase provides participants the
opportunity to define and apply the values they believe are necessary for achieving their ideal
future as immigrant women supporting their children (Tschannen-Moran & Tschannen-Moran,
2011).
Support Systems. By understanding what support systems are, how they can be fostered,
and how to be supported and support others, immigrant mothers’ self-efficacy can grow. They
can recognize the wealth of knowledge they possess and the impact their stories can have on
others who are facing similar challenges. The support system they build within their home is
essential because many of them live in economically-disadvantaged neighborhoods with limited
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support for students, so they become the support their children need (Perreira et al., 2018). As
immigrant mothers adhere to traditional roles, they demonstrate agency in various aspects of
their lives including parenting, taking care of their families, and building community (Abrego &
Schmalzbauer, 2018; Bickham Mendez, 2020; Bruhn, 2022).
Ownership. Immigrant mothers recognize when they need extra support, yet it can be
difficult to accept the support due to time constraints and availability of resources, among other
reasons. Having easy access to the necessary supports and the trust to engage in the process can
facilitate them taking ownership of their needs and growth process. Through participatory
helpgiving practices, immigrant mothers actively obtain the resources and support they need as
they are involved in the decision-making process (Trivette & Dunt, 2014).
Growth
Growth, the third component of the framework, builds on trust, support, and access and
prepares participants to set goals for themselves and prioritize their own growth to successfully
support their children’s academic success. The design phase and poetic principle support
participants as they engage in the work towards integration. The design phase grants participants
the opportunity to design their perfect future to achieve it in the next phase (Tschannen-Moran &
Tschannen-Moran, 2011). Using the poetic principle to guide immigrant mothers through the
design phase reminds participants that they are continuously evolving and emphasizes the
evolution that happens when attention is focused on that change (Whitney & Trosten-Bloom,
2010).
Community-Based Organizations. Providing the proper opportunities and resources is
imperative to immigrant mothers’ success. These opportunities are provided when immigrant
mothers are given the tools to strengthen their current parenting abilities while simultaneously
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developing new capabilities to parent their children and to provide them with opportunities to
grow as well (Kagan & Weissbourd, 1994).
Opportunities. The opportunities that are provided by community-based organizations
through direct messages can reduce inequity and promote mental health in immigrant youth and
at-risk youth in general (McLaughlin, 2000; Roffman et al., 2003). Opportunities for parent
engagement, workshops, and other resources are readily available; however, parents are not
always ready to take the opportunities offered. By fostering of trust, proper support, and access,
immigrant families can feel more comfortable taking advantage of opportunities that can change
their lives and the lives of their children.
Resources. Immigrant families live under different circumstances, mainly due to their
immigration status and language barriers. Thus, the resources they need may vary from the
resources of families that face different stressors. The mission of community-based organizations
is to serve the unique needs of immigrants in the communities, and they do so by offering a
spectrum of social services such as legal assistance, health education, and adult classes (Cordero-
Guzmán et al., 2008).
Immigrant Mothers. To grow, trust, support, and access are necessary. Immigrant
mothers are on a continuous growth journey that began before they migrated, and it is one that
continues to change as they face different circumstances. They arrive with their own cultural
traditions, attitudes, and beliefs, and they have dreams and aspirations (Zinn & Wells, 2013).
Due to the ever-changing situations and obligations, their aspirations and goals change, making
this stage one in which capacity-building and empowerment are imperative to their growth and
impact the lives of their children (Hardina, 2006).
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Goal Setting. By setting goals, immigrant mothers focus on the possibilities and plan for
a future, which helps them make and celebrate progress. In many instances, immigrant mothers
appreciate the support to set goals. They see this as an opportunity to show their children that
they too are achieving, and they often apply what they learn in meeting and workshops to their
personal lives. Engaging in this process helps immigrant mothers improve not only their
parenting competence but also their confidence and enjoyment of capacity building goals and
practices (Trivette & Dunst, 2014).
Prioritization. In the process of embracing growth, immigrant mothers can have mixed
feelings about the shift in focus. Understanding that growth is beneficial to their well-being and
that of their children, mothers often prioritize the responsibilities to care for their children above
everything else. These situations can stem from the acculturative stressors and the different stress
tied to parenting responsibilities and challenges faced within their family (Lozano et al., 2022).
By prioritizing their needs and the needs of their children, immigrant mothers
Integration
Integration is not an easy process, it can be more difficult for immigrant mothers as they
are faced with the challenge of navigating complex institutions such as the education and health
care systems (Roberts, 1995; Solheim et al., 2012; Waldinger, 2008). When immigrant mothers
are supported in their journey to integration using the García Integration Framework, they
experience the process with a relationship based on trust, with the proper support, with access to
the necessary resources, and with growth.
The purpose of the final stage of the 5-D cycle, the destiny phase, is to empower
immigrant mothers (Tschannen-Moran & Tschannen-Moran, 2011). Similarly, the final of the
five guiding principles, the anticipatory principle, underscores how a positive mental picture of
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the future can help bring about positive transformation (Whitney & Trosten-Bloom, 2010).
Ultimately, by integrating motherhood, traditional and mainstream cultures can elevate
immigrant mothers’ self- efficacy so that these mothers know that they can influence the
circumstances in their lives (Bandura, 1997; Calzada et al., 2019; Tschannen‐Moran &
Tschannen‐Moran, 2011). Increased self-efficacy can assist immigrant mothers with stressful
events and is correlated with less anxiety and depression (Hartley et al., 2008; Maddux &
Gosselin, 2003).
Community-Based Organizations and Immigrant Mothers. Community-based
organizations that ground their work in immigrant mothers’ stories, experiences, and aspirations,
can increase their capacity at various levels and benefit their efforts to support their children’s
academic success. For example, opportunities for immigrant mothers to engage in dialogue about
their documentation status in a safe space or share how they are processing their emotions in a
manner that is culturally affirming, confidential, and provides the necessary support can
positively impact their lives and well-being (Ayón et al., 2020; Chavez- Dueñas et al., 2019;
Cross et al., 2021).
Conclusion
This study focused on immigrant mothers’ challenges, best practices, and
recommendations to support their children’s academic success, which informed the García
Integration framework. The findings grounded and elevated immigrant mothers’ experiences,
strengths, and aspirations. Their testimonios were used to design a framework that can be used
by community-based organizations in implementing family-centered interventions to support
immigrant mothers in their efforts to grow in their parenting practices. This framework is
designed with immigrant mothers in mind as they integrate into the host culture with pride in
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their traditional culture, their continuous growth in competence and confidence, and aspirations
for a future they build with the adequate resources and support that embrace their story and
honors their challenges and dreams.
This framework builds on the missions of community-based organizations and
incorporates an appreciative inquiry framework and guiding principles to guide both the
organization and the participants for integration. Immigrant mothers are valued, championed,
supported, and inspired to continue supporting future generations.
Recommendations for Future Research
The purpose of this research study was to identify best practices and strategies employed
by immigrant mothers to support their children’s academic success, as well as challenges
encountered by immigrant mothers in the process. Immigrant mothers’ measures of success and
recommendations for other immigrant mothers were also part of the study’s objectives. As a
result, other questions relating to immigrant mothers supporting their children’s academic
success emerged and informed recommendations for future research:
• Explore strategies used by community-based organization to support immigrant
mothers.
• Explore policies that support the integration of immigrants into the host society.
• Examine how schools’ parent engagement measures are informed by the communities
they serve.
• Study the correlation between immigrant mothers' mental health and their children’s
mental health.
• Explore the role of trust in immigrant communities and the resources they access.
• Explore how immigration trauma affects children of immigrant families.
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• Explore the best practices, strategies, challenges, and recommendations of immigrant
mothers to address the mental health stigma.
• Replicate of this qualitative study to examine best practices, strategies, challenges,
and recommendations with immigrant fathers.
• Replicate this qualitative study to examine best practices, strategies, challenges, and
recommendations with immigrant parents with children with special needs.
• Replicate this qualitative study to examine best practices, strategies, challenges, and
recommendations with immigrant mothers from non-Latin American countries.
• Explore the use of the García Integration Model to support other underrepresented
groups.
Author’s Notes
Sharing our testimonios can be a cathartic experience oftentimes eliciting emotions that
can trigger undesired memories when sharing traumatic experiences. Thus, a certain level of trust
is needed to share such personal information. I am honored by the trust the participants placed in
me through the process of my research as I know this study would not have yielded the same
findings if the participants had not trusted me. Although the word trust was not explicitly
mentioned by the immigrant mothers that were interviewed, the findings and model are founded
in the trust the participants and I share. The data collection process was a difficult one for both
the participants and me. Being part of the community has allowed me to build relationships with
many of the families who we have serviced throughout the years. However, nothing prepared me
for the way I felt in interviewing my participants. Engaging in bracketing provided an outlet as I
journaled my own emotions and biases, nonetheless, I encountered challenges when conducting
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multiple interviews on a single day. I did not anticipate being impacted the way I was by some of
their testimonios and at times struggled with processing my own emotions in between interviews.
Capturing the most authentic testimonios from the study participants encouraged the
development of the García Integration Model. It was their insight that informed the best practices
and challenges they face in supporting their children’s educational journey as well as their
recommendations for other immigrant mothers. Furthermore, in reflecting on the findings and
model, I believe that the level of support encouraged by my model can be adapted and used to
serve other underrepresented populations.
Final Thoughts
Immigrant mothers' efforts to support their children’s academic success as they face daily
challenges due to their legal status, language barriers, access to support and lack of opportunity
are a testament to their dedication, commitment, and love for their children. The best practices,
strategies, and recommendations come from immigrant mother’s lived experiences; their
testimonios confirm their determination to support their children academically as they
wholeheartedly believe it is the legacy they will leave their children and the reason for all their
sacrifices.
Participants testimonios provided a window to their heart, a space they often keep to
themselves. Their experiences are a clear demonstration of the unique strength built through the
toughest journeys. Their will to face the daily challenges, celebrate every victory and learn from
their experiences is inspiring. The vulnerability it takes to open up about their most personal
experiences in hopes that their story could help someone else who might be going through what
they have experienced, speaks to their genuine essence as mothers who have sacrificed for their
children and would do it again in a heartbeat.
