Acculturation Experiences of Formerly Undocumented Jamaican Immig.pdf

Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study

Several studies have addressed the acculturation process of documented and

undocumented immigrants (Hovey, 2000; Lee et al., 2004; Sirin et al., 2013). However,

investigative efforts on acculturation experiences have, for the most part, excluded

immigrants from the Caribbean, specifically immigrants from the island of Jamaica.

Additionally, acculturation theories have scarcely been incorporated into studies on

Caribbean immigrants’ mental health functioning though it is widely accepted by the

scientific community that acculturation is significant to the psychological health and

well-being of immigrants (Yoon et al., 2011).

In this study, I explored the acculturation experiences of former undocumented

Jamaican immigrants residing in the United States, specifically immigrants residing

within the New York City area (Brooklyn, Queens, Bronx, Manhattan, and Staten Island).

This study was warranted due to the number of immigrants arriving to the United States

shores from Jamaica, which has steadily been increasing from over 50% of immigrants to

over 65% (Migration Policy Institute, 2016). As the numbers have risen, little is known

regarding how undocumented Jamaican immigrants adapt to their acculturation

experiences and how those experiences impact immigrants’ mental health as well as

mental health seeking behaviors. By raising awareness of the experiences of this

population, the findings from this study may catalyze for social change for this group

through psychoeducation as well as aid mental health practitioners in becoming more

culturally sensitive to the experiences that impact the psychological well-being of the

undocumented Jamaican immigrant community.

In this chapter, I present a discussion on the introduction, background of the

problem, problem statement, purpose, research question, conceptual framework, nature of

the study, operational definitions, scope and delimitations, limitations, significance, and I

summarize the key ideas presented throughout the chapter.

Background of the Problem

Several researchers have investigated acculturation. In this section, I presented

examples of prominent scholarly literature related to the acculturation process faced by

immigrants. Cobb et al. (2016) and Suh and Kim (2012) discussed the impact of

acculturative stress as well as coping strategies to manage acculturative stress. DeAngelis

(2011) and Hovey and Magana (2002) discussed processes for helping immigrants find

their way along the acculturation process, which can aid in understanding the experiences

of the study’s participants. Moreover, Ferguson et al. (2014) and Ferguson and Bornstein

(2015) discussed enculturation from the perspective of Jamaicans residing in their native

country and the acculturative experiences of Jamaican immigrants using a tridimensional

(3D) acculturation model to investigate psychological functioning. 3D acculturation

refers to the environment that the immigrant must adapt to and live in, which consists of

three domains: the immigrant’s cultural background, the European American culture, and

African American (Ferguson et al., 2014).

Kim et al. (2012) and Berry (2005) examined and discussed acculturation

strategies and the coping process of immigrants. Louis et al. (2017) and Joseph et al.

(2013) investigated the impact of acculturation on Black documented Caribbean

immigrants, which aids in conceptualizing the experiences of undocumented Jamaican

immigrants.

The above literature addressed concerns pertaining to the acculturation process for

undocumented immigrants. However, a gap remains in research on Caribbean

immigrants, and more specifically undocumented immigrants from Jamaica, using a 3D

approach to understanding the phenomenon. In this current study, I used this approach,

but its participants were formerly (rather than currently) undocumented immigrants in

New York City. The rationale for this sampling approach is that it may have increased the

number of members of this population willing to participate.

The undocumented Jamaican immigrant population has steadily been increasing

in volume (USA Facts, 2021); however, despite the increase in presence of this group,

little is known regarding how the undocumented Jamaican immigrant manages and

mitigates 3D acculturation experiences. Undocumented Jamaican immigrants must learn

to manage the stress associated with unfamiliar race-related issues along with their illegal

status as well as shift back and forth between their own cultural identity and European

American and African American cultural identities (Ferguson et al., 2014). These

combined issues may create risk factors that lead to mental health issues for the

undocumented Jamaican immigrant group (Adewunmi, 2015).

Problem Statement

The undocumented Jamaican immigrant population has been steadily increasing

in size over the years (USA Facts, 2021); however, little is known regarding how the

undocumented Jamaican immigrant group adapts to the 3D acculturation process.

Jamaican immigrants residing in the United States are the largest immigrant group

from the Caribbean islands, as compared to other islands such as Barbados, Trinidad, or

Haiti (Migration Policy Institute, 2016). As a result of their migration, Jamaican

immigrants often encounter immense difficulty trying to navigate their new 3D

environment. This 3D environment consists of the immigrants’ arrival to the United

States with their own cultural background, the European American culture, and the

culture of the African Americans; the immigrant must learn to adapt to and live within

these three domains (Ferguson et al., 2014).

Undocumented Jamaican immigrants must learn to manage the stress associated

with unfamiliar race-related issues along with their illegal status as well as shift back and

forth between their cultural identity and the European American and African American

cultural identities (Ferguson et al., 2014). These combined issues may create risk factors

that lead to mental health issues for the undocumented Jamaican immigrant group

(Adewunmi, 2015). A review of the data has indicated that Caribbean immigrants often

experience high levels of psychological distress while displaying low professional help

seeking behaviors (Ferguson et al., 2014). Undocumented Jamaican immigrants’

acculturation experiences may impact their overall mental health negatively in the

absence of culturally appropriate mental health services as well as clinicians who are not

culturally competent.

Purpose

The purpose of this study was to explore the acculturation experiences of formerly

undocumented Jamaican immigrants residing in New York City (Brooklyn, Queens,

Bronx, Manhattan, and Staten Island). Formerly undocumented Jamaican immigrants’

experiences while undergoing the process of acculturation can adversely impact their

emotional and behavioral functioning. To address the gap in the literature on

undocumented immigrants’ acculturation process, I used a qualitative approach to expand

the knowledge available from a phenomenological perspective.

The qualitative approach allowed me to access the shared experiences of

undocumented Jamaican immigrants. Through the analysis of these shared experiences, I

identified common themes within the study of how this process impacts the psychological

well-being of immigrants as a whole, specifically undocumented Jamaican immigrants.

This approach provided a platform for the voices of those who are compelled to live and

survive with these 3D experiences to be heard. Semistructured phenomenological

interviews and field notes were used to attempt to understand the essence of the

acculturation experiences of former undocumented Jamaican immigrants.

Research Question

Research question (RQ): What are the lived experiences of acculturation of

undocumented Jamaican immigrants who reside in the five boroughs of New York City

(Brooklyn, Queens, Manhattan, Bronx, and Staten Island)?

Conceptual Framework

The conceptual framework I employed to gain a richer understanding of the lived

experiences of undocumented Jamaican immigrants was a model of 3D acculturation,

postulated by Ferguson et al. (2014). The authors posited that 3D acculturation occurs in

multiple domains of experiences, including the immigrants’ behavior, identity, and

psychological adjustment to their new 3D environment that consists of their own cultural

background, European culture, and African American culture.

Building on Berry’s (2005) bi-dimensional model of acculturation, which

included the immigrants’ degree of participation in their ethnic culture (Dimension 1) and

the degree of participation in the culture of the host country (Dimension 2), Ferguson et

al. (2014) posited that crossing both dimensions will create four alternative acculturation

statuses: integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization. According to

Ferguson et al. (2014), integration refers to the immigrant being high on Dimension 1 and

on Dimension 2. Assimilation refers to the immigrant being low on Dimension 1 but high

on Dimension 2. Separation refers to the immigrant being high on Dimension 1 and low

on Dimension 2. Marginalization refers to the immigrant being low on Dimension 1 and

Dimension 2.

Ferguson et al. (2014) postulated that acculturation occurs in a three-dimensional

mode for some immigrants from multicultural societies of origin as well as for some

immigrants who through the process of immigration become ethnic minorities in a

multicultural receiving society, such as documented or undocumented Jamaican

immigrants in the United States. Ferguson et al. (2014) stated that bi-cultural individuals

such as Jamaican immigrants experience stress related to the demands and conﬂicting

messages put forth by two cultures. These experiences can be associated with negative

psychological adjustment for Jamaican immigrants. Conversely, immigrants who try to

combine three cultural worlds may be at an even greater risk for acculturative stress or

culture shock than immigrants who try to combine two cultural worlds. In Chapter 2, the

literature review section of this study, I provide a more detailed explication of the

conceptual framework.

Ferguson et al.’s (2014) conceptual framework of 3D acculturation has

significantly influenced the course and nature of this qualitative study. Using this

concept, I was guided in the development of the RQ: What are the lived experiences of

acculturation of undocumented Jamaican immigrants who reside in the five boroughs of

New York City (Brooklyn, Queens, Manhattan, Bronx, and Staten Island)? In addition to

Ferguson et al.’s 3D model as the conceptual framework, I used a transcendental

phenomenological method (Vagle, 2018) to examine the undocumented immigrants’

lived experiences. I generated the research instrument used for this study with the

conceptual framework as a guide to construct each interview question. The instrument

used open-ended questions to facilitate a deeper discussion facilitated by follow-up

questions due to the nature of semistructured responsive interviews.

Nature of the Study

The nature of the study was qualitative in that I used the transcendental

phenomenological design (Vagle, 2018) to identify and understand the common themes

among the lived experiences of undocumented Jamaican immigrants who resided in the

New York City area. Transcendental phenomenology is grounded in the concept of

putting aside all preconceived ideas that the researcher may have about the phenomenon

in an attempt to see the phenomenon through unclouded glasses of the experiencer,

thereby allowing the true meaning and experience of being an undocumented immigrant

undergoing 3D acculturation to naturally emerge.

I employed the responsive interviewing technique to conduct interviews with

former undocumented Jamaican immigrants. The responsive interviewing method is a

conversational collaborative approach between the researcher and the participant

(Hunter-Revell, 2013). This approach to interviewing allows the researcher to understand

the participants’ experiences through words and stories that create meaning (Hunter-

Revell, 2013). I conducted one-on-one interviews with each participant; I used the same

interview format for each participant of the study. Regarding data analysis, I looked for

and identified common themes among the collected data. For the current study, the best

practice was to use the methods of interpretative phenomenological analysis for data

collection, analysis, and interpretation.

Definitions

Acculturation: Operationally defined as the change in cultural behaviors, values,

and social identity that occur over time due to intercultural contact (Lansford et al., 2007;

Schwartz et al., 2010).

Acculturative stress: Operationally defined as an individual’s response to a life-

changing event that is rooted in the individual’s experience of acculturation (Sam &

Berry, 2010).

Assimilation: Operationally defined as the process where immigrants gradually

incorporate into the receiving culture or society by way of adapting to the customs and

values of the new society, while simultaneously relinquishing the traditional customs and

values of the native society (Murphy & Mahalingam, 2004).

Segmented assimilation: Operationally defined as the process where different

groups and individuals experience the assimilation process in differing ways (Portes &

Zhou, 1993).

Spatial assimilation: Operationally defined as the process where new immigrants

upon their arrival in the host society reside in lower socioeconomic regions where ethnic

members are spatially located or are overrepresented (Lee, 2009).

Tridimensional acculturation: Operationally defined as a 3D model of

acculturation for Black and non-Black U.S. immigrants where they acculturate along

three distinct cultural dimensions, namely, ethnic culture, European-American culture,

and African American (Ferguson et al., 2012).

Unidimensional acculturation: Operationally defined as the process where

immigrants acculturate towards the mainstream culture to fit into that society (Yoon et

al., 2013).

Assumptions

Leedy and Ormrod (2013) stated that assumptions are the values and beliefs that

the researcher brings to the study that they assume are appropriate for the study. Keeping

in line with the definition advanced by Leedy and Ormrod, I assumed in this study that

the participants would respond to interview questions openly and honestly. I also

assumed that the most appropriate design was selected to address the RQ. A final

assumption was that the representative sample would be a true reflection of the

acculturation experiences of the undocumented Jamaican immigrant population. These

assumptions were warranted due to the nature of the study’s participants. The participants

were former undocumented immigrants who have now earned their legal immigration

status. As such, these participants were more likely to be forthcoming in their responses

as the fear of apprehension and deportation by immigration authorities had been

extinguished. They may have been more willing to tell their story to affirm their triumph

over adversity and demonstrate their resilience.

Scope and Delimitations

Each scientific research project is limited in scope to the geographical region in

which the study has been conducted (Connelly, 2016). Due to the inability to sample and

interview all the formerly undocumented Jamaican immigrants within the state of New

York, the United States, or other parts of the world, this study’s sample was limited to the

five boroughs of New York City (Brooklyn, Bronx, Queens, Manhattan, and Staten

Island). The data collected from this sample were not representative of the entire formerly

undocumented Jamaican immigrant population, thus limiting this study’s generalizability.

Delimitations are defined as those factors that place limitations on a research

study, but these limitations remain under the control of the researcher (Bloomberg &

Volpe, 2015). The research design and methodology selected, the theoretical framework,

and the specific geographical areas are all examples of delimitations. Delimitations were

included and presented to obtain knowledge and understanding of the availability of the

undocumented Jamaican immigrant group.

Limitations

This study is limited in its ability to sample a wider geographical area within the

United States. This limitation inherent in the sampling process only afforded me the

opportunity to sample participants within the five boroughs of New York City and as

such may not have sufficient transferability as a study with a larger sampling area.

Another limitation of the study was the inability to sample current undocumented

immigrants from Jamaica due to the high vulnerability of this group, as they may fear

being exposed for their illegal status and deported back to their native country.

An additional limitation was the potential for research bias. As a Jamaican

immigrant, there was the possibility of research bias, as I share a similar ethnic

background and have had similar immigrant experiences. I have also experienced the

process of acculturation, which could have influenced the outcome of the study. To

address this limitation, I practiced bridling, postulated by Vagle (2018) as the act of

restraining one’s preunderstanding, personal beliefs, theories, and other assumptions that

otherwise would mislead the understanding of meaning and thus limit the researcher’s

openness.

Significance

The number of immigrants arriving on the United States shores from Jamaica has

been steadily increasing over the past 2 decades from 30% to 65% (Migration Policy

Institute, 2016). As the numbers rise, little is known regarding how undocumented

Jamaican immigrants adapt to their acculturation experiences and how those experiences

impact mental health and mental health seeking behaviors. In this study, I attempted to

fill the gap in understanding the 3D acculturation experiences of a largely understudied

population. Work on the psychological adjustment of Caribbean immigrants is growing;

however, like most of the studies on immigrant health, there is an absence of studies

employing acculturation theory (Ferguson et al. 2014), and even less using a 3D

acculturation model (Ferguson et al. 2014). This study can increase understanding of the

experiences of former undocumented immigrants from Jamaica as well as the

acculturation strategies employed by them to cope with their reality as illegal immigrants.

This study is significant not only for the undocumented Jamaican immigrant

group but also for the Caribbean immigrant community and for mental health

practitioners who work with these groups. With increased research, knowledge, and

understanding of the undocumented Jamaican immigrant’s lived experiences,

scholar/practitioners may be better equipped to provide appropriate culturally sensitive

interventions to aid undocumented Jamaican immigrants while they work towards

obtaining legal status and the American dream. Through increased awareness into the

experiences of this population, the findings from this study may serve as a catalyst for

social change for this group and aid mental health practitioners in becoming culturally

sensitive to the experiences that impact the psychological well-being of the

undocumented Jamaican immigrant community. The findings from this study can assist

scholar/practitioners in understanding how acculturation experiences can impact the

mental health seeking behaviors of undocumented Jamaican immigrants as well as how

these experiences may lead to problems such as an indulgence in criminal activities or

increased mental health problems that may negatively impact the host community.

Summary

Over the past 2 decades, there has been an increase in the number of Jamaican

immigrants arriving in the United States from 30% to 65% (Migration Policy Institute,

2016). As the number of Jamaican immigrants continues to rise, scholars in the field have

limited knowledge regarding how undocumented Jamaican immigrants adapt to their

acculturation experiences and how those experiences impact their mental health and

mental health seeking behaviors. In this research study, I attempted to address the gap in

understanding the 3D acculturation experiences of the largely understudied

undocumented Jamaican population.

Every study has obstacles and setbacks. Bryman (2016) postulated that

scholars/researchers must account for assumptions, limitations, scope, and delimitations

in their research studies. Bryman posited that these weaknesses are inherent in all

research studies. Thus, researchers should proactively attempt to address these concerns.

By attempting to account for assumptions, limitations, scope, and delimitations, I

demonstrated integrity in the research effort as well as increased the validity of the study.

In this chapter, I presented the background information necessary to inform the reader of

the significance, purpose, and design approach of the study. I provide a presentation and

discussion of relevant literature in Chapter 2.

Chapter 2: Literature Review

Though the undocumented Jamaican immigrant population has been steadily

increasing in size over the years (USA Facts, 2021), little is known regarding how the

undocumented Jamaican immigrant group adapts to the 3D acculturation process. The

purpose of this study was to explore the acculturation experiences of former

undocumented Jamaican immigrants who lived within New York City (Brooklyn,

Queens, Bronx, Manhattan, and Staten Island). Undocumented Jamaican immigrants’

experiences while undergoing the process of acculturation can adversely impact their

emotional and behavioral functioning (Ferguson et al., 2014). Jamaican immigrants are

the largest immigrant group from the Caribbean residing in the United States, and they

often encounter immense difficulty navigating their new environment (Ferguson et al.,

2014; Venner & Welfare, 2019).

Though the undocumented Jamaican immigrant population has been steadily

increasing in size over the past 2 decades (Ferguson et al., 2014; Venner & Welfare,

2019), little is known regarding how the undocumented Jamaican immigrant group adapts

to the 3D acculturation process. Undocumented Jamaican immigrants must learn to

manage the stress associated with unfamiliar race-related issues, their illegal status, and

the shift back and forth between their own cultural identity, European American identity,

and African American cultural identities (Ferguson et al., 2014).

The combination of legal issues and acculturation factors may create risk factors

that can lead to mental health issues for the undocumented Jamaican immigrant group

(Adewunmi, 2015; Julien & Drentea, 2020). A review of the data indicated that

Caribbean immigrants often experience extremely high levels of psychological distress

while displaying very low professional help seeking behaviors (Ferguson et al., 2014;

Venner & Welfare, 2019). Undocumented Jamaican immigrants’ acculturation

experiences may impact their overall mental health negatively in the absence of culturally

appropriate mental health services as well as clinicians who are not culturally competent

(Ferguson et al., 2014).

Little is known regarding how undocumented Jamaican immigrants adapt to their

acculturation experiences and how those experiences impact their mental health and

mental health seeking behaviors (Venner & Welfare, 2019). This study helps fill the gap

in the literature and provides deeper understanding of the 3D acculturation experiences of

a largely understudied population. Work on the psychological adjustment of Caribbean

immigrants is growing; however, like most immigrant health studies, there is an absence

of studies employing acculturation theory and even less using a 3D acculturation model

(Ferguson et al. 2014). Undocumented Jamaican immigrants must learn to navigate their

new terrain and the cultural influences from all three cultures present in their new

environment. Navigating all three cultural backgrounds can potentially create significant

risk factors related to immigrants’ mental health status and offer a unique opportunity for

scholars to investigate these experiences to gain a deeper understanding of this

phenomenon. This study can increase understanding of the experiences of undocumented

immigrants from Jamaica as well as the acculturation strategies employed by them to

cope with their reality as an illegal immigrant.

This study is significant not only for the undocumented Jamaican immigrant

group but also for the Caribbean immigrant community and for mental health

practitioners working with these groups. With increased research, as well as knowledge

and understanding of the undocumented Jamaican immigrants’ lived experiences,

scholar/practitioners may be better equipped to provide appropriate culturally sensitive

interventions to aid undocumented Jamaican immigrants while they work towards

obtaining legal status and the American dream. Through increased awareness into the

experiences of this population, the findings from this study may serve as a catalyst for

social change for this group as well as aid mental health practitioners in becoming more

culturally sensitive to the experiences that impact the psychological well-being of the

undocumented Jamaican immigrant community. The findings from this study can assist

scholar/practitioners in understanding how acculturation or 3D acculturation experiences

can impact the mental health seeking behaviors of undocumented Jamaican immigrants

as well as how these experiences may lead to problems such as an involvement in

criminal activities or increased mental health problems that may negatively impact the

host community (Ferguson et al., 2014; Julien & Drentea, 2020). In this chapter, I include

an introduction, literature search strategies, conceptual framework, literature review

related to key concepts, and a summary of the key ideas presented.

Literature Search Strategy

My literature search began in August 2019 and continued throughout the study.

Sources for the literature review were limited to articles and materials published within

the last 5 years (2016–2021). However, I did not exclude foundational data due to the 5-

year limitation. The following databases facilitated my search for sources: PsycArticles,

PsycInfo, PsycBooks, PsycCritiques, PsycExtra, Social-WorkInfo, Google Scholar,

ProQuest Dissertation and Theses at Walden University, and ERIC Database. I used

general search terms such as acculturation, stress, immigrants, and coping strategies as

the main search terms. I used search terms such as Jamaican and Caribbean to narrow

the search parameters. I also used a combination of Jamaican immigrants and

acculturation stress; the results of these search strategies yielded a review of source

references by investigators when the general search provided no data.

Conceptual Framework

3D acculturation, the chosen conceptual framework for this study, is a model

postulated by Ferguson et al. (2014). Ferguson et al. (2014) posited that 3D acculturation

occurs in multiple domains of experiences, including the immigrants’ behavior, identity,

and psychological adjustment to their new 3D environment, consisting of their own

cultural background, European culture, and the African American culture.

Ferguson et al.’s (2014) model was founded on Berry’s (1997) original bi-

dimensional model of acculturation, which included the immigrants’ degree of

participation in their ethnic culture, referred to as Dimension 1, and the degree of

participation in the culture of the host country, referred to as Dimension 2. Expanding on

Berry’s model, Ferguson et al. (2014) posited that crossing both dimensions creates four

alternative acculturation statuses: integration, assimilation, separation, and

marginalization. According to Ferguson et al.,

1. Integration refers to the immigrant being high on Dimension 1 and on

Dimension 2.

2. Assimilation refers to the immigrant being low on Dimension 1 but high on

Dimension 2.

3. Separation refers to the immigrant being high on Dimension 1 and low on

Dimension 2.

4. Marginalization refers to the immigrant being low on Dimension 1 and

Dimension 2.

To further understand the phenomenon of 3D acculturation, Ferguson et al. (2014)

designed and conducted their study to investigate the ethnic identity and psychological

functioning of tricultural Jamaican immigrant adults in the United States occupying three

cultural worlds within their daily lives (Jamaican, European American, and African

American). They sampled 80 middle-aged Jamaican immigrants and had them complete

questionnaires reporting their experiences of acculturation, life satisfaction, ethnic

identity, as well as psychological distress. Ferguson et al.’s findings confirmed that 3D

acculturation was prominent in more than half of the study’s sample. They found that

ethnic identity had stronger correlations with acculturation and psychological functioning

than did ethnic identity commitment, as well as that tri-cultural immigrants reported

greater psychological distress. Ferguson et al.’s findings engendered theoretical and

clinical signiﬁcance for Jamaican immigrants and immigrants from other minority groups

who experience 3D acculturation.

Ferguson et al. (2012, 2014) postulated that acculturation occurs in a three-

dimensional mode for some immigrants from multicultural societies of origin as well as

for some immigrants who through the process of immigration become ethnic minorities

in a multicultural receiving society. Ferguson et al. (2014) stated that bi-cultural

individuals such as Jamaican immigrants experience stress related to the demands and

conﬂicting messages put forth by two cultures. These experiences can be associated with

negative psychological adjustment. Conversely, immigrants who try to combine three

cultural worlds may be at an even greater risk for acculturative stress or culture shock

than immigrants who try to combine two cultural worlds (Ferguson et al., 2014).

The 3D model of acculturation has been used in several studies by Ferguson and

other researchers such as Ferguson et al. (2012), Ferguson and Bornstein (2013), and Kim

and Hou (2016). Ferguson et al. first postulated the model of 3D acculturation after

examining Berry’s (1997) original work on bidimensional acculturation; they contended

that a bidimensional viewpoint of how immigrants from the Caribbean acculturate was

inadequate to fully capture and account for the immigrants’ multiple destination cultures

within contemporary settlement societies. Ferguson et al. first examined the 3D model by

studying 473 adolescent mother dyads in the United States and compared them to

Jamaicans, European Americans, African Americans, and other non-Black U.S.

immigrant dyads. Ferguson et al. found that Jamaican immigrants presented with

evidence of 3D acculturation with an orientation towards Jamaican, African American,

and European American cultures. They found that Jamaican and other Black immigrants

were more inclined to embrace the African American culture over the European

American culture. Tricultural integration was highly favored at a rate of approximately

70%. Assimilated adolescents of first-generation immigrants had a more difficult

sociocultural adaptation than integrated and separated adolescent immigrants.

Ferguson and Bornstein (2013) posited that depending on the immigrant

population under examination, a different acculturation lens is required to fully appreciate

the unique experiences of the immigrants. The authors stated that Black immigrants from

the Caribbean residing within the United States experience 3D acculturation due to three

relevant cultural domains (i.e., mainstream European American culture, African

American culture, and their culture of origin). Ferguson and Bornstein used the 3D model

of acculturation to examine 3D acculturation among Jamaican adolescent immigrants and

their parents residing in the United States using empirical findings from variable-centered

and person-centered analyses. The authors found that the most common acculturation

status was tricultural integration; they also found that adolescent immigrants were more

well-adjusted as compared to their cohorts of nonimmigrant U.S. and Jamaican

adolescents. Ferguson and Bornstein found that female adolescent immigrants benefitted

more from triculturalism than from biculturalism. Implications from their study are that a

3D model reveals new dimensions and can add depth to the perception of acculturation

for some immigrants, especially minority immigrants who have settled into multicultural

societies. They advised researchers and practitioners to carefully consider which model of

acculturation (2D or 3D) is most appropriate for use when working with immigrants

within and across societies.

To understand the mechanisms behind the acculturation process of ethnic

minority youths, Kim and Hou (2016) applied the 3D model of acculturation to 350

Chinese American families (adolescent and their parents) in Northern California. Kim

and Hou examined the potential through which parental orientation could be linked to

adolescent orientation. The results of their investigation revealed that the participants

were oriented toward Chinese American orientation, Chinese orientation, and American

orientation, which supports Ferguson et al.’s (2014) model of 3D acculturation. They

found a unique effect of parent Chinese American orientation on parental bicultural

orientation of Chinese socialization values.

The rationale for the use of this conceptual framework by Ferguson et al. (2014)

in this current study was due to Ferguson’s (2012, 2013, 2014) continued work on the 3D

acculturation process faced by immigrants from Caribbean origin. I sought to gain a

deeper understanding of how undocumented Jamaican immigrants experience and cope

with their acculturation or 3D acculturation experiences. The RQ related to, challenged,

and built upon the existing theory of 3D acculturation, as posited by Ferguson et al

(2014).

Literature Review Related to Key Concepts

In this section of the literature review, I expounded on key research articles and

concepts related to this study. I began the literature review section with a summary of the

history of the major immigration policies within the United States as it relates to the topic

of this study. I then reviewed the literature on studies and concepts of transcendental

phenomenology, acculturation, 3D acculturation, acculturative stress, acculturative stress

and mental health, assimilation, segmented assimilation, and spatial assimilation.

Brief History of United States Immigration Policies

The United States has long been perceived as the land of opportunity; it is this

misleading perception of life in the United States that has lured many immigrants to its

shores. For the first half of the 21

century, the United States practiced an open border

policy for admission of immigrants; however, contemporary immigration laws are much

more stringent, especially in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks (Esbenshade,

2011). Prior to 1882, the United States immigration policies afforded opportunities to

immigrants to cross its border, as it allowed the country to take advantage of the cheap

labor that the immigrants provided, which was needed for economic viability

(Esbenshade, 2011).

Since the enactment of the 1882 policy, there have been several amendments or

immigration reforms designed to curtail and control immigration access. The next wave

of reform was ushered in by the Immigration Reform Act of 1965, which created

opportunities for Blacks, especially those from the Caribbean, to enter the United States

(Migration Policy Institute, 2016). In 1970, the Naturalization Act marked the beginning

of discriminatory practices in immigration policies (Migration Policy Institute, 2016).

These new policies focused on family reunification and the vetting of

professionals for entry. Following the enactment of the United States Immigration

Reform Act of 1965, there was a reported 4 million immigrants from the Caribbean

residing within the United States. Of this number, 66% of the immigrant population was

from the country of Jamaica (Migration Policy Institute, 2016).

The 1965 reforms allowed certain categories of immigrants who already had

family members living in the United States to apply for visas, which were given priority

status. Reforms in 1990 allowed professionals and skilled laborers entry into the United

States to fill gaps in the labor market (Migration Policy Institute, 2016). Though

immigration practices of today are more rigid than previous policies, there is still a need

for highly skilled immigrants, and this is addressed through immigration programs such

as the H-1B visas and family and employer-sponsored green card programs (Hanson,

2012).

Migration Patterns

According to current census data (Migration Policy Institute, 2016) the United

States is called home to the largest number of Jamaicans outside of the Caribbean.

However, just like most immigrants from other nations, Jamaican immigrants have

exchanged their ethnic majority status in their country of origin for minority status in

their new land of settlement, the United States of America. Jamaica is primarily a black

Caribbean Island located approximately 200 miles south off the coast of Florida, the

Jamaican ethnic background is derived from the West African coast.

Jamaicans’ migration to the United States began as early as the 1960s; Jamaicans

began mass migration into the United States following the reformation of immigration

policies which opened the borders to skilled professional workers (Ferguson et al., 2015).

Approximately 637,000 Jamaican foreign born lived in the US in 2008;4 Jamaican

immigrants to the United States typically sojourned in New York and Florida (Migration

Policy Institute, 2016). Jamaican immigrants are generally educated and participate more

in the labor market than native-born Americans (Migration Policy Institute, 2016).

Studies Conducted in Transcendental Phenomenology

There are two main approaches to phenomenology within qualitative research:

hermeneutic phenomenology and transcendental phenomenology. These approaches

represent traditional philosophical views on the human experience as well as how to

collect, organize, and analyze phenomenological data (Moerer-Urdahl & Creswell, 2004).

Hermeneutic phenomenology and transcendental phenomenology hold significant

differences in their historical origins, methodology, and current advocates for each

model. Moustakas (1994) posited that the search for meaning is the essence of the

transcendental approach and that it provides us with the means to collect and organize

data in an attempt to explicate the essence of human experience.

Moerer-Urdahl and Creswell (2004) conducted a qualitative transcendental

phenomenology study of the sustained effects of a youth leadership mentoring program.

The study was part of an ongoing project by the Nebraska Human Resource Research

Institute (NHRI), which began providing leadership training for college students who

served as mentors to younger children in the elementary, middle, as well as in high

schools in 1949. According to Moerer-Urdahl and Creswell (2004), NHRI’s goal was for

mentors and mentees to assess their personal strengths, learn how to invest in others, and

eventually reinvest what they learned in others (pay it forward). The researchers selected

nine former mentors who had been participants of the NHRI projects throughout a forty-

year span, the participants were recipients of prestigious leadership awards during their

affiliation with the NHRI program.

Moerer-Urdahl and Creswell (2004) conducted interviews for their study via

telephone. The nine participants were asked about their choice to participate in the

mentor program and if they had any unique experiences, how the mentoring program

impacted them and their mentees, and what leadership skills they developed while

participating in the program.

The authors reported that one common theme that emerged from data analysis

was that the mentors reported a shared language when describing the culture of the NHRI

program. The mentors used catchphrases from the program’s culture to report their

experiences such as “dipper and the bucket,” (dipper and bucket refer to filling another

person’s bucket, which is central to their helping relationship and requires time,

commitment, and selfless desire to help others grow and develop). Another term

frequently used by the mentors throughout the interviews was “difference makers,” (this

refers to those making a significant difference in the lives of others). And finally, the

“ripple effect” (the human investment made in helping their mentees, and the long-term,

multiplying investment that mentors and mentees would continue to make in others

throughout their lives).

In another study using the transcendental phenomenology design, Cahapay (2021)

examined how parents gave meaning to their involvement in the remote learning of their

children amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Using the Husserlian transcendental approach

Cahapay examined the experiences of 12 parents (mainly mothers) from Mindanao

Philippines using internet-based interviews. After transcription, coding, and analysis,

Cahapay reported 36 emerging themes; however, the following four themes represented

the core experience of parental involvement in their children’s remote learning

environment. The first theme was journeying through multiple changes; second was

connecting with their children physically and emotionally; third was experiencing

multifaceted difficulties in the learning process; and finally, responding to the call of new

challenges of parenting in an online environment. The results of the Cahapay study have

significant implications. Aside from its theoretical contributions to the design, the study

offers practical insight into crisis planning in education.

Acculturation

Acculturation is significant for the Jamaican immigrant due in part to the racial

and ethnic experiences of the broader African American minority group; the African

American group is a salient dimension in the acculturation experiences of Jamaicans

based on segmented assimilation (i.e., different sectors of the society are more willing to

accept certain immigrant groups) (Ferguson et al., 2014). Jamaican culture is collectivist

and family oriented in nature; as such, Jamaican immigrants typically find it difficult to

acculturate to the pervasive individualism that they encounter in the United States.

Jamaican immigrants share similar racial and colonial histories with African

Americans. And as such, Jamaican immigrants tend to seek companionship and guidance

from the African American group in understanding how to navigate the race-stratified

society that they find themselves living in (Ferguson et al., 2014). Jamaican immigrants’

acculturation experiences are rooted in a contextually based reality of America as a

multicultural and racially segregated society, in which they must learn to distinguish

between the White majority and the Black minority receiving cultures (Ferguson et al.,

2014). The undocumented Jamaican population faces much more difficulty acculturating

than the documented population due to their illegal immigration status. Social realities

such as racism, obstacles to adequate health care, fear of apprehension, and deportation

are commonly experienced by undocumented immigrant groups (Urrieta & Quach, 2000).

Hovey (2000) posited that for an immigrant to successfully acculturate, there must

be an amalgamation of the immigrant’s culture of origin with that of the host culture in

the new environment in which they are currently living in. Hovey and Magana (2002)

stated that learning to speak a new language, separating from family, feelings of loss, and

culture shock can significantly contribute to psychological distress.

Several studies (Hovey, 2000; Lee et al., 2004; Sirin et al., 2013) demonstrated a

positive correlation between acculturative stress, suicidal ideation, and major depression

in immigrants. Acculturation has been conceptualized in different ways by different

disciplines. Two main disciplines have assessed and conceptualized the process of

acculturation. Scholars (Lansford, et al. 2007; Schwartz et al. 2010) from psychology and

sociology have lent their expertise to the understanding and conceptualization of how the

process of acculturation unfolds and how it impacts new immigrants.

Acculturation from the perspective of psychology is conceptualized as the change

in cultural behaviors, values, and social identity which occurs over time due to

intercultural contact (Lansford et al. 2007; Schwartz et al. 2010). Berry’s (1987, 1997) bi-

dimensional framework is considered one of the prevailing models in psychology.

According to Berry’s (1987, 1997) model of acculturation, acculturation is determined

by,

1. The amount of contact that the immigrant has with the culture of origin which

is referred to as dimension 1.

2. The amount of contact with the destination culture referred to is as dimension

AIMS (assimilation, integration, marginalization, and separation) is obtained from cross-

tabulating dimensions 1 and 2.

Acculturation research in psychology has primarily focused on the processes

involved in acculturation strategies. Psychological indicators such as revision of cultural

practices, values or identity, and adaptation outcomes such as sociocultural and

psychological adjustment of groups and individuals after intercultural contact with the

receiving culture have aided in understanding the acculturation process (Berry &

Sabatier, 2011). Behavioral acculturations such as language, interpersonal contact, and

food have received much notoriety within the sciences. However, values acculturation is

just as significant to understanding the process (Berry & Sabatier, 2011). Ferguson and

Bornstein (2013) posited that nonimmigrants, as well as immigrants from traditional,

independent, collectivist Eastern societies, are more likely to experience less traditional,

and more independent, individualistic Western values of the receiving culture.

Acculturation from the perspective of sociology takes a different approach to

conceptualizing the process. Sociology has long contended that there is more than one

destination culture in America and that the inner-city American culture will only apply to

some, not all, immigrants. Portes and Zhou (1993) posited that social and structural

factors determine the destination culture into which US immigrants acculturate. This

process is referred to as segmented assimilation. Acculturation theory has influenced the

way contemporary scholars conceptualize the way they look at the experiences of

immigrants. So, in the next section, I examine the strengths and weaknesses of this

theory.

Strengths and Weaknesses of Acculturation

Acculturation theory is a significant lens through which scholars have used to

conceptualize how immigrants adapt to their new environment. Though Berry’s (1987,

1997) conceptualization of acculturation laid the foundation for scholars to explore this

phenomenon, acculturation research in the field of psychology has primarily focused on

the processes involved in acculturation strategies from a bi-dimensional perspective.

3D Acculturation

Sociological theory on acculturation posits a different destination culture for

Black Caribbean immigrants than what was posited by psychology. However, both

disciplines have accepted a bi-dimensional view of acculturation, where immigrants

orient towards one destination culture. Neither the discipline of psychology nor sociology

has embraced the idea that immigrants may simultaneously assimilate into multi-

destination cultures in multicultural societies (Ferguson et al., 2012, 2014).

Ferguson et al. (2012) contends that the African American and European

American cultures are both relevant destination cultures for Black and non-Black

Caribbean immigrants. Ferguson et al. (2012) posited a 3D model of acculturation for

Black and non-Black immigrants. The authors stated that US immigrants acculturate

along three distinct cultural dimensions: namely, ethnic Caribbean culture, European-

American culture, and African American culture. Ferguson et al. (2012) stated that Black

Caribbean immigrants’ acculturation process is more in line with the specificity principle

in acculturation. This statement alludes to the fact that specific setting conditions such as

multicultural destination societies of a specific group of people (the Black Caribbean

immigrant in this twenty-first century) are more readily impacted by 3D acculturation

(tri-dimensional).

Ferguson et al. (2014) investigated Jamaican immigrants’ acculturation using a

3D model of acculturation. They commented on the psychological distress faced by

Jamaican immigrants due to the demands of conflicting messages caused by interacting

with three separate cultures (Jamaican, European American, and African American).

Jamaican immigrants who try to navigate these cultures are more prone to experiencing

greater levels of acculturative stress, heightened negative affect (such as confusion,

anxiety, loss, and grief), behavioral problems (such as offending others due to

unfamiliarity with social norms) as well as misinterpretation of events (caused by

differences in cultural values, behaviors, and affect) (Ferguson et al., 2014). Ferguson et

al.’s (2014) findings are consistent with Taušová et al.'s (2019) findings, which examined

the 3D acculturation experiences of a sample of international students from 62 different

countries studying in the Netherlands.

Strengths and Weaknesses of 3D Acculturation

Ferguson et al.’s (2014) work has significantly impacted studies on acculturation.

Prior to Ferguson et al. (2014), scholars conceptualized this phenomenon using only a bi-

dimensional model. With the introduction of Ferguson et al.’s (2014) model of 3D

acculturation, scholars now have a new lens through which to view the experiences of

black immigrants, thereby expanding the perspectives of researchers. This (3D) model of

acculturation is not only significant for black immigrants but may be used for other ethnic

groups as evidenced by Taušová et al. (2019).

Acculturative Stress

Sam and Berry (2010) posited that acculturative stress is an individual’s response

to a life-changing event rooted in the individual’s experience of acculturation. They

posited that acculturation, the process of adjusting to life in a new culture, may cause

some immigrants, especially those with the genetic predisposition, to experience

psychological distress. DeAngelis (2011) postulated that immigrants already

experiencing acculturation might find themselves experiencing higher levels of stress

from dealing with being undocumented. In addition to the myriads of challenges that

undocumented immigrants face from arriving in a new environment, immigrants arrive in

the new country with a history of past trauma, such as persecution or brutality from their

country of origin (DeAngelis, 2011). Sam and Berry’s (2010) study is a seminal work on

how the process of adapting to new environments is stressful for some immigrants. This

work altered how scholars conceptualized acculturation and correlated psychological

effects. Using Sam and Berry’s (2010) work, scholars investigated the process of

acculturative stress and how this phenomenon adversely impacts immigrants’

psychological well-being and significantly contributes to our knowledge of the

phenomenon.

Acculturative Stress and Mental Health

Scholars such as Cabellera et al. (2016), Schwartz et al. (2013), and Whitehead et

al. (2020) all advance a definition of acculturative stress as the psychological impact of

cultural adaptation which has the propensity to cause a decline in the mental health

functioning and overall wellbeing of individuals. They posited that when immigrants

experience negative changes in behavioral patterns and their thinking while adapting to

new cultural patterns, this can be deemed acculturative stress.

Hovey (2000), Hovey and Magaña (2000, 2002), Cervantes et al. (2013),

Schwartz et al. (2013), and Da Silva et al.’s (2017) empirical findings corroborate

Cabellera et al. (2016), Schwartz et al. (2013), and Whitehead et al.’s (2020) results

indicating that acculturative stress was positively correlated with poor mental health.

They found that acculturative stress was positively correlated with anxiety, depression

symptoms, and suicidal ideation among immigrants of Latino descent living in rural and

urban areas as well as US-born Latino psychiatric outpatient recipients (Hovey &

Magaña, 2000, 2002). Finch et al. (2000) and Hiott et al. (2006) indicated that anxiety

and depression are positively correlated to specific dimensions of acculturation stress,

such as stress resulting from immigration status, cultural concerns, family issues, and

experiences of racial discrimination.

Strengths and Weaknesses of Acculturative Stress

Acculturative stress has been investigated by many scholars. Through the

pioneering work of scholars such as Cabellera et al. (2016), Schwartz et al. (2013), and

Whitehead et al. (2020), we now understand how acculturation can adversely impact the

psychological well-being of immigrants. However, further studies are needed on the

acculturative stress phenomenon to provide deeper insight and to better aid practitioners

in their treatment endeavors.

Assimilation

Murphy and Mahalingam (2004) in their research on assimilation defined the

process as the immigrants’ gradual incorporation into the receiving culture or society by

way of adapting to the customs and values of the new society, while simultaneously

relinquishing the traditional customs and values of the native society. Traditionally,

assimilation has been conceptualized as a linear process; however, within the last few

decades scholars concluded that assimilating is a much more complex and globalized

type of immigration and integration process (Murphy & Mahalingam, 2004).

Scholars have discussed a variety of constructs. More recent conceptualizations

have been expanded to incorporate contemporary migration and settlement patterns in the

US (Murphy & Mahalingam, 2004). One concept that stands out from among the others

is the idea of transnationalism or transnational ties. Portes and Zhou (1993) advanced an

operational definition for transnationalism as the deliberate retention of occupations or

activities that significantly requires the immigrant to have regular social contact over

time, across national borders, and across cultures.

Foroun et al. (2016) advanced their own definition of transnationalism as the

constant movement developed and sustained by immigrants as they develop elaborate

social networks that link together the receiving culture and the culture of origin. From

these conceptualizations’ assimilation is viewed as occurring on a variety of levels which

range from familial and cultural to political and economic. One example of

transnationalism in action is the annual Labor Day parade, the largest cultural parade held

in New York City each year. During this parade, Caribbean immigrants demonstrate their

native cultural pride through costumes, music, dance, and food (Foroun et al., 2016).

Strengths and Weaknesses of Assimilation

Through the investigation of the process of assimilation, scholars concluded that

contrary to previous thought on the subject, assimilation is not as linear as previously

indicated. This way of conceptualizing the process of assimilation led scholars to identify

how complex and globalized assimilation is in the process of immigration and

integration.

Segmented Assimilation

The theory of segmented assimilation holds that groups and individuals

experience the assimilation process in differing ways (Portes & Zhou, 1993). The

experience of segmented assimilation is contingent on the individual’s level of

adaptation, behavior, and how well they adapt to one of the different destination cultures

within the US. Fitzgerald (2006) posited that the specific destination culture that the

immigrant is first introduced to plays a significant role in influencing their life chances

within the host society.

Segmented assimilated theory (Portes & Zhou, 1993) considers the impact of the

larger social environment, such as the US government’s immigration policies and the

receiving culture’s values and biases. Lee (2009) stated that immigrants who receive a

warm welcome from host communities have demonstrated to adjust better than

immigrants who experience discrimination. Other factors such as location of their

sojourn, the destination culture’s values, biases, or whether there are opportunities for

upward social mobility all influence how the immigrant assimilates (Adewunmi, 2015).

Due to the interaction between individual-level or micro-level and macro-level

conditions, segmented assimilation theory has explained the diverse experiences of

immigrants.

Portes and Zhou (1993) posited that segmented assimilation allows for one of

three processes for the immigrants to follow, especially for second-generation

immigrants. The first of these processes is upward assimilation. In this process,

immigrants assimilate into mainstream European-American society. The second process

is downward assimilation. Here the immigrant assimilates into the marginalized African

American society. The third process is cultural integration; here the immigrant seeks

upward mobility into the white ruling class society while maintaining their own cultural

heritage.

Portes and Zhou’s (1993) work with Black and non-Black Caribbean immigrants

in Florida indicated that this immigrant demographic is more susceptible to downward

assimilation due to several racially motivated causes. They expounded the following

rationales: (a) Black and non-Black Caribbean immigrants very closely resemble African

Americans, since African Americans are found to typically operate at a marginalized

level within the US society (Portes & Zhou, 1993); (b) Black and non-Black Caribbean

immigrants are more prone to lodging in inner-city African American communities due to

limited resources, which is typical of new immigrants; and (c) Black and non-Black

Caribbean immigrants are generally treated in the same manner as African Americans,

including experiences of racial discrimination.

Strengths and Weaknesses of Segmented Assimilation

Segmented assimilation (Portes & Zhou, 1993) is vital to our understanding of

how certain immigrant groups are afforded opportunities at assimilating. Portes and

Zhou’s (1993) contribution to the study of assimilation helped identify disparities in

immigrants’ integration processes.

Spatial Assimilation

Spatial assimilation is the process where new immigrants upon their arrival in the

host society reside in lower socioeconomic regions where ethnic members are spatially

located or are overrepresented (Lee, 2009; Wessel et al., 2017). Immigrants that spatially

assimilate typically do not remain in these low SES areas, as they eventually relocate to

more affluent suburban areas as their status in the host society changes (Lee, 2009).

Conversely, not all immigrants necessarily move to these low SES areas, as some

immigrants with higher SES status may avoid low SES areas and move directly into

higher SES suburban neighborhoods (Lee, 2009). Lee (2009) posited that spatial

assimilation is contingent on the attitude of the receiving society.

Strengths and Weaknesses of Spatial Assimilation

Spatial assimilation theory (Lee, 2009; Wessel et al., 2017), like segmented

assimilation, lends itself favorably to a more profound understanding of the disparities

between certain immigrant groups and the opportunities available to different groups.

Further research is certainly required to further expand our understanding of how spatial

assimilation impacts an immigrant’s psychological well-being.

Analysis of previously conducted studies on acculturation experiences of

immigrants indicated that acculturation can be viewed using either a bidimensional (2D)

or 3D model. Previous conceptualization of acculturation visualized the process as

unfolding in two phases; the immigrants’ degree of participation in their ethnic culture,

referred to as dimension 1, and the degree of participation in the culture of the host

country, referred to as dimension 2 (Berry, 1997). Contemporary researchers such as

Ferguson et al. have since expanded on Berry’s initial model and added a third

dimension, this new conceptualization is known as 3D acculturation (Ferguson et al.,

2012; Ferguson et al., 2014).

Hovey (2000) and Hovey and Magana (2002) posited that for an immigrant to

successfully acculturate, there must be an amalgamation of the immigrant’s culture of

origin with that of the host culture in the new environment in which they are currently

living in. And that learning to speak a new language, separating from their family,

feelings of loss, as well as culture shock can significantly contribute to psychological

distress. Building on this concept of the negative impact of acculturation, researchers

such as Hovey (2000), Lee et al. (2004), Sirin et al. (2013) have demonstrated a positive

correlation between acculturative stress, suicidal ideation, and major depression in

immigrants.

Adding to the literature on acculturative stress Sam and Berry (2010) posited that

acculturative stress is an individual’s response to a life-changing event rooted in the

individual’s experience of acculturation. These experiences may cause some immigrants

especially those with the genetic predisposition to be at risk for experience psychological

distress. Berry and Sabatier (2011) reported that behavioral acculturations such as

language, interpersonal contact, and food have received much investigative work and

notoriety within the sciences. However, Berry and Sabatier (2011) found that values

acculturation is as significant to understanding the process of acculturation and, as such,

should be studied further.

Though these researchers have contributed significantly to our understanding of

the phenomenon of acculturation, their work has not fully investigated all the different

possible acculturation experiences. These pioneering scholars have, for the most part,

examined the phenomenon from the perspective of certain immigrant groups, such as

Hispanics or lawfully authorized immigrants; however, there increased exploration of the

phenomenon of acculturation from the perspective of undocumented immigrants is

needed. In 2018, the federal government estimated that there are approximately 11.4

million unauthorized immigrants in the U.S. (USA Facts, 2021). With this many

undocumented immigrants in the U.S., there should be more interest in exploring their

acculturation experiences. Hovey (2000), Hovey and Magana (2002), DeAngelis (2011),

Cabellera et al. (2016), Schwartz et al. (2013), Whitehead et al. (2020) and others have

employed a bidimensional model of acculturation in their investigative efforts. A

consideration of acculturation from a 3D model may yield fruitful results, especially for

undocumented immigrants from minority groups.

Summary

This literature review has indicated that much is still unknown about the

acculturation experiences of documented immigrants, and even less is known about the

acculturation experiences of undocumented immigrants, and more specifically

undocumented Jamaican immigrants. The majority of studies conducted by pioneers of

the qualitative tradition, such as Hovey (2000), Magaña (2000, 2002), and Portes and

Zhou (1993), focused on immigrants from Hispanic or Latino cultures. Common themes

that have emerged from the literature review were voluntary and, for some children,

involuntary migration, migration patterns, assimilation, segmented assimilation, spatial

assimilation, acculturation, unidimensional acculturation, 3D acculturation, acculturative

stress, and acculturative stress and mental health.

Ferguson et al. (2014) contributed significantly to the literature in their

exploration of the acculturation experiences of Caribbean immigrants in the U.S.

However, Caribbean undocumented immigrants, and more specifically, undocumented

immigrants from Jamaica are still a largely understudied group. Hovey and Magana

(2000) in their work on acculturation posited that for an immigrant to successfully

acculturate, there must be an amalgamation of the immigrant’s culture of origin with the

culture of the host society in which they are currently living in. Hovey and Magana

(2000) stated that new language acquisition, separation from family, feelings of loss, and

culture shock can significantly contribute to psychological distress.

According to the Migration Policy Institute (2016) the United States is called

home to the largest number of Jamaicans outside of the Caribbean. Similar to most

immigrant groups from other nations, Jamaican immigrants have substituted their

majority status in their country of origin for minority status in the United States of

America, their new land of settlement.

The literature presented in this review section addressed concerns pertaining to

the acculturation process for undocumented immigrants. However, a thorough review

indicates that there remains a gap in research on Caribbean immigrants, and more

specifically undocumented immigrants from Jamaica using a 3D approach to exploring

the phenomenon. This proposed study will increase understanding of the experiences of

former undocumented immigrants from Jamaica, as well as the acculturation strategies

employed by them to cope with their reality as an illegal immigrant. With increased

research, knowledge, and understanding of the undocumented Jamaican immigrant’s

lived experiences, scholar/practitioners may be better equipped to provide appropriate

culturally sensitive interventions to aid undocumented Jamaican immigrants while they

work towards obtaining legal status and the American dream.

In Chapter 3, I present and outline this study’s design, how the participants will be

selected and interviewed, how data will be obtained, and how the data will be organized,

recorded, and analyzed. By using the methodology outlined in chapter 3, I accessed the

acculturation experiences of the undocumented Jamaican immigrants using Ferguson et

al.’s (2014) 3D model. Through deeper understanding of this phenomenon, I will be able

to expand on the existing literature on acculturation as well as contribute toward social

change by inspiring scholar/practitioners and policymakers to be more culturally sensitive

and better equipped to meet the needs of this vulnerable population.

Chapter 3: Research Method

The purpose of this study was to explore the acculturation experiences of former

undocumented Jamaican immigrants living in the five boroughs of New York City.

Chapter 3 presents an introduction of the chapter, research design, role of the researcher,

methodology, issues of trustworthiness, and a summary of the chapter.

Research Design and Rationale

The RQ that guided the focus of the study was as follows: What are the lived

experiences of acculturation of former undocumented Jamaican immigrants who reside in

New York City? The nature of this study aligned with the qualitative approach using the

transcendental phenomenological design (Vagle, 2018) to identify and interpret common

themes among the lived experiences of former undocumented Jamaican immigrants who

resided in the New York City area. The transcendental phenomenology approach to

research requires the researcher to put aside preconceived ideas to see the phenomenon

through the unclouded lens of the experiencer, such as undocumented Jamaican

immigrants (Vagle, 2018). By performing these actions, the true meaning and experience

of being an undocumented immigrant undergoing the acculturation process emerges

(Vagle, 2018).

Role of the Researcher

As the only researcher in this study, I was an observer and the sole agent of data

collection, analysis, and interpretation. As a Jamaican immigrant and the sole researcher

for this study, there was the possibility of research bias, as I share a similar ethnic

background and have had similar experiences of being an immigrant. I have also

experienced the process of acculturation, which could have influenced the outcome of the

study. To address this potential researcher bias, I practiced bridling. Bridling, as

postulated by Vagle (2018), is a reflective stance that the researcher must take to assist in

removing the intentional tie that binds the person to the world. Vagle cautioned that those

intentional ties that bind the person to the world cannot be completely cut off as long as

the person lives, but rather the person must loosen these ties to give them the opportunity

to see and understand the phenomenon and its meaning.

To account for any personal bias or power differential situations that arose, I was

careful to ensure that I had not had any previous professional relationship or professional

contact with any of the participants or their family members during my tenure as a

clinician. If I ascertained that there had been previous contact on a professional level,

those participants were excluded from the study.

Methodology

Participant Selection Logic

The targeted population I sought to recruit were former undocumented Jamaican

immigrants who resided in the New York City area. Sampling for this study employed

the purposeful sampling strategy. Purposeful sampling is commonly used in studies

employing a qualitative approach. Purposeful sampling aids in the identification and

selection of those participants especially knowledgeable about or experienced with the

phenomenon of interest (Creswell & Plano-Clark, 2011). There are several types of

strategies within the purposeful sampling method. For the purpose of this study, I

selected snowball sampling and homogenous sampling as the most appropriate methods.

Snowball sampling identifies participants for a study by sampling participants who may

know other potential participants who share similar characteristics and experiences

regarding the phenomenon; these participants, in turn, know other people who share

similar characteristics and experiences regarding the phenomenon (Patton, 2002).

Homogenous sampling is a strategy used to describe a particular subgroup of potential

participants to reduce any variation by only selecting those participants who share

common experiences and characteristics based on the selection criteria (Patton, 2002).

Prior to interviewing any of the study’s participants, I discussed and presented the

informed consent process as well as the criteria for participation in the study. Only those

participants who met the criteria prescribed for the study were interviewed. The criteria

for participation was as follows:

• resided in one of the five boroughs of New York City (Brooklyn, Queens,

Bronx, Manhattan, and Staten Island) during the period of their undocumented

immigration status

• received legal immigration status within the last 10 years

• migrated to the United States from Jamaica

In selecting the most appropriate sample size, I estimated a group of 10 to 15

participants for the study or until saturation was reached (Rijnsoever, 2017). This number

was selected for the sample size because samples within a qualitative study are typically

much smaller than those found in quantitative studies. This number of participants was

the most appropriate number of participants recommended for studies using a qualitative

research design (Rijnsoever, 2017).

I used the following procedures for participant recruitment

I met with and

discussed the research project with as many Jamaican immigrants as possible to identify

potential participants. I created a participant flyer and distributed it throughout heavily

saturated Caribbean communities within the 5 boroughs. Each potential participant who

responded to the participant flyer using the correspondence methods outlined in the flyer

was contacted via the preferred method of communication.

After the participants were selected for the study, I contacted each participant

individually using their preferred mode of contact (either a phone call or the Zoom

platform) to discuss the purpose of the study as well as informed consent. Due to

advances in technology, such as increased access to emails and a wider availability of

internet service, I emailed copies of the informed consent document for each participant,

which I reviewed at the beginning of each interview session with the participant.

I conducted interviews on a one-to-one basis using the Zoom platform. For the

Zoom interviews, the informed consent document was emailed to each participant prior

to the interview with instructions on how to e-sign and return the document. The sample

size of the study was 10 participants due to reaching saturation. Saturation occurs when

no new information can be obtained from interviews with the study participants. This

number of participants was large enough to generate the needed depth of experiential data

and just enough to avoid repetition of the data (Rijnsoever, 2017).

Instrumentation

My intent in this present study was to acquire qualitative data so that other

professionals (scholar/practitioners and policymakers) could obtain a deeper

understanding of the experiences of undocumented Jamaican immigrants, and that with

increased understanding, these professionals will be better equipped to meet the needs of

this vulnerable population. As the researcher, I was the sole agent of data collection.

Interviews with the participants were the main source to access the lived experiences of

the former undocumented Jamaican immigrants who resided in the New York City area.

Through the interview process, using a semistructured questioning format,

qualitative data were collected from each of the study’s participants. I employed a

responsive interviewing technique, a method that uses semistructured interview

questions, to conduct interviews with former undocumented Jamaican immigrants. The

responsive interviewing method is a conversational collaborative approach between the

researcher and the participant (Hunter-Revell, 2013). This approach to interviewing

afforded me the opportunity to understand the participants’ experiences through words

and stories that create meaning (see Hunter-Revell, 2013). I conducted one-on-one

interviews with each participant. I used the same interview format for each participant.

To ascertain the lived experiences of the participants of the study, I used 12 open-ended

semistructured interview questions to obtain the participants’ accounts of their

experiences. A committee of experts in the field from Walden University reviewed the

semistructured questionnaire to ensure that it aligned with the RQ. The semistructured

interview questions directly aligned with the RQ: What are the lived experiences of

acculturation of former undocumented Jamaican immigrants who reside in New York

City? To assist in conceptualizing the questions for the instrument, I reviewed Labaree’s

(2014) and Agee’s (2009) studies. According to these researchers’ questions, a qualitative

study should address the phenomenon under investigation and afford the researcher

opportunities to better inquire about lived experiences of the participants of the study.

During each interview, I practiced bridling (Vagle, 2018). As a Jamaican

immigrant citizen, I experienced the process of acculturation firsthand. However, though

I had a similar ethnic background to the participants and shared similar immigrant

experiences, I strove to keep my personal experiences from filtering through and tainting

my ability to understand the experiences of the participants in an unbiased manner.

Researcher Developed Instrument

I developed an original 12-item interview questionnaire for the interview process.

The interview questionnaire (see Appendix A & B) was designed to afford the

participants the opportunity to elaborate and expand on their responses regarding their

lived experiences as undocumented Jamaican immigrants. The questionnaire used a

semistructured questioning format to guide the interview process. Using the

semistructured questionnaire, I asked for descriptive information regarding the

phenomenon of interest. Giorgi (2009) posited that the first questions of a qualitative

questionnaire should request descriptive explanations of the phenomenon, followed by

probing questions focused on the phenomenon without shifting consciousness to gain a

richer understanding. The first few questions of a qualitative questionnaire are

exploratory and should be designed to give researchers a tool for exploration and

discovery (Labaree, 2014). The first question on the semistructured questionnaire was

“When did you first enter this country?” and was inspired by Giorgi’s (2009) qualitative

research. This question helped to establish timelines for each of the participants as it was

significant to know when and how long they had been in the United States. The

developed 12-item semistructured questionnaire was reviewed and approved by experts

in the field from Walden University to ensure alignment and relevance to the RQ and

content validity.

Procedures for Recruitment, Participation, and Data Collection

The 12-item semistructured questionnaire and exploration of the stated RQ was

addressed using memo-writing as well as audio recordings for the interviews. Memo-

writing captures the observed physical expressions of the participants as they respond to

interview questions (Arsel, 2017). Audio recordings were facilitated by using an

application called Otter. This application is password protected to maintain privacy and

confidentiality. The Zoom platform was used for virtual face-to-face interviews. If a

participant was not comfortable with the session recording or memo-writing, they were

excused from the study.

After receiving approval to proceed with the study from Walden University’s

Institutional Review Board (IRB), I began recruitment efforts to obtain sufficient

participants for the study. The recruitment procedures are as follows: participant flyers

(see Appendix C) were circulated throughout densely populated Jamaican communities

within the five boroughs of New York City, and the flyers were posted on WhatsApp,

Facebook, and Instagram to reach a wider audience. The participant flyer contained

sufficient information to allow each participant to determine whether they would like to

take part in the study. The flyer addressed the purpose of the study, the criteria for

participation, and my contact information. Following the flyer distribution, I met with

and discussed the research project with as many Jamaican immigrants as possible who

responded to the flyer to identify potential participants. During this initial contact that

occurred using the preferred communication method of each participant, I screened

participants using the criteria for the study to identify the most suitable participants.

I contacted each potential participant via telephone and/or text messaging,

depending on their preferred method of communication. After the participants were

selected, I contacted each participant individually using their preferred mode of contact

(either via phone or Zoom) to discuss the purpose of the study as well as informed

consent. Due to advances in technology, such increased access to emails and wider

availability of internet service, copies of the informed consent document for each

participant were emailed to the participant. Informed consent was reviewed at the

beginning of each interview session with the participant. There was just one interview

session (lasting between 20 to 30 minutes). The informed consent granted permission to

record interview sessions, the informed consent document also highlighted confidentiality

requirements and how they would be implemented. The document addressed how

participants could withdraw from the study prior to publication. Each participant was

assigned a number from 1 to 10 to be used as identifiers in place of their names. All

collected data were marked with the assigned number to identify each participant. I

conducted interviews on a one-to-one basis using the Zoom platform, I emailed the

informed consent document to each participant prior to the interview with instructions on

how to e-sign the document and return it.

After each interview was completed with each participant (which lasted between

20 to 30 minutes), the interviews concluded when each participant had nothing further to

contribute concerning the phenomenon under investigation. The interview sessions were

terminated with a debriefing of the participants by asking for final comments and

thanking them for their participation in the study. After interviewing, I transcribed the

recorded data into written format to prepare them for coding. Kvale (1994) posited that

the first stage of data analysis is transcribing, which prepares the data for deeper analysis.

Upon completion of transcription of each interview session, I preserved all collected data

(transcripts, informed consent forms, and memo notes) in a secured locked safe,

accessible only to me. I reviewed of each participant’s transcript with the participant for

member checking and respondent validation (Birt et al., 2016). Once each participant

verified the accuracy of each transcript, I proceeded with coding and data analysis.

Data Analysis Plan

Upon completion of the interviews with the participants and the transcription

process, I transitioned into the data analysis phase of the study. During the data analysis, I

identified common themes among the collected data to address the RQ concerning the

lived experiences of former undocumented Jamaican immigrants who resided within the

five boroughs. In the current study, I employed interpretative phenomenological analysis

(IPA) (Smith & Osborne, 2007) to assist in coding and analyzing the data. IPA is a

phenomenological analysis method used to assist researchers in exploring in detail how

participants make sense of their personal and social world. The main currency of an IPA

study is the meanings particular experiences, events, and different states hold for each

participant (Smith & Osborne, 2007). Smith and Osborne (2007) posited that it is

important to keep in mind that qualitative analysis is inevitably a personal process, and

that the analysis is the subjective interpretative work of the investigator as they move

through each of the stages of analysis.

Coding is a significant part of data analysis. Coding refers to the researcher’s

identification of topics, issues, similarities, and differences that emerge from the

participants’ narratives. Coding can be facilitated by using sophisticated software, such as

Dedoose or by hand coding (Smith & Osborne, 2007). For this study, I used the Dedoose

software following the Seven Steps of IPA data analysis procedure (Charlick et al.,

2015). The IPA technique has no rules about what should be commented upon. Neither is

there a requirement to divide the text into meaningful units and assign a comment for

each of the units (Smith & Osborne, 2007). Parts of the participants’ interviews have

powerful material that will warrant much more commentary than other sections. The

commentaries will be my attempts at paraphrasing or summarizing, while others will be

connections, associations, similarities, differences, amplification, contradiction, or

preliminary interpretations of what the participants are saying (Smith & Osborne, 2007).

LeCompte and Preissle (1993) defined discrepant case sampling as a sampling method

used to elaborate, modify, or refine a theory. This study does not utilize a theoretical

orientation in the design but a conceptual framework to attempt to understand the

acculturation experiences of the participants. The intent of the study was to gain a richer

understanding of the participants’ lived experiences to add to the growing body of work

on the phenomenon. As such, neither discrepant case sampling nor negative case

sampling was used for this study.

Issues of Trustworthiness

Gair (2011) posited that trustworthiness is the essence of how truthful and

accurate the result of the study captures the participants’ experience of the phenomenon

as interpreted by the researcher. As the researcher of this study, my primary role was to

ensure and enhance trustworthiness of the study through strict adherence to the data

collection and data analysis procedures of IPA.

Credibility

Credibility (internal validity) in a study refers to the validity of the study’s

findings. Credibility can be established using various strategies to collect, interpret, and

present the data (Gair, 2011). To demonstrate faithfulness to IPA procedures and

trustworthiness and credibility, after completing the interviews and transcription phase, I

transitioned into the data analysis phase of the study.

While analyzing the data, I identified common themes to address the RQ

regarding lived experiences of acculturation of former undocumented Jamaican

immigrants who resided within Brooklyn, Bronx, Queens, Manhattan, and Staten Island. I

sampled as many participants as possible until saturation was achieved. The literature

indicated that this should occur between 10–15 participants (Rijnsoever, 2017).

According to Fusch and Ness (2017) saturation of qualitative data occurs when analysis

is not able to provide new information about the phenomenon. Additionally, through

respondent validation and member checking, I established the trustworthiness of the

study. Respondent validation and member checking is a vital component of the data

analysis process. These two procedures aid in verifying the accuracy of the transcription

of the participants’ responses (Woods et al., 2016). Member checking and respondent

validation aided in establishing credibility for the study.

Transferability

Transferability or external validity in research refers to how well the results of a

study can be useful to other such studies (Etikan et al., 2016). To demonstrate the

transferability of the results of this study, I used purposive sampling as the sampling

method of choice. Leung (2015) and Connelly (2016) both posited that when qualitative

data conveys a detailed descriptive account of the participants’ experiences of the

investigated phenomenon, this serves as a good example of the study’s transferability.

Using purposive sampling, I sought to capture detailed emotionally laden responses to the

interview questionnaire from a select group of participants that met a narrow and specific

set of predetermined criteria. Future researchers will be able to duplicate this study by

using purposive sampling, as the researchers can use a different set of criteria to select

participants to investigate the same phenomenon. These actions allow for the

transferability of the essence of this study to a different group of participants who would

be requested to respond to queries regarding the same phenomenon.

Dependability

Connelly (2016) defined dependability or internal validity as how stable the

collected data remains throughout the study and over time. To establish dependability, I

used an audit trail. An audit trail shows the readers of this study why I chose to

implement various techniques while conducting this study. The audit trail documented all

the efforts I took to complete this study. To conduct an audit trail, I made rigorous notes

documenting the informed consent process, interview and transcription steps, data

collection and data analysis procedures, and the respondent validation and member

checking process. By using the steps outlined above, I demonstrated dependability.

Confirmability

Connelly (2016) and Arsel (2017) defined confirmability in research studies as

the consistency of a study’s findings and whether those findings can be accurately

duplicated in future studies. It also refers to a researcher’s fidelity to present valid data

and analysis. To establish the confirmability of this study, I used a reflexive journal to

document self-assessment and awareness of how the researcher’s role may contribute to

the outcome of the study (Berger, 2015). Reflexivity is similar to bridling, which was

previously discussed. As a researcher, it was imperative that I stayed aware of how my

personal experiences and biases could influence the outcome of the research study. As a

researcher, I exercised all steps outlined in the procedures of bridling and reflexive

journaling to ensure objectivity.

Ethical Procedures

Adhering to Walden University’s research guidelines, I sought IRB approval prior

to any contact with research participants. All participants of this study remained

anonymous to adhere to confidentiality policies to protect the privacy of the participants

of the study. The design of this study posed minimal risk, if any, to participants. The

study’s design did not breach ethical standards. During the recruitment efforts, all

participants were made aware of pertinent details related to the study, and no deception

was involved in the recruitment process. At the beginning of each interview session, I

discussed the informed consent procedure, confidentiality, and the role of the researcher

with each participant. I obtained authorization from each participant prior to proceeding

with the interview process, which included interviewing and recording the interview

sessions. All research materials such as interview recordings, transcripts, informed

consent forms, reflexive journals, and other documentation related to the study were

secured in a locked safe accessible only to me and those authorized to validate the data

and results. The materials will be secured in this manner for a period of no less than 5

years post publication and will be destroyed once there is no further need for the data.

I adhered to all ethical guidelines by respecting participants’ rights and by

reporting all data adequately and honestly (Creswell & Creswell, 2013). I advised all

participants that they have the right to withdraw from the study at any time prior to

publication. Participants were informed that if they decided to withdraw their permission

to participate post data collection, their request would be honored, and their data

destroyed. This study posed very little possibility of psychological trauma to the

participants; however, I made arrangements to address such concerns should they arise.

During the data collection phase of the study, if the participants experienced an altered

psychological state due to recalling their experiences with acculturation, I offered the

opportunity for consultation with a licensed mental health professional to assist in coping

with study-related stressors. The study had no other potential ethical concerns (i.e., study

within one’s own work environment; conflict of interest or power differentials; and

justification for use of incentives).

Summary

In this chapter, I discussed the procedures used to query the RQ of the lived

experiences of acculturation of undocumented Jamaican immigrants who resided within

the 5 boroughs of New York City. I presented pertinent information about the research

design and rationale for selecting this particular design, the methodology, data collection

and analysis, the role of the researcher, the instrumentation process for this study, and

methods to decrease researcher bias.

I outlined how through strict adherence to ethical standards as well as Walden’s

IRB policies, the study’s participants were safeguarded and protected through an

explication of the informed consent process, confidentiality, and ensuring participant

anonymity. I also discussed trustworthiness and methods aimed at demonstrating

credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability. In Chapter 4, I discuss the

results of the data collection, transcription, and data analysis.

Chapter 4: Results

The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore the

acculturation experiences of former undocumented Jamaican immigrants who resided in

New York City (Brooklyn, Queens, Bronx, Manhattan, and Staten Island). Data for the

study were collected to address the following RQ:

RQ: What are the lived experiences of acculturation of undocumented Jamaican

immigrants who reside in the five boroughs of New York City (Brooklyn, Queens,

Manhattan, Bronx, and Staten Island)?

The preceding chapter presented a detailed description of the research design,

methodology, as well as ethical considerations. In this chapter, I present the following

information: setting of the study, the recruitment procedures, data collection and analysis

strategies, and the findings from the interviews. I also discuss the themes identified from

the interviews and evidence of trustworthiness.

Setting

My recruitment process included disseminating the participant flyer (see

Appendix C) through social media platforms such as WhatsApp, Instagram, and

Facebook. I also relied on the snowballing effect. All correspondence with participants

was facilitated through telephone calls via cell phones and the Zoom platform. This

process was used to conduct initial screenings as well as schedule the interviews. I

conducted interviews using Zoom or a phone call at the participant’s request, and I audio

recorded each interview session using the Otter cell phone application. The Otter

application was used to facilitate the transcription process. Otter makes audio recordings

and then transcribes the recordings. I conducted virtual interviews due to the pandemic

climate and for the participants’ convenience. I conducted the interviews within my home

office with the door closed. Participants participated in the interviews in their homes at

the best time that provided the most privacy.

Data Collection

For my data collection process, I began recruitment after receiving approval from

Walden University IRB. I began recruitment by disseminating the participant flyer via

social media platforms (WhatsApp, Instagram, and Facebook) as well as through contacts

that I previously had. The initial contact with the first respondents was conducted via cell

phone. I contacted each potential participant and screened them using the inclusion

criteria for the study. I assigned respondents who met the inclusion criteria a participant

number ranging from 1 to 10 (a total of 10 participants were interviewed for this study)

and also scheduled an interview date at this time. At the beginning of each interview, I

reviewed the informed consent document previously emailed to each participant. Each

participant provided verbal and written consent by replying “I consent” to my email. I

informed each participant that their participation was voluntary and that they could

withdraw from the study at any time without reprimand. I used a semistructured interview

format to conduct the interviews (see Appendix B). Each participant had one interview

session and one memo checking session.

I conducted all interviews virtually via Zoom or cell phone, and the participants

opted to conduct the interviews within their homes at a time that gave them the most

privacy. All participants had one interview session that lasted between 20 to 30 minutes

and one member checking session. I simultaneously recorded and transcribed interviews

using my cellphone with the downloaded Otter application; however, due to the dialect of

the participants, the Otter application was at times unable to transcribe the conversation. I

advised the participants to speak loudly and clearly and to enunciate as much as possible.

This strategy proved successful, and the Otter application was able to transcribe the

conversation.

Data Analysis

Data analysis proceeded as follows. I listened to the audio recordings of the

interviews made with the Otter transcription application. I then reviewed the transcripts.

During the transcription process, I found the Otter application to be a useful tool in the

data collection process; however, due to the participants’ native accents, the application

made numerous transcription errors. To correct for Otter transcription errors, I listened to

each audio recording while reviewing each transcript and made all necessary corrections

while preserving the authentic dialogue of each participant.

I reviewed the transcription several times to ensure familiarity with the material in

preparation for the coding process. Data analysis was facilitated using the Dedoose

Research Analysis application while employing the seven steps to IPA data analysis as

postulated by Charlick et al. (2015). The seven steps to IPA procedures are reading and

rereading, initial noting, developing emergent themes, searching for connections across

emergent themes, moving to the next case, looking for patterns across cases, and taking

interpretations to deeper levels.

Following the 7-step process required for the data analysis, I proceeded as

follows:

• Reading and rereading: I immersed myself in the collected data and read

through the materials several times until I became familiar with its contents.

• Initial noting: I used the Dedoose application to write down notes and ideas

that I thought may be applicable to the coding process.

• Developing emergent themes: I used Dedoose to merge statements in codes

that later developed into themes.

• Searching for connections across emergent themes: Once I concluded coding

the data in the Dedoose software, I began scrutinizing the codes to identify

emerging themes. The Dedoose application had several tools that aided in

scrutinizing the data to identify themes.

• Moving to the next case: In this phase, I attempted to further bracket my

biases as I prepared to transition from one interview transcript to the other. By

doing so, I attempted to keep an open mind to respect the individual

experiences of the next interview transcript.

• Looking for patterns across cases: I analyzed each interview transcript and the

identified codes to find emerging patterns of shared qualities among all the

interview transcripts while being careful to note idiosyncrasies within each

interview transcript. At this point, themes began to emerge from the interview

data sets.

• Taking interpretations to deeper levels: I finalized the analytic process by

deepening the analysis using the conceptual framework as an additional lens

by which to view and interpret the interview data and the emergent themes.

Dedoose proved helpful to the analysis process. The software had several tools

such as code charts that had subcategories such as 3D code cloud and code cooccurrence.

I found the qualitative charts and subcategories such as packed code cloud, code

application, and code presence to be helpful in gaining a richer understanding of the

interview data. During data analysis, there was no evidence of discrepant cases that

would require factoring into the data analysis.

Evidence of Trustworthiness

I previously discussed issues of trustworthiness as well as methods to remediate

any concerns in Chapter 3. Salient issues discussed in Chapter 3 included credibility,

transferability, dependability, and confirmability.

Credibility

I ensured the credibility of the data by interviewing participants until saturation

was reached and by conducting member checking. Saturation occurs when the researcher

can no longer obtain any new or meaningful information from participants (Fusch &

Ness, 2017). I conducted semistructured interviews with 10 participants. All participants

were queried using the same semistructured questionnaire while allowing for the

necessary follow-up or probing questions. I interviewed participants until no new or

meaningful information that would expand knowledge regarding the phenomenon was

able to be gleaned. Additional steps that I employed to ensure credibility were respondent

validation and member checking. Member checking is the process of providing each

participant a copy of their transcript for review to ensure that the data accurately reflects

their experiences as they recalled them. To conduct member checking, I reviewed each

transcript with each participant to ensure accuracy, credibility, validity, and

trustworthiness.

Transferability

To demonstrate the transferability of the results of this study, I used a purposive

sampling strategy. Using purposive sampling, I sought to capture the detailed emotionally

laden responses to the interview questionnaire from my selected group of participants that

met a very narrow and specific set of predetermined criteria set forth in the exclusion

criteria. Duplication of this study will be possible by future researchers using purposive

sampling, as the researchers may use a different set of criteria to select participants to

investigate this phenomenon. These actions will allow for the transferability of the

essence of this study to a different group of participants who would be requested to

respond to interview questions regarding the phenomenon under exploration.

Dependability

To establish dependability, I used an audit trail. The audit trail provides future

readers of this study with a clear rationale of why I chose to implement various

techniques while conducting this study. The audit trail documents my efforts to complete

this study. To conduct the audit trail, I made rigorous notes documenting the informed

consent process, interview and transcription steps, data collection and data analysis

procedures, and the respondent validation and member checking process. By using the

steps outlined above, I demonstrated dependability.

Confirmability

To establish confirmability, I used a reflexive journal, which is the researcher’s

efforts to document self-assessment and awareness of how the researcher’s role may

contribute to the outcome of the study (see Berger, 2015). Reflexivity is similar to

bridling. As a researcher, it was imperative that I was aware of how my personal

experiences and biases could influence the outcome of the research study. I exercised all

steps outlined in the procedures of bridling and reflexive journaling to ensure objectivity.

Results

Through the coding and analysis process, I gained insight into the phenomenon of

acculturation as experienced by former undocumented immigrants from Jamaica. The

study’s participants shared their lived experiences as undocumented immigrants. They

retold their journey from undocumented status to becoming a resident alien (having legal

immigration status). The following subsections present a coherent discussion of the

results of the analysis along with the corresponding themes to address the RQ.

Research Question

The RQ for the study was as follows: What are the lived experiences of

acculturation of undocumented Jamaican immigrants who reside in the five boroughs of

New York City (Brooklyn, Queens, Manhattan, Bronx, and Staten Island)? To explore

the RQ, I identified seven themes as having meaningful insight into the understanding of

the phenomenon of acculturation as experienced by each participant. I present these

seven themes in Table 1: reasons for migration, having to adjust, finding employment,

managing emotions, experiences of exploitation, learning to navigate the immigration

system, and having resilience.

Table 1

Table of Themes

Theme P1 P2 P3 P4 P5 P6 P7 P8 P9 P10

Reason for migration X X X X X X X X X X

Having to adjust X X X X X

X X X X

Finding employment X X X X X X X X X X

Managing emotions X X X X

X X X X

Experiences of exploitation X

X X X

X X

Learning to navigate the

immigration system X X X X X X X X X X

Having resilience X X X X X X X X X X

Theme 1: Reasons for Migration

This first theme, reason for migration, was the genesis of the study and was

related to the reason that the participants decided to leave their native country and

migrate to the United States. All participants provided a rationale for migration. All

participants reported being driven by one of the three codes found in this theme. The

initial codes related to this theme are limited resources, new experiences, and perceived

opportunities. Limited resources as posited by the participants refers to the lack of

resources necessary to permit the participants to survive and adequately take care of

themselves and their families. These resources include stable employment, adequate

housing, food, and clothing. New experiences refer to the participants’ desire to

experience new environments, food, people, and experiences. Perceived opportunities

refer to the participants’ expectations that the United States will provide opportunities for

them to adequately provide for themselves and their families.

Theme 2: Having to Adjust

The second theme was having to adjust. All but two participants reported

adjustment issues relating to the experience of a new culture. Participants reported

experiences akin to culture shock and recalled feeling strange as they observed their new

environment. Codes related to this theme were support networks and its three child codes

(family members, parents, and others), which are subcodes in the Dedoose software.

Participants expressed support network as a factor that aided in adjusting to their new

environment through the provisions of emotional, spiritual, and financial support. The

participants reported that family members such as aunts, uncles, grandparents, and

cousins were helpful. Participants reported that parents were primarily a mother with or

without a stepfather present. Others were represented as friends and organizations who

offered support during the period of the participants being undocumented.

Theme 3: Finding Employment

The third theme was finding employment. Participants reported experiences of

looking for and obtaining employment. Codes related to this theme included working in

the childcare industry, working in the home health care industry, working in the food and

beverage industry, and working in the trade laborer industry. Childcare employment took

the form of providing care to mostly the children of Euro-American families. Two

participants reported providing care to children of family friends. Home health care

employment took the form of providing minimal health care and domestic services to

either an aging Euro-American client or a chronically ill Euro-American client. Food and

beverage employment typically took the form of working in a restaurant of their own

ethnicity. One participant, however, reported working in a liquor store. Trade laborer

employment meant that the participant possessed a trade skill that made him (as only

male participants reported this kind of employment) marketable, and he was able to find

employment using his craft.

Theme 4: Managing Emotions

The fourth theme is managing emotions. Participants reported varied emotions

due to the novel experience of being an undocumented immigrant living in the five

boroughs of New York City. Codes associated with this theme are fear, sadness, stress,

and happiness. Fear was reported as an emotion associated with the threat of being

apprehended by law enforcement and deported back to Jamaica. Sadness was reported as

emotions associated with the removal or absence of their loved ones, or with their

experience of feeling marginalized due to their immigration status. Stress was associated

with the experience of the phenomenon of accumulation as an undocumented immigrant.

Happiness was the least expressed emotion, associated with the novel experience of

living in a new environment and being surrounded by family members.

Theme 5: Experiences of Exploitation

The fifth theme is experiences of exploitation. Participants reported experiencing

exploitation at the hands of their employers or their retained attorneys. Codes associated

with this theme are employers and attorneys. Employers were primarily Euro-Americans

but were not limited to this group. When participants reported working in the food and

beverage industry, then the employers were from the participants’ ethnic background.

Attorneys were immigration attorneys qualified to practice in the state of New York and

were retained by the participants.

Theme 6: Learning to Navigate the Immigration System

The sixth theme is learning to navigate the immigration system. Participants

posited varied reports of how they learned to navigate the immigration system, which led

to them obtaining legal immigration status. Codes for this theme include homogenous

community, individual research, marriage, and family filing. Homogenous community

refers to the participant residing within areas where they had a large cultural presence

within the African American communities, where they reportedly received information

regarding immigration from other Jamaican immigrants with legal immigration status

within the community. Individual research referred to the participants employing their

own efforts to research and obtain information on immigration through the internet or

contacting organizations. Marriage meant that the participant learned about and obtained

legal immigration status through their spouse—this was either an intimate partner, a

friend or acquaintance, or a business partner who married them to aid the participants in

getting their legal status. Family filing refers to a family member informing the

participant and subsequently assisting them in obtaining their legal status.

Theme 7: Having Resilience

The seventh theme is having resilience. Participants discussed their actions

throughout their undocumented period that demonstrated significant resilience, through

the reported efforts of the participants to strive forward despite the myriad challenges

presented by their immigration status, they demonstrated determination and an ability to

bounce back. Motivation was the one code related to this theme. Participants remained

motivated by their desires to create a better life for themselves despite the difficulties of

living as an undocumented immigrant.

Reason for Migration

During the semi-structured interviews, I asked the participants to reflect on why

they decided to leave their native country of Jamaica. All but one participant reported that

the primary reason for their migration was due to limited resources available in their

native country. They all posited that they perceived America as having more

opportunities available to provide a better quality of life for themselves and their families.

One participant stated that the primary reason for migration was his desire to have new

experiences. This participant noted that the expectation was that more opportunities

would be readily available in the United States.

Participants reported that the immense difficulty of finding gainful employment

for themselves or their parents to provide adequate housing, food, and clothing motivated

them to become American immigrants. This is demonstrated in P1’s transcript, where she

stated.

Okay. She, she, leave because it was so hard for her in Jamaica. So, she came to

America then to make a better life for us. So, so she say, and then she, she wanted

us to be here with her because it was nobody there to watch us. So, she wanted us

to be here with her. But she asked her brothers to watch us, and they they, they

really didn’t know how to take care of us really. I was young. So, it was hard for

her. She didn’t have no money; she wasn’t working. She was young. She does

have to be on the road, trying to get money and have her kids here and there and

all over.

Participant 2 also stated,

I leave my country to come to the US because in my country is very difficult

there. It’s very hard, and I know that there are better opportunities here, and, you

know, I have family members who do not have it. Job opportunity. There’s not

much job opportunities. You know, a lot of the companies have closed out and

I’m, um, and a lot of lay off lay off. A lot. A lot of the companies closed out, and,

as a result, after a lot of persons are out of a job. So, you’ll find that a lot of

persons been going to either to the Caribbean countries. For those who weren’t

able to get a visa you find, you find, you know, a lot of persons migrate into the

different countries, you know, to make a better life. Because, you know, the

opportunity to get a job there is not there, and it’s very hard.

The idea that America presented opportunities for a better quality of life was

noted during analysis. Participants perceived that upon migrating to the United States

they would be able to find employment and would be in a much better financial position

than if they remained in their native country. Participant 5 stated, “I left to seek a better

opportunity to get a better living and improve my living conditions.” Participant 7

reported the following: “Well, I left my native country in Jamaica to relocate to America

to seek a, you know, a better life, life of prosperity and opportunity. And as a part of my

plan to reestablish myself here in the States.” Participant 4 also stated, “To make a better

life, what I mean is there’s more opportunity here. You get you get nicer stuff, a wider

variety but the whole thing is there’s more opportunity here.” I probed Participant 4

further regarding the meaning of opportunities, and she stated, “For just about everything

you know, and it’s not as costly as back in Jamaica.”

There was one report of migrating to the US due to the desire for novel

experiences. This is demonstrated in Participant 6’s statement:

I came to the US because I want to have a different experience of living

someplace else. I came here on vacation, and while I was here on vacation on

several occasion, I get to like the environment of New York, so I decided to come

here and live with one of my family member, my aunt.

Having to Adjust

Participants discussed the difficulties they faced as they attempted to adjust to

their new environment. They discussed how they experienced culture shock in their new

environment. Participant 7 stated,

It was a bit of a culture shock. The mannerism, the language, the accent, the

living conditions. The people, the social and social environment. Even, even, even

business, even the place of business. Employment, everything was just different.

It was a culture shock because my ideas, my ideas of what I saw on television was

a bit . . . I was a bit surprised because things aren’t the way they seem. It was a

whole lot more complicated adjusting to the American society and American

culture. And yeah, it was quite a quite a struggling in adjustment period.

Participant 7 further stated,

The living conditions were different. Well, first of all, as a Jamaican citizen, I

lived in my own house. I mean, I live in my family house, our family home. We

had home ownership. And so, I’ve never really experienced renting, living under

a landlord, living in such close proximity of people all around you. So, that was a

bit of a shock. Different. Also just living in an apartment situation. That was new

to me, having neighbors in such close proximity of you, I mean literally a wall a

partition walls what separated you from neighbors, and that, that was quite, not

just the walls but also the floors, the ceilings, your neighbors are all over you.

And that was different for me. You know, learning to respect your neighbor’s

privacy and also being able to comply with the noise and so forth. Yeah, that was

a bit different.

Participant 1 stated,

What’s my experience. The laundry, everything was so different. Everybody like,

good morning. That was like, why they say good morning to me for and you

know though they’re like, hi, I like, why are you talking to me? Like, you know,

so those stuff was so weird, like, yeah.

Participant 1 further stated,

Because in Jamaica It wasn’t like that aint nobody’s telling you good morning

and how you doing? Not what I know of at that time. Yeah. So, it was kind of

weird to me to till I get to understand that, you know, they don’t have to know

you to say good morning.

Also, Participant 5 stated,

My first experience was I noticed the different environmental condition, the

different housing and the difference in how people lived amongst each other.

Okay, in this country, I noticed that you or your neighbors that you and them were

very close living closely in close proximity. But sometimes you didn’t even know

them. Or you and them didn’t talk or exchange words.

Finding Employment

All participants reported on finding employment, providing varying reports

related to this theme. Some participants reported finding employment with relative ease,

while others reported more difficulty in finding employment. I noted a pattern of

employment among participants. Women tended to find employment much easier than

men. Women primarily found employment within the childcare industry as nannies or as

home health care attendants. In the interview, Participants 2 stated,

Okay, my sister-in-law, that’s my brother’s wife. Um, her friend had a baby. So,

she, she introduced me to her friend because her friend wanted a babysitter so

that, that was a means. Oh, yes, I was babysitting until I until I got my papers

together. I um, somebody told me about another job to work with an autistic little

girl and I call, and I was interviewed, and the person did like me and they, and I,

you know, about a week later, I started working with that family to work with

that, that little girl.

Participant 4 also stated, “I did babysitting.” Home health care settings also provided a

means of employment for undocumented immigrants. Participant 3 reported the

following:

Well, in the in the home care business, like, you know, if you’re working in home

care, and really, if you’re working with males, they tend to want to, you know, be

a certain way with you knowing that, you know, you need your job.

The food and beverage industry, as well as that of skilled laborers, tended to be a

haven for undocumented immigrants. Participant 2, Participant 3, Participant 6,

Participant 9, and Participant 10 reported finding employment within these industries.

Participant 3 stated, “I had to get odd jobs that didn’t require social security number like,

you know, little off the book things like going into a restaurant or you know.” Participant

2 also stated, “I was working in a restaurant as well. I was doing cashiering at a golden

cross restaurant and Union Dale and after that.”

Managing Emotions

Participants discussed a host of emotions ranging from fear, sadness, stress, and

happiness. Of all the reported emotions, fear and sadness were experienced much more

than that of happiness. Stress was also a salient experience, as they reported feelings of

stress associated with the fear of being apprehended and deported, as well as feeling

restricted in their ability to engage, interact, and participate within society. Participant 3

reported, “Oh, you’re supposed to be deported. And you’re like, I’m scared. I don’t know

what’s going on.” I queried Participant 4 by asking her whether during the time of her

being undocumented were there any fears or concerns that she might be caught,

apprehended, and deported back to her home country of Jamaica to which she replied,

“Yeah, most definitely. But when I got the work permit, I feel safer.” Participant 5

recalled feelings of sadness and stated,

Yes, there are times that there’s multiple things that you can’t do in society that if

you’re documented you could have. There were times when there was

opportunities arise and you weren’t able to get it to capitalize on those

opportunity. And also, people that downplay you for being undocumented that

knew about your situation. So, I would try my best to keep my situation to myself

and not let people find out because people will downgrade you and treat to treat

you less than they would treat somebody that’s documented.

Participant 3 stated,

Like I said before, the beings like exploited sexually like just to, you know, make

a living. It’s just like, it’s just sad. And if every time you think about it makes you

feel, you know, makes you feel away.

Participants endured feelings of stress due to not being able to partake in the

privileges permitted to immigrants possessing resident alien status. All but two of the

participants interviewed reported experiencing stressors related to their immigration

status. Participant 7 stated,

I believe the relationship between workers and employers is always stressed as it

is, without even the element of being undocumented. So, the (posit) when you

know that you’re undocumented, it’s it became a bit more chess game. It wasn’t

always been unfair, but it’s always knowing that, hey, you’re not legally

permitted. So, your, your, your level of entitlement would be diminished. You

wouldn’t, you wouldn’t feel like hey, you’re, you’re in the right because you

always know that you have a mark against you. You’re always in the wrong. So,

you have to mentally, you know, psychologically prepare yourself for that.

Participant 7 added,

Okay, the stresses are some of the stresses I’ve experienced, I’ve experienced is

employment challenges. It wasn’t just good enough to be to be skilled, but then

like, you needed to be, being skilled, meant you also had to have people that were

willing to accept your status to work with, to work with them, which, which

limited your ability to move around because you will most likely work in a certain

group of people that you are familiar with, people that understood your situation,

you understand. So, you couldn’t just leave employment, employment pros

prospects and just move on to another one as freely as you would like to, because

the chances of being reemployed in the same field are doing the same thing again,

would be very slim, because not everybody would understand your status. So, you

had to be very careful with that. That was a stress. The ability to earn was

stressful. Learning to cope, I mean, with another human being, I mean, marriage

life. Marriage life on a whole is usually stressful, but I mean, marriage life, being

undocumented, and also having challenges of being able to earn was also a big

struggle. Learning to. One of the biggest struggles for me was identify with

people outside of my culture. Like, you know, ways to communicate, ways to

social activities, you know, like, things that we, I would enjoy to do as a Jamaican

young man, you know, other people wouldn’t too enjoy that too much. So, it was

a bit challenging to find those little common interests that we could both do that

we both enjoyed when communicating, as I said before.

Participant 1 shared her most salient experiences of stress:

It was, um, like when I was young, I wasn’t thinking about no papers. I didn’t

really like, like, care for papers at the time. But then after I have my daughter then

I’m not working, the dad not working. So, it was so stressful, like, oh my god

what we’re gonna do. It that little stress, and, and then after that, then I want to

look, then after that I start working home care. Yeah. But at that time, I did have

my work permit, so, but it was stress.

Participant 1 added,

Because, like I said, I wasn’t thinking about work. I was so young as I thought I

could get through life without working. Then you know, then my poor daughter,

we didn’t have no milk to give her at the time, so we had to go by my sister house

for her to get money to get milk, and she like, ‘You all need to get a job. Y’all

need to get a job. Y’all have kids. Go work.’ And I’m, I don’t like nobody talks to

me like that. And so I was like, ‘I have to go do something that we don’t have to

go back and ask nobody for anything.’ Yeah.

Participant 3 shared,

I mean, it was challenging overall, the whole thing, being 12 years old, and then

becoming a woman and then, hey, you can’t be normal like everyone else. You

have, you have different challenges. You have to do different things. So overall, it

was just stressful. It was stressful the entire time. Because you can’t do what you

want to do. You can’t open a bank account. You have to ask people to put things

in their name. It’s just wasn’t fun. It’s very stressful.

Participant 4 stated,

It was fine to a extent but not fine, on the other hand, because there wasn’t any

opportunity there for you. You couldn’t go certain places and thing like that. If I

wanted to go to the hospital, not having documentation would makes it difficult

and put you in a worried state.

Participant 5 stated,

Yes, there was. Challenges would include. There were multiple times when I

needed my documentation to further, let’s say, further my education. There was

opportunity that are, that arise, but I wasn’t able to capitalize on it because I was

undocumented. And I think even though I’m grateful for getting through school

undocumented. Yeah, I think yeah, I could have used more or more opportunities

would have been available to me if I was had my documentation.

Participant 4 shared her feelings of joy and happiness upon receiving her green card,

which made her a resident alien, a documented immigrant. Participant 4 stated,

Okay. Well, when I got my green card, I felt so good that I felt a burden, a weight

came off me because I know now that I have opportunities. I can go wherever I

want to. Oh, when I got it that day. He, the, the, the person who will interview me

said you can go home tonight and look for your kids.

Experiences of Exploitation

The majority of the participants reported feeling exploited by their employers and

attorneys. They reported being underpaid, overworked, and taken advantage of by

professionals who were supposed to help them. Participant 5 shared his sentiment on

exploitation:

I would tell them to do their research, to find out, educate themself about ways

how to get your citizenship or your documentation. That’s the best way, and then

you would have to find somebody, always go to right road to get the help you

need because there’s people that will take your money and say that helping you

but they’re not or know that they cannot help you in the current situation, but they

will take your money. So, the best thing is always to do is educate yourself as

much as possible, which is in the right way to get the documentation.

I asked a probing question to get clarity after P5’s statement. I asked what he meant when

he stated that people will take money and say that they’re helping but are not, whether he

was referring to the regular layperson or professionals who are supposed to help with the

immigration process, to which Participant 5 responded,

I’m talking about professionals. The first time it was a lawyer that somebody

wanted to help my mother to help me and a lawyer, I think they took money, and

they were, I met with them several times. They gave me, they gave me the notion

that something was being done, but it’s just holding up and nothing was being

done. Until I went the right route, which I went through marriage to get my

papers.

Participant 3 stated,

I was exploited there. Also, I learned about a lawyer through, like, word of

mouth, a friend, and it were in Manhattan on Broadway and they said that, oh,

they can help you to get, you know, your papers. I was about, like I said, 17 at the

time, and they said they were gonna help me to get my papers and they want to

file for asylum. And I’m like, okay, sure. You know, I’m ready because I want to

work. I’m becoming a young adult, and I’m like, I want to work. So, I was very

interested. I gave them money. These people are supposed to be lawyers or

whatever. I gave them money, and they were supposed to be doing the case. And I

don’t know what happened between that time and me being in Job Corps. Because

one day my mom called and she’s like, hey, listen, you have to go to court. And

I’m like, go to court, why? And she’s like, you got to go to the immigration court.

Participant 1 added,

At the time when me and her went to get our papers together and then the stupid

lawyer, you know, I was 21 and you know when you’re 21 you know your age is

going up. So, I pay him my, I pay him what, a $1,000 to for everything and then

when we went there the lawyer, the immigration person told us that, you know, I

can’t get it because I reach over the age something like that. We pay him the

money for him to be there to like come with us, because we didn’t know much.

And then he, I guess he was running late, and, you know, he had at that time, he

was very busy, so he didn’t really care too much about us, so, you know, it was

kind of stressful. We sit there wait for him, wait for him, and he came after. And

then then we went inside a room and then the lady was like, once you look at the

paperwork, she was like, oh, um, you can get your green card because you’ll pass

the age. And then he looking like no, no, no, no, no. And then she turned around

tell him that like, you know, if he was doing his job, you will know that she would

have an age, and she should put it in before but because he’s so busy. He really

didn’t care for us because he already get his money.

Participant 5 recalled being underpaid by his employer and stated,

I think they treated me fairly. I knew I was being underpaid, but as I said, I was

just thankful for earning a dollar. And the hours that I worked was part time, so it

wasn’t, yeah, it wasn’t that much on me.

Participant 4 stated, “They know of your situation that they may, may, may, may have to

sponsor you. So, they didn’t say anything, but they were paying you very little.”

Participant 3 stated,

Well, in the, in the home care business, like, you know, if you’re working in

home care, and really, if you’re working with males, they tend to want to, you

know, be a certain way with you, knowing that, you know, you need your job. So,

yeah.

I sought further clarity about Participant 3’s statement and asked her what she meant by

her statement and whether she was referring to sexual exploits, to which Participant 3

responded, “Right, correct.”

Learning to Navigate the Immigration System

Being foreigners, all participants had to learn to navigate the immigration system

to avoid apprehension and subsequent deportation. They reported learning how to

navigate the system through several sources. Participant 5 reported learning through

conducting his own research; he stated,

I learned through reading, research, talking to people, I talk to several sources,

like paralegal. I even talked to lawyers. And I think the best benefit was learning

and reading to navigate the system, and then when I needed assistance, I was able

to contact the professionals to get assistance.

Participant 6 stated,

Yeah, I did all my papers myself, when the time, when the time came and I had

to file my papers, I go on the internet. I log on to the website, and I have my

necessary papers that I needed, and I filed papers for myself. Yes, go on to the

website immigration website, and if you have all the necessary documents that

you need to file to get you alien registration card, you do that. You don’t need a

lawyer to do it.

Participant 4 echoed similar sentiments and stated, “And sometimes you call up, you had,

you had a lot of organization that you could call, and they will tell you things.”

Participant 1 reported learning about the immigration system through her family

members when she reported,

So, I didn’t have no paperwork at the time. And then her dad, she begged him to

give her, give her her papers and he finally did because his wife ripped the first

papers up. So, when he got divorced, he decided to file for my mom, and then she

put me on the paperwork. And me and my sister. My sister was too, she was too

old. Yeah, no, she couldn’t get it, my sister couldn’t get it. So, I was on it. And

then that’s how I ended up getting my papers because he file for my mom and my

mom file for me. So, I didn’t end up getting the paper right there and then my

mom got hers, and then my mom went back and do her citizens, and then that’s

how I end up get mines after.

Participant 4 reported learning from people other than family members:

I had friends who tell me not to worry, right, everything will be fine, but it going

to take a little while. And, and, and if I, if I get a boyfriend and he marry me. Yes,

because we heard that I heard that they could sponsor you, so this is why I you

know, gravitate to babysitting. But it’s true friends, you know, one tell one.

Participant 7 learned through speaking with people from his community. He reported,

So they, they, they would share their experiences, what, what to do, what not to

do, how to go about things, and you’d pick up those information from each

individual as a matter of fact, being in the island community, especially in

Brooklyn, New York, it gives you a sense of like home away from home because

you’re meeting them and being around a lot of people such as yourself. So, as you

meet people like yourself, we start to share experiences, you know, we talk we

communicate, and we explain to each other what’s going on and what happens

here and so forth. And people are very open to share these, this knowledge with

you, if you just ask.

Having Resilience

Throughout the interviews, I learned that the participants faced many difficulties,

but they endured, and they never gave up on their dreams. To this end, Participant 5

stated,

Well, my experience, well, I was grateful for the little that I made because I was

working towards a goal. I was also in school, and I was just thankful that I was

able to make an extra change for myself.

Participant 6 stated, “So, so as I said, you know, I was able to use whatever knowledge I

had when I came into this country to do what I had to do to achieve what I want to

achieve. Participant 7 stated,

Wow. Um, you know, in the beginning, I had felt that way. I had felt that way.

However, you know, like I say once more. I don’t want to be unfair, because, yes,

I felt like I was not treated fairly. But also, I was young in the field of whatever I

was doing. So, my inexperience put me in a position where I wasn’t, I didn’t

deserve to be paid the top dollar. Now, as I got better, as I developed more skills,

as I become more professional, and you know, more valuable, that started to

change. It started to change, whereas I started to manipulate the market because I

did trade, and by doing trade, your, your worth is pretty much based on what you

can do. And as I became more dependable, as I became more skilled, those unfair

practices are those, what would I say, not being paid my worth. That starts to

diminish because now I was able to bring my services and there was proof to my

pudding, so I got to dictate my prices much better.

Participant 3 reported,

I don’t know what to say because I even had a discussion with someone today

about it. And I, I don’t know what to say I feel for them. I can’t. I just have to tell

them, like, yo, okay, so a quick little story. This person is stressed that they’re

making $10 an hour, and I’m like, ‘listen, you have to do this for now. Get

started. This is something you have to do if you want good. You can’t just, you

know, you, I don’t know what else to say but, you, this is what you have to do.

You can’t make a different amount of money because you’re not authorized to

work here legally. So, you have to make what they giving you.’ So, I don’t even

know what to tell people, you know, in those instances, I’ll just try to refer them

to places.

Participant 1 stated,

And I was working. I was doing home care at the time, and I didn’t know it was

expired because I, you know, I’m not paying attention to that. I was just working.

And then they call me and told me that I have to stop work because my work

permit is expired. And I was like, ‘Why?’ And that’s when my mom, like, keep,

like, started pushing it for me to get my papers. Yeah, then I have to my work

permit was up. Then I had to pay more money to get back a new work permit,

which I did. And I continue working till I got my, actually green card.

Summary

In this chapter, I presented a detailed exposition of the recruitment process, the

setting of the study, data collection procedures, data analysis process, as well as evidence

of trustworthiness. Each participant recalled their lived experiences as an undocumented

immigrant residing in the five boroughs of New York. From the analysis of the

transcripts, seven themes emerged, these themes addressed the RQ of the lived

experiences of acculturation of undocumented Jamaican immigrants who reside in

Brooklyn, Queens, Manhattan, Bronx, and Staten Island. The themes that emerged were

reason for migration, having to adjust, finding employment, managing emotions,

experiences of exploitation, learning to navigate the immigration system, and having

resilience.

The participants of the study reported migrating to the United States due to

hardships faced in their native country, the difficulty they experienced served as the

impetus to migrate to the United States. The participants experienced an adjustment

period where they had to adapt to life in their new environment. The process of

adaptation was difficult for most of the participants. From finding employment,

managing their emotions, dealing with feelings of exploitation, to displaying resilience,

the participants recalled their experience living as an undocumented immigrant as

presenting them with significant challenges. However, despite the challenges of living as

an undocumented immigrant, they persevered and achieved their stated goal of obtaining

legal immigration status. In Chapter 5, I discuss my interpretations of the results and offer

a conclusion; in Chapter 5, I also discuss implications and limitations of the study and

offer recommendations for future work on exploring the phenomenon.

Chapter 5: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations

The purpose of this study was to explore the lived experiences of former

undocumented Jamaican immigrants residing in the five boroughs of New York City

(Manhattan, Bronx, Brooklyn, Queens, and Staten Island). I interviewed a total of 10

former undocumented immigrants who are now resident aliens or U.S, citizens using a

semistructured interview format. I formulated the interviews and the design of the study

to address the following RQ:

RQ: What are the lived experiences of acculturation of undocumented Jamaican

immigrants who reside in the five boroughs of New York City (Brooklyn, Queens,

Manhattan, Bronx, and Staten Island)?

As I conducted data analysis, seven themes emerged that contributed

meaningfully to the understanding of the phenomenon. From the analysis, I concluded

that all participants experienced a lack of resources in their native country that made it

difficult, if not impossible, to provide for themselves and their families. This lack of

resources facilitated their decision to leave their native land and migrate to the United

States. The participants’ expectations were that the United States would offer

opportunities for them to find meaningful employment and, subsequently, a better quality

of life for themselves and their families. Upon arriving in New York City, the participants

reported having to adjust to their newfound environment. Participants recalled their

experiences with employment, exploitation, dealing with their emotions, and how they

achieved their legal immigration status as they shared heroic stories of resiliency.

Interpretation of the Findings

Using the transcendental phenomenological design (Vagle, 2018), I sought to

explore the lived experiences of formerly undocumented immigrants from Jamaica who

lived within the five boroughs of the New York City area (Manhattan, Bronx, Brooklyn,

Queens, and Staten Island) during their period of being an undocumented immigrant. I

used a semistructured interview format to investigate and understand the recalled

experiences of the participants as they lived in the five boroughs as an undocumented

immigrant, how they coped with their experiences, and how they obtained their legal

status. I analyzed the collected data from the participants’ interviews using the seven

steps of IPA data analysis (Charlick et al., 2015). Analysis of the transcribed interviews

revealed seven emerging themes. These themes were consistent among the data obtained

from all 10 participants. The seven themes that emerged during data analysis were reason

for migration, having to adjust, finding employment, managing emotions, experiences of

exploitation, learning to navigate the immigration system, and having resilience.

RQ Thematic Results

Theme 1 was reason for migration. This theme provided insight into the varied

reasons why Jamaicans made the decision to leave their native country, which possesses a

warm tropical climate, and migrate to the United States, particularly New York City,

where the climate is the opposite of their native land. Jamaican immigrants reported

leaving their native land due to the limited resources available to them to assist them in

adequately providing for themselves and their families. They reported a lack of sufficient

employment with a living wage that would allow them to purchase life necessities, such

as food, clothing, and shelter. Some of the participants of the study reported migrating

due to their perceptions of increased opportunities for a better quality of life in the United

States. They reported that their expectations were such that upon entering the United

States, they would find adequate employment and subsequently be better able to provide

for themselves.

Theme 2 was having to adjust. This theme highlights the experiences of adapting

to a novel environment and dealing with all the demands associated with adjusting. This

theme is consistent with the concepts of acculturation posited by scholars such as Berry

and Sabatier (2011), who stated that psychological indicators such as revision of cultural

practices, values or identity, and adaptation outcomes such as sociocultural and

psychological adjustment of groups and individuals after intercultural contact with the

receiving culture all contribute significantly to the acculturation process. Lee (2009)

added that immigrants who received a warm welcome from host communities adjusted

better than immigrants who experienced discrimination.

Sam and Berry (2010) posited that adjustment to a new living environment can

lead to acculturative stress. The authors posited that acculturative stress is an individual’s

response to a life changing event rooted in the individual’s experience of acculturation.

The acculturation process of adjusting to life in a new culture may cause some

immigrants, especially those with the genetic predisposition, to experience psychological

distress.

Theme 3 was finding employment. This theme was consistent throughout all the

transcribed interviews. All participants reported the desire to find and obtain employment

to provide for their physiological needs. Though all participants recalled being able to

find employment, the industry in which they found employment varied. Female

participants tended to find employment in such fields as childcare, home health care, and

food and beverage. Male participants were, to a large extent, employed within the trade

sector, though there were also reports of employment among males within the food and

beverage industry. Participants reported differing experiences with seeking and obtaining

employment. Some found employment with relative ease, while others were faced with

challenges related to their undocumented status due to the lack of proper government-

mandated personal identification standards.

Theme 4 was managing emotions. Managing emotions was a salient theme

throughout the transcripts. All participants reported varying degrees of having to manage

their feelings relating to their experiences of being undocumented. Participants recalled

experiencing sadness, fear, stress, and happiness. Emotions such as fear, stress, and

sadness were more prominent among the participants. Participants reported being fearful

of apprehension and subsequent deportation back to their native land of Jamaica. They

reported that the thought or fear of being apprehended and subsequently deported was a

stressful anxiety provoking experience. There were also reports of sadness associated

with not being able to have their children or close family members with them, as they

often made the journey to the United States alone. This theme is consistent with the

findings from Hovey and Magana’s (2002) work where they found that learning to speak

a new language, separating from their family, feelings of loss, as well as culture shock

can significantly contribute to psychological distress. Additionally, Urrieta and Quach

(2000) posited that the undocumented immigrant populations (such as that of the

undocumented Jamaican immigrant) face much more difficulty acculturating than the

documented population due to their illegal immigration status. They stated that social

realities such as racism, obstacles to adequate health care, fear of apprehension, and

deportation are commonly experienced by undocumented immigrant groups. DeAngelis

(2011) postulated that immigrants already experiencing acculturation, may be at a greater

risk for experiencing higher levels of stress from also having to deal with being

undocumented. DeAngelis found that in addition to the myriads of challenges that the

undocumented immigrants face from arriving in a new environment, the immigrants were

arriving in the new country with a history of past trauma, such as persecution or brutality

from their country of origin, adding to their emotional vulnerability.

Theme 5 was experiences of exploitation. Participants recalled experiencing some

form of exploitation either at the hands of their employers or their retained immigration

attorney. Participants reported being undercompensated for work performed and that had

they been a resident alien (legal immigration status), they would have received

significantly more compensation. Though each participant recalled acknowledging being

underpaid, they expressed gratitude for finding employment. Undocumented immigrants

were often overworked along with being underpaid. This resulted in working long hours

without overtime compensation, as specified by the U.S. Department of Labor.

Undocumented immigrants face exploitation by the very same people that they employ to

represent them along their journey towards their legal status. Participants gave several

reports of unscrupulous attorneys who took the retainer fees of the participants with the

promise of adequate representation during the immigration process but would fall terribly

short of meeting their legal contractual obligations.

Theme 6 was learning to navigate the immigration system. Learning to navigate

the immigration system was important to undocumented immigrants. Through an

understanding of the bureaucracy of the U.S. immigration system, the undocumented

immigrant would find the means to obtain their desired legal immigration status. From

analysis, it was identified that most undocumented immigrants obtained their resident

alien status through marriage. Participants recalled either entering into a business

marriage, a convenience marriage, or a romantic marriage. A business marriage refers to

the participant locating a citizen of the United States who was willing to undergo the

marriage process to allow the participant to file documentation for legal status through

the citizenship status of their spouse. Participants reported paying large sums of money

(over $10,000 in every instance) to their business marriage partner. This type of

relationship has no element of intimacy to it; participants do not reside together but

provide substantial personal documentation to demonstrate to the U.S. immigration

officers that they are in a genuine romantic/intimate marriage.

A convenience marriage refers to the participant marrying a friend or

acquaintance who is willing to marry the participant to assist them in obtaining their legal

status. A marriage of convenience does not require the participant to pay any money

other than the fees associated with the filing process for legal residency. The participant

also does not live with the convenience marriage partner, but like the business marriage

arrangement must maintain and submit personal documentation to demonstrate the

authenticity of the marriage. The final type of marriage, romantic marriage, is self-

explanatory and refers to the participant nurturing a romantic relationship with a U.S.

citizen. From this romantic relationship, the participant’s partner decides to marry them

to assist them in obtaining legal immigration status. In a romantic marriage, the

participant and partner are involved in an intimate romantic relationship and live

together. Like the other relationships, the participants must maintain and submit personal

documentation to demonstrate the authenticity of the union.

Participants reported other means by which they obtained information relating to

navigating the immigration system. Participants obtained information from family

members who also assisted them in obtaining their resident alien status, such as parents

filing immigration status for their children. They also reported receiving immigration

information from others within their communities. Undocumented and documented

immigrants tend to reside within homogenous communities saturated by African

Americans. This reported settlement pattern is consistent with Ferguson et al. (2015) as

well as Portes and Zhou (1993), who posited that social and structural factors determine

the destination culture into which U.S. immigrants acculturate.

Portes and Zhou (1993) also offered the rationale for the reason the segmented

assimilation observed among Jamaican immigrants occurs. According to the authors,

Black and non-Black Caribbean immigrants are more susceptible to downward

assimilation due to racially motivated causes, such as Black and non-Black Caribbean

immigrants closely resembling African Americans who are frequently marginalized by

racist societal structures within the United States. Black and non-Black Caribbean

immigrants are more prone to lodging in inner-city African American communities due to

limited resources, which is typical of new immigrants, and Black and non-Black

Caribbean immigrants are generally treated in the same manner as African Americans,

which includes experiences of racial discrimination.

Theme 7 was having resilience. Participants reported experiencing immense

hardship as they attempted to live in the five boroughs of New York City as an

undocumented immigrant while learning to navigate the immigration system to obtain

their legal status. Despite the myriad challenges that they encountered, such as finding

employment, managing emotions, or coping with experiences of being exploited, they

persevered and navigated the U.S. immigration system to obtain their ultimate goal. The

participants’ actions were noted as aligning with the concept of resilience (Greene, 2002).

Resilience theory posits that it is not the nature of the challenges that humans face but

rather how humans process and handle those challenges. The theory states that when

faced with adversity, frustration, or misfortune, resilience helps humans to bounce back.

Resilience helps humans recover, survive, and thrive in the face of adversities (Greene,

2002). The participants of this study recalled actions indicative of resiliency in the face of

adversity.

Application of Theoretical Framework

I chose Ferguson et al.’s (2014) 3D acculturation model to guide this study. The

model posits that 3D acculturation occurs in multiple domains of experiences that include

the immigrants’ behavior, identity, and psychological adjustment to their new 3D

environment. Ferguson et al.’s (2014) model was founded on Berry’s (1997) bi-

dimensional model of acculturation, which included the immigrants’ degree of

participation in their ethnic culture referred to as dimension 1 and the degree of

participation in the culture of the host community referred to as dimension 2. Ferguson et

al. expanded Berry’s model by crossing both dimensions (dimension 1 and 2) to create

four alternative acculturation dimensions: integration, assimilation, separation, and

marginalization. According to Ferguson et al., integration refers to the immigrant being

high on dimension 1 and on dimension 2, assimilation refers to the immigrant being low

on dimension 1 but high on dimension 2, separation refers to the immigrant being high on

dimension 1 and low on dimension 2, and finally, marginalization refers to the immigrant

being low on dimension 1 and dimension 2.

Ferguson et al. (2012, 2014) added that acculturation occurs in a three-

dimensional mode for some immigrants from multicultural societies of origin as well as

for some immigrants who, through the immigration process, become ethnic minorities in

a multicultural receiving society such as New York City. Ferguson et al. (2014) also

stated that bi-cultural individuals such as Jamaican immigrants experience stress related

to the demands and conﬂicting messages put forth by two cultures, and these experiences

can be associated with negative psychological adjustment for Jamaican immigrants.

Conversely, immigrants who try to combine three cultural worlds may be at a greater risk

for acculturative stress or culture shock than immigrants who try to combine two cultural

worlds (Ferguson et al., 2014). Ferguson et al. (2012) contended that a bidimensional

viewpoint of how immigrants from the Caribbean acculturate was inadequate to fully

capture and account for the immigrants’ multiple destination cultures within

contemporary settlement societies. They stated that Jamaican and other Black immigrants

were more inclined to embrace the African American culture over the European

American culture.

The results of this study corroborates and contributes to Ferguson’s model of 3D

acculturation. Participants of the study all appeared to have integrated into the host

community. They reported residing comfortably within African American communities.

Participants recalled experiences of adjusting not only to the African American

communities but also to Euro-American communities. Most employment opportunities

were within the Euro-American communities, especially when they worked in childcare

and health care industries. Participants reported experiencing a 3D acculturation process.

They reported feelings of marginalization as they felt like ethnic minorities in a

multicultural receiving society such as New York City. The participants recalled

experiences of stress related to the demands and conﬂicting messages of the African

American culture as well as the Euro-American culture. However, unlike Ferguson’s

findings, the participants did not report negative psychological adjustment due to their 3D

acculturation experiences. Conversely, the participants reported resiliency as they

propelled themselves forward in the face of adversities while keeping in mind their

ultimate goal and their reason for leaving their native country of Jamaica.

Limitations of the Study

The results of the analysis of the data and a consideration of the design of the

study may reflect limitations in transferability and dependability. For this study, I was

able to interview 10 participants using a semi-structured interview format; all participants

of the study were limited to the same geographical location. The participants of the study

were limited to only former undocumented immigrants who had received their legal

status within the last 10 years. This limitation was for obvious reasons, such as an

unwillingness to participate in the study by current undocumented immigrants due to fear

of apprehension and deportation. This restriction may have limited my ability to gain an

awareness of the experiences of current undocumented immigrants. Due to the small

sample size for this study, the results may not be transferable to all undocumented

Jamaican immigrants residing in the New York City area (Manhattan, Bronx, Brooklyn,

Queens, and Staten Island) or America as a whole.

To minimize limitations of dependability I conducted an audit trail. My rationale

for using an audit trail was to provide the readers of this study with a clear rationale of

why I chose to implement various techniques while conducting this study. The audit trail

documented all the efforts I took to complete this study. The procedure included taking

rigorous notes documenting the informed consent process, interview and transcription

steps, data collection and data analysis procedures, as well as the respondent validation

and member checking process. Though not a limitation according to the operational

definition used within research studies, a salient challenge faced during this study was the

concept of researcher bias. Since I am a Jamaican immigrant, there is the possibility of

research bias as I shared similar ethnic background and had similar immigrant

experiences. I also experienced acculturation, which could potentially influence the

outcome of the study. To address this challenge, I practiced bridling and reflexive

journaling. Following the procedures postulated by Vagle (2018) I attempted to restrict

my pre-conceptions, personal beliefs, theories, and other assumptions that would

otherwise mislead my understanding of the meaning of the participants’ experiences.

Recommendations for Future Research

This qualitative phenomenological study explored the lived experiences of former

undocumented immigrants residing in the five boroughs of New York City (Manhattan,

Bronx, Brooklyn, Queens, and Staten Island). Participants of this study recalled and

shared their experiences while living within the five boroughs as they worked towards

obtaining their legal immigration status. Though this study shed light on this population

and filled the gap in current research literature on the phenomenon, further research is

needed to continue to build on the 3D model of acculturation. An area for future

exploration would be for researchers to conduct this study using a different ethnic group.

This study focused on undocumented immigrants from Jamaica. Future studies could

focus on participants from other Caribbean islands such as Trinidad and Tobago, Haiti, or

Barbados.

The literature on 3D acculturation would benefit from increased research using

current rather than former undocumented immigrants. Though it may be difficult to

recruit participants who are undocumented during the time of the study for reasons such

as institutional review board’s approval, or the potential participants’ fear of

apprehension, it would be beneficial to explore the experiences of being undocumented in

real time as opposed to exploring past experiences. Another area that may benefit from

further research is looking at the experiences of male undocumented immigrants residing

within the five boroughs as compared to the experiences of female undocumented

immigrants.

Implications

Potential implications from the results of this study for positive social change are

that the study is not just significant for the undocumented Jamaican immigrant group.

Rather, the study could benefit the Caribbean immigrant community on the whole, as

well as mental health practitioners who work with these groups. The contributions of this

study to the research database on 3D acculturation as explored through the lived

experiences of former undocumented Jamaican immigrants may better equip

scholar/practitioners with the resources to provide appropriate culturally sensitive

interventions to aid current and future undocumented Jamaican immigrants while they

work towards obtaining their legal status. For example, the results of this study indicated

a sense of resilience among the participants. Clinicians may use this as a significant tool

and employ a strengths-based perspective when working with Jamaican immigrants.

Through increased awareness of the experiences of undocumented Jamaican

immigrants, the findings from this study may serve as a catalyst for social change for

undocumented immigrants and aid mental health practitioners in becoming more

culturally sensitive to the experiences that impact the psychological well-being of the

undocumented Jamaican immigrant community. The findings from this study will

contribute to current literature as it demonstrated the impact of 3D acculturation on

immigrants’ experiences. Ferguson et al.’s (2014) model of 3D acculturation facilitates

an understanding that immigrants from the Caribbean are faced with the additional

challenge of undergoing acculturation within a 3D paradigm. The participants of this

study all reported having to adjust to two cultural values while managing their own

cultural values and norms. The findings from this study align with the theoretical

framework of a 3D rather than a bidimensional model of acculturation for Caribbean

immigrants and may assist scholar/practitioners in understanding how acculturation

experiences can impact the mental health seeking behaviors of undocumented Jamaican

immigrants or how these experiences may increase mental health problems that may

negatively impact the host community.

Conclusion

I employed a phenomenological research methodology to explore the lived

experiences of former undocumented Jamaican immigrants residing in the five boroughs

of New York City. The findings from this study filled a gap in current research and

contributed significantly to the understanding of not just the process of acculturation, but

the process of 3D acculturation. The findings from this study provided insight into the

reasons why the participants decided to leave their native country and how they

persevered during immense hardships to obtain their goals.

The study supported peer-reviewed literature on the settlement patterns of

immigrants from Caribbean origins. For example, all participants of the study reported

residing within inner city areas and within communities of African Americans. The study

also contributed new information regarding undocumented Jamaican immigrants’

experiences with exploitation occurring at the hands of their employers and their

immigration attorneys.

100

Though most studies focused on the negative impact on the psychological

functioning of undocumented immigrants, this study found an opposite response to the

stressors associated with an illegal status. The participants of this study demonstrated

resilience as they persevered through a myriad of difficult situations and obstacles, rising

to the challenges, and obtaining their legal status. Academia and practitioners may benefit

from further research on the experiences of the undocumented Jamaican immigrants with

a focus on investigating the resiliency of this group.

101

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Acculturation Experiences of Formerly Undocumented Jamaican Immig.pdf

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