African American Men's Deaths in the U.S. and Perceptions of Procedural Justice

African American Men's Deaths in the U.S. and

Perceptions of Procedural Justice

Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study

Overview of the Study

African American (AA) men between the ages of 18 and 35 years are increasingly

likely to die during arrests by police under the purview of procedural practices (U.S.

Department of Justice, 2011). Questionable procedural actions deployed by police have

resulted in numerous unarmed AA men dying during interaction with a police officer

between 2012 and 2016 (Chaney & Robertson, 2013; Embrick, 2015; Gabbidon &

Jordan, 2013; Staggers-Hakim, 2016; Weitzer, 2015). Unarmed AA males in this age

group stand a higher chance of losing their lives during police interaction, with some

scholars citing as much as 21 times higher (Gabrielson, Jones, & Sagara, 2014). Chaney

and Robertson (2013) noted that racism, which is deeply embedded in society, has played

an integral part in how certain groups of individuals are discriminated against and treated

by law enforcement. As a result, AA men have begun to challenge those actions carried

out under the purview of existing procedural practices by way of protests and refusal to

consent to police authority (Dai, Frank, & Sun, 2011; Davenport, Soule, & Armstrong,

2011; Lawson, 2015; Marable & Mullings, 2015).

This study contributes to social change by contributing to the current literature on

police reform and the role that procedural justice plays in encouraging AA men to

willingly cooperate with and obey the police. This study also explored the level at which

this social issue exists, as well as how and why it disproportionately affects a specific

group of individuals. This problem impacts society because AA men continue to feel

devalued; this can result in them contesting police authority, creating tension with police

in AA neighborhoods, and engaging in marches, protests, and riots that risk creating an

even greater distrust of the police and division of the races (Engler, 2016; Gabbidon &

Jordan, 2013; Gau, Corsaro, & Stewart, 2012; Lawson, 2015; Marable & Mullings,

2015). Understanding the root causes that underlie these tensions is the first step toward

resolving these persistent conflicts. Critical race theory and procedural justice theory

were applied as a framework by which to examine this complex issue. This study

supports positive social change by contributing to the current literature on police reform

and role that procedural justice plays in encouraging AA men to willingly cooperate with

and obey the police.

Background of the Study

Early in the 20th century, instructors at police training academies began teaching

human relations as a way to bring attention to relationships between the police and

communities (Bayley & Mendelsohn, 1969; Radalet & Carter, 1994). This training was

geared towards gaining more insight on group behavior, job efficiency, and collaboration

in organizations (Radalet & Carter, 1994). Following World War II, interest in human

relations training for law enforcement personnel and the communities they served began

to emerge (Radalet & Carter, 1994). To improve their organization’s interaction with the

community, police administrators sent officers to summer workshops such as the

National Conference of Christians and Jews (NCCJ; Radalet & Carter, 1994). Beginning

in 1947, police officers enrolled in workshops to better understand human relations and

setting up and conducting training programs for their departments (Radalet & Carter,

1994). In 1954, the International Association of Chiefs of Police and the National

Association of Intergroup Relations Officials also conducted training in Philadelphia

geared towards police executives and professionals working in the field of human

relations interested in gaining a better understanding of police-citizen relationships

(Radalet & Carter, 1994).

In 1955, the National Institute on Police and Community Relations (NIPCR) was

born out of the success of NCCJ and the Michigan State University School of Police

Administration and Public Safety working together to bring attention to policecommunity

relationships (Radalet & Carter, 1994). The training offered by NIPCR proved successful

enough that, from 1955–1970, the 5-day conferences were held annually (Radalet &

Carter, 1994). Both police officers and community leaders worked together to create

similar programs for leadership at the local and state levels and to discuss the same and

similar issues facing communities across the nation (Radalet & Carter, 1994). The

training sparked conversations between law enforcement and criminal justice

professionals about creating police-community relations programs on a national scale

(Radalet & Carter, 1994).

Police brutality in the 1960s and 1970s occurred much more than it does today,

because rarely was there talk of holding a police officer accountable for his actions as

there is today. Individuals such as the Dr. Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. and the

Black Panther Organization fought against police violence and injustice, but it appeared

that the police during this time could do virtually whatever it wanted to do with no

repercussions (Police Brutality Timeline, 2017). For AAs, the punishment for peacefully

protesting racial injustice and inequality were brutal attacks by the police, such as the

case of Bloody Sunday in Selma, Alabama on March 7, 1965 (Police Brutality Timeline,

2017). During Bloody Sunday, the Alabama State Police attacked approximately 300 AA

Civil Rights Activists and marchers with bullwhips, night sticks, and tear gas, simply

because they disagreed with their right to protest (Police Brutality Timeline, 2017). For

AAs, it appeared that procedural justice did not exist.

Tyler’s work on procedural justice in the 1990s laid the groundwork for

interpretation of how procedural justice influenced citizen’s willingness to obey the law.

Past researchers have concluded that the following four factors must exist for an

individual to determine if they have received procedural justice from authorities: (a)

being treated with dignity and respect, (b) showing concern for a citizen and fair

treatment, (c) remaining unbiased and neutral in decision-making, and (d) having a voice

or say in the matter prior to authorities making a decision (Tyler, 1990).

Tyler and Huo (2002) found that different ethnic groups assessed police and

judges not on the outcome of situations, but instead on the process utilized that led to the

outcome. Tyler and Huo determined that AAs and Hispanics have the same concept

about the procedural justice system as do Whites, but have different experiences with

authorities. Those who felt that they may not be treated fairly by law enforcement were

less likely to comply; however, one reason for compliance with police may be fear of

punishment and sanctions for not complying (Tyler & Huo, 2002). Further, researchers

have consistently shown that procedural justice is more important to citizens than how

effectively law enforcement perform their duties (Sunshine & Tyler, 2003; Tyler & Huo,

2002).

From the 1970s to the 2000s, although police brutality was still occurring, it

appeared to occur less. There were cases of police beating Blacks and killing Blacks and

Blacks still protested, but it was more localized in the states (Police Brutality Timeline,

2017). Police weapons of choice against Blacks were fists, pistol barrels, flashlights,

billy clubs, stun guns, and hot water, to name a few; however, police still were not

prosecuted for their illegal actions (Police Brutality Timeline, 2017). From the 2000s to

present day, not much has changed. AAs still suffer the fate of police brutality and police

killings at the hands of the police with no justice in sight (Police Brutality Timeline,

2017). Due the advancement in technology and the use of cell phones and video, the

media has brought national attention the recent killings of young, unarmed AA men such

as John Crawford III (2014), Ezell Ford (2014), Eric Garner (2014), Akai Gurley (2014),

Tamir Rice (2014), Freddie Gray (2015), Walter Scott (2015), Philando Castille (2016),

Alton Sterling (2016), and Quah & Davis (2017) to name a few. Most of the victims are

millennial AA men, and all were unarmed and killed during police interaction. The

majority died during officer-involved shootings. Most officers responsible for the

killings have been exonerated, except in the case of Walter Scott. The officer who killed

Walter Scott was convicted of 2nd degree murder and sentenced to 20 years in prison on

December 7, 2017 for violating Scott’s civil rights by unlawfully shooting him in April

2015 (Blinder, 2017). These shootings sparked national outrage by AAs who found

themselves supported by other races, and protest erupted in most major cities nationwide.

The shooting death of Michael Brown, who was unarmed, at the hands of police

in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014 led to unrest, mass demonstrations, and protests

nationwide by angry AAs, who were at times supported by other races. The huge outcry

against what was perceived as social injustice, racial discrimination, and a rise in police

killings of unarmed AA men led to the creation of The President’s Task Force on 21st

Century Policing by President Barack Obama, whose task was to address the tensions and

issues between police and citizens and develop resolutions (Klinger, Rosenfeld, Isom, &

Deckard, 2016; U.S. Department of Justice, 2014). In addition, the task force required

that more information on officer-involved shootings and citizens’ perceptions of police

be provided, as well as the removal of policies that positively recognize police for the

high number of arrests and convictions they obtain (U.S. Department of Justice, 2014).

Klinger et al. (2016) conducted a study to determine the use of firearms by law

enforcement by examining cases in St. Louis, Missouri from 2003-2012. The researchers

concluded that most officer-involved shootings did not happen in locations necessarily

based on race and high crime, but instead more police shootings occurred in areas of

midlevel crime (Klinger et al., 2016). Klinger et al. suggested that a national

officerinvolved shooting database be created that tracked both the shootings of citizens

and the shootings of police to include race, type of weapon used, injuries, fatalities,

circumstances of the shooting as a means of keeping detailed records on all shootings

nationally.

Chaney and Robertson (2013) examined the findings from the National Police

Misconduct Statistics and Reporting Project between 2009 and 2010 and interviewed 36

respondents. The researchers concluded that police brutality was high, many AAs had a

strong contempt for police, and that many AAs were very suspicious of them.

Embrick (2015) discussed the blatant disregard for AA men, with the recent

murders by policemen across the nation and the escalation of police brutality and violent

acts against economically challenged people of color in a supposed period of

colorblindness. Colorblindness purports that a person’s race should not matter when

making a decision in society even as it relates to decisions made by law enforcement,

sprung out of the critical race theory advanced by the late Derrick Bell, originator of the

critical race theory. Embrick further discussed these acts as a method of social control

that highlights the differences between the races in which one is privileged (Whites), and

the others’ rights are trampled (AA men).

Police problems with community relations have led to a rise in the killing of AA

men between the ages of 18 and 35 years during arrests under the purview of procedural

practices (U.S. Department of Justice, 2011). This highlights a problem of questionable

procedural action deployed by police, which has resulted in numerous AA men dying

during an interaction with a police officer (Chaney & Robertson, 2013; Embrick, 2015;

Weitzer, 2015). Also, according to Chaney and Robertson (2013), racism has played an

integral part in how certain groups of individuals are discriminated against and treated by

law enforcement. As a result, AA men have begun to challenge those actions carried out

under the purview of existing procedural practices by way of protests, and refusal to

consent to police authority (Dai et al., 2011; Davenport et al., 2011).

Currently, some police departments throughout the country are using body

cameras and discussing police reform and retraining police (Drover & Ariel, 2015).

However, even with body cameras and additional training, AA men are still dying at the

hands of police by way of excessive force. Current research on the topic is dated, and

gaps exist in the literature, as no studies address perceptions of procedural justice and

treatment by the police involving deaths of unarmed, AA males correlated with consent

to police officer authority exist. Again, understanding the root causes of why unarmed

AA men are losing their lives during police interaction was the basis for this study of AA

men’s views on procedural justice correlated with consent to police officer authority, and

is the first step toward resolving these persistent conflicts.

Problem Statement

Researchers have shown a relationship between race, education, and gender

regarding interactions with police during traffic stops, racial profiling, and other criminal

activity, but there are no studies involving the loss of life of unarmed, AA men while

detained or under arrest. The problem is that more unarmed, AA men, as opposed to

unarmed White men or Hispanic men, are killed at a rate of 2-3 times higher than other

ethnic groups (Buehler, 2017; Swaine, Laughland & Lartey, 2015; Weitzer, 2015). The

research problem examined the relationship between AA males’ views of the procedural

justice system and consent to police officer authority. It also examined whether

socioeconomic status (SES) and age moderated the relationship. The study was

developed to address why the systemic killing of unarmed AA men is happening and

offer criminal justice policy makers some ideas about how to improve police-citizen

relationships and minimize the deaths.

Many researchers have examined the relationship between procedural justice and

willingness to submit to police authority. For example, White, Mulvey, and Dario (2016)

conducted a quantitative study examining the “robustness of the relationship between

procedural justice, police legitimacy, and the willingness to cooperate with the police

involving female adult arrestees” (p. 343). The data were collected from interviews with

1,262 participants in Maricopa County, Arizona from June 201 to May 2012, based on

the time they were booked (White et al., 2016). Participants were asked to complete the

core Arizona Arrestee Reporting Information Network instrument, which collects a

variety of self-report data on an individual’s background, demographics, and several

individual-level attributes (White et al., 2016). The independent variable was procedural

justice (White et al., 2016). The dependent variables were police legitimacy and

willingness to cooperate with police. The covariates were age, sex, race/ethnicity,

education, employment, and prior police contacts. Linear regression was used to test the

relationship between the variables (White et al., 2016).

Researchers concluded arrestees’ perceptions are directly related to police

legitimacy, and Blacks had a stronger unfavorable view of police than Whites and

Hispanics. This is consistent with the findings of previous researchers, who found that

legitimacy is tied to procedural justice, which affects willingness to consent to police

authority; however, inconsistent with other studies, the researchers concluded that

race/ethnicity was not related to cooperating with the police (White et al., 2016).

Baker et al. (2015) conducted a quantitative study examining the relationship

between voice, shared race/ethnicity, procedural justice, obligation to obey the law, and

the relationship between inmates’ perceptions of procedural justice in court proceedings

based on the racial makeup of the court officials. Data were collected in one day from

554 female inmates who were Black, White, and Hispanic via a Likert scale survey by

graduate students. Inmates were allowed up to 45 minutes to take the survey. The

dependent variable was procedural justice, and the independent variable was shared race;

the mediator variable was court procedural justice. The control variables were type of

attorney, marital status, and age. Researchers used an ordinary least squares regression

model to test the effect of voice and shared race/ethnicity with each court actor on

perceptions of court proceedings and voice, and shared race/ethnicity and procedural

justice on obligation to obey the law (Baker et al., 2015).

Researchers showed a strong relationship between voice and perceptions of

procedural justice (Baker et al., 2015). Whites perceive the court system to be fairer

when they were the same race as the court actor; however, Blacks and Hispanics

perceived more fairness if the court actor was a minority (Baker et al., 2015). In addition,

there is also a strong link between procedural justice and the obligation to obey the law

(Baker et al., 2015). Given that the relationship between female attitudes toward

procedural justice and intent to obey is supported, it is important to build from this

research to discover if AA males generate similar results.

The main two variables used in the study were attitudes toward procedural justice

and willingness to submit to police authority. The dependent variable was willingness to

submit to police authority, and the predictor variable was attitudes toward procedural

justice. It was expected that a positive relationship will exist between the two variables.

This meant that as attitudes toward procedural justice increase, willingness to submit to

police authority linearly increase. SES and age were specified as control variables. The

control variables are considered interaction terms, meaning that the strength of the

relationship between procedural justice and willingness to submit may depend on SES

and age.

Research has not been found on millennial AA attitudes toward procedural justice

and willingness to submit to police authority. More unarmed, young men of color

between the ages of 18-35 years are losing their lives than any other age group in the

United States and more than any other ethnic group in the United States (Swaine et al.,

2015; Weitzer, 2015). Therefore, it was necessary to conduct research on this group of

millennial men to gather information as to why there is a high rate of incidence lives lost,

and I believed that the answer and possible solution to this social and health crisis may lie

with the affected community of individuals themselves. Results gathered have the

potential to inform policy and guide social change.

Further, Nix, Wolfe, Rojek and Kaminski (2014) conducted a quantitative study

examining the relationship between respondents’ perceptions of collective efficacy and

the trust in police. Authors used participants who belonged to specific neighborhoods,

and the sample included both AAs and Caucasians. The dependent variable was trust in

the police, and the independent variables were procedural justice and perceived collective

efficacy. The control variables consisted of age, gender, race, education, and the dummy

variables were lower crime neighborhood, citizen-initiated contact, no police contact, and

police-initiated contact. Findings concluded citizens who believed that collective

efficacy did in fact exist in their neighborhoods tended to believe that the police treated

them fairly. However, those individuals who believed that collective efficacy did not

exist, tended to believe the police were more unfair. Researchers also found that past

experiences with police, demographics and past victimization did not moderate these

opinions of the police (Nix et al., 2014).

Purpose of the Study

The wider research problem that provided the foundation of this study was that an

increase in unarmed AA deaths after confrontation or interaction with police has been

observed. This increase in deaths has led to greater unrest, marches, protests, anger,

hostility and further distrust of the police in the AA community; this is perceived to be

due to racial injustice. Correlational studies have been conducted on the topic, but no

specific study has examined the relationship between AA millennial men attitudes toward

procedural justice and willingness to submit to police authority. A quantitative study

provides the means to investigate this relationship and fill the gap in the literature on the

topic.

Based on research and theory, researchers have suggested that a relationship

between attitudes toward procedural justice and willingness to submit to policy authority

exists (Baker et al., 2015; Gau et al., 2012; Jackson et al., 2011; Johnathan-Zamir et al.,

2013; White et al., 2016). As such, it was anticipated that AA millennial attitudes toward

procedural justice would positively relate to willingness to submit to police authority.

This meant that as attitudes in procedural justice increases, willingness to submit to

police authority would increase linearly. Also, I expected to discover some reasoning as

to why these attitudes exist and what solutions can be offered to guide policy creation

that can aid in minimizing these deaths and create positive and trusting police-citizen

relationships.

A review of the literature revealed that few studies have been conducted on the

connection between police use of deadly force and the willingness of AA men to consent

to police authority in the United States. This contemporary phenomenon may be

responsible for the increase in deaths of unarmed AA men as opposed to other ethnic

groups. The purpose of this quantitative study was to gain a better understanding of AA

men’s perception of procedural justice and treatment by the police involving arrestrelated

deaths.

In an effort to establish better citizen-police relations and reduce the number of

deaths involving unarmed AA males, it was imperative to conduct a quantitative study to

gain a better understanding of why these young men are losing their lives, and to explore

the possibility that these outcomes may be influenced by their willingness to obey police

officer authority. Data gathered in this study could be used to retrain officers and offer

policy guidance on how to build stronger and reputable relationships with young AA

men. The variables studied using quantitative statistical analysis were the perception of

the procedural justice system (independent variable/predictor variable) and the consent to

police authority (dependent variable). The control variables were SES and age.

Research Questions

RQ1: What is the relationship between procedural justice viewed by African

American millennial men and consent to police officer authority?

RQ2: How does millennial African American male’s socioeconomic status affect

the relationship between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police

officer authority?

RQ3: How does millennial African American male’s age affect the relationship

between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer

authority?

Hypotheses

Following are the alternative and null hypotheses used in the study. The variables

that were studied via a survey/questionnaire using quantitative statistical analysis were

the perception of the procedural justice system (independent variable/predictor variable)

and the consent to police authority (dependent variable). The control variables were SES

and age.

H01: There is a relationship between procedural justice viewed by African

American males (AAM) and consent to police officer authority

HA1: There is no relationship between procedural justice viewed by African

American males (AAM) and consent to police officer authority

•DV: Consent to police officer authority

•Predictor Variable (PV): African American male’s (AAM) perception of

procedural justice system

H02: There is a relationship between perception of the procedural justice system

and consent to police officer authority after controlling for African American male’s

(AAM) socioeconomic status

HA2: There is no relationship between perception of the procedural justice system

and consent to police officer authority after controlling for African American males’

(AAM) socioeconomic status

•DV: Consent to police officer authority

•Predictor Variable (PV): African American males (AAM) perception of

procedural justice system

•Control Variable: African American male’s (AAM) socioeconomic status

H03: African American male’s (AAM) age does not affect the relationship

between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer

authority

HA3: African American male’s (AAM) age does affect the relationship between

perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer authority

•DV: Consent to police officer authority

•Predictor Variable (PV): African American male’s (AAM) perception of

procedural justice system

Control Variable: African American male’s (AAM) age

Perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer authority

were measured via a validated Likert type survey. SES and age were collected via the

demographic survey. Both variables were measured via a Likert-type survey.

Theoretical Framework

The researchers examined the phenomenon under study through the lenses of

critical race theory (CRT) and procedural justice theory (PJT). Both theories provide a

useful framework on which to establish an understanding between the variables in

question. “Critical race theory expresses skepticism toward dominant legal claims of

neutrality, objectivity, colorblindness, and meritocracy” (Brooms & Perry, 2016, p. 170).

CRT looks at what steps can be taken to improve race relations between the majority and

subordinate classes to eradicate racism. The PJT is based on fairness and equity. “If

people in authority...behave fairly and respectfully to those they direct, the latter will

regard the authority of the former as legitimate, they will defer to this authority, and they

will justify the power that the authority figure wields” (Jackson et al., 2011, p. 10).

These theories help explain existing power structures and address inequities in

fairness and having a voice in matters as they relate to procedural justice, and compliance

with police. CRT and PJT cumulatively address the research questions and hypotheses

for this study by addressing the effects of the role of White supremacy, racial domination

and oppression of people of color in society and the expected fairness in criminal justice

and judicial processes to treat all humankind justly and equally.

Critical Race Theory

The major theoretical propositions of CRT purported by Bell (1992, 1995),

Crenshaw (1995), Matsuda, Lawrence, Delgado, and Crenshaw (1993) and their CRT

colleagues are that racism is a normal reaction by the dominant race in society and is

historically enshrined in American culture. CRT should work to bring an end to all

oppressive forms of government, which marginalize people of color, putting in writing

and sharing the experiences of people of color are important in creating and reforming

current law seen as discriminatory and racially oppressive, White supremacy and White

privilege are the products of racism and must be uprooted to reveal their true meaning,

racism can only be eradicated through social platforms and programs aimed at bettering

the lives of the oppressed, understanding the history of racism is important in effecting

changes in the current laws and policies that affect people of color, and that CRT is

highly critical of supposed legal claims of fairness for all people.

CRT purports that White supremacy and White privilege are woven into the

American fabric and its legal system, and that the laws that this country was founded

upon, including current laws, have allowed the White race to dominate and marginalize

people of color (Bell, 1992, 1995; Mitchell & Stewart, 2013).

CRT was first introduced in the 1980s by late attorney and legal scholar, Derrick

Bell, who is viewed as the Godfather of CRT, and Alan Freeman. Bell (1992) pushed

back against scholars who only focused on colorblindness and discrimination of AAs,

and believed that racial inequalities suffered by people of color deserved more attention

(Bell, 1992, 1995; Crenshaw, 1993). CRT is applicable to this research study because it

addresses the racial discrimination that AA millennial men experience in the American

criminal justice system.

Procedural Justice Theory (PJT)

PJT emphasizes the idea of treating individuals fairly and equally when resolving

issues as it relates to citizen-police interactions. The major theoretical propositions of

PJT purported by Tyler (1990) are that having a voice in decision-making is important,

information sharing, feedback, and protection of self-interests is important, and fairness,

honesty, neutrality and judgment in decision making affects individuals’ attitudes and

perceptions. Dai et al. (2011) used the PJT framework to explain what compelled

citizens to comply with police requests during an interaction. The PJT is also pertinent to

this research study because it deals directly with equality and fairness in the criminal

justice system that some AA millennial men complain about not receiving.

Jackson et al. (2011) conducted a study to determine if the way respondents

perceived collective efficacy in any way influenced their trust levels in the police, and if

their perceptions of their neighborhoods help in shaping these attitudes. The researchers

applied PJT by asking questions such as “Are people more likely to comply with the law,

and to cooperate with the justice system, when they regard criminal justice institutions as

legitimate?” and “Does legitimacy affect compliance and cooperation with the police and

the courts?” (Jackson et al., 2011, pp. 10-11).

Nature of the Study

A quantitative study involving a correlational cross-sectional research design was

chosen for this research study. I investigated if a correlation between AAM’s perception

of procedural justice (independent variable/predictor variable) and the consent to police

authority (dependent variable) exists. The procedural justice system was defined as a

criminal justice system that must consistently demonstrate its legitimacy to the public it

serves. The variable was continuously scaled, meaning that there was a perceived

relationship between response options. Consent to police authority was defined as the

likelihood of an individual to submit to police authority. The variable was continuously

scaled, meaning that there was a perceived relationship between response options.

The control variables were SES and age. This means that SES was expected to

affect the relationship between procedural justice and willingness to submit to police

authority. The variable was continuously scaled, meaning that there is a perceived

relationship between response options. Similarly, age was also presumed to affect the

relationship between procedural justice and willingness to submit to police authority.

The variable was also continuously scaled.

Data were collected by way of a validated procedural justice instrument (Likert

scale survey/questionnaire) utilizing SurveyMonkey to survey a nationally representative

sample of AAM men between the ages of 18-35 years. Semantic responses to the Likert

scale survey were quantified from 1-6 (strongly disagree, disagree, slightly disagree,

slightly agree, agree, strongly agree) and descriptive statistics were used to report

findings.

Approximately 68 AAM men were needed to test the three hypotheses and to

achieve power at .80 or above. The research design, methodology, and instrument

chosen allowed me to obtain reasonable and valid responses to the research question and

gain insight into the phenomena, which is the rise in the deaths of AAM men during

police interaction, and to support the critical race and procedural justice theories used to

frame this study.

Regarding perceptions of procedural justice, MacDonald, Stokes, Ridgeway, and

Riley (2007) conducted a quantitative correlational cross-sectional study examining the

relationship between race, neighborhood context and perceptions of injustice by the

police. Data were collected from 2002 respondents living within one of the 53

neighborhoods located within the city of Cincinnati, Ohio, via random digit dialing

(MacDonald et al., 2007). Those respondents age 18 years or older signifying that they

lived within one of the 53 neighborhoods were selected to take the survey (MacDonald et

al., 2007). The Likert scale survey was designed to measure perceived injustice by the

police and perceived racially biased policing. Covariate variables included age and SES

(education, employment and household income; MacDonald et al., 2007).

Researchers concluded that Blacks differed significantly from Whites in their

perceptions about injustice by police even after taking into account that both races lived

in the same or similar neighborhoods (MacDonald et al., 2007). Blacks tended to believe

that police treated them more unfairly than Whites and that they experienced higher

levels of racially biased police practices compared to Whites (MacDonald et al., 2007).

In addition, younger people were significantly more likely to complain of racial injustice

by police than older participants in the study (MacDonald et al., 2007).

Operational Definitions

Consent to police authority: The likelihood of an individual to submit to police

authority. Some individuals do not believe in their government, or in the laws they put in

place. Others do not believe in any government, and thereby reject the imposition of

criminal law (Morreall, 1976).

Procedural justice: Perceived fairness in the legal processes that serve to resolve

disputes and distribute resources (Tyler & Blader, 2003).

Socioeconomic status: An individual or “group position within a hierarchical

social structure. Socioeconomic status depends on a combination of variables, including

occupation, education, income, wealth, and place of residence” (American Psychological

Association, 2012, p. 4).

Assumptions

It is postulated that the “quantitative approach is objective and relies heavily on

statistics and figures” (Jean Lee, 1992, p. 88). In the application of this approach, the

researcher is seen as peripheral to the study with very little interaction with participants.

Under the positivist approach, researchers discover and reveal knowledge (Jean Lee,

1992). Researchers have the skills that afford them the ability to answer their questions

accurately and scientifically (Jean Lee, 1992). With regards to the anti-positivist, the

social world is explained by studying and observing the participants in real time whereas

the researcher is heavily involved with participants and the study is subjective (Jean Lee,

1992). This study accepts Jean Lee’s conclusion that both research approaches have

merit; however, this study is premised on the assumption that quantitative research

methodology is an acceptable and suitable methodology for this study. Therefore, this

study assumes the positivist approach and utilizes survey methodology and data

collection to address the phenomenon being studied to get to the truth (Jean Lee, 1992).

The positivism approach works best when the goal is to “seek to explain and

predict what happens in the social world by searching for regularities and causal

relationships between its constituent elements” to make predictions about the social

world (Jean Lee, 1992, p. 90). In contrast, the anti-positivist “attempts to understand the

world from the respondents’ frame of reference and believes that the researcher can best

come to know the reality by being there,” and personally becoming a part of the study

(Jean Lee, 1992, P. 91). In this case, the former theoretical position better aligned with

the goal of the study.

It was assumed that (a) the theoretical foundation was accurate and reflected the

phenomena studied, (b) survey questions accurately measured the construct of procedural

justice, (c) participants would freely participate and be in honest in their responses, (d)

sample size was large enough, and (e) statistical test was appropriate. The CRT and PJT

were assumed to be the proper depiction of the phenomena being studied. Therefore, the

results of this study are restricted by the validity of the theoretical framework to mirror

the phenomena of CRT and PJT.

It was also assumed that the survey questions used would encourage participants

to freely respond to the questions. It was assumed that each individual would be a

willing participant. Respondents were given the option to participate in the study

voluntarily and remain anonymous which increased the probability that the participants

would respond honestly. Therefore, I assumed that participants would respond honestly

and objectively.

It was also assumed that the convenience sampling technique would produce a

sample that would be representative. In spite of the obvious limitations associated with

convenience sampling, this sampling methodology provides an opportunity to gather data

from participants that reflect or replicate the population being studied. Random sampling

is functionally difficult to obtain in most social research studies. Accordingly,

convenience sampling methodology provides the means to collect a sample from a

population that is not easily identified or wholly organized.

For this study, millennial AA men can be somewhat quantified, but not

necessarily physically identified given the scope of the group and their geographic

distribution. Moreover, it was assumed that the number of participants chosen to

participate in the study adequately reflected the act of procedural justice in the

population. Finally, it was assumed that a correlational analysis accurately tested the

hypothesized relationships.

Scope

The scope of the study involved AA millennial males. Millennials were chosen

given the generational values they hold and likelihood to question authority. Harris

(1998) purported that the prefrontal cortex in young adults is designed to question

authority during this developmental phase of life. Essentially, the developing brain is

testing the parameters of its logic when rebelling against authority. Concrete or absolute

perceptions about life evolve to embrace and explore the world in abstract terms.

As such, the population of the study encompassed all AA millennials in the

metropolitan Atlanta, Georgia area. However, the scope of the sample was limited to a

sample maintained by SurveyMonkey. The sample was assumed to be a representation of

the population at large. The scope of the project was also limited to perceptions of

procedural justice and willingness to submit to authority. The focus was born from the

increase in AA males’ deaths that have occurred recently during interaction with police.

The study design chosen was a quantitative approach, which lessens the effect of

researcher bias. In other words, the chance of researcher bias influencing research

findings was lessened. Also, the study relied on validated and reliable instruments, which

decreased the chance of measuring latent constructs that were not part of the variables

under study. However, it is imperative to understand why police deploy excessive force

when dealing with unarmed AA millennial men who pose no threat to retrain law

enforcement, inform policymakers and researchers, thus working to minimize deaths

(Bolton & Feagin, 2004).

Delimitations

AA males between the ages of 18 and 35 years were asked to participate in the

study. This group is considered to be in the millennial generation. Only millennials were

investigated to reduce the likelihood of other generational attitudes affecting the outcome

of the study. The study was limited only to AA male millennials in metropolitan Atlanta,

Georgia. Further, only a defined and validated survey was used to assess participant’s

attitudes about procedural justice. Also, a correlational design was used to reduce the

effect of researcher bias and other factors that may affect outcome.

This study did compare how race affects the relationship between procedural

justice and willingness to submit to police authority. This meant that Caucasian and AAs

were not compared. Finally, this study did not explore AA millennial males’ inner

feelings via a qualitative component. Although rich data may be accessible via

openended interviews, the data were not collected.

Limitations

Possible constraints of the study include sampling technique, inferential statistics,

and type of statistical analysis utilized. Utilization of the convenience sampling

technique may hinder the ability to generalize to the broader population. However, I

assumed that the targeted sample was a representative sample of the population being

studied. Limitations to external validity involve generalizability, experimenter effects,

specificity of variables and operationalization of definitions. Limitations of internal

validity involve history, selection bias and regression to the mean. Limitations of

construct validity involve choosing a poor survey instrument that does not measure what

it is intended to measure.

Inferential statistics were utilized to draw conclusions which increases the

likelihood of committing a Type I error existed. A Type I error is the rejection of a true

null hypothesis. The technique draws from the general linear model (Tabachnick &

Fidell, 2007), which requires certain assumptions are met. Since human error is a

condition of life, 100% accuracy of data collection and manipulation cannot be

guaranteed. As such, even though statistical assumptions were met, they may not reflect

the true properties of the data.

To alleviate this issue, the confidence level to determine acceptance of the null

hypothesis was set at .05. This meant that the probability of error will be less than 5%.

Lastly, the nature of the variables tends to limit generalizability in correlational designs.

The independent and dependent variables in the study were already predefined by nature.

Therefore, a true experiment utilizing random assignment was not utilized. Therefore,

only correlation can be deduced from the results of the study as opposed to causation.

Participants were drawn from panels maintained by SurveyMonkey. These panels

are purported by SurveyMonkey to be representative of the specific population selected.

However, these panels are obtained by encouraging computer literate individuals to

participate in exchange for a charitable contribution. As such, participants may not fully

reflect the population under study. In addition, correlational research does not yield

cause and effect. This means that proof that a relationship between the two specified

variables cannot be inferred.

I am and identify with the AA race. As such, intrinsic and extrinsic philosophies

and sensibilities align with the nature of the study. Given this, natural biases may be

woven into the fabric of this study. However, all standard research protocols were used

to describe and discuss components of this paper, including the use of properly sourced

peer-reviewed journal articles. I attempted to consciously maintain diligence from

allowing biases to seep into the study. This effort was supported by the fact that a

quantitative study was used, and rigorous statistical protocols were followed to generate

findings that are not affected by my feelings.

Significance of the Study

This study contributes to social change by contributing to the current literature on

police reform and role that procedural justice plays in encouraging AA men to willingly

cooperate with and obey the police. Findings help researchers and policymakers

understand the level at which the phenomenon is increasing relative to a specific group of

individuals regarding treatment by police from the critical race and procedural justice

perspectives. This study was imperative to gain a better perspective from the group

affected, namely AA men, as to why this problem persists in the United States regarding

excessive use of deadly force.

Results from this study lead to positive social change that can be affected by

creation of public policy requiring mandatory annual ethics training, cultural sensitivity

training, and annual re-training of law enforcement personnel needed to improve the

relationship between this group and AA men, which can aid in finding the middle ground

in treating individuals in a fair and respectable manner while effectively working to

reduce deaths, violence, and crime.

This study was needed to understand what the relationship is between AA

millennial males’ perceptions of procedural justice and consent to police authority.

Current research on the topic is dated, and gaps exist in the literature. AA males have

been increasingly combative due to cultural and economic divisions in the country. For

example, in 2007, Cohen, Celestine-Michener, Holmes, Merseth, and Ralph reported AA

millennials feel that “the United States isn’t a fair country” (p. 2). Their perspectives and

voice have not only been absent from public-policy debates, but also academic research.

More and more, both researchers and policymakers have been content to

marginalize the behavior of young Black people with little concern for their “attitudes,

ideas, wants, and desires” (Cohen et al., 2007, p. 3). This divide may provide the impetus

for AA millennials to act out in ways that sacrificially disrupt the status quo. Data were

collected by way of a validated procedural justice instrument from a non-random

convenient sample of AA men between the ages of 18-35 years. This population is,

perhaps, one of the most affected by the current breakdown in race relations and

policepublic trust. Findings provide information about these attitudes that could affect

public and private policy.

Summary and Transition

Questionable procedural action by police has resulted in numerous AA men dying

during an interaction with a police officer (Chaney & Robertson, 2013; Embrick, 2015;

Weitzer, 2015). As a result, AA men have begun to challenge actions carried out under

the purview of existing procedural practices by way of protests, and refusal to consent to

police authority (Dai et al., 2011; Davenport et al., 2011). Currently, some police

departments throughout the country are using body cameras and discussing police reform

and re-training police (Drover & Ariel, 2015). However, even with body cameras and

additional training, AA men are still dying at the hands of police by way of excessive

force.

There is a need to gain a better understanding, establish better citizen-police

relations and to minimize the number of deaths involving unarmed AA millennial males

during police interaction; therefore, this research study was critical in gaining insight into

why these young men are losing their lives and to explore the possibility that these

outcomes may be influenced by their willingness to obey police officer authority. Data

gathered are helpful in retraining officers and offering policy guidance on how to

establish better relationships with young AA millennial men.

A quantitative correlational study was used to address the research questions and

subsequent hypotheses. Approximately 200 AA millennial males were targeted to

respond to a series of survey questions related to procedural justice, willingness to submit

to police authority, and demographics. Participants completed the survey online via a

SurveyMonkey platform. Data were coded and analyzed using correlational statistics.

Chapter 2 outlines the background literature on which this study expounds, and

Chapter 3 provides a detailed discussion of the research design and methodology used to

conduct the study, as well as the type of data to be collected, research instrument, and

consent forms used to obtain permission from participants.

Chapter 2: Literature Review

Introduction

There is a problem in the United States with the killing of unarmed, AA males

between the ages of 18 and 35 years during arrests by police under the purview of

procedural practices (U.S. Department of Justice, 2011). That problem, specifically,

stems from questionable procedural action deployed by police, resulting in numerous AA

males dying during interactions with police between 2012 and 2016 (Chaney &

Robertson, 2013; Embrick, 2015; Swaine et al., 2015; Weitzer, 2015). As a result, AA

males have begun to challenge actions carried out by police under the purview of existing

procedural practices by way of protests and refusal to consent to police authority (Dai et

al., 2011; Davenport et al., 2011). Given the challenges arising from the AA male

community, the existing unfair procedural practices, AA males refusing to consent to

police authority, and the few studies relating to the exact keyword search criteria, this

research is timely and prudent to current public policy (Dai et al., 2011; Davenport et al.,

2011).

A review of the literature revealed that few studies have examined race, police

brutality, perceptions and the unwillingness of AA males to consent to police authority in

the United States, or how these factors may lead to an increase in deaths. The purpose of

this quantitative study was to gain a better understanding of AA males’ perceptions of

procedural justice and treatment by the police involving arrest-related deaths viewed as

negative and unfair. Survey data gathered contributed to developing this understanding.

Nix et al. (2014) recommended “exploring the consequences of trust, cooperation and

compliance” during police interaction (pp. 632-33). Jackson et al. (2011) recommended

“examining whether relationships of socially expected behaviors are more important than

instrumental ones in shaping compliance with the law” (p. 11). This study was developed

as a partial response to those recommendations.

Search strategies for the development of the literature review included searching

scholarly databases and seminal literature for past and current research that contributed to

an understanding of the problem under study and the associated research questions and

hypotheses. Themes identified during the research process include police perceptions,

racism, police brutality, police legitimacy and trust, police misconduct and police killings

of unarmed AAs, especially men (Brooms & Perry, 2015; Chaney & Robertson, 2015;

Nix et al., 2014; Jackson et al., 2011). A review of potential theoretical frameworks

included consideration of CRT, PJT, group value model, social disorganization theory,

critical criminology, community accountability theory, group engagement theory, group

position theory, racial threat theory, comparative conflict theory, broken windows theory,

and conflict theory.

The keyword search using Google Scholar and the Walden Library revealed the

above themes, but simultaneously revealed a gap in the literature: no studies address

perceptions of procedural justice and treatment by the police involving deaths of

unarmed, AA males correlated consent to police officer authority. Supporting this

research design and by identifying the gap in the literature, both CRT and PJT were

chosen theoretical frameworks. CRT and PJT cumulatively address the research

questions and hypotheses for this study by addressing the effects of the role of White

supremacy, racial domination and oppression of people of color in society and the

expected fairness in criminal justice and judicial processes to treat all humankind justly

and equally.

Organization of the Literature Review

This chapter provides a review and synthesis of the scholarly literature as it

pertains to the research questions and hypotheses, as well as existing research facts and

findings. The literature review is divided into three major sections. The first section

introduces the problem statement, theoretical framework, and sources searched. The

second section lays out the literature review, both scholarly and non-peer reviewed

sources, that offered support for the study’s research questions and hypotheses, as well as

variables selected to measure. The third section concludes with different methodologies

used in the field to research similar topics. The following historical perspectives lay out

the literature review section of the chapter.

Dai et al. (2011) found that police who treated citizens fairly, respectfully, and

allowed them to have a voice were viewed more favorably by citizens leading to more

cooperation with police requests. The researchers recommended moving from focusing

on citizens’ subjective evaluations of police behaviors to more comprehensive

evaluations of police procedures. Gau et al. (2012) found that AAs and Latinos were

more likely to be stopped by police both inside and outside of their communities, and that

the context (middle-class or urban) of the neighborhood had no bearing on the stop. The

researchers recommended examining if neighborhood context impacts the legitimacy of

police and integrating the PJT when considering macro and micro level impacts on

procedural justice and perceptions of police contact (Gau et al., 2012).

Similar to Gau et al. (2012), Schuck and Martin (2013) also examined community

context as it relates to procedural justice to determine if race, type of police contact, and

location had any effect on citizen behavior and perceptions of procedural justice. The

researcher recommended additional research on police contacts in communities and

embracing the fairness and effectiveness model holding police accountable (Schuck &

Martin, 2013). Nix et al. (2014) examined the influence of procedural justice and

neighborhood cohesion on trusting the police. The researchers recommended researching

compliance with the police and its relationship to trusting the police (Nix et al., 2014).

Chaney and Robertson (2015) discussed recent cases involving the deaths of

unarmed Black men in the United States. The researchers noted that Black men have

been marginalized and dehumanized for decades and the killings must stop. The research

conducted in 2013, 2014, and 2015 provided validation for the study, which is why the

design and frameworks for this study were chosen.

Scope of Review, Databases, Search Terms

The scope of the literature review covers a span of five years from 2011-2016

covering procedural justice, police legitimacy, racial bias and discrimination, racial

profiling, and the killings of unarmed AA males. Seminal literature for the theoretical

perspective dates to the 1980s, with the introduction of the CRT by scholar Derrick Bell

and the introduction of the PJT by author and researcher Tom Tyler. Collectively, the

CRT and PJT framework set the foundation for the current study to offer an explanation

for why citizen-police issues exist still today based on White dominance, the perceived

unfairness and disparity between the races, as well as, the need to respect and treat all

citizens fairly during police interactions that has deeply divided the races.

Ideas and information for the study were gleaned from Brooms and Perry (2016),

who interviewed Black men following the high-profiled death of an unarmed Black man

to elicit their feelings regarding the issue; Murphy, Sargeant, and Cherney (2015) who

discussed perceptions of police performance and how it impacted the willingness to

cooperate with police; Chaney and Robertson (2013), regarding police brutality and the

need to have a national database to keep account of all officer-involved and arrest related

deaths; and Gau et al. (2012), who discussed macro and micro level impacts on

procedural justice and perceptions of police contact with citizens.

Sources searched include Google Scholar, Walden University’s academic

databases, online books, newspapers and reports from news stations. The following

databases were chosen and utilized because they were best suited to research, collect and

acquire the most up-to-date and most accurate information, such as scholarly and

peerreviewed articles and statistics, pertaining to the research topic: Academic Search

Complete, Bureau of Justice Statistics, CQ Researcher, Dissertations & Theses at Walden

University, EBSCOhost, ERIC, Expanded Academic ASAP, Google Scholar, ProQuest

Central, ProQuest Criminal Justice, ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global, PsycINFO,

SAGE Premier, Science Direct, Thoreau Multi-Database Search, and Web of Science.

The following search terms and search strings were used to conduct the search for

relevant literature: African American, African American male, African American men,

age, arrests, bias, Blacks, Black males, Black men, consent, consent to police authority,

cooperation, cooperation with police, critical race theory, death, discrimination, excessive

force, income, perception, police, police arrest, police brutality, police killing, police

legitimacy, police misconduct, police perception, profiling, law, legitimacy, males, men,

murder, race, racial bias, racial profiling, racism, shooter bias, shootings, social economic

model, social economic theory, socioeconomic status, stereotyping, trust, unwillingness

to obey the law, White privilege, White supremacy, and willingness to obey the law.

Although there are many studies relevant to procedural justice, willingness to

obey, and police brutality that test variables similar to those used in this study; as of this

date of this writing, researchers have not commented on the killing of unarmed African

American or Black men during police interaction. This specific topic was vital to this

study and research questions. However, I was able to find recent scholarly literature that

discussed the epidemic killings of unarmed AA males or use of deadly force was located.

Anecdotally, there are many expert opinions on this subject. The following is an outline

of expert opinion theory and analysis which is pertinent to this research.

Theoretical Framework

Research espoused several theories on which the study could be based. The first,

and most prevailing, theory is CRT. CRT, introduced by scholars Derrick Bell and Alan

Freeman, purports that White supremacy and White privilege are woven into the

American fabric, and that the laws that this country was founded upon, including current

laws in place, have allowed the White race to dominate and marginalize people of color.

CRT emphasizes the need to look for solutions to eradicating racism (Bell, 1992, 1995).

The second, known as the PJT, is attributed to Tom Tyler, author and professor,

who introduced seminal literature on compliance with the law in 1990. According to

Tyler (1990), individuals obey the law because they believe it to be fair and honest, not

because they fear reprisal. In addition, PJT emphasizes the idea of treating individuals

fairly and equally when resolving issues as it relates to citizen-police interactions.

Critical Race Theory

CRT was first introduced in the 1980s by late attorney and legal scholar, Derrick

Bell, who is viewed as the Godfather of CRT, and scholar Alan Freeman. Bell (1992)

pushed back against scholars who only focused on colorblindness and discrimination of

AAs and believed that racial inequalities suffered by people of color deserved more

attention (Bell, 1992, 1995; Crenshaw, 1993). Crenshaw (1995), who introduced the

theory of intersectionality as a way of showing how society and culture interacted with

race, power and White supremacy, expounded on Bell’s and Freeman’s CRT taking it a

step further by calling for scholars and society to focus on racial domination and

oppression of people of color.

The major theoretical propositions of CRT purported by Bell (1992, 1995),

Crenshaw (1995), Matsuda et al. (1993) and their CRT colleagues are that first, racism is

a normal reaction by the dominant race in society and is historically enshrined in

American culture. Secondly, awareness of this ingrained racism should provide a basis

for putting an end to all oppressive forms of government that marginalize people of color.

Third, putting in writing and sharing the experiences of people of color is important in

creating and reforming current law seen as discriminatory and racially oppressive.

Fourth, White supremacy and White privilege are the products of racism and must be

uprooted to reveal their true meaning. Fifth, racism can only be eradicated through social

platforms and programs aimed at bettering the lives of the oppressed. Sixth,

understanding the history of racism is important in effecting changes in the current laws

and policies that affect people of color. Lastly, CRT is highly critical of supposed legal

claims of fairness for all people.

Chaney and Robertson (2013) used the CRT framework to explain the deaths of

unarmed AA males due to oppression of the dominant class. Also, according to Chaney

and Robertson (2013), CRT is pertinent as a theoretical framework because it addresses

issues faced by marginalized people suffered at the hands of those in the ruling class.

Therefore, I chose to use this theoretical framework for this research study.

The purpose of this study was to gain a better understanding of how AA males

view the procedural justice system and how it correlates with their willingness to consent

to police officer authority based on race, SES, and age. Further, the study explored how

this view of the procedural justice system and willingness to cooperate with the police

affect what appears to be the rising death rate of unarmed AA males during interactions

with the police. While conducting the literature review, I found that the most prevalent

theoretical framework for supporting AA males’ perceptions of the police, police killings,

police brutality, racism, racial profiling, stereotyping, trust and mistrust of the police, and

police legitimacy was the CRT. Based on past and current research and the research

questions and hypotheses in this study, CRT was the best theoretical framework for

conducting this study.

According to Brooms and Perry (2016), CRT points to race as its core value.

CRT also brings to light many other forms of oppression and racial discrimination that

affect AA males other than just domination by the White ruling class. “Critical race

theory expresses skepticism toward dominant legal claims of neutrality, objectivity,

colorblindness, and meritocracy” (Brooms & Perry, 2016, p. 170). CRT looks at what

steps can be taken to improve race relations between the majority and subordinate classes

in an effort to eradicate racism.

Chaney and Robertson (2015) examined the deaths of 78 unarmed Black men and

women that occurred between 1999 and 2015 regarding non-indictment of the police

involved, its ties to White supremacy, and increased mistrust of the police. The

researchers introduced CRT to aid in explaining the deaths of unarmed Blacks during

police interaction, with no charges brought against police; this led to a perception that the

deaths were justified due to a belief in White supremacy. Hence, the racial divide

between Blacks and Whites in the United States and a tumultuous relationship with

police in which Blacks fear and distrust them. This issue is directly related to the AAs

males’ perception of procedural justice.

Procedural Justice Theory

The major theoretical propositions of PJT purported by Tyler (1990) are that

having a voice in decision making is important, information sharing, and feedback is

needed, protection of self-interest is important, and fairness, honesty, neutrality and

judgment in decision making affects individuals’ attitudes and perceptions. Dai et al.

(2011) used the PJT framework to explain what compelled citizens to comply with police

requests during interaction.

PJT is said to be one of the best frameworks from which to explain compliance

with police officer authority. It is believed that individuals comply with the law not

because they fear being punished, but because they expect the law to be fair and just.

According to Dai et al. (2011), individuals are more likely to comply with police officer

authority if they believe that the police have treated them fairly, respectfully, and allowed

them to have a voice in the matter.

With the theoretical framework established, a basis is provided for exploring the

various factors that create the dynamic under study. The following section examines the

literature that examines the potential root causes and contributing factors to the ongoing

tensions between AA males and police, and also explores the consequences of this

ongoing dynamic.

Factors that Influence Interaction between Black Men and Police

A major and more recent theme in the current literature today is racial injustices

that Black men face in the killings of unarmed AA males in the United States by police,

mostly of the White race. Other themes were dehumanization, marginalization, and

human rights violations of Blacks in America (Staggers-Hakim, 2016). Some in Black

America view the killings as unjustifiable and dehumanizing. It is unheard of for Black

policemen to gun down unarmed White men at the rate that White policemen are killing

Blacks.

Unfortunately, this issue has led to riots, arrests, marches, sit-ins, die-ins, in which

Black America, just as in the 1960s civil rights movement, is demanding justice and an

end, in a so-called post-racial society, of these heinous crimes. In addition, White

officers are not being held accountable for their actions leaving Blacks to feel as if their

lives do not matter in a world dominated by White privilege (Staggers-Hakim, 2016;

Passavant, 2015). Hence, the need to improve upon the procedural justice process,

another major theme, so that all men in society feel inclusive and treated in a fair and just

manner (Murphy & Cherney, 2015; Nix et al., 2014; White et al., 2016). The following

section of the literature review examines the factors that contribute to this problem.

The Influence of History

It is not possible to address issues of race in the United States without recognizing

the history of race in America, and how current conditions are directly informed by past

events. Aymer (2016) examined the killings of unarmed Black men during police

interaction utilizing a theme arising from a case vignette involving an adolescent Black

man undergoing psychotherapy. The researcher argued that the killing of unarmed Black

males stems from their race, perpetual racism in society, and their gender. Aymer

utilized the CRT as framework for garnering a better understanding of the racial

injustices suffered by Black men in the United States, where he stated, “police killings

are viewed as lawful,” pointing to the historical suffrage of Black men during slavery,

lynching, Jim Crow and the civil rights movement of the 1960s (p. 367).

The 16-year-old was referred by his parents to a psychotherapist because although

he was a straight “A” student who did not believe in wearing sagging pants; he had no

desire to attend college. On his way to his appointment with the therapist, the 16-yearold

was chased by police, stopped and frisked, and detained briefly, although he had

committed no wrongdoing. He suffered, at the hands of the police, aggressive treatment

involving pushing him, which led to a psychological breakdown often experienced by

men of color who are discriminated against and racially profiled by police. Aymer

(2016) suggested that the 16-year-old’s situation was the result of living in a society

where racial animus towards men of color leads to marginalization, risks and

vulnerability of being targeted by police at any given time resulting in possible police

brutality, racial discrimination, and even death.

Moore et al. (2016) discussed the shooting deaths of unarmed Black men by

police which has become a daily discussion in the media and around the dinner table, and

has highlighted decades-long police interactions with people of color. Noted is the death

of 18-year-old Michael Brown who was unarmed in Ferguson, Missouri, in which Officer

Darren Wilson was not indicted; this incident led to massive protests and marches across

the nation. The authors suggest that historical contexts of police-citizen relations with

Black males and why their lives are devalued as opposed to White males must be taken

into consideration.

Moore et al. (2016) offered that in order to address these issues, it may be

necessary to involve Black churches, the police, social workers, and human services

professionals who could provide a proactive approach to minimize and solve the issues.

The author noted that police brutality and the killings of Black males by police is no new

phenomenon and has led to a culture of oppression, racism, marginalization, and

dehumanization that “transcends all socio-economic classes and permeates every social

institution” (Moore et al., 2016, p. 258). Due to this disparate and unjust treatment at the

hands of the police, Blacks in America feel negatively towards police and display high

levels of mistrust, making it difficult to work together and comply with police requests.

Rembert, Watson, and Hill (2015) discussed the killings of unarmed AA males using a

multidisciplinary investigation and trifocal exploration from the perspectives of a social

worker, criminologist, and political scientist. The researchers noted that the history

documents over four centuries of the killing of AA men that has continued into the

current century. They point out that Black lives do not matter and have never mattered.

Changes in industry and the economy and the advent of the Information and

Technological age has left out many Black men who are now fighting to obtain jobs that

pay a decent wage (Rembert et al., 2015).

Although slavery has been eradicated, Black America is still forced to live by the

laws and rules of Whites, the dominant race in society. Whites view Blacks as a threat to

the economic and political wellbeing; therefore, the killing of a Black person, especially

males, by the police is a method of disabling the threat (Rembert et al., 2015). “This is

what slavery and colonialism did to African people: reduced them to property–chattel–

and foreclosed against the Black human being’s claim to be human” (Rembert et al.,

2015, p. 228).

The Supreme Court is also recognized for ruling on cases that set the standard for

police use of deadly force, as in the case of a fleeing suspect which worked against Black

men (Tennesse v. Garner); however, the court overturned this ruling in 1985 (Rembert et

al., 2015). The militarization of the police sanctioned to kill men of color at will

continues until policies and programs are created to minimize the racial issues and

harmful police practices are addressed and corrected through proper retraining. These

historical contexts provide basis on which to better understand how current setting and

contexts, including neighborhoods and localities, influence interactions between police

and citizens.

Setting and Context

Murphy and Cherney (2015) conducted a quantitative study examining the

relationship between group identification (minority or majority) and willingness to

cooperate with police. The data were collected from 2010-2011 from 10,148 Australian

residents, inclusive of a booster sample of 908 participants with an ethnic minority

background, living in or near Brisbane using random digit dialing. Participants in the

sample were required to be 18 years or older. The minority residents were Vietnamese,

Indian, and Arabic speaking groups, and were first contacted by phone and then

interviewed in person and given a survey in their spoken language (Murphy & Cherney,

2015). These minority ethnic groups were selected because they reported higher

incidents of police action or viewed the police as problematic (Murphy & Cherney,

2015).

The researchers measured “police cooperation, procedural justice, police

performance, superordinate identity, subordinate identity, separatist identity and

demographics” (Murphy, 2015, p. 724). The dependent variable was procedural justice.

The independent variable was willingness to cooperate with police. The control variables

were age, gender, education, employment, prior contact with police, ethnicity and

language. Researchers used an ordinary least squares regression model to test

willingness to cooperate (Murphy & Cherney, 2015). The researchers corroborated

previous researchers showing that an individual’s intent to cooperate with police is tied

directly to his or her perceptions of procedural justice. In addition, researchers concluded

that police performance was more important than procedural justice regarding an

individual’s intent to cooperate with police. Lastly, it was concluded that an individual’s

social identity determined if an individual would or would not cooperate with police and

that this particular measure was higher for minorities (Murphy & Cherney, 2015).

Setting was also explored by Bonner (2014), who conducted a qualitative study on

perceptions of procedural justice and experiences with the police by AAs and Whites

with southern patrols in public and semipublic locations in a popular, low-crime tourist

location in which the participants were middle class. Bonner’s data was taken from a

larger study consisting of 202 surveys, four focus groups, records from the police and

community meetings, and an observational study. Bonner utilized the data from the four

focus groups comprised of 37 participants from different races. The first three focus

groups were comprised mainly of AAs. Each focus group was comprised of 6-13

individuals who were similar in skin complexion, hair texture, clothing style, dialect,

choice of music style, and ages.

The first three focus groups reported seeing and interacting with the police more

and reported seeing more police during the day, at night, and on weekends when they

frequented public and semipublic spaces at the tourist resort. The fourth focus group,

comprised mainly of Whites, reported seeing the police less frequently during the week

days and nights, and a little more on weekends during their visits to the tourist location.

The fourth group also reported having little to no interaction with the police. Most

interaction with police was initiated by police. AAs also reported greater use of horse

patrols by police as a way of intimidation when they frequented the resort area. Bonner

concluded that race, space, and policing practices do indeed influence perceptions and

that AAs, especially males, are stereotyped and often experience arbitrary policing,

intrusiveness, biasness and unnecessarily aggressive police treatment even in areas

depicting low crime rates.

Gersternberger, Beatty, and Weatherby (2014) conducted a quantitative study in

2010 of eight U.S. cities (Durham, North Carolina; Las Vegas, Nevada; Miami, Florida;

New York, New York; Omaha, Nebraska; Seattle, Washington; and Spokane,

Washington) based on location, size, and temperatures to determine if the factors of

population density, racial diversity, climate, and crime rates influenced fatal police

shootings. The theoretical perspectives used for this study were the social

disorganization and conflict theory.

The researchers concluded that 92% of fatal officer-involved shootings occur

more in larger cities with populations over 400,000, as opposed to smaller cities. Los

Angeles reported 16 fatal officer-involved shootings, double the state of New York,

which is a larger city. However, researchers determined that New York saw a record low

number of fatal officer-involved shootings in 2010 because the normal annual average is

between 20 to 40+ fatal police shootings. When pairing cities, the least dense cities

displayed higher rates of fatal officer-involved shootings per 100,000 residents. Las

Vegas and Spokane had more fatal officer-involved shootings per 100,000 residents

compared to New York, Seattle, and Durham; however, Miami’s fatal officer-involved

shootings rate was lower. Cities with fewer White people displayed a higher number of

fatal officer-involved shootings, and 75% of the shootings involved minorities, especially

Blacks and Hispanics.

Understanding the psychology of these interactions can also be useful. Nix et al.

(2014) conducted a quantitative study examining the relationship between respondents’

perceptions of collective efficacy and the trust in police. Data were collected using a

random mail survey of 1,681 respondents. Four different types of neighborhoods were

targeted for the study. One neighborhood was selected based on predicted future crime,

and two control neighborhoods were selected based on being economically challenged

and having a high crime rate (Nix et al., 2014). The fourth neighborhood was used for

contrast purposes, and was considered affluent (Nix et al., 2014). Those who participated

in the survey were 52% White, 41% AA and 7% other (Nix et al., 2014). The dependent

variable was trust in the police, and the independent variables were procedural justice and

perceived collective efficacy. The control variables consisted of age, gender, race,

education, and the dummy variables were lower crime neighborhood, citizen-initiated

contact, no police contact, and police-initiated contact. Researchers used an ordinary

least squares regression model to determine the effect that perceived collective efficacy

would have on perceived procedural fairness (Nix et al., 2014).

Researchers concluded that citizens who believed that collective efficacy did in

fact exist in their neighborhoods tended to believe that the police treated them fairly.

However, those individuals who believed collective efficacy did not exist tended to

believe the police were more unfair. Researchers also found that past experiences with

police, demographics, and past victimization did not moderate these opinions of the

police (Nix et al., 2014). Therefore, perceived collective efficacy only played a part in

citizens’ trust in the police; however, “when perceptions of procedural justice are taken

into consideration, the effect of perceived collective efficacy is largely mediated” (Nix et

al., 2014, pp. 629-630).

Procedural fairness was also explored by Jonathan-Zamir, Mastrofski, and Moyal

(2013), who conducted a qualitative study measuring procedural justice in natural settings

with police. The researchers noted that procedural justice has traditionally been

measured using a survey or questionnaire depicting the citizen’s perspective. However,

the researchers believed that surveys may yield false reports; therefore, they developed

their own construct to measure procedural justice that would prove useful for gathering

and measuring qualitative data, and accompanied police on their shifts to observe

policecitizen interactions in their natural settings (Jonathan-Zamir et al., 2013).

Data were gathered from a small, suburban city in the United States from June

2011 to December 2011 (Jonathan-Zamir et al., 2013). A total of 12 policemen

participated in the study. Nine officers were observed three times, one officer underwent

one observation, one officer was observed twice, and another officer was observed five

times. Their ages ranged from 25 to 48. Regarding race, 67% of the officers were White

and the remaining 34% identified as either Black or another race. Researchers

accompanied the police on 35 shifts; 12 morning, 10 evening and 13 nights. They

witnessed the police interact with a total of 319 citizens in 233 encounters. A fifth of the

citizens were Black, about a half were White and nearly one third were Hispanic or

Latino (Jonathan-Zamir et al., 2013). The construct answered close-ended questions

regarding participation, neutrality, trustworthiness, dignity, respect and satisfaction

(Jonathan-Zamir et al., 2013). The researchers concluded that observations “make it

possible to distinguish the temporal ordering of officer and citizen behaviors to be used in

measuring constructs” (Johnathan-Zamir et al., 2013, p. 866). Also, the fact the officers

were aware that they were being studied may have altered the way in which they

interacted with citizens.

Neighborhood and community factors have also been found to be relevant,

according to the literature. Gau et al. (2012) conducted a quantitative study on the

examination of the impact of neighborhood and community level factors on individual’s

perceptions of procedural justice and police legitimacy. The researchers collected data

from three sources to include a general population survey, census tract data divided into

“high crime target areas, high crime non-targeted areas, and remaining census tracts

throughout the overall city for a general comparison,” and the local municipal police

department (Gau et al., 2012, p. 336). A total of 531 participants were gathered using

stratified sampling.

Hierarchical linear modeling was used to integrate census data measuring

perceptions of law enforcement, police legitimacy, and neighborhood context. The

dependent variables were procedural justice and police legitimacy. The independent

variables were distributive fairness, social cohesion (concentrated disadvantage

residential instability and homicide rate). The control variables were age, race, gender,

and SES. The researchers concluded that Blacks likely question legitimacy more,

because neighborhood context acts a mediator such as having high levels of concentrated

disadvantage that may lead to requiring more use of the police (Gau et al., 2012).

The influence of neighborhood was also documented by Barrett, Fletcher, and

Patel (2013), who reviewed a 2009-2010 qualitative study involving a sample in north of

England of Black minority ethnic (BME) groups and their interaction with a law

enforcement agency in the north of England. A total of 45 individuals participated in the

study. The researchers employed a mixed-methods approach inclusive of focus groups,

interviews, and surveys of victims, which was used to describe the different perspectives

of satisfaction and dissatisfaction with police encounters based on differences in

ethnicities (Barrett et al., 2012). Focus groups were used specifically to capture

perspectives of the BME communities regarding how to best service them, policing in

their communities and its impact of their personal views (Barrett et al., 2012).

The researchers concluded that communication is important when interacting with

the community and young people, leading to more fair ways of policing and decreases in

abuses such as stop and frisk with BMEs, thereby increasing the levels of satisfaction in

police practices. In addition, the researchers recommended that age, social class, and

gender be given attention during police interaction with the community. Further, the

researchers offered developing a course of action that would allow the police and

different BME groups to communicate with each other in a mutual and respectful manner

as a method of improving police-citizen relations and levels of satisfaction (Barrett et al.,

2013).

Hough’s (2012) findings were similar to Barrett et al. (2013), in that he suggested

that police display more unfairness when interacting with young people of different

ethnic backgrounds during police responses. Hough reviewed a qualitative study using

case studies conducted by the Economic and Social Research Council in 2010 of different

policing styles used when conducting police responses in different communities

involving youth of different ethnic backgrounds suspected of criminal activity. The study

involved 49 officers, 32 young people, and data collected from two basic command units

in London, England used to assess the dynamics between the two groups.

Hough’s (2012) review concluded that police took on either an adversarial

policing style or a professional policing style that was either proactive or reactive in

nature. The researcher revealed that an adversarial style was used mainly with young

Black people as a means of showing them who controlled the streets by demanding

respect and compliance (Hough, 2012). Hough also noted an underlying theme of

procedural justice which he believed could possibly allow the police to do more with less

if they chose to interact with disadvantaged youth in a respectful and fair manner upon

engagement (Hough, 2012).

Both Hough and Barrett et al. (2012) pointed out similarities of the difficulty in

dealing with youth and their perception of unfair procedural justice that reflect a long

history of difficult relations and deep mistrust of law enforcement and the issue with stop

and frisk or stop and search. Also noted, is the over-representation of some ethnic

minority statistics during stop and search in which few arrests take place (Hough, 2012).

Perceptions of Procedural Justice

According to Gau et al. (2012), procedural justice consists of two major elements:

one is the officer’s use of facts and fairness in his or her decision-making, and the other is

the person’s perception of the officer being reasonable and respectful in carrying out his

or her duties. The way in which an officer responds to a situation signals to that person

where they stand in society. The issue is that more Blacks than Whites have reported

feeling less important as it relates to procedural fairness in America (Gau et al., 2012).

This quantitative study based on the PJT utilized a telephone survey involving 531

respondents in 2010. Researchers looked at neighborhood and community level

influences on perceptions of police legitimacy and procedural justice and concluded that

procedural justice was the biggest factor in police legitimacy and that neighborhood and

“macro-level distress – homicide rates, residential instability, and low social cohesion

were not statistically significant” (Gau et al., 2012, p. 339).

Gau et al.’s (2012) study differed from Barrett et al.’s (2013), and from Hough’s

(2012), who looked at the procedural justice process based on the public’s trust of

interaction with justice institutions and instead looked and procedural justice and

“neighborhood and community level factors on procedural justice and police legitimacy”

to uncover what influences the sociostructural environment may contribute to perceptions

in high crime areas through use of a survey (p. 333).

Jackson et al. (2011) conducted a study across 28 European countries in 2010.

More than 39,000 face-to-face interviews were conducted in which respondents were

asked if they had had any contact with the police two years prior to the interview, and

whether they trusted the police and court system, and if they perceived the justice

systems to be legitimate. The researchers concluded that a variation in trust and

legitimacy across Europe, where Nordic countries were found to be more trusting and

Eastern and Southern European countries were found to be less trusting of the police.

Jackson et al.’s (2011) findings are similar to Barret et al. (2013) and Hough (2012) in

that the researchers evaluated trust in criminal justice institutions and how they interacted

with the public. According to Jackson et al. (2011), “Measures of trust and legitimacy

can be used to inform careful, long-term policies that foster public compliance and

cooperation instead of short-term ‘electioneering strategies that exploit public feelings for

political gain, and which are skewed towards short-term crime-control strategies” (p. 10).

The researchers concluded that trust was based on “effectiveness, procedural fairness,

and distributive justice” and took a qualitative approach in which the researchers utilized

a survey to gather data from residents (Jackson et al., 2011, p. 8).

Schuck and Martin’s (2013) study was similar to the other studies in that it

evaluated perceptions of the procedural justice process. The study was closer in

similarity to Gau et al.’s (2012) study, in that it also evaluated community context as it

relates to procedural justice. The purpose of the study was to “determine the influence

that race, type of contact, place of encounter and community context had on individuals’

perceptions of procedural justice” (p. 219). The study was conducted by the Minority

Trust and Confidence in the Police Project in Chicago and involved 479 randomly chosen

participants. Participants were selected “based on prior police contacts, perceptions of

the police, race, gender and age” (Schuck & Martin, 2013, p. 223).

Researchers concluded AAs and Latinos encountered the police more than Whites

and were more likely than Whites to report procedural unfairness (Schuck & Martin,

2013). The researchers also concluded that AA and Latinos were not only likely to be

stopped outside of their neighborhoods, but also likely to be stopped by the police inside

of their neighborhoods and that living in a middle-class neighborhood did not matter

lessen the number of police stops.

Baker et al.’s (2015) study also affirmed the role of perceptions of procedural

justice in predicting behavior. Their qualitative study of female Florida inmates, based

on PJT, concluded that female inmates who trusted legal authorities who possess the

same racial or ethnic characteristics as themselves and who had a voice in their trial saw

the outcome of the procedural justice process as fair, even if the outcome was not a

favorable one and complied with the law (Baker et al., 2015). The researcher concluded

that an inmate’s age, education, and ethnicity had a direct bearing of the inmate’s

perception of the procedural justice process.

Rounding out the exploration of the perceptions of procedural justice is the work

for Doherty and Wolak (2012), who conducted a quasi-experimental study that differed

from the other studies cited in the review, in that they examined the conditions under

which people use accuracy goals versus directional goals to evaluate procedural justice

processes. A total of 214 participants were recruited through email announcements from

a university in the mountain west (Doherty & Wolak, 2012). Participants were asked in a

survey to about whether they defer to their views on policy to evaluate procedural justice

processes (Doherty & Wolak, 2012).

The researchers concluded that accuracy goals can prevail over directional goals

when asked to assess governmental fairness (Doherty & Wolak, 2012). In other words,

when policy processes are clearly fair, both those for and against the policy agree to its

fairness and assess the process accurately (Doherty & Wolak, 2012). However, when

policy processes are clearly unfair, people are against the processes whether they like or

dislike the policy, and people defer to their prior experiences and beliefs to assess the

procedural justice process (Doherty & Wolak, 2012).

Prior Experiences with Police

Prior experiences appear to have a significant influence on the perceptions of AA

males during their interactions with police. Renauer and Covelli (2011) conducted a

quantitative study examining the relationships between police experiences and

perceptions of police bias. Data were collected via a telephone survey by the Portland

State University Survey Research Lab between August and September 2007 using

stratified sampling (Renauer & Covelli, 2011). The researchers conducted telephone

interviews with 1,431 Oregon residents that included 741 residents randomly selected

statewide, 164 AAs, and 161 Hispanics to examine how often they believed race/ethnic

bias contributed to police stops. The dependent variable was public perception that

police unfairly used race, and the independent variables were procedural justice and

police contact. A 5-pt Likert Scale was used to record responses and ordinal logistic

regression was used to test the hypotheses (Renauer & Covelli, 2011). No

multicollinearity existed and the assumption of independence was assessed to avoid a

Type II error by controlling for residents clustered within countries. Ordinal regression

showed procedurally negative involuntary police contacts. Ordinal regression and

bivariate analyses showed that police bias was related to both voluntary and involuntary

police stops (Renauer & Covelli, 2011).

Weitzer (2015) discussed the escalation in the recent police killings of AA men

2012, which has led to numerous national debates about police practices, police brutality,

alleged police misconduct, citizen-police interactions, citizen-police relations, and police

reform. Weitzer posited that perceptions of the police among AA men were based on

their past interactions with them. Police interactions with AAs, whether personal or

based on police involvement with relatives and friends, shapes their overall perception of

the police and the procedural justice systems.

According to Weitzer (2015), if an individual is constantly stopped by the police

and given no reason as to why they were stopped, harassed, demeaned, and spoken to

rudely, the chances that that individual will view the police as negative and unjust is

extremely high. Additionally, the SES of a neighborhood could also affect how police

interact with citizens regardless of race, especially in disadvantaged communities where

the police are viewed as less favorable during interactions. Young Black and Latino men

in depressed neighborhoods report being stopped and harassed by the police more often,

as well as being the recipients of aggressive treatment at the hands of the police (Epp,

Maynard-Moody, & Haider-Markel, 2014; Weitzer, 2015). These perceptions also affect

their willingness to cooperate with the police and consent to police officer authority.

Stereotypes and Implied Bias

Kahn and McMahon (2016) conducted a quantitative study on “positive

intragroup bias for Whites via perceived phenotypic racial stereotypicality” for Blacks

and the decision by law enforcement to use more severe, and at times, deadly use of force

against minorities for similar crimes committed by the dominant race (p. 403). The

researchers note the 2014 Pew’s Research Center’s study, which concluded that more

unarmed Black men and women were killed during interaction with police since 2014

than any other race (Pew Research Center, 2014). The issue is now a hot topic of debate

in the nation and has created an even greater divide and tension among the races due to

the senseless and publicized frequency of deaths (Kahn & McMahon, 2016). The

researchers obtained 164 case files, depicting 250 cases of use of force, collected during

2009-2010 from a large, racially diverse, urban police department located on the West

Coast. Suspect data was representative of 75 Whites, 16 Asians, 23 AAs and 50 Latinos.

The researchers concluded that Whites had less phenotypic racial stereotypicality than

Blacks and other non-Whites, thus making them a more protected class in society in

which law enforcement used less force against them thus shielding them from use of

force (Kahn & McMahon, 2016). The results support the fact that Whites are a more

privileged and protected people due to their race.

Sim, Correll, and Sadler (2013) examined three studies on how training may

exacerbate racial stereotypes in the decision to shoot a target. The studies employed

research from first-person-shooter task; training that provided base rates of certain races

and criminal activity; and officers who, as part as their daily routine, interact with

minority gang members. Participants were randomly assigned to a training task that

either encouraged Black-danger stereotypes or discredited the stereotypes. For part of the

experiment, a total of 120 students from the Chicago area (62 females, 58 males; 49

Blacks, 46 Whites, 18 Asians, and seven Hispanics) participated. In another experiment,

22 (one female, 21 males, 12 Whites, seven Blacks, two Hispanics, one Native

American/Pacific Islander) officers from the gang and street-crime unit participated (Sim

et al., 2013).

Overall, officers displayed less bias than the students (Sim et al., 2013). Like

other studies, researchers concluded that a bias exists for shooting Blacks over other

ethnicities. In addition, researchers explain the limitations of such experiments. For

example, the study cannot replicate work-related fatigue and stress related to officers

considering actual lethal force from a suspect (Sim et al., 2013). Constraining time,

cognitive resources, and uncertainty of the surrounding area limit an officers’ ability to

process information and accurately determine the probable degree of threat (Sim et al.,

2013).

Unconscious bias was explored in Tillyer and Engel’s (2013) multiyear study of

police actions during traffic stops applying the social conditioning model. Officers’

decision making was analyzed based on unconscious profiles of demographics including

race/ethnicity, gender, and age. The unconscious profiles of individuals are more

commonly known as stereotypes. Officers’ stereotypes occur as a result of social identity

theory, illusory correlation, and the ecological fallacy “reinforced through personal,

vicarious, and media experiences with crimes and violence” (Tillyer & Engel, 2013, p.

373). As a routine part of duty, officers’ work experience substantiates such stereotypes

based on increased encounters with criminal activity (Tillyer & Engel, 2013). Officers

are faced with negative and potentially dangerous experiences.

The researchers suggest an officer’s negative encounters will have a stronger

impact on interactions during a traffic stop than stereotypes (Tillyer & Engel, 2013). The

number of encounters may impact the intensity of the stereotypes, which lead to

disparities in traffic stop outcomes. In addition, the more criminal encounters with a

certain group an officer has, the greater the association of criminal activity towards

certain demographics (Tillyer & Engel, 2013).

Racial stereotypes and their influence on officers’ decisions to shoot minorities

were explored by Kahn and McMahon (2015) following the deaths of Amadou Diallo,

Michael Brown, Oscar Grant, Samuel DuBose and other unarmed Black men. The

researchers used the full-cycle model to frame their work, paying very close attention to

shooter bias and results from shoot/do not shoot video studies involving non-police

participants conducted in laboratories. The full-cycle model purports using natural

observation, theory, and laboratory experiments to garner a better understanding of the

cause of this social issue (Kahn & McMahon, 2015). The researchers also examined the

current literature, which was minimal, on shooter bias and racial influence on the

decision to shoot. Most non-police study participants erroneously decided to shoot

unarmed Blacks who may have been holding a wallet or a tool, as opposed to a weapon at

a higher rate than Whites and Asians.

Kahn and McMahon (2015) concluded that there may be some instances in which

an officer’s personal, racial biases may impact the decision to shoot, especially in

economically challenged rural areas with high crime, but that most shootings of

minorities are the result of “unconscious activation of stereotypes linking a particular

group to danger, which facilitates stereotype consistent responses” unless the officer can

control his response not to act to quickly (p. 315). These individual encounters, whether

grounded in bias and stereotype or not, create a perception in the public and the media

that further complicates the situation.

Public Perception and the Role of the Media

Gabbidon and Jordan (2013) conducted a study in 2012 using the racial gradient

theory during the trial of George Zimmerman, a self-appointed neighborhood watch

security officer, who stood trial in the death of Trayvon Martin, an unarmed, AA teen.

Martin was walking home from a convenience store minding his own business when he

was confronted by Zimmerman and forced to defend himself, causing him to lose his life.

The researchers used the racial gradient thesis, which is one of the tenets of the

comparative conflict theory, which posits that public opinion on an issue viewed as

criminally unjust will be judged along the lines of race with the race of the person

affected objected the most (Hagan, Shedd, & Payne, 2005).

Based on a USA Today Gallup Poll taken in 2012, the researchers concluded that

public opinion about Trayvon Martin’s killing was divided along racial lines, with AAs

believing that Martin’s killing was unjust and Whites believing the opposite. AAs

continue to report the greatest level of criminal injustice towards them, as opposed to

other races and ethnic minorities. Recent killings of unarmed AA men have resulted in

numerous marches and protests across the nation about unjust treatment of AA men

during police interaction proving that the racial divide in the country runs deep.

Oliveira and Murphy’s (2014) quantitative study examined the various factors

impacting people’s attitudes toward law enforcement officers using social identity theory.

Researchers determined some factors impacting negative attitudes toward police are SES,

race/ethnicity, gender, age, policing practices across neighborhoods and cities, as well as

location. Social identity and SES greatly impact the varying attitudes of minorities

towards police. Similar to Weitzer and Tuch’s (1999) study, race alone did not

adequately predict Americans’ attitude toward police in this study. Data collected from

1,204 Australian citizens reflected that the biggest factor impacting attitudes toward law

enforcement officers was social identity, not race. Social identity allows individuals to

make meaning of and develop a sense of belonging to a designated group. Individuals’

social identity is taken from a social psychology theory which categorizes people based

on “in-groups” and “out-groups.” The “in-groups” reflect a group with similar beliefs,

traditions or attitudes, and the “out-groups” reflect a contrasting set of beliefs, traditions,

or attitudes than the “in-groups.” In some societies, how marginalized a particular group

feels impacts the overall attitude towards officers because officers are in essence a

representative of the state that is causing the feeling of marginalization. As a result,

similar to Weitzer (2015), individuals who categorize themselves as part of the

“outgroup,” namely racial minorities, feeling marginalized establishes an innate belief

that law enforcement officers are prejudiced, biased, and discriminate toward them.

Wu (2014) conducted a quantitative study on perceptions of the police related to

race and ethnicity, which he extended to include not only Blacks and Whites, but also

Asians and Hispanics. The researcher used group position theory (GPT) as his theoretical

framework. The GPT asserts that members of the dominant, White race assume a

position of superiority or group identity and view other races as subordinate and always

competing with them to attain the same privileges and entitlements (Bobo & Tuan, 2006).

The researcher utilized a combination of telephone interviews, surveys delivered

personally to residents, and mailed surveys to collect data from 4904 households in the

Seattle, Washington area from 2002-2003, measuring residents’ perceptions of the police,

including problem-solving, racial profiling, and police bias.

Wu (2014) concluded the following: (a) most respondents viewed problemsolving

positively; (b) Blacks more than any other ethnic group viewed racial profiling

negatively; (c) most believed that the police treated them unequally depending on their

race and social status; (d) Hispanics and Asians fell in the middle of Whites who were

more positive about police interaction and Blacks whose perceptions of the police were

the most negative; and (e) as far as police bias, the wealthy were treated better than the

economically challenged, Whites were treated better than AAs and Hispanics, and those

who spoke English were treated better than those who did not.

Murphy (2015) conducted a quantitative study of 10,148 Australian residents who

took part in the Australian Community Capacity Study in 2010 and 2011 regarding

citizens’ willingness or intent to cooperate with the police based on the public’s

perception of procedural justice, police performance, and social identity. The researchers

conducted computerized telephone interviews utilizing random dialing. The sample

included a booster sample involving 908 individuals from ethnic minority backgrounds

(Murphy, 2015). The researcher utilized the group value model (GVM) as its theoretical

foundation to explain why individuals believe being treated in a procedurally fair manner

is important (Murphy, 2015). The GVM ties together procedural justice and cooperation

in relation to social identification. The study measured the following variables:

“cooperation with police, procedural justice, police performance, superordinate identity,

subordinate identity, separatist identity, and demographic/control characteristics”

(Murphy, 2015, p. 724).

The author corroborated previous researchers showing that an individual’s intent

to cooperate with police is tied directly to his or her perceptions of procedural justice. In

addition, researchers concluded that police performance was more important than

procedural justice regarding an individual’s intent to cooperate with police. Lastly, an

individual’s social identity was also found to determine if an individual would or would

not cooperate with police and that this particular measure was higher for minorities.

Hadden, Tolliver, Snowden, and Brown-Manning (2016) conducted a quantitative

study of the relationship between race, racism, attitudes toward police violence against

adult males. A total of 1,974 adult males and females participated in the study, in which

they completed the 2012 General Social Survey (GSS). Surveys used for secondary data

analysis were administered in person and by phone by GSS personnel. Similar to

Patterson and Swan (2015), Hadden et al. (2016) also noted the lack of police shootings

data makes it difficult to determine if shootings were justified and at what frequency the

shootings occur nationwide.

Hadden et al. (2016) framed their study with several theories, but most

importantly CRT, that connects race to racism and power, which they believed best

captures the purpose of their study with race being the central component of violence

exhibited toward unarmed Black males. Nearly 75% of the participants were White and

2.6% were Black. Researchers concluded that Whites approved of police brutality

against a citizen at a much higher rate than did Blacks, Whites believed that the

difference in SES between them and Blacks was due to Blacks being unmotivated and

lacking willpower, and that Whites believed that Blacks were less successful because

they lacked the inability to learn (Hadden et al., 2016).

Public perception is often shaped by the media. Smiley and Fakunle (2016)

explored how language is used to dehumanize and demonize unarmed AA men killed by

police following their deaths. The researchers analyzed the deaths of 43-year-old Eric

Garner, 18-year-old Michael Brown, 28-year-old Akai Gurley, 12-year-old Tamir Rice,

19-year-old Tony Robinson, and 25-year-old Freddie Gray. Articles on the men deaths

were retrieved from the LexisNexis database about 30 days following their deaths

utilizing autoethonography, which allowed the researchers to find out as much as they

could about each individual case.

Researchers concluded that race and racism are still prevalent in post-racial

America that tends to overlook racism today as if it no longer exists or is not pertinent in

society. The media was responsible for digging into each victim’s pasts and dredging up

any negative information on them to include past criminal transgressions, if they existed,

in an effort to make the victim look as bad as they could as a means of justifying their

deaths further exonerating the officers that killed them (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016).

Further, the researchers revealed increased racial inequality, higher rates of incarceration

for Black men as opposed to White men who commit the same or similar crimes, unfair

employment opportunities with Whites being hired over Blacks, and differences in the

healthcare given to Blacks versus Whites with Whites receiving better healthcare (Smiley

& Fakunle, 2016).

Explaining Elevated Response by Police

To fully understand this issue, it is also important to understand the characteristics

of the police, police perceptions, and how their tactics and training play into this

dynamic. Hall, Hall, and Perry (2016) conducted a review of past and current media

reports to better understand why the nature of police work may attract a certain type of

individual and gender, usually men, with characteristics that may make them inclined to

deal with Black men negatively and more aggressively. The researchers utilized the trait

activation theory (TAT) to ground their research in as they seek explanations for the

recent killings of unarmed Black men and break down the interaction between policing

and racial bias.

According to Tett, Simonet, Walser, and Brown (2013), the TAT asserts that

individuals seek out the types of jobs that best compliment their character traits and

preferences. The researchers gleaned through numerous media reports and past literature

that linked the actions of police to historic dehumanization of Black men and studies on

shooter bias (Hall et al., 2016). The researchers concluded that White police officers

were more likely to shoot an unarmed Black man quicker than he would a White male,

White female, or even a Black female (Plant, Goplen, & Kuntman, 2011; Sim et al.,

2013). Further, the researchers concluded that individuals with high social dominance

orientation, meaning those who view Blacks as lower than Whites wishing to maintain

White supremacy, usually gravitate to positions in law enforcement.

Police Characteristics

Cochran and Warren (2012) conducted a study to determine if racial perceptions

of police officer behavior are moderated by the officer’s race by examining race,

ethnicity, and gender. The theoretical framework used for this study was conflict theory.

Data were gathered from the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ 2005 Police Public Contact

Survey (PPCS), which is supplemental information from the National Crime

Victimization Survey. The survey included only information of those individuals who

had been involved in a traffic stop during the previous 12 months, and who had reported

the officer’s race and their race. The PPCS was conducted during the last half of 2005

and includes information on individuals age 16 and older.

Researchers concluded that citizens involved in police encounters with minority

police believed the stops were illegitimate. Minority officers stopped minority men and

women at a rate of 1.5 to 3 times higher than White policemen. This result is about the

same for Hispanics. White officers stopped White citizens at a higher rate, especially

females, than did minority officers. With regard to discretionary stops, minority officers

stopped citizens at a higher rate than White officers.

Further, the researchers concluded that both Black males and females complained

of illegitimate stops when compared to White men. Past contact with police led to a high

rate of negative reporting against the police. When analyzing race, ethnicity, and gender

together, both Black men and women had a higher rate of reporting illegitimate stops.

The influence of citizen and officer race was also examined in Brunson and Gau’s

(2015) qualitative study of 44 AAs that included 25 women and 19 men living in East St.

Louis, Missouri regarding their perceptions and personal experiences with officers of

their race. Using the community accountability theory, the researchers conducted indepth

interviews with respondents located in majority Black, high crime, economically

challenged communities who reported having experiences with Black policemen. The

community accountability theory asserts that citizen-police encounters can be improved

by hiring Black officers to police communities of their same race.

Brunson and Gau (2015) concluded that Black residents saw no difference in the

way that they were treated between both Black and White police; therefore, the officers’

race was not a factor. Respondents reported that simply living in economically depressed

communities, high crime communities lend itself to being mistreated by police because

all police viewed residents of these areas as criminal and dangerous. Further, the

researchers concluded that Black residents’ negative perceptions of White officers

mistreating them was tied to racial discrimination, and that the mistreatment of them by

Black officers was viewed as these officers working for a corrupt police department that

was poorly mismanaged and severely unfunded. Though characteristics have been shown

to be highly influential in police interactions with minorities, training, tactics, and

approaches are also highlighted in the literature as problematic.

Police Approaches

Passavant (2015) discussed the formation of neoliberal authoritarianism by those

in power politically in the 1960s to explain the militarization of the police, which led to

further dehumanization and over-policing of Black men. According to Passavant, “police

were encouraged to go beyond law enforcement to control the perception of disorder…to

kick ass,” which lead to numerous riots and protests (p. 330). Such police behavior arose

from massive race riots in the 1960s stemming from racial inequality which was

addressed by the Kerner report (Passavant, 2015).

Passavant (2015) highlighted two recent cases of unarmed Black men losing their

lives during police interactions. First, the death of 18-year-old Michael Brown in

Ferguson, Missouri shot and killed by police, and 43-year-old Eric Garner, who was

choked to death in New York for selling loose cigarettes on the street. The death of both

men, accused of failing to comply, led to marches and protests across the nation, but

Passavant pointed to the “Manner of Walking in the Roadway” law in Ferguson that led

to Brown’s death, and the Broken Windows theory adopted and implemented in 1993 in

New York as means of over-policing in Garner’s death.

Passavant (2015) explained that excessive brutality against Blacks grew out of

neoliberal authoritarianism that sanctioned militarization of the police. Today, the

hashtags “We Can’t Breathe” in honor of Garner and “BlackLivesMatter” are the new

civil rights movements by which those racially discriminated against and subjected to

unnecessary police brutality can hopefully find justice (Passavant, 2015).

Fryer (2016) conducted a quantitative study examining the racial differences in

the use of force by police. Data were collected from four sources to include New York

City’s Stop and Frisk Program (officer supplied information only) from 2003-2013

totaling 3,457,161 arrests, Police-Public Contact Survey (citizen supplied information

only) inclusive of more than 500,000 incidents, event summaries of citizen-police contact

involving the discharge of a police weapon from Austin, Dallas, and Houston (three

major cities in Texas) inclusive of 1,332 shootings from 2000-2015, and police-citizen

interactions in Houston, Texas involving arrests in which police use of force may have

been justified inclusive of 507 officer-involved shootings and more than 4,000 instances

of some type of lesser force used by officer. Fryer followed several high-profile

officerinvolved shootings of unarmed Black men such as Michael Brown in Missouri in

2014, Walter Scott in South Carolina in 2015, and Samuel DuBose in Ohio in 2015, to

name a few.

Fryer (2016) concluded that in the use of lesser force (i.e., tasers, batons, and

using one’s hands to subdue an individual), there were racial differences with Blacks

being subjected to this type of force more than Whites, and Hispanics falling in the

middle. However, when examining extreme use of force involving police shootings, the

researchers were unable to detect any racial disparities. It should be noted the Fryer’s

study is a working paper and is soon to be published.

Lee’s (2014) discussion and findings of New York City’s firearm discharge report

is similar to Fryer (2016), in that he discovered that between 2000-2011 Blacks were shot

at a much higher rate than Whites and Hispanics. Lee pointed out that the police killing

of 18-year-old Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri on August 9, 2014 for failing to

comply with police orders was only one of four unarmed Black men that died during

police interaction within a 30-day period in the United States. According to Lee, police

are not required to report arrest-related deaths or deaths involving police shootings to

federal authorities, so no uniform database exists. Reports on the killings of unarmed

Black men are sketchy at best, and the information contained within reports is not

reliable, and it is rare that a police officer is convicted of murder or manslaughter.

Lee (2014) also discussed the number of police-involved shootings in Oakland,

California totaling 45 between 2004-2008; 37 of the 45 individuals shot were Black, and

33% being fatal. None of those shot were White, and in 40% of the cases the victim was

unarmed. This data did not include one of the most highly profiled cases, which is that of

Oscar Grant who was unarmed and killed by police in the subway station and caught on

cell phone video. Although convictions are rare, and it took several years, the officer in

Grant’s killing was eventually charged in his death.

Correll, Hudson, Guillermo, and Ma (2014) used sociological, correlational, and

experimental research to assess the effects of an individual’s race on the likelihood of

being shot. Researchers utilized a first-person-shooter task (FPST). Participants were

placed in a realistic environment coupled with either a Black or White male who was

either armed or unarmed. Participants were given the option whether to “shoot” or “don’t

shoot.” A total of 124 Denver community leaders, 127 Denver officers, and 113 officers

from across the nation participated in the study (Correll et al., 2014). Based on the signal

detection theory (SDT), the readiness to shoot an unarmed target is based on the

judgment-relevant dimension, also known as the perceived threat (Correll et al., 2014).

Sensitivity and criterion are two factors affecting SDT. Sensitivity allows people to

differentiate the armed target from the unarmed target, and criterion analyzes a

participant’s predisposition to shoot based on the perceived threat required for a

participant to shoot (Correll et al., 2014).

Similar to Kahn and McMahon (2015), Correll et al. (2014) determined that

police did not show a clearly defined bias when given sufficient time to properly assess

the situation. However, the community members demonstrated a low criterion and

increased likelihood to shoot an armed Black male. Nevertheless, community members

out-performed officers when time to assess a target was decreased. When the participants

were given FPST coupled with training, the tendency to assess a Black male as a threat

decreased, but even with additional training, external factors of fatigue and stress

prevented participants from overcoming the bias stereotypes of Black males being more

dangerous and even more of a threat than their White counterparts.

Like the “don’t shoot” versus “shoot” studies, Sadler, Correll, Park, and Judd

(2012) examined the implied bias to shoot minorities viewed as threatening. Stereotypes

unconsciously affect the actions of both law enforcement and society as a whole,

oftentimes without awareness or intention of the actor. When race and law enforcement

are correlated, the mere association of a particular race in a perceived criminal activity

may impact the speed and likelihood of a decision to use lethal force. However, this

societal phenomenon of “shooting” minorities is not exclusive to law enforcement.

Society has the same general response of using lethal force against a minority,

particularly AAs. Research, such as the shoot/don’t shoot decision, reflect that race alone

does influence responses to threatening objects (Sadler et al., 2012). The target race in

the simulation is not indicative of having the presence or absence of a weapon. Not

having a target race as a diagnostic for whether weaponry is present was vital for the

researchers to take a direct examination of per se racial cues on the likelihood to shoot

(Sadler et al., 2012).

However, racial bias toward other target races such as Latinos and Asians were

associated more with the extent to which a law enforcement officer related the amount of

violent crime in a particular type of community to those races (Sadler et al., 2012). For

example, personal stereotypes related to the increased bias to shoot Latinos and cultural

stereotypes were more related to bias to shoot Asians (Sadler et al., 2012). Nevertheless,

contact and discrimination predicted the racial bias towards AAs (Sadler et al., 2012).

Unlike the traditional shoot/don’t shoot laboratory experiments, James, Vila, and

Daratha (2013) employed a more real-life experiment using a quantitative approach. The

study participants consisted of 36 police officers, 72 civilians, and six military personnel;

totaling 102 participants and 1,812 responses. All participants interacted with the target,

and the high definition of the scenarios provided a much more realistic environment

compared to merely sitting at a computer and selecting shoot/don’t shoot (James et al.,

2013). Also, participants in this study utilized a modified gun to shoot targets.

In contrast to other studies, comparing the likelihood of race to increase a shoot

response, participants were less likely to shoot Blacks compared to their Latino and

White counterparts (James et al., 2013). This study did not note a significant difference

between the likelihood to shoot White and Latino suspects (James et al., 2013). The

researchers argued that other administrative measures, such as education, for people are

necessary for equating a societal bias to shooting (James et al., 2013). However, the

results of the study never specified whether the study was a blind study. As a result, the

participants may have known of the purpose of the study and were simply overly cautious

in an attempt not to appear biased (James et al., 2013).

With the contributing factors and potential causes highlighted, it is important to

recognize the varied consequences of the current problem. The following section

examines the existing consequences of the issue, including psychological issues,

declining police legitimacy, and more loss of life. Each is examined in relation to the

literature, and each highlights the necessity that this problem be addressed.

Consequences of the Issue

Stokes, Wilson, Jordan, and Harris (2016) asserted that race is a dominant factor

that influences officers in their decision to make an arrest or use deadly force against AA

males. The researchers framed their work with the institutional discrimination

perspective to explain how race can have harmful and deadly consequences. Crime data

show that AAs are arrested, sentenced, and convicted at a higher rate than their White

counterparts who display similar behavior and commit similar crimes (Stokes et al.,

2016). The researchers note that following the death of Michael Brown, the Justice

Department concluded that police in Ferguson, Missouri racially profiled, ticketed, and

fined AAs discriminately as a means of generating funds for the city (Stokes et al., 2016).

Institutional racism and discrimination is deeply entrenched in our nation’s

history, “customs, laws and social practices” (Stokes et al., 2016, p. 50). Police use of

unlawful, deadly force against AA males brings to light how differently they are treated

from White men based on perception of threat and stereotypes, thus proving that their

lives are devalued, especially when very few officers are indicted or held accountable for

their actions (Stokes et al., 2016). These circumstances have significant consequences

for AA males, and for society as a whole.

Psychological Consequences

Brooms and Perry (2016) conducted a qualitative study involving in-depth

interviews with 25 Black men with educational attainment ranging from those who

attended some college up to receiving post college degrees regarding, “their

selfconceptions of race, stereotyping, profiling…and their reflections on the recent

killings of Black men” (p. 166). The researchers’ goal was to gain a better understanding

of how race intersected with being a Black male and how their living conditions were

impacted by cultural, environmental, and institutional factors (Brooms & Perry, 2016).

The researchers utilized CRT and invisibility syndrome to frame their study. According

to the invisibility syndrome, Black men are devalued because the dominant race is racist

and prejudiced against them, causing them to feel worthless, hopeless, anger, depressed,

and to turn to drug abuse (Brooms & Perry, 2016). Brooms and Perry concluded that

Black men believed (a) they were not respected, (b) they felt devalued and worthless, (c)

they were constantly surveyed, stereotyped and profiled when they were in public, and

(d) being Black men could cost them their lives on any given day, because their race and

gendered identities made them subject to racism, prejudices, dangerous and criminal in

the eyes of Whites.

Race-related stress was examined by Hudson et al.’s (2016) qualitative study as

well. Hudson et al. conducted four focus groups with AA men near the city of Ferguson

in Saint Louis, Missouri. The purpose of the study was to garner a better understanding

of the effects of race-related stress and the risk it posed to their mental and physical

health (Hudson et al., 2016). A total of 26 AA men aged 18 years and older participated

in the study. The themes of “perceptions of interpersonal discrimination, structural

racism, and coping” emerged from the study (Hudson et al., 2016, p. 137).

Racial discrimination and systematic racism materialized as pervasive stressors

for the participants (Hudson et al., 2016). Participants expressed systemic experiences of

discrimination when interacting with the criminal justice system (Hudson et al., 2016).

The participants shared that their religious faith, familial support, drinking, and smoking

were coping mechanisms to deal with their issues (Hudson et al., 2016). Due to chronic

exposure to stress and discrimination, the poor health behaviors such as smoking,

substance abuse, and alcoholism predispose AAs to increase interactions with police

(Hudson et al., 2016). The participants also expressed observing microaggressions,

defined as subtle, unfair treatment and demeanor from Whites they felt powerless against

(Hudson et al., 2016). Furthermore, the participants expressed excessive use of racial

profiling as well as constantly feeling as if they were under surveillance by White officers

(Hudson et al., 2016).

Sewell, Horsford, Coleman, and Watkins (2016) employed the Mundane Extreme

Environmental Stress model to explore how the discriminatory surveillance and overt

vigilance while patrolling AA areas provokes social, physical, and mental health issues.

In addition, the Family Stress Model and racial socialization theory aided the researchers

in developing a theoretical framework for understanding the various ways Blacks interact

with law enforcement officers in response to the unreasonable and unjustified shootings

of Blacks in their communities (Sewell et al., 2016). This is due to police perception,

unfair police practices, structural inequality, hyper-surveillance, and stereotyping (Sewell

et al., 2016).

Nationwide, police misconduct data is often based on voluntary local reporting.

As a result of lack of a comprehensive program monitoring police use of deadly force, a

research collaborative entitled Mapping Police Violence has been developed.

Experiences in low-income neighborhoods range from “targeted for illegal activity…

search, seizure, and arrest, whether it is warranted or not, are frequent occurrences”

(Sewell et al., 2016, p. 296). According to Sewell et al. (2016), hypersurveillance affects

police perception and has a direct bearing on coping mechanisms for Black families such

as the threat of arrest, which can affect families long-term and destroy any hope of trust

citizens may have with the police (Sewell et al., 2016).

Staggers-Hakim (2016) conducted a qualitative pilot study utilizing in-depth

interviews to get a better understanding of the impact of high-profile police killings of

AA men on the lives of young boys. The researchers compiled three focus groups

totaling 16 participants between the ages of 14-18 years with parental permission and the

Institutional Review Board approval. Themes that emerged from the interviews were (a)

awareness of the recent cases of police brutality and police killings in high profile cases,

(b) knowledge of perceptions and stereotypes of Black men viewed as a threat, (c) fear of

the police and being in the presence of police, (d) knowledge of having to be careful of

their actions in public and the their dress, (e) strategies to stay alive and arrive at home

safely, (f) self-identification with victims, and (g) understanding that it could have been

them that was killed during police interaction or that it could happen to them

(StaggersHakim, 2016). Staggers-Hakim noted that it is imperative to address the racial

injustices geared toward men of color and the unwarranted, and in some cases, targeting

and killing of the Black man. It should be incumbent upon the Justice department to hold

those officers who engage in police brutality, unlawful murder and abuse of power

accountable for actions as a warning that police misconduct will not be tolerated.

Loss of Police Legitimacy

In the ongoing discussion of the consequences of negative interactions between

AA males and the police, the legitimacy of the police and their authority can become

compromised. Gau and Brunson (2015) conducted a qualitative study using interviews to

determine if perceived procedural injustice destroys police legitimacy and influences

individuals to rely on self-help as a mode of protection, which could lead them to commit

the very crimes for which they are scrutinized. Participants in the study totaled 45 Black

and White young males ranging in ages from 13-19 years who resided in distressed

neighborhoods in St. Louis, Missouri with high rates of poverty, unemployment, and

single-parent homes headed by women. The researchers utilized purposive sampling to

target males who were considered urban, at-risk, and possibly had past interactions with

police viewed as negative.

The researcher concluded that most respondents believed that the police harassed

them most of the time. Half stated the police were always rude and difficult to talk to.

Roughly 78% had been stopped by the police once, with some reporting that they have

been stopped by the police as many as 100 times. One-third admitted to being stopped by

the police in the last six months for minor and status offenses, and more than 45% had

been arrested at least once. Many participants stated that the police often stopped them

even when they were not engaged in any wrong-doing, which lead to erosion of police

legitimacy, thus causing the respondents to rely on their own friends for protection as

opposed to calling the police when in need.

Posick, Rocque, and McDevitt (2013) also documented the lasting damage that a

loss of confidence in the police can have. Posick et al. conducted a quantitative study

using data from the National Police Research Platform’s Police-Community Interaction

Survey (PCIS) comprised of more than 12,000 responses from individuals who had

recently had an encounter with the police. A total of 1,290 individuals participated in the

study. The study’s purpose was to “examine the psychometric properties of…confidence

in the police and procedural justice” utilizing the “classical theory test (CCT)” and “item

response theory (IRT)” to determine if the scales used in past research to measure these

two constructs were reliable, valid, and worked the same based on race (Posick et al.,

2013, p. 195).

The researchers utilized a Rasch analysis, which is an IRT method, to determine if

there was differential item functioning in how the different races, comprised of Whites,

Blacks, Hispanics, Asians, Indians, and others, interpreted and answered the surveys.

Researchers indicated that the scales were valid and reliable using CCT, confidence in the

police and procedural justice are related to being satisfied with the police, and there was

evidence supporting the literature regarding Blacks and Hispanics having a more negative

view of the police than Whites (Posick et al., 2013).

Van Craen and Skogan (2014) examined the factors influencing the trust in the

police in European countries using a quantitative approach. Similar to the United States,

European countries have documented increased distrust and perceived discrimination

toward officers in minority communities. Data were gathered from 418 participants

using performance theory, which posits that societal trust is based on the overall

evaluation of the government’s performance (Van Craen & Skogan, 2014). Positive

attitudes toward officers correlate with a community’s interpretation of preferred

outcomes (Van Craen & Skogan, 2014).

When citizens believe the outputs of officers are satisfactory, the citizens of that

community tend to trust and support officers (Van Craen & Skogan, 2014). In general,

citizens believe that an officer’s duties entail preventing crime and apprehending

criminals (Van Craen & Skogan, 2014). The common public attitude toward officers

improves when crime rates are down and more assailants are arrested, but as crime rates

increase and assailants are not arrested, citizens demand more or better officers (Van

Craen & Skogan, 2014).

Civil Disobedience and Protesting

Civil disobedience is an indicator that officers are not viewed as professionals

with moral authority. Trust and positive attitudes toward officers can be swayed by the

way officers treat citizens. One-way police demonstrate procedural unfairness is to treat

members of various communities differently based on an individual’s race (Van Craen &

Skogan, 2014). Systemic “venality, discrimination, intimidation, excessive force,

brutality,” and a lack of procedural fairness are some factors exacerbating the negative

attitudes towards officers (Van Craen & Skogan, 2014, p. 305). Officers can

demonstrate they encompass a moral structure by treating citizens fairly.

Davenport et al. (2011) examined data on more than 15,000 protests held by

Blacks and Whites from 1960 to 1990 to determine the level of police involvement in

protests based on race. Researchers used systemic racism theory (SRT), GPT and racial

threat theory (RTT), and the ethnic competition theory to explain why AAs are treated

differently than protesters of other races during protests. SRT states that minorities are

oppressed for the economic benefits of Whites, which makes them the more superior race

(Feagin, 2013). RTT asserts that if the number of people in a subordinate race surpasses

that the of the dominant race then it threatens the political and economic power of the

dominant race, thus the dominant race is forced to implement social control over the

subordinate race which it views as a criminal threat (Eitle, D'Alessio, Stolzenberg, 2002).

The ethnic competition theory posits that resources such as jobs, housing and

governmental benefits are scarce, so individuals favor right-wing political parties to

thwart competing for these resources from immigrants and minorities (Olzak, 1992).

The researchers concluded that police involvement in AA protests was higher than

involvement in protests held by Whites. In addition, law enforcement was also more

likely to make arrests during Black protests because Black protesters were viewed as

more threatening. White protests were viewed as less threatening and drew less police

monitoring of them and interaction with the police during protests (Davenport et al.,

2011).

Recent Killings

Maskaly and Donner (2015) integrated social learning theory (SLT) and terror

management theory (TMT) to explain the shootings of unarmed Black men in the United

States. The researchers noted the killings of Michael Brown and Tamir Rice, both in

2014, Sean Bell in 2006, and Amadou Diallo in 1999. All men were unarmed. In the

case of Michael Brown, he was shot six times for failure to comply with police orders to

stop running. Sean Bell, who had just left a night club and was in a vehicle with two

other occupants, was fired on up to 50 times when he failed to comply with police orders

and attempted to pull away in his vehicle. Officers stated they believed a gun was in the

vehicle when they fired, but no gun was found. Amadou Diallo was shot at 41 times,

with 19 bullets striking him, while reaching for his wallet after police asked him to put

his hands up. Diallo did not speak nor understand English and did not possess a gun.

SLT attributes the learning process to both acceptable and criminal and deviant

behaviors. TMT purports that the anxiety brought on by the idea of dying affects human

behavior. Researchers concluded that officers fear annihilation, that is losing their own

lives to death in a shoot-out with suspects, and thus protect the police subculture by

shooting suspects out of fear first.

Channel 2 Action News – Atlanta Journal Constitution, located in Atlanta,

Georgia, conducted an investigation examining the details of every deadly police

shooting case in Georgia (Table 1) from January 2010 to January 2016 (Fleischer, 2016).

The researchers filed an open records request for every case with the Georgia Bureau of

Investigation or the local agency that handled the case. The cases were tracked through

district attorneys’ offices and grand jury outcomes (Fleischer, 2016). Data were collected

from medical examiner’s reports, death records, and Peace Officers Standards and

Training records (Fleischer, 2016).

Table 1

Deadly Police Shootings in GA 2010-2016

Armed Unarmed Total

Black 73 17 90

White 75 14 89

Other 10 0 10

Total 158 31 189

Shot in the Back

Unarmed Armed Total

Black 7 13 20

White 4 5 9

Total 11 18 29

Of the 189 total individuals fatally shot over a 6-year time span, 90 were Black,

89 were White, and 10 were another race; 31 were unarmed. Of those 31 unarmed, 17

were Black, 14 were White, and 1Uncertain (it was not clear whether this individual

possessed a gun). Of those individuals unarmed, seven Blacks and four Whites were shot

in the back only. Of the 158 who were armed, 70 individuals were shot in the back and

elsewhere on their bodies; however, 18 were shot only in the back. Of those 18 armed

and shot only in the back, 13 were Black and five were White.

Martinot (2013) examined the high-profiled deaths of numerous Black men dating

back to 2009. According to the researcher, all of the police except one were exonerated,

but the issue with most of the cases is the poor and unbelievable excuses rendered by law

enforcement to justify the killings. Those killed involved Oscar Grant, Trayvon Martin

who was killed by a community neighborhood watchman, Chavis Carter, Gary King,

Alan Blueford, and Kenneth Harding, to name a few. According to Martinot, all of the

officers were driven by an internal fixation to kill. Each refusal to comply resulted in an

immediate response to kill (Martinot, 2013).

Martinot (2013) indicated a pattern whereby the officers kill and devise a

justification; the police departments, district attorneys, and judges refuse to indict; the

media buys into the officer’s story and demonizes the victim; hence, a collective hand on

the gun used in the killings. However, this is not the case for Whites who usually escape

with their lives and lesser sentences than Black men who commit the same or similar

crimes. Whites must be protected, but Blacks are viewed as threat. According to

Martinot, the police take part in creating the criminal element involving Blacks by

creating situations in which they comply, but are fixated on punishing the suspect if they

refuse to comply, even those who are placed in a situation where they cannot comply.

Patterson and Swan (2016) conducted a quantitative study to examine factors

present in the police killings of AA men. The researcher noted that no national database

exists that keeps records on the statistics of police shootings, which makes it difficult to

find reasons for why these deaths occur. Due to the lack of this information and the

widespread attention and anger it has garnered, the Director of the Federal Bureau of

Investigation announced on September 28, 2015 that as part of the Uniform Crime

Reporting criteria, data would be collected on both fatal and non-fatal police shootings

(Patterson & Swan, 2016). However, most police departments across the nation do not

participate in supplying the data because they are not mandated to, so providing the data

is voluntary.

Research conducted in 15 databases using Boolean phrases such as AA males,

Black males, unarmed and armed males/men, social work, and shootings/killings were

used to locate studies involving deaths of AA men at the hands of police. The search

yielded six articles, but none that discussed social work since they report to be committed

to social justice. Results indicated that it is very difficult to determine what factors are

present in police shootings, because the data that was available did not distinguish police

shootings that result in injuries and shootings that result in death. However, the repeated

headlines reporting deaths of AA males in police interactions continue to fill newspapers.

A recent example of this is Alton Sterling. On July 5, 2016, Alton Sterling, a

Black man age 37, was shot and killed outside of a Baton Rouge, Louisiana Triple S

Food Mart by a White policeman. According to the store’s owner, Abdullah Muflahti,

Sterling was in the parking lot of the store selling CDs as he had done for several years

with his permission, when he was approached by two White policemen. According to the

Baton Rouge police, an anonymous 911 call from what was later determined to be a

homeless man was called in regarding an earlier threat against him by someone who fit

the description of Sterling, allegedly waving a gun at him. Officers Blane Salmoni and

Howie Lake approached Sterling, tasered him and then tackled him to the ground.

Sterling did not wave a gun nor threaten anyone, according to Muflahti (Fausset,

PérezPeña & Robertson, 2016). Muflahti and BlackLivesMatter activist, Arthur Reed,

both videotaped the altercation. In addition, Muflahti’s store video, which captured the

killing, was confiscated by police without his permission (Fausset et al., 2016).

Sterling’s death, which aired on social media, led to protests and marches across

the nation. As Sterling lay on the ground, one officer threatened to shoot him if he

moved, and another officer yelled “he has a gun,” while Sterling’s hands and arms were

pinned to the ground, prompting the other officer to shoot him multiple times. The police

were later seen on videotape removing a gun from his pocket (Fausset et al., 2016).

Sterling, a convicted felon, allegedly posed no threat to the officers prior to being killed,

although felons are not allowed to possess firearms. The Department of Justice was

asked to investigate Sterling’s death by the governor of Louisiana, state officials, and

activists.

Within 24 hours of Sterling’s death, Mr. Philando Castile, age 32, accompanied

by his girlfriend, Ms. Diamond Reynolds and her four-year daughter, all Black, were

pulled over in Flacon Heights, Minnesota, allegedly for a broken tail light on Wednesday,

July 6, 2019. According to Reynolds, the police asked Castile for his driver’s license and

car registration, at which time Castile and Reynolds both allegedly informed the officer

that Castile had a gun on his person and a license to carry it. According to Reynolds, as

Castile reached for his identification, Officer Jeronimo Yanez, a White officer, fired

several shots into the vehicle striking and killing Castile.

Reynolds, who remained composed, began to livestream the aftermath of the

shooting of Facebook social media for millions to view in real time. The shooting

prompted President Barack Obama to speak out about the racial indifferences in the

United States and the treatment of people of color responding to the shootings by stating

“This is not just a Black issue, not just a Hispanic issue. This is an American issue that

we all should care about” (Furber & Pérez-Peña, 2016, p. 1). In addition, Governor Mark

Dayton of Minnesota believed race played a part in the shooting of Castile and reiterated

that if the person had been White, he did not believe this would have happened (Furber &

Pérez-Peña, 2016).

Miller (2016), a writer for the Washington Post, reported another death of an

unarmed Black man killed at the hands of police the same month. On July 28, 2016,

there was a report of a stolen Honda Civic automobile in the city of Los Angeles,

California in which the suspect, 24-year-old Robert Alexander, was allegedly armed

when he carjacked the victim. Later that same day, the stolen vehicle was reported by

police as seen in the city of Compton, California, and the police ensued a chase.

Allegedly, the suspect exchanged gunfire with the police and crashed. The suspect fled

on foot into a residential area where he forced his way into someone’s home, threw his

gun under the couch, undressed, and got into bed with an elderly woman.

At the same time, a young man named Donnell Thompson, age 27, but who had

the mind of a 16-year-old and no criminal record, was reported sleeping in a neighbor’s

yard nearby. The police SWAT team arrived in armored vehicles, believing Thompson

to be the carjacking suspect in question because of his physical appearance and clothing.

The police fired flash-bang explosives at Thompson, who did not respond. They then

fired rubber bullets at him and he jumped to his feet, unarmed, and ran toward the

armored vehicle, at which time he was shot and killed. It took two weeks for the police

to admit that Thompson had nothing to do with the crime and that they had made a

terrible mistake in killing him.

These examples, and the very narrow timeframes within which they occurred,

highlight the ongoing problem, and the risk that AA males face in any interaction with

police. Understanding the root causes of the tensions that create these tragic outcomes is

a crucial precursor to identifying solutions. This study is one step toward collecting the

necessary data that will support future solutions.

Literature Supporting the Selected Methods

A review of the literature revealed that most of the studies used methods and

variables that validated past research regarding perceptions of procedural justice and

cooperation with police. For example, Murphy and Cherney (2015) conducted a

quantitative study examining the relationship between group identification (minority or

majority) and willingness to cooperate with police utilizing a cross-sectional survey. The

data were collected from 2010-2011 from 10,148 Australian residents, inclusive of a

booster sample of 908 participants with an ethnic minority background, living in or near

Brisbane using random digit dialing. Participants were 18 years or older. The

researchers measured “police cooperation, procedural justice, police performance,

superordinate identity, subordinate identity, separatist identity and demographics”

(Murphy, 2015, p. 724). The dependent variable was procedural justice. The

independent variable was willingness to cooperate with police. The control variables

included age, gender, education, employment, prior contact with police, ethnicity and

language.

Researchers concluded that an individual’s intent to cooperate with police is based

on their perception of procedural justice, identity plays a role in police cooperation, and

police performance was more important than procedural justice regarding an individual’s

intent to cooperate with police (Murphy & Cherney, 2015). The strengths of their chosen

method are as follows: proof that predicted relationships existed, large samples aided in

finding differences, and the relationship between key variable and intention to cooperate

were statistically significant (Murphy & Cherney, 2015).

However, the weaknesses are that cross-sectional surveys are a snapshot in time

and cannot not offer support for causality, risk of Type I errors, cannot generalize to the

larger populations, and selection of different factors may have offered stronger support

for predicting intentions to cooperate, to name a few (Murphy & Cherney, 2015).

Conducting a longitudinal or experimental study would have allowed the researcher to

test for causality.

Another example is White el al.’s (2016) study that examined the strength of “the

relationship between procedural justice, police legitimacy, and the willingness to

cooperate with the police” utilizing interviews and surveys (p. 343). Part of the study

involved administering participants a survey using a 4-point Likert scale with responses

ranging from “strongly disagree,” “disagree,” “agree,” and “strongly agree” (White et al.,

2016, p. 351). The independent variables included procedural justice and legitimacy

relationship and the covariates included age, sex, race/ethnicity, SES, education,

employment (White et al., 2016).

Researchers concluded that procedural justice was positively and significantly

correlated with police legitimacy, that Blacks who had prior contact with police reported

lower levels of trust and legitimacy, and perceptions of procedural justice and legitimacy

were strongly correlated with willingness to cooperate (White et al., 2016). Strengths of

this study design include being able to detect a strong link between the key variables and

being able to generalize to individuals with criminal pasts. In addition, perceptions of

procedural justice and police legitimacy are good predictors of willingness to cooperate.

Weaknesses include data only being collected from one location which does not allow for

comparison or generalizability, data was self-reported, and the study uses the standard

measures of procedural justice rather than asking specific questions that may elicit more

supportive data.

MacDonald et al. (2007) conducted a quantitative correlational cross-sectional

study examining the relationship between race, neighborhood context and perceptions of

injustice by the police. A Likert scale survey was used to measure perceived injustice by

police on a 4-point scale and perceived racially biased policing on a five-point scale.

Covariate variables included age and SES (education, employment and household

income; MacDonald et al., 2007).

The researchers concluded that Blacks differed significantly from Whites in their

perceptions about injustice by police even after taking into account that both races lived

in the same or similar neighborhoods (MacDonald et al., 2007). Blacks tended to believe

that police treated them more unfairly than Whites and that they experienced higher

levels of racially biased police practices compared to Whites (MacDonald et al., 2007).

In addition, younger people were significantly more likely to complain of racial injustice

by police that older participants in the study (MacDonald et al., 2007).

Implications

As read in the literature, several studies supported the study in part, if not in

whole. Many of the researchers demonstrate the need to continue to study and gain more

knowledge regarding all the moving parts of the criminal justice system as it pertains to

procedural justice and citizen-police interactions. Knowledge about and answers

regarding these issues can lead to informed policy decisions and police retraining needed

to aid in improving citizen-police relationships in the Black community, which at this

time is deeply divided in many areas across the nation.

It is virtually impossible to examine the correlation between the way in which AA

males perceive procedural justice and consent to police authority without measuring the

main variables of interest. This study drew its justification of variables from literature

that follows created by notable authors on the issues in the field which include,

procedural justice, consent to police authority, race, age and SES, all believed to have an

impact on citizen-police interactions. Gau et al. (2012) measured procedural justice,

police legitimacy, age, race, gender, and SES. Inclusion of these variables in the study

aided in revealing and confirming that Blacks were more likely to feel negatively about

police legitimacy and procedural justice (Gau et al., 2012).

One of the most significant findings that justified the study was Nix et al. (2014),

whom examined whether respondents’ perceived collective efficacy in any way

influenced trust of the police and compliance with police officers. The researchers

concluded that citizens who believed that collective efficacy was important also believed

that the police demonstrated fairness. However, those individuals who did not believe

that collective efficacy existed believed the police as unfair and unjust (Nix et al., 2014).

Secondly, White et al. (2016) examined the “robustness of the relationship between

procedural justice, police legitimacy, and the willingness to cooperate with the police”

regarding females arrested (p. 343). Findings concluded that AAs who have had contact

with the police in the past do not think favorably of them (White et al., 2016).

Lastly, Gau et al. (2012) examined the impact of neighborhood and community

level factors on individual’s perceptions of procedural justice and police legitimacy.

Measuring many of the same variables as the current study, the researchers concluded

that Blacks view procedural justice much more negatively than their White counterparts,

and that Blacks are more likely to feel negatively about police legitimacy due to

disparities in treatment by the police (Gau et al., 2012).

Based on the literature, research supports the idea that those individuals who feel

as if the police treated them with respect and allowed them to have a voice in the process

tend to cooperate more and think more favorably of police performance, even if the

process does not end in their favor (i.e., receiving a traffic ticket). In addition,

researchers have concluded that there are deep divisions between law enforcement and

the Black community stemming from many years of racism, racial bias, racial profiling,

impartial decision making, lack of transparency in decision making, police brutality,

White privilege and supremacy, harassment, dehumanization, marginalization,

incarceration, use of deadly force, non-indictment of officers that unlawfully kill

unarmed Blacks, that has gone unresolved for decades and led to anger, rage, tension,

marches, riots and national debates in the United States. What was not known is how

race, age, and SES interact with perceived procedural justice to predict actual cooperation

with the police as it relates to the killing of unarmed Black males, as well as how an AA

male’s personal experience(s) may shape his willingness to cooperate with the police if

the officer is a member of the White race. The study gathered that knowledge.

Summary

A topic very much in the forefront of media attention today is the killing of

unarmed AA men with no justice served. Prosecutors often refuse to indict policemen

responsible for the killings and police are being exonerated for doing what they say are

their jobs (Jacobi, 2000). AA men are tired of being dehumanized and believe that Black

Lives Matter (BLM) too. These deaths have led to a movement sparked by rage and

protests in most major cities across the nation, because the killings are senseless. AAs

want answers, they want the deaths to stop, and most of all they want law enforcement

held accountable. The BLM movement was started by three women who were outraged

by the acquittal of George Zimmerman, a Hispanic neighborhood watchman, in the

shooting death of Trayvon Martin, an unarmed Florida teen walking from a convenient

store through his father’s neighborhood to his father’s home. It is the BLM movement’s

belief that AAs, especially young men, are unfairly targeted for demise by White police

(Garza, 2014). Its goal is to bring attention to police misconduct and social inequities

involving people of color (Rickford, 2016).

The literature review shows a link between the way in which AA males view the

procedural justice system and compliance, whether willing or unwilling, with police

officer authority (Dai et al., 2011; Doherty & Wolak, 2012; Gau & Brunson, 2015; Gau

et al., 2012; Hough, 2012; Johnathan-Zamir et al., 2013; Murphy et al., 2015; Nix et al.,

2014; Schuck & Martin, 2013; Tyler & Blader, 2003; White et al., 2016).

This study was an effort to fill the gap in the literature that showed that no studies

had been conducted to specifically determine if deaths of unarmed AAM males was

related to refusal to consent to police officer authority with regard to their perception of

the procedural justice system; this study determined the correlation between these two

variables, as well as the moderating variables, which included age and SES. Chapter 3

provides a detailed discussion of the research design and methodology used to conduct

the study, and the type of the data collected, research instrument, and consent forms used

to obtain permission from participants.

Chapter 3: Research Method

Introduction

The purpose of this quantitative study was to gain a better understanding of AAM

males’ perception of procedural justice and treatment by the police regarding

officerinvolved deaths. CRT and PJT perspectives provide the framework for this study.

CRT is based on the assertion that effects of White supremacy, colorblindness, and racial

domination are maintained over time and has become ingrained in society because the

law sustains it. PJT asserts that people expect fair treatment and equality by criminal

justice and judicial processes when resolving issues and problems have to do with the

police and the courts. The variables studied in this research were the perception of the

procedural justice system (independent variable/predictor variable) and the consent to

police authority (dependent variable). The control variables were SES and age.

Research Design

A quantitative correlational research design was chosen for this study.

Cooperrider and Schindler (2008) defined research design as the “blueprint for fulfilling

objectives and answering questions” (p. 89). Educational institutions vary in their

classification of research design. In quantitative research, these institutions generally

accept that there are three major types of research design: correlational, descriptive and

experimental. The research questions are answered using deductive reasoning, which is a

process in which several premises are logically determined to be true and are merged

together to draw a specific conclusion. According to the positivist approach, deductive

reasoning assumes that the truth comes by way of the five senses. If the research results

are not based on one or more of the five senses, then they are not true (Popper & Miller,

1983). For example, participants’ values will be measured via numerical values. As

such, the principal outcome of the research represents the truth that exists at the time the

study was conducted.

A correlational, ex-post facto design was used to further guide the research.

Correlational research refers to the fact that two variables are, to some degree, related.

As such, cause and effect will not be measured. Ex-post facto means that participants are

not assigned to a group since group status has already been defined by CRT and PJT

perspectives; that is, based on the effects of White supremacy, colorblindness and racial

domination as well as the expected fairness in criminal justice and judicial processes to

treat all mankind just and equally.

Data were collected from AA millennials by way of a demographic survey and a

validated procedural justice (Likert scale survey/questionnaire) instrument from a

nonrandom convenient sample. I used the SurveyMonkey platform to target

approximately

200 participants living in metropolitan Atlanta, Georgia, via the SurveyMonkey portal;

69 participants were included in the study.

Justification for the Study Design

The nature of the study was primarily a quantitative, non-experimental

correlational research that employs survey methodology to obtain data. There is strong

theoretical support that attitudes and beliefs about procedural treatment are significant

predictors of behavior. Based on a lack of specific research on the topic, adequate

information is needed to broaden all categories of procedural justice, and intent to submit

to police authority to better promote the lives and well-being of individuals.

Options for the study included a qualitative or quantitative design. Both types of

research would serve the body of knowledge that currently exists, but a quantitative

design is supported by the specified theoretical framework and evidence that theory has

previously been established on the topic. Accordingly, a quantitative design was selected

as the best method for the study.

Quantitative research provides the means to empirically establish a relationship

between two variables while qualitative research enables the researcher to uncover rich

information that could not otherwise be detected via a quantitative design (Creswell,

2013). Quantitative results derived from this study yield effect sizes and probability

coefficients to determine the effect the independent variable has on the dependent

variable. This allowed me to infer efficacy of findings and impact on AAMs.

Resources were limited by my ability to obtain a sufficient sample of AAMs to

test the hypotheses, and financial and academic course constraints that limited my ability

to conduct the study within a certain time frame. A quantitative design provides the

means to limit the amount of time necessary to collect data from AAMs (Creswell, 2013).

This means that surveys can be distributed within a certain time frame and subsequently

collected without a lot of interaction between the researcher and participants (Creswell,

2013). Also, analysis of data was conducted using accepted statistical protocols

(Creswell, 2013). This methodology streamlines the statistical process and limits the

amount of bias due to a passion for the topic.

A quantitative design provides the means to advance knowledge on the topic

while limiting bias and error (Creswell, 2013). Bias was limited given the nature of the

methodology and the fact that validated instruments were used to assess participant

attitudes toward procedural justice and intent to submit to police authority. Moreover,

error was limited by obtaining a representative sample of the population and analyzing

the data using standard statistical techniques. For example, provided statistical

assumptions are met, multiple regression produces robust results that can be used to guide

policy and future research on the topic.

Population, Setting, and Sample

The target population for this study was adult millennial AA males living in

metropolitan Atlanta in the state of Georgia. The metropolitan Atlanta area includes 9

(Metro Atlanta Chamber of Commerce, 2017) counties in North Georgia, with an

estimated population of 5.8 million people, according to the 2016 U.S. Census (U.S.

Census Bureau, 2017). Specifically, millennial AA males between the ages of 18 and 35

years living in metropolitan Atlanta in the state of Georgia was the target population for

the study. The U.S. Census Bureau expects the millennial generation to outgrow the

Baby Boomer generation by 2015 (Rogowski & Cohen, 2015).

Most millennials live near urban areas, less than 15% live in rural areas, more

than 50% live in suburban areas, and roughly 32% live in the city. The economy does

not bode well for them, with the median household income being about $35,300 before

taxes which is lower than the median income of $43,900 as of 2001, and 20% face

poverty (Rogowski & Cohen, 2015).

Millennials are described as the most racially diverse group of individuals in the

nation, with 40% identifying as non-White, 19% as Hispanic or Latino, 13% AA or Black

and 6% Asians. At the rate of growth of millennials in the nation, they are expected to

out-pace Whites in the next few decades (Rogowski & Cohen, 2015). There are

approximately 10 million Black or AA millennials that reside in the United States.

Through data extrapolation, there are approximately 4.9 million Black or AA millennial

males (Rogowski & Cohen, 2015).

Millennials were chosen given the generational values they hold and likelihood to

question authority. Harris (1998) purported that the prefrontal cortex in young adults is

designed to question authority during this developmental phase of life. Essentially, the

developing brain is testing the parameters of its logic when rebelling against authority.

Concrete or absolute perceptions about life evolve to embrace and explore the world in

abstract terms.

Convenience sampling was used in this study to extricate the sample from the

target population. Researchers have established that there are various types of purposeful

sampling which include typical, homogeneity, extreme, maximum variation,

convenience, and snowball. The convenience sample is a non-probability sampling

technique that aids the researcher in obtaining participants that can be easily reached who

are close at hand. Specifically, Merriam (1998) asserted that this type of sampling

technique is used due to restrictions of “time, money, location, and availability of sites or

respondents” (p. 63).

Convenience sampling is frequently used to collect data that is generally

representative of the population under study in research. “This method is often used

during research efforts to get an estimate of results, without incurring the cost or time

required to select a random sample” (StatPac, 2007, p. 1). This sampling technique is

more affordable and allows the researcher to gather the data needed within a certain

period of time and in an environment that makes data collection easier. The use of

convenience sampling makes it difficult to generalize to the larger population and may

not represent the target population sufficiently. In other words, the participants selected

for the study may not fully represent the population being studied. Therefore, replication

of study results may be needed to validate the study (Keppel & Zedeck, 2001).

Thereby, the convenience sampling technique despite its shortcomings is the best

method of procuring a sample from a population when time, lack of funding, and

conditions prohibit random sampling (Neuman, 2003). Therefore, convenience sampling

as opposed to random sampling, allows the researcher to seek an estimation of the true

distribution when procuring a true representation of the population is tentatively

restrictive. Selection bias may occur when using this type of sampling technique and

represents a limitation to the study.

The sample was obtained from SurveyMonkey. The scope of the sample was

therefore limited to a sample maintained by SurveyMonkey. The sample obtained from

Survey Monkey was assumed to be a representation of the population at large. To be

included in the population, the individual must have been at least 18 years of age or older,

but not older than 35 years. Potential participants were given an informed consent letter

that contained information on the purpose of the study and what their participation would

entail. The letter also provided information regarding their rights to withdraw from the

research study at any time without penalty. Only participants agreeing to the consent

letter were able to complete the survey. The survey included statements that had to be

answered.

SurveyMonkey maintains panels of individuals who voluntarily agree to

participate in research. According to Creswell (2009), the SurveyMonkey online tool

has existed since 1999 and can be used by researchers to formulate their own survey

questions and “can generate results and report them back to the researcher as descriptive

statistics or as graphed information…results can be downloaded into a spreadsheet or

database for further analysis” (p. 149). Given the distributed nature of the sample, no

specific setting was defined.

Sampling Frame

Participants must have self-identified as Black or AA. This meant that if

participants did not select a forced-choice option on the survey that stated Black or

African American, they were thanked for their time and effort. Participants also had to be

between the ages of 18 and 35 years. Participants older or younger than the specified age

were graciously thanked, but not allowed to continue with the survey. Participants also

had to identify as male, rather than female to obtain unfettered access to the survey.

Participants were not restricted based on income, SES, or philosophical

sensitivities. Further, participant’s ontological focus was not a condition for inclusion or

exclusion.

Power analysis. Three statistical parameters are described in the literature to

ensure adequate sample size: power, expected effect size, and critical alpha (Aguinis,

2004). Power is defined as the probability of finding a statistical difference between

groups, if one exists in the population (Aguinis, 2004). Power is usually set at 80%,

which means that there is an 80% chance, given the sample size, that a significant

difference will be found (Aguinis, 2004). The effect size is the amount of construct

overlap expected between the variables being measured (Cohen, 1988). The magnitude

of effect size is defined in terms of Cohen’s d as .10 represents a “small effect,” .15

signifies a “medium effect,” and .50 signifies a “large effect” (Cohen, 1988). For this

study, a medium expected effect size of .15 was adopted.

Critical alpha determines likelihood that a significant finding occurred by chance.

In the social sciences, critical alpha is generally set at .05, which means that “there is a

5% chance that the null hypothesis will be rejected when in fact it is true” (Tabachnick &

Fidell, 2007, p. 78). Therefore, a formal power analysis was conducted using where:

power, effect size and alpha were - .80, .15 and .05 respectively. Therefore, for H1, using

G*Power 3.0.12 (a power analysis program used to produce sample size), 68 participants

were needed to produce an 80% probability of rejecting the null hypothesis (Faul,

Erdfelder, Lang, & Buchner, 2007).

Recruitment was effectively managed by SurveyMonkey, but under my control.

The survey was loaded into the SurveyMonkey portal, and then age and ethnicity criteria

were selected to define the sample. Participants were asked to complete the survey by the

SurveyMonkey automated program. The survey took approximately 15 minutes to

complete. Once the minimum sample size was collected, data collection ceased. It was

expected that the data collection process would take around two weeks to complete.

Research Questions and Hypotheses

Research Questions

RQ1: What is the relationship between procedural justice viewed by African

American millennial men and consent to police officer authority?

RQ2: How does millennial African American male’s socioeconomic status affect

the relationship between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police

officer authority?

RQ3: How does millennial African American male’s age affect the relationship

between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer

authority?

Hypotheses

H01: There is a relationship between procedural justice viewed by African

American males (AAM) and consent to police officer authority

HA1: There is no relationship between procedural justice viewed by African

American males (AAM) and consent to police officer authority

•DV: Consent to police officer authority

•Predictor Variable (PV): African American male’s (AAM) perception of

procedural justice system

H02: There is a relationship between perception of the procedural justice system

and consent to police officer authority after controlling for African American male’s

(AAM) socioeconomic status

HA2: There is no relationship between perception of the procedural justice system

and consent to police officer authority after controlling for African American male’s

(AAM) socioeconomic status

•DV: Consent to police officer authority

•Predictor Variable (PV): African American males (AAM) perception of

procedural justice system

•Control Variable: African American male’s (AAM) socioeconomic status

H03: African American male’s (AAM) age does not affect the relationship

between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer

authority

HA3: African American male’s (AAM) age does affect the relationship between

perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer authority

•DV: Consent to police officer authority

•Predictor Variable (PV): African American male’s (AAM) perception of

procedural justice system

Control Variable: African American male’s (AAM) age

Correlational research refers to the fact that two variables are, to some degree,

related. As such, cause and effect were not measured. Ex post facto means that

participants are not assigned to a group since group status has already be defined by

socioecological conditions; that is, participants belong to a group via natural

circumstance rather than random placement.

Parametric/interval data were collected via a Likert-type scale. A Likert scale is

theoretically ordinal, but it is acceptable to use in parametric tests in some cases provided

that there are at minimum of 5 to 7 categories. Lubke, Dolan, Kelderman, and

Mellenbergh (2003) postulated that when using Likert scale data that it is possible to find

true parameter values in factor analysis, provided assumptions about normality, skewness

and kurtosis are met. Glass, Peckham, and Sanders (1972) posit that when using Likert

scales that it is possible to obtain accurate p-values from tests that use the general linear

model. Therefore, this study assumed that participants represented the numerical anchors

needed in the survey to warrant the use of interval level measurement based on

theoretical support of the use of Likert-type scales.

Four variables were used in this study: perception of the procedural justice system

(independent variable/predictor variable), consent to police authority (dependent

variable), SES (control variable), and age (control variable).

The procedural justice system was defined as a criminal justice system that must

consistently demonstrate its legitimacy to the public it serves. The variable was

continuously scaled, meaning that there is a perceived relationship between response

options. Consent to police authority was defined as the likelihood of an individual to

submit to police authority. The variable was continuously scaled meaning that there is a

perceived relationship between response options.

SES was a control variable in the study. This meant that SES (as defined by

education, income, living arrangement) was expected to affect the relationship between

procedural justice and willingness to submit to police authority. A single variable was

derived from the three SES questions by running a factor analysis. The main factor

(identified by the largest eigenvalue) was extracted and saved as a continuous variable.

The variable was scaled from 0-1 meaning that as values increase, SES increases.

Similarly, age was also presumed to affect the relationship between procedural

justice and willingness to submit to police authority. The variable was also scaled

continuously meaning that as values increase, age increases – see Table 2.

Table 2

Description of Each Specified Variable Including Variable Description, Type, and Scale

Item Variable Description Type Scale

1 Procedural Justice Dependent

Variable Interval

2 Consent to police officer

authority

Independent

Variable Interval

3 Socioeconomic status Control Variable Continuous

4 Age Control Variable Continuous

Instrumentation

Two surveys were used in the study, Procedural Justice Inventory (PJI) developed

in 2014 by Dr. Dennis P. Rosenbaum, and Willingness to Submit to Police Officer

Authority (WSPA), developed in 2016 by Dr. Jim Baxter. Both surveys have been

empirically validated and found to be reliable.

Procedural Justice Inventory

PJI was used as the independent variable in the study. The survey was created in

2014 by Dr. Rosenbaum. Four sub-constructs are measured by 12 continuously scaled

items. The four sub-indexes were developed on key dimensions found in the procedural

justice literature: (a) Quality of interaction (e.g., was the officer polite?), (b) quality of

communication and emotional control (e.g., remains calm), (c) task competence (e.g.,

knows what they are doing), and (d) empathy and emotional support (e.g., listens). A

copy of the instrument is located in Appendix C.

Response options were continuously scaled using a progressive Likert-type scale

(Strongly Disagree = 1; Strongly Agree =6). Results of principal components factor

analyses indicated items were unidimensional and internally consistent within each index.

Cronbach's Alpha coefficients were strong for all four indexes (α=.76 and α=.76,

respectively).

Survey development. The Police-Community Interaction Survey Instrument, also

referred to as the PJI, was used to assess the quality of police-citizen interactions

involving local police departments and sheriff’s offices from 58 cities across the United

States. Police and sheriff’s agencies were asked to identify citizens with whom they had

come into contact with in the previous two weeks involving a number of incidents from

traffic stops, traffic accidents or incidents of crime (Rosenbaum, 2014). Once agencies

identified cases that fit this description, invitations were mailed out to members of the

community that were male, female, White, non-White, under 30 years of age, over 30

years of age, involved in a traffic stop, traffic accident and reporting a crime

(Rosenbaum, 2014).

Rosenbaum (2014) compared the results of the PJI with previously used survey

methods and telephone survey methods. The study found that widely known survey

methods and telephone survey methods were useful in replicating findings from prior

research. Also, the study produced no significant differences in results involving race

and type of incident when measuring procedural justice.

Rosenbaum (2014) collected data from participants who came in contact with

police officers in 2013 and 2014. Cities allied with the National Police Research

Platform were contacted and asked to participate in the study. Fifty-three cities

volunteered to participate in 2013 and 2014. The original sample was arranged in

sequence by region of the nation and selected local police departments and intentionally

selected 20% sheriff’s offices from within each region. PJI “cities were similarly

representative of agency type, size, and region of the country. A total of 16,659

community members completed the survey, for an average response rate of 6.29%”

(Rosenbaum, 2014, pp. 13-14).

Willingness to Submit to Police Officer Authority

Willingness to Submit to Police Authority, used in the study, was created by

Baxter in 2016. The survey uses four continuously scaled questions to measure a single

construct. Two of the four questions are reverse-coded, meaning that Q1 and Q4 are

positively scaled, while Q2 and Q3 are negatively scaled. Exploratory factor analysis

was conducted on the four items and was found to be unidimensional. Cronbach’s alpha

was also run and found to be reliable; α= .68 (Baxter, 2016).

Survey development. Baxter (2016) surveyed 176 millennials (between the ages

of 18-35 years) in 2016 to validate the WSPA. Participants were contacted via

SurveyMonkey panels and asked to participate. No reward was given other than what

SurveyMonkey distributes to charities on behalf of panel participants.

Both the PJI and the WSPA are appropriate and address the constructs that are

being researched in the study. Both have been used and validated in prior studies

involving police-citizen interaction and compliance with police officer’s directions. Dr.

Dennis P. Rosenbaum granted permission to use his PJI in the study. The PJI measured

police officers’ performance and more specifically the quality of police-community

interactions that affect police legitimacy and the public’s trust of the police. The WSPA

speaks to AA males’ beliefs prior to an encounter with police. This belief ultimately

drives behavior that molds perceptions and aids in understanding willingness to comply

with police.

I personally reached out to Dr. Jim Baxter to request the use of his survey on the

WSPA, as it related directly to my study. Dr. Baxter initially reached out to Dr. Dennis

P. Rosenbaum on my behalf, seeking permission for me to use his survey for my study,

and permission was granted. I also personally reached out to Dr. Rosenbaum requesting

permission to use his PJI for my study. The emails granting permission are attached as

Appendix A and Appendix B. Permission to use the PJI was granted by Dennis P.

Rosenbaum, Ph.D. on 3-17-2017 (See Appendix A); and permission to use the WSPA

was granted by Dr. Jim Baxter, Ph.D. on 7-26-17 (See Appendix B).

Response options were continuously scaled using a progressive Likert-type scale

(Strongly Disagree = 1; Strongly Agree =6). Cronbach’s alpha and principal component

factor analysis was run to determine reliability and construct validity. Results from the

principal components factor analyses revealed that all items were unidimensional and

internally consistent within each index. Cronbach's Alpha coefficients were strong for all

four indexes (α=.76 and α=.76, α=.71, α=.73, respectively) (Rosenbaum, 2014). A copy

of the instrument is available in Appendix D.

Operational definitions for the variables to be studied were (a) Consent to Police

Authority: The likelihood of an individual to submit to police authority. Some

individuals do not believe in their government, or in the laws they put in place. Others do

not believe in any government and thereby rejects the imposition of criminal law

(Morreall, 1976), (b) Procedural Justice: Perceived fairness in the legal processes that

serves to resolve disputes and distribute resources (Tyler & Blader, 2003), (c)

Socioeconomic Status: An individual or “group position within a hierarchical social

structure. Socioeconomic status depends on a combination of variables, including

occupation, education, income, wealth, and place of residence” (American Psychological

Association, 2012, p. 4); and (d) Age.

Perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police authority were

measured via a validated Likert type survey. SES and age were collected via the

demographic survey. Both variables were measured via a Likert-type survey. SES and

age were used as continuous variables. Semantic responses to the Likert scale survey

were quantified from 1-6 (strongly disagree, disagree, slightly disagree, slightly agree,

agree, strongly agree) and descriptive statistics were used to report findings. Both the

consent to police authority and procedural justice variables were continuously scaled,

meaning that there is a perceived relationship between response options.

The control variables were SES and age. SES was continuous and expected to

affect the relationship between procedural justice and willingness to submit to police

authority. The variable was continuously scaled, meaning that there is a perceived

relationship between response options. Similarly, age was also continuously scaled,

meaning that there was a perceived relationship between response options and is

presumed to moderate the relationship between procedural justice and willingness to

submit to police authority. The variable was ordinal.

Role of the Researcher

I used the SurveyMonkey platform to obtain participant data. This means that I

selected participants via the SurveyMonkey portal using the minimum participation

criteria specified. Participants were provided an opportunity to complete the survey by

way of an invitation and informed consent form embedded in the survey. I did not have

any direct contact with participants, as SurveyMonkey controls participant panels. Also,

I had no personal and professional relationship with participants and had no implicit

power over their behavior or attitudes on the topic.

I was interested in the topic and researched the plight of AA males as it relates to

attitudes toward procedural justice and intent to submit to police authority. I am and

identify with the AA race. As such, intrinsic and extrinsic philosophies and sensibilities

align with the nature of the study. Given this, natural biases had the potential to be

woven into the fabric of this study. However, I did not have any relationship with

subjects and bias was minimized by using standard research protocol, validated surveys,

and standard statistical techniques to answer the question.

Data Collection

The survey was made available online via SurveyMonkey that was emailed to

participants who met selection criteria. The selection criteria were: Millennial AA or

Black male between the ages of 18-35 years living in the metropolitan Atlanta area, and

who had an agreement with SurveyMonkey to voluntarily participate in research studies.

No incentives for participation were offered. Participants were sent an email describing

the purpose of the study and an informed consent letter for participation, which informed

the participant of the number of questions on the survey and approximately how long it

would take to complete. The informed consent letter guaranteed the participants

complete confidentiality and informed them of the potential risks or harm they may be

exposed to as well as any benefits of the study. The participant was informed that the

study was completely voluntary, and they had the option to exit the study at any time –

See Appendix F.

If they agreed to the terms of the form, access to the actual survey was granted via

SurveyMonkey portal (Appendix G). The survey took approximately 15 minutes to

complete. Once participants finished the survey, they were thanked via a Thank You

page that emerged after clicking the Submit button on the final survey page. Results

from the surveys were compiled and analyzed using descriptive statistics.

The SurveyMonkey panel from which participants were recruited is composed of

a diverse population of millions of individuals across the United States who agree to

participate in surveys if SurveyMonkey contributes to their favorite charities and a

chance to win prizes in sweepstakes which encourages participants to provide honest

responses. I purchased a list of participants residing in metropolitan Atlanta, Georgia

who met criteria from SurveyMonkey.

There was no need to follow up with participants because this was an anonymous

online survey, other than to share results from the study if the participant requested them.

When survey questions were incomplete, missing data were analyzed to evaluate the

scope of the problem and determine if the data was missing at random.

Data Analysis

Simple linear regression was used to test the first hypothesis, and sequential

multiple regression was used to test the second and third hypotheses. Sequential multiple

regression involves entering the control variable in the first step and then entering the

independent variable in the second step. R-squared change is used to determine if, after

controlling for age or SES, a relationship exists between the predictor variable and

dependent variable. Assumptions for regression was examined prior to conducting the

statistical tests.

Statistical Package for the Social Science (SPSS) 23.1, is one of the most popular

statistical packages and is used in many universities and colleges throughout the world.

SPSS is a comprehensive, interactive system for analyzing data. The software is used to

take data from almost any type of file to generate descriptive reports, and create charts,

and plots of distributions and trends. SPSS 23.1 was used to process, clean and test the

hypotheses.

Prior to analysis, the data were screened for missing data, outliers, and the

assumptions for regression (normality, linearity, homoscedasticity, and multicollinearity).

If the assumptions were not met, appropriate steps were planned. Outliers were detected

by converting observed scores to z-scores to determine if any z-score value exceeds +/-

3.29 (George & Mallery, 2011). Missing data were detected by conducting a missing

values analysis in SPSS. Values missing at random were imputed into the data set using

the series mean function in SPSS (George & Mallery, 2011).

Hypothesis 1 was tested using a Pearson’s linear regression equation where: “Ý =

a + bx1 +e,” (Tabachnick & Fidell, p. 35). In the equation Ý = consent to police

authority, a = “constant (value of Y when x = 0), b = beta (coefficient of x), and e = error

term” (Tabachnick & Fidell, p. 35). Y was the dependent variable (consent to police

authority) and x was the predictor variable (procedural justice).

For Hypothesis 2-3, sequential multiple regression was used. Sequential

regression was used to control for the effects of a variable. In sequential regression, a

hierarchal model is created where SES is entered into the regression model (model 1) and

then, subsequently, the predictor variable (procedural justice) is entered into model 2.

Using R-squared change, the relationship between procedural justice and consent to

police authority was determined after controlling for SES.

The research questions were as follows:

RQ1: What is the relationship between procedural justice viewed by African

American millennial men and consent to police officer?

RQ2: How does millennial African American male’s socioeconomic status affect

the relationship between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police

officer authority?

RQ3: How does millennial African American male’s age affect the relationship

between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer

authority?

Following are the alternative and null hypotheses to be used in the current study:

H01: There is a relationship between procedural justice viewed by African

American males (AAM) and consent to police officer authority

HA1: There is no relationship between procedural justice viewed by African

American males (AAM) and consent to police officer authority

•DV: Consent to police officer authority

•Predictor Variable (PV): African American male’s (AAM) perception of

procedural justice system

H02: There is a relationship between perception of the procedural justice system

and consent to police officer authority after controlling for African American male’s

(AAM) socioeconomic status

HA2: There is no relationship between perception of the procedural justice system

and consent to police officer authority after controlling for African American male’s

(AAM) socioeconomic status

•DV: Consent to police officer authority

•Predictor Variable (PV): African American males (AAM) perception of

procedural justice system

•Control Variable: African American male’s (AAM) socioeconomic status

H03: African American male’s (AAM) age does not affect the relationship

between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer

authority

HA3: African American male’s (AAM) age does affect the relationship between

perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer authority

•DV: Consent to police officer authority

•Predictor Variable (PV): African American male’s (AAM) perception of

procedural justice system

Moderator: African American male’s (AAM) age

Perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer authority

will be measured via a validated Likert type survey. Socio-economic status and age will

be collected via the demographic survey.

Threats to Validity

External Threats to Validity

The premise of external validity maintains that inferred statistical results can be

generalized to the research population (Creswell, 2003). Threats to external validity were

partially mitigated by aligning the research population with the targeted sample. The

population under study was AA millennial males. Criteria for inclusion included being at

least 18 years old, but not older than 35 years of age, self-identify as Black or AA male,

and reside in metropolitan Atlanta, Georgia. Threats to external validity included

experimenter effects, which meant that the researcher can unintentionally influence

participant’s responses. This was minimized by the types of survey questions selected

and conducting an online survey administered via SurveyMonkey in which the researcher

had no personal contact with respondents.

Other threats to validity were specificity of variables and operationalization of

definitions. These threats were minimized by using the same variables as used in other

similar studies and using widely accepted and agreed upon definitions of those variables

that are meaningful.

Threats to Internal Validity

History could play a significant role in this research since social media and news

agencies could quickly broadcast a police-related shooting that could affect perceptions

of participants. This threat was minimized by ensuring that all participants were

administered the survey during the same short period of time in an attempt to eliminate

any outside influences that may have affected the outcome of the study (Creswell, 2009).

Selection bias had the potential to threaten validity, as participants who agree to

participate in SurveyMonkey panels may be particularly engaged or involved with the

subject matter. It was difficult to minimize this threat, given the nature of the data

collection; however, I chose this method based on the cost being minimal and

convenience (Ferber, 1977). Also, I justified the use of a convenience sample in that it is

a good means to obtain varying perspectives on the hypotheses presented within this

study, and to seek possible explanations for the underlying national issue associated with

this topic (Ferber, 1977).

Regression to the mean also posed a potential threat to validity in this study since

extreme attitudes may exist given the nature of the topic and sensationalism that

sometime surrounds current events. That is, survey scores may regress toward the mean

if time between newsworthy events is extended. This threat was minimized by limiting

the data collection period to two weeks (Creswell, 2009).

Threats to Statistical or Conclusion Validity

According to Creswell (2013) and Field (2013), construct validity refers to

whether or not an instrument measures what it is intended to measure in a study. More

recent research also adds the usefulness and positive consequences of scores used in

studies (Hubley & Zumbo, 1996). Selection bias could have been a threat to validity, as

participants who agree to participate in SurveyMonkey panels may be particularly

engaged or involved with the subject matter. Regression to the mean was another

potential threat to validity in this study since extreme attitudes may exist given the nature

of the topic and sensationalism that sometime surrounds current events. That is, survey

scores had the potential to regress toward the mean if time between newsworthy events is

extended. Also, Creswell (2003) stated, “threats to construct validity occur when

investigators use inadequate definitions and measures of variables” (p. 171). To

minimize this threat, I constructed research questions that are correlated with the

theoretical framework of my study.

Threats to statistical conclusion validity could involve drawing a conclusion that

there is a relationship when there is not one or vice versa. This is usually the issue in

most research. This could be due to setting the alpha too low which is referred to as ’low

statistical power,’ and the types of participants involved in your study referred to as

random heterogeneity of respondents (Trochim, 2006). According to Trochim (2006), a

researcher can reach this conclusion if they do not pay very close attention to the

assumptions in their analysis which can lead the researcher to believe that their research

is true or normal when in fact it is the opposite. To minimize these threats, I used a

statistical power of .80 and a reliable, validated instrument and asked valid questions

related to the study (Trochim, 2006).

Ethical Procedures

An essential element of the study was to safeguard the rights of the research

participants during data collection and throughout this study. To that end, I complied

with all principles and guidelines required by the University Institutional Review Board.

No participants were forced to participate and all participation was strictly voluntary.

Potential participants were provided with an electronic consent form that informed them

fully about the procedures and risks involved in the study. During the data collection

phase and before statistical analyses were performed, each participant’s results were

coded to ensure anonymity of the participant. All data were stored on a USB flash drive

in a secured locked file cabinet that will be secured for five years and later destroyed in a

secure manner to protect the privacy of the participants.

Participants were not exposed to any physical or psychological harm. The risk

level to participants was minimal. Ethical considerations included the participant’s right

to anonymity. Confidentiality was protected through anonymity. Participants were

assured of anonymity. No identifying information was collected nor made available to

anyone; only demographic information was collected. Although the I collected data

online, participants’ information was anonymous. No compensation was paid to any of

the participants in the study.

Participants were given the opportunity to consent to the survey in the

introduction of the survey administered by SurveyMonkey. The introduction explained

the study and its purpose, benefits, and risks. The consent form indicated participation

was voluntary and explained the degree of anonymity. In addition, the introduction and

consent provided participants assurances that they were not required to participate if they

felt uncomfortable in doing so.

The survey that was utilized in the study met research standards and provided

clear instructions before a participant could respond to the survey (Appendix E). The

procedures of this study were based upon the position that ethical research informs the

respondents prior to agreeing to participate in the study about what they are being asked

to and being giving the option of not participating if they so choose (Fowler, 2009). No

personal information regarding the participant’s name, race, religious beliefs, sexual

orientation, health and criminal background were requested or obtained for this study.

The participants were assured confidentiality, privacy, and anonymity via informed

consent.

Summary

The purpose of this study was to gain a better understanding of how AA males

perceive procedural justice and treatment by the police, applying the theoretical lenses of

CRT and the PJT. That is, based on the effects of White supremacy, colorblindness and

racial domination, as well as the expected fairness in criminal justice and judicial

processes to treat all mankind just and equally.

The problem derives from the fact that AA millennial men are dying via

confrontation with police. Despite this, little research has been conducted that examines

the attitudes about procedural justice and consent to police authority among AA males.

Given this, a quantitative, cross-sectional study involving a correlational research design

was chosen to explore the issue.

The study involved collecting primary research using survey methodology to

collect data from AA males from the millennial generation. AA millennial males make

up the population for the study. Millennials were chosen given the generational values

they hold and likelihood to question authority. A convenience sampling technique was

used to extricate the sample from the population. The sample was obtained from

SurveyMonkey. The scope of the sample was therefore limited to a sample maintained

by SurveyMonkey. The sample obtained from Survey Monkey was assumed to be a

representation of the population at large. A demographic, WSPA, and PJI was distributed

to 69 subjects. Multiple regression and sequential multiple regression were used to test

the specified hypotheses.

This chapter discussed the descriptive focus on AA millennial males’ perception

of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer authority. It further

described the quantitative methodology, research question, hypotheses, variables that

were statistically tested, data collection, data collection instruments (PJI and WSPA) and

how the data were analyzed using SPSS. The following chapter presents the data

analysis for the three hypotheses regarding AA millennial males’ perception of the

procedural justice system and consent to police officer authority, and if SES and age

affects the correlation.

Chapter 4 summarizes the results of the study based on responses to the research

questions to include tables and graphs. Chapter 5 provides an overview of the study and

summary to include result findings, social change, recommendations for policy makers

and law enforcement, as well as future research recommended.

Chapter 4: Results

More unarmed young men of color between the ages of 18-35 years are losing

their lives than any other age group in the United States and more than any other ethnic

group in the United States (Swaine et al., 2015; Weitzer, 2015). In an effort to establish

better citizen-police relations and reduce the number of deaths involving unarmed AA

millennial males, it was imperative to conduct a quantitative study to gain a better

understanding of factors that affect these young men lives when interacting or in

confrontation with a police officer, and to explore the possibility that these outcomes may

be influenced by their willingness to obey police authority. Results gathered may inform

policy and offer guidance on how to build stronger and reputable relationships with

young AA men and guide social change. Data gathered in this study could also be used

to retrain police officers.

The research questions developed for this study are as follows:

RQ1: What is the relationship between procedural justice viewed by African

American millennial men and consent to police officer?

RQ2: How does millennial African American males’ socioeconomic status affect

the relationship between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police

officer authority?

RQ3: How does millennial African American males age’ affect the relationship

between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer

authority?

A quantitative study involving a correlational cross-sectional research design was

chosen for the research study. The variables that were studied using quantitative

statistical analysis are the perception of the procedural justice (independent/predictor

variable) and consent to police authority (dependent variable). The control variables

were SES and age. I investigated whether a correlation between AA males’ perception of

procedural justice (independent variable/predictor variable) and the consent to police

authority (dependent variable) exists. Procedural justice is defined as a criminal justice

system that must consistently demonstrate its legitimacy to the public it serves. Consent

to police officer authority is defined as the likelihood of an individual to submit to police

authority.

Data were collected via SurveyMonkey over a four-day period from October 18,

2018 through October 21, 2018. The target population for this study was adult millennial

AA males living in metropolitan Atlanta in the state of Georgia. The metropolitan

Atlanta area includes nine counties (Metro Atlanta Chamber of Commerce, 2017) in

North Georgia, with an estimated population of 5.8 million people according to the 2016

U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017). Millennial AA males between the ages of 18

and 35 years living in metropolitan Atlanta in the state of Georgia made up the

population for the study.

Two surveys were used in the study, PJI developed in 2014 by Dr. Dennis P.

Rosenbaum, and WSPA, developed in 2016 by Dr. Jim Baxter. Both surveys have been

empirically validated and found to be reliable. Both the consent to police authority and

procedural justice variables are continuously scaled, meaning that there is a perceived

relationship between response options. The control variables are SES and age. SES is

continuous and is expected to affect the relationship between procedural justice and

willingness to submit to police authority. The variable is continuously scaled. Similarly,

age is also continuously scaled. Accordingly, the following three hypotheses were

developed:

H01: There is no relationship between African American males’ (AAM)

procedural justice and consent to police officer authority

H02: There is no relationship between African American males’ (AAM)

perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer authority after

controlling for socioeconomic status.

H03: African American males’ (AAM) age does not affect the relationship

between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer

authority

The sample size included 69 millennial AA men drawn from the metropolitan

Atlanta area in the United States. Approximately 200 AAM men were targeted to test the

three hypotheses, with 69 completing the entire survey; accordingly, the response rate

was 34.5%. The research design, methodology, and instruments allowed me to obtain

reasonable and valid responses to the research questions and gain insight into the

phenomena, which is the rise in the deaths of AA males during police interaction, and to

support the critical race and procedural justice theories used to frame this study.

Power for the study was defined as the prospect of finding a statistical difference

between groups, if one exists in the population (Aguinis, 2004). The three statistical

parameters that were used to ensure sample size adequacy were power, expected effect

size, and critical alpha (Aguinis, 2004). In social research, power is generally set at 80%,

which means that there is an 80% chance, given the sample size, that a significant

difference will be found (Aguinis, 2004). The effect size is the amount of construct

overlap expected between the variables being measured (Cohen, 1988). The magnitude

of effect size is defined in terms of Cohen’s d as .10 represents a “small effect,” .15

signifies a “medium effect,” while .50 signifies a “large effect” (Cohen, 1988). For this

study, a medium expected effect size of .15 was adopted.

Critical alpha determines the likelihood that a significant finding occurred by

chance. In the social sciences, critical alpha is generally set at .05, which means that

“there is a 5% chance that the null hypothesis will be rejected when in fact it is true”

(Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007, p. 78). Therefore, a formal power analysis was conducted

using the following parameters: power, effect size and alpha - .80, .15 and .05

respectively. Thus, for H1, using G*Power 3.0.12 (a power analysis program for sample

size), 68 participants were needed to produce an 80% probability of rejecting the null

hypothesis (Faul, Erdfelder, Lang, & Buchner, 2007). As such, the obtained sample was

69, meaning that an additional case was obtained above and beyond the minimum sample

size.

Participants obtained from a panel maintained by SurveyMonkey were asked to

complete a survey hosted by SurveyMonkey. Only SurveyMonkey had direct access to

participants and I did not interact with participants at all. Participants were sent a link to

complete the informed consent form (Appendix G). If they agreed to the terms of the

form, access to the online survey instrument employed to collect data from the AA males

was granted. It took the participants approximately 15 minutes to complete the survey.

Once participants completed the survey, they were thanked via a Thank You page. No

anomalies occurred when collecting the data. Information on demographics was also

obtained to provide a description of the sample collected. For Age Group, approximately

51% were between the ages of 18-25 years while 49% were between the ages of 26-35

years of age (Table 3).

Table 3

Age Group Frequency and Percent Statistics

Age Group Frequency Percent

18-25 Years 35 50.7

26-35 Years 34 49.3

Total 69 100

Note. N = 69

Education information was also collected from AA males. For each level of

education, an education code was created from low to high to facilitate development of

an SES variable. Most participants reported having some college (39%). Seventeen

participants (24%) reported a high school or equivalent education. In addition, another

20% reported having a bachelor’s degree. Education information is presented in Table 4.

Table 4

Education Frequency and Percent Statistics

Education

Code Frequency Percent

Less than High School 1 1 1.4

High School or Equivalent 2 17 24.6

Some College 3 27 39.1

Bachelor’s Degree 4 14 20.3

Master’s Degree 5 9 13

Greater than Master's Degree 6 1 1.4

Total 7 69 100

Note. N = 69

Household income information was collected from AA males. For each level of

income, an income code was created from low to high to facilitate development of an

SES variable. Most participants reported making $25-49,999 per year (27%). Seventeen

participants (25%) reported making between $50,000 and 74,999 per year. Annual

household income was presented in Table 5.

Table 5

Annual Household Income Frequency and Percent Statistics

Household Income Income Code Frequency Percent

0-9,999 1 11 15.9

10-24,999 2 8 11.6

25-49,999 3 19 27.5

50-74,999 4 17 24.6

75-99,999 5 8 11.6

100-124,999 6 3 4.3

125-149,999 7 1 1.4

150-174,999 8 2 2.9

Total 9 69 100

Note. N = 69

Household income and education were combined to create an SES variable. A

numerical value, from low to high was assigned to each level of household income and

education. These two values were added to create a continuously scaled SES variable.

Low SES indicates low SES while higher scores represent higher SES. SES scores

ranged from 3 to 13. Generally, most participants scored in the middle of the scale,

meaning they were found to have average SES.

For example, 14 participants (20%) were found to have a SES score of 6.

Moreover, 72% of the sample scored between 4 and 10 on the SES scale. Approximately

19% of the sample were found to have a low SES, and approximately 9% were found to

have a high SES score. SES is presented in Table 6.

Table 6

Socioeconomic Status Frequency and Percent Statistics

SES Frequency Percent

3 7 10.1

4 6 8.7

5 9 13.0

6 14 20.3

7 9 13.0

8 9 13.0

9 9 13.0

10 4 5.8

13 2 2.9

Total 69 100

Note. N = 69

Age group was collected from each participant. Participants were asked to select

either 18-25 years old or 26-35 years old. In total, 69 participants responded to the

questions. The sample was split almost evenly, where approximately 51% reported being

18-25 years old, while 49% reported being 26-35 years old – see Table 7.

Table 7

Age Group Frequency and Percent Statistics

Age Group Frequency Percent

18-25 Years 35 50.7

26-35 Years 34 49.3

Total 69 100

Note. N = 69

Figure 1 presents frequency statistics via a histogram for procedural justice.

Average score was 3.31 and the standard deviation was .992. Total response was 69

participants. As evidenced by the graph, most participants (n = 18) average score was

between 3.0 and 3.5 (out of a possible 6.0).

Figure 1. Graph of procedural justice displaying frequency statistics across the

continuous scale.

Figure 2 presents frequency statistics for police authority. Average score was

3.81 and the standard deviation was .756. Total response was 69 participants. As

evidenced by the graph, most participants (n = 18) average score was 3.5 (out of a

possible 6.0). Approximately 71% of participants were found to have average attitudes

about police authority (scored between 2.75 and 4.50) while approximately 9% reported

having poor attitudes about police authority. Approximately 19% reported to have very

good attitudes toward police authority.

Figure 2. Frequency graph of police authority displaying statistics across the continuous

scale.

SES was created by adding education to household income. That is, participant

scores were put together to create an SES composite score that was used to represent a

participant’s SES. Low scores represented low SES status, while high scores represented

higher SES status. Scores ranged from 2.0 to 13.0. The scale was defined as continuous.

Average SES score was 6.61 (SD = 2.296). Most participants (n = 14) were found

to have an SES score of around 6.0. Two participants had a high score of 12.0, while

seven participants had a low score of around 3.0. This variable was used as a control

variable in Hypothesis 2 – See Figure 3.

Figure 3. Frequency graph of SES composite displaying statistics across the continuous

scale.

Data Analysis Procedure

Conclusions were produced using inferential statistics for the sample tested.

Scores collected via survey were coded and tabulated utilizing SPSS. In addition, values

were summarized when needed and mean and standard deviation were produced.

Regression analyses were used to assess the three hypotheses.

Prior to examining the research questions, data cleaning screening were carried

out to make certain the variables met the proper statistical assumptions. The variables

under study were evaluated for missing data, univariate outliers, normality, linearity, and

homoscedasticity. Regression analyses were then performed to determine if the variables

being studied had any significant relationships between them.

Data Cleaning

Prior to the research questions being assessed, data were screened for missing

values and univariate outliers. Univariate outliers are cases where a participant’s

response to a question is extreme. Missing data were assessed using frequency counts;

no cases with missing values were present. The data were “screened for univariate

outliers by transforming raw scores to z-scores and comparing z-scores to a critical value

of +/- 3.29, p < .001” (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007, p. 56). Z-scores that exceed this

critical value were considered possible outliers. No univariate outliers were found after

evaluation. As such, 69 participants were used in the regression mode. Displayed in

Table 8 are descriptive statistics for the criterion (police authority) and predictor variables

(procedural justice).

Table 8

Descriptive Statistics for Police Authority and Procedural Justice

Variables Min Max Mean Std.

Deviation Skewness Kurtosis

PA Total 2.500 6.000 3.808 0.756 0.894 1.234

PJ Total 1.000 5.820 3.315 0.992 0.057 0.001

Note. Valid N (listwise) = 69, Skew Error = .289, Kurtosis error = .57

Test of Normality

Parametric assumptions were evaluated prior to analyzing research questions.

Parametric assumptions are evaluated to make sure the data can be used as described in

Chapter 3. With regards to the dependent variable (police authority) and independent

variable (procedural justice), three parametric assumptions were tested. No violations of

linearity and homoscedasticity, which were assessed using residual scatterplots, were

found. In addition, “the skew and kurtosis coefficients were divided by the skew/kurtosis

standard errors, resulting in z-skew/z-kurtosis coefficients” (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007,

p. 67). Z-skew/ z-kurtosis coefficients outside the range between -3.29 and +3.29 (p

< .001) may possibly show non-normality. Therefore, based on the assessment of the

residual scatterplots and z-skew/ z-kurtosis coefficients, research variables did not exceed

critical values (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). This means that all the data and statistical

tests can be used as planned.

Results are presented in order of hypothesis tested. Description of the data is

presented first. Second, parametric data was evaluated for assumptions related to the

general linear model. Last, final statistical results are displayed along with appropriate

charts and graphs.

Hypothesis 1

Using SPSS 24.0, Hypothesis 1 was evaluated using simple linear regression

analysis to determine if there was a significant relationship between AA millennial

males’ attitudes toward procedural justice and police authority: H01: There is no

relationship between AAM procedural justice and consent to police officer authority.

The results indicated a significant positive relationship did exist between specified

variables, B = .302, R = .396, R2 = .157, p = .001. That is, 16% (R2 < .157) of the

variance observed in participants’ attitudes toward police authority was due to their

attitudes toward procedural justice. This means that attitudes toward police authority

were affected by millennials attitudes toward procedural justice (Table 9).

Table 9

Regression Table Displaying Procedural Justice v. Police Authority R, R-squared, and

FChange Statistics for Model 1

95.0%

Unstandardized Standardized

Confidence

Model Coefficients Coefficients Coefficients t Sig. Interval for B

(a) B Std.

Error Beta Lower Upper

Bound Bound

1 (Constant) 2.808 0.296 9.498 0 2.218 3.399

PJ Total 0.302 0.086 0.396 3.527 0.001 0.131 0.472

Note. a Dependent Variable: PA

Total

Displayed in Figure 4 is a graph of the regression analysis conducted for

Hypothesis 1. The graph displays a significant positive relationship between procedural

justice and police authority. This means that as attitudes toward procedural justice

increases, attitudes toward police authority also increases. The slope of the regression

line (Ý = 0.74+0.81*x) demarks the strength of the relationship between the two

variables.

Figure 4. Scatter-dot plot of the significant relationship between procedural justice and

police authority.

Hypothesis 2

Using SPSS 24.0, Hypothesis 2 was evaluated using sequential multiple

regression analysis to determine if, after controlling for SES, there was no significant

relationship between AA millennial males’ attitudes toward procedural justice and police

authority: H02: There is no relationship between African American males’ (AAM)

perception of procedural justice and consent to police authority after controlling for SES.

The relationship between SES and police authority was examined first. The

results indicated a non-significant relationship existed between SES and police authority,

B = -.039, R = .133, R2 = .018, p = .277. This means a relationship was not found

between SES and police authority. Approximately, 2% (R2 < .020) of the variance

observed in participants’ attitudes toward police authority was due to their SES. This

implies that a very small non-significant effect was found; police authority was only

slightly affected by SES.

For the second part, SES was used as a control variable in the equation. The

results indicated a significant relationship did exist after controlling for SES between

procedural justice and police authority, ΔR2 = .153 (1, 66), p = .001. That is, after

controlling for SES, 15% (R2 < .153) of the variance observed in participants’ attitudes

toward police authority was due to their attitudes toward procedural justice. This means

that SES did not affect the relationship between procedural justice and police authority

(Table 10).

Table 10

Regression Table Displaying R, R-squared, and F-Change Statistics for Model 1 and

Model 2

Model R R Adjusted Std. Change Statistics

Square R

Square

Error of

the

Estimate

Square

Change

Change df1 df2

Sig. F

Change

1 .133a 0.018 0.003 0.755 0.018 1.204 1 67 0.277

2 .413b 0.171 0.146 0.699 0.153 12.183 1 66 0.001

a Predictors: (Constant), SES_COMP

b Predictors: (Constant), SES_COMPOSITE,

PJ Total

Table 11 displays the model coefficients for Model 1 and Model 2. Model 1 beta

coefficient for SES-composite was B = .044, t = -1.097, p = .277. Model 2 beta

coefficient after, controlling for SES-composite was: police authority B = .298, t = -3.49,

p = .001.

Displayed in Figure 5 is a graph of the regression analysis conducted for

Hypothesis 2. The graph displays a significant positive relationship between procedural

justice and police authority. The slope of the regression line (Ý = 1.03+0.73*x) demarks

the strength of the relationship between the two variables.

Table 11

Model Coefficients for Procedural Justice, Police Authority, and the SES Control

Model

Unstandardize

d Coefficients Coefficients (a)

Standardized

Coefficients

Sig.

95.0% Confidence

Interval for B

Std.

Error

Beta

Lower Upper

Bound Bound

1 (Constant) 4.097 0.279 14.694 0 3.541 4.654

SES_COMPOSITE 0.044 0.04 -0.133 -1.097 0.277 -0.123 0.036

2 (Constant) 3.078 0.39 7.897 0 2.3 3.856

SES_COMPOSITE 0.039 0.037 -0.119 -1.061 0.293 -0.113 0.035

PJ Total 0.298 0.085 0.391 3.49 0.001 0.128 0.469 a Dependent Variable: PA

Total

Figure 5. Scatter-dot plot of procedural justice and police authority after controlling for

SES.

Hypothesis 3

Using SPSS 24.0, Hypothesis 3 was evaluated using sequential multiple

regression analysis to determine if, after controlling for age, there was no significant

relationship between AA millennial males’ attitudes toward procedural justice and police

authority: H03: There is no relationship between African American males’ (AAM)

perception of procedural justice and consent to police authority after controlling for age.

The relationship between age and police authority was examined first. The results

indicated a non-significant relationship existed between age and police authority, B

= .172, R = .115, R2 = .013, p = .348. That is, approximately 1% (R2 < .013) of the

variance observed in participants’ attitudes toward police authority was due to their age.

This means that age did not relate to police officer authority.

In addition, results indicated a significant relationship existed, after controlling for

age between procedural justice and police authority, ΔR2 = .152 (1, 66), p = .001. That is

after controlling for age, 15% (R2 < .152), the variance observed in participants’ attitudes

toward police authority was due to their attitudes toward procedural justice. This means

that age did not affect the relationship between attitudes toward police authority and

attitudes toward procedural justice. (Table 12).

Table 12

Regression Table Displaying Model Coefficients R, R-squared, and F-Change Statistics

for Model 1 (Age v. Police Authority) and Model 2 (Procedural Justice v. Police

Authority After Controlling for Age)

Model R R

Square

Adjusted

R Square

Std. Error of

the

Estimate

Change Statistics

R Square

Change

Change df1 df2 Sig. F

Change

1 .115a 0.013 -0.002 0.75687 0.013 0.893 1 67 0.348

2 .406b 0.165 0.14 0.70146 0.152 12.004 1 66 0.001

Note. a Predictors: (Constant), Age group b

Predictors: (Constant), Age Group, PJ Total

Table 13 displays the model coefficients for Model 1 and Model 2. Model 1 beta

coefficient for Age Group was B = -.172, t = -.945, p = .348. Model 2 beta coefficient

after, controlling for Age Group was: Procedural Justice B = .297, t = -3.46, p = .001.

Table 13

Model Coefficients for Procedural Justice, Police Authority, and the Age Control

Variable

Unstandardized Standardized 95.0% Confidence Coefficients Coefficients

Coefficients Interval for B

(a) B Std.

Error Beta Lower

Bound

Upper

Bound

(Constant)

Age Group

4.237

-0.172

0.463

0.182

-0.115

9.145

0.94

0.348

3.313

-0.536

5.162

0.192

(Constant)

Age Group

3.166

-0.138

0.529

0.169

-0.092

5.984

0.81

0.417

2.11

-0.476

4.223

0.200

PJ Total 0.297 0.086 0.39 3.465 0.001 0.126 0.469

Model t Sig.

Note. a Dependent Variable: PA Total

Displayed in Figure 6 is a graph of the regression analysis conducted for

Hypothesis 3. The graph displays a significant positive relationship between procedural

justice and police authority after controlling for age. The slope of the regression line (Ý

= 1.01+0.74*x) demarks the strength of the relationship between the two variables. That

is, after removing the effect of age, as attitudes toward procedural justice increases,

attitudes toward police authority increases.

Figure 6. Scatter-dot plot of procedural justice and police authority after controlling for

age.

Final Model

A final model was run to examine the relationship between procedural justice and

police authority after controlling for age and SES. Results indicated no relationship

between age, SES and police authority (R = .159, R2 = .025, p = .429). That is,

approximately 2.5% (R2 < .025) of the variance observed in participants’ attitudes toward

police authority was due to age and SES. This means that age and SES combined did not

relate to police authority.

In addition, results indicated a significant relationship existed, after controlling for

age and SES between procedural justice and police authority, ΔR2 = .150 (1, 65), p

= .001. That is, after controlling for age and SES, 15% (R2 < .152), the variance observed

in participants’ attitudes toward police authority was due to their attitudes toward

procedural justice. This means that age and SES did not affect the relationship between

attitudes toward police authority and attitudes toward procedural justice. (Table 14).

Table 14

Regression Table Displaying Model Coefficients R, R-squared, and F-Change Statistics

for Model 1 (Age and SES v. Police Authority) and Model 2 (Procedural Justice v. Police

Authority After Controlling for Age and SES)

Model R R

Square

Adjusted

R Square

Change

Change df1 df2 Sig. F

Change

1 .159a 0.025 -0.004 0.025 0.857 2 66 0.429

2 .419b 0.175 0.137 0.15 11.818 1 65 0.001

Note. a Predictors: (Constant), Age Group, SES Co b Predictors:

(Constant), Age Group, SES Compos

Table 15 displays the final model coefficients for Model 1 and Model 2. Model 1

beta coefficient for age and SES was B = -.037 and -.135, p = .367 and .473 respectively.

Model 2 beta coefficient was: procedural justice B = .296, t = -3.44, p = .001.

Table 15

Final Model Coefficients for Procedural Justice, Police Authority, and Two Control

Variables

Composite -0.037 0.041 -0.113 -0.908 0.367

Age Group -0.135 0.187 -0.09 -0.721 0.473

2 (Constant) 3.313 0.555 5.974 0

SES

Composite -0.034 0.038 -0.104 -0.899 0.372

Age Group -0.104 0.174 -0.069 -0.599 0.551

PJ Total 0.296 0.086 0.388 3.438 0.001

Note . a Dependent Variable: PA Total

Summary

In conclusion, the target population for this study was adult millennial AA males

living in metropolitan Atlanta in the state of Georgia. Two surveys were used in the

study, PJI, developed in 2014 by Dr. Dennis P. Rosenbaum, and WSPA, developed in

2016 by Dr. Jim Baxter. Three hypotheses were derived from the research questions and

tested according to the plan specified in Chapter 3:

H01: There is a relationship between African American males’ (AAM) perception

of procedural justice and consent to police authority

H02: There is no relationship between African American males’ (AAM)

perception of procedural justice and consent to police authority after controlling for

socioeconomic status

Model Coefficients

a) (

Unstandardized

Coefficients Standardized

Coefficients t Sig.

B Std.

Error Beta

1 (Constant) 4.39 0.494 8.894 0

SES

H03: After controlling for African American males’ (AAM) age, there is no

relationship between perception of procedural justice and consent to police authority

The sample size included 69 millennial AA males drawn from the metropolitan

Atlanta area in Georgia. An online survey instrument was employed to collect data from

AA males. Demographic information was also collected to provide a description of the

sample collected. Findings from the test revealed that a significant relationship existed

between procedural justice and police authority. In addition, after removing the variance

observed from SES and age, a relationship between procedural justice and police

authority was still evident.

Chapter 5 will present interpretation of the data based on findings from the series

of regression analyses. Included in the discussion, Chapter 5 presents recommendations

for practice and recommendations for research. Finally, a discussion of the limitations

and final summary gleaned from the analyses will be presented.

Chapter 5: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations

The wider research problem is that an increase in unarmed AA deaths after

confrontation or interaction with police has been observed. This increase in deaths has

led to greater unrest, marches, protests, anger, hostility, and further distrust of the police

in the AA community; this is perceived to be due to racial injustice. Correlational studies

have been conducted on the topic, but no specific study has examined the relationship

between AA millennial men attitudes toward procedural justice and willingness to submit

to police authority. A quantitative study provided the means to investigate this

relationship and fill the gap in the literature on the topic.

Researchers have suggested that a relationship between attitudes toward

procedural justice and willingness to submit to policy authority exists (Baker et al., 2015;

Gau et al., 2012; Jackson et al., 2011; Jonathan-Zamir et al., 2013; White et al., 2016).

As such, I theorized that AA male millennial attitudes toward procedural justice will

positively relate to willingness to submit to police authority. This means that as attitudes

in procedural justice increases, willingness to submit to police authority will also increase

linearly.

A review of the literature revealed that few studies have been conducted on the

connection between police use of deadly force and the willingness of AA men to consent

to police authority in the United States. This contemporary phenomenon may be

responsible for the increase in deaths of unarmed AA men as opposed to other ethnic

groups. The purpose of this quantitative study was to gain a better understanding of AA

men’s perception of procedural justice and treatment by the police involving arrestrelated

deaths.

In an effort to establish better citizen-police relations and reduce the number of

deaths involving unarmed AA males, I conducted a quantitative study to gain a better

understanding of why these young men are losing their lives, and to explore the

possibility that these outcomes may be influenced by their willingness to obey police

officer authority. Data gathered in this study could be used to retrain officers and offer

policy guidance on how to build stronger and reputable relationships with young AA

men. The variables studied via a quantitative design were the perception of procedural

justice (independent variable/predictor variable) and consent to police authority

(dependent variable). The control variables were SES and age.

Research Questions

RQ1: What is the relationship between procedural justice viewed by African

American millennial men and consent to police officer?

RQ2: How does millennial African American male’s socioeconomic status affect

the relationship between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police

officer authority?

RQ3: How does millennial African American male’s age affect the relationship

between perception of the procedural justice system and consent to police officer

authority?

A quantitative study involving a correlational cross-sectional research design was

chosen for this research study. I investigated if a correlation between AA males’

perception of procedural justice (independent variable/predictor variable) and consent to

police authority (dependent variable) existed. Procedural justice was defined as a

criminal justice system that must consistently demonstrate its legitimacy to the public it

serves. The variable is continuously scaled. Consent to police authority is defined as the

likelihood of an individual to submit to police authority. The variable is also

continuously scaled. The control variables are SES and age. This means that SES is

expected to affect the relationship between procedural justice and willingness to submit

to police authority. The variable was continuously scaled. Similarly, age is also

continuously scaled.

Data were collected by way of a validated procedural justice instrument (Likert

scale survey/questionnaire) utilizing SurveyMonkey to survey a nationally representative

sample of AAM men between the ages of 18-35 years. Semantic responses to the Likert

scale survey were quantified from 1-6 (strongly disagree, disagree, slightly disagree,

slightly agree, agree, strongly agree) and descriptive statistics were used to report

findings.

Approximately 200 AA men were targeted to test the three hypotheses with 69

completing all surveys; accordingly, response rate was 34.5%. The research design,

methodology, and instruments chosen allowed me to obtain reasonable and valid

responses to the research questions and gain insight into the phenomena, which is the rise

in the deaths of AA men during police interaction, and to support the critical race and

procedural justice theories used to frame this study.

Summary of Key Findings

Sixty-nine participants responded to the request to complete the survey. Using

SPSS 24.0, Hypothesis 1 was evaluated using simple linear regression analysis to

determine if there was a significant relationship between AA millennial male’s attitudes

toward procedural justice and police authority. Results revealed a significant relationship

was present where p < .001. In addition, SES and age were found to not affect the

relationship between procedural justice and consent to police authority. That is, after

controlling for the effects of age and SES, a significant relationship was still present

between procedural justice and consent to police authority (Table 16).

Table 16

Summary of Findings Using Regression Analyses

Hypothesis Criterion Predictor Control R-Squared

R-

Squared

Change

H1 Procedural

Justice

Consent to Police

Authority N/A 0.157 N/A 0.001

H2 Procedural

Justice

Consent to Police

Authority SES N/A 0.149 0.001

H3 Procedural

Justice

Consent to Police

Authority

Age

Status N/A 0.152 0.001

Interpretation of the Findings

The purpose of this quantitative study was to obtain a better understanding of AA

males’ perceptions of procedural justice and its relationship between police authority.

Survey data gathered on the topic contributed to this understanding. Nix et al. (2014)

recommended “exploring the consequences of trust, cooperation and compliance” during

police interaction (pp. 632-33). Jackson et al. (2011) recommended “examining whether

relationships of socially expected behaviors are more important than instrumental ones in

shaping compliance with the law” (p. 11). This study was developed as a partial response

to those recommendations.

Findings from this study confirm and disconfirm the literature presented in this

paper. For example, MacDonald et al. (2007) conducted a quantitative correlational

cross-sectional study examining procedural justice in the context of the relationship

between race and perceptions of injustice by the police. Data were collected from 2002

respondents living within one of the 53 neighborhoods located within the city of

Cincinnati, Ohio, via random digit dialing (MacDonald et al., 2007). A Likert scale

survey was designed to measure perceived injustice by the police and perceived racially

biased policing. Covariates included age and SES (education, employment and

household income; MacDonald et al., 2007). The researchers concluded that Blacks

differed significantly from Whites in their perceptions about injustice by police even after

taking into account that both races lived in the same or similar neighborhoods

(MacDonald et al., 2007). Blacks tended to believe that police treated them more

unfairly than Whites, and that they experienced higher levels of racially biased police

practices compared to Whites (MacDonald et al., 2007). In addition, younger people

were significantly more likely to complain of racial injustice by police than older

participants in the study (MacDonald et al., 2007).

In contrast to MacDonald et al. (2007), this study did not find that age was a

factor when examining the relationship between procedural justice and police authority.

Age, in fact, did not change or influence the outcome. That is, across all ages of AA

males, as attitudes toward procedural justice increases, attitudes toward police authority

increases. This essentially means that when AA male’s feel that their procedural justice

rights were being adhered to then they were more likely to submit to police authority.

In the ongoing discussion of the consequences of negative interactions between

AA males and police, the legitimacy of the police and their authority can become

compromised. Gau and Brunson (2015) conducted a qualitative study using in-depth

interviews to determine if perceived procedural injustice destroys police legitimacy and

influences individuals to rely on self-help as a mode of protection, which could lead them

to commit the very crimes for which they are being scrutinized. Results concluded that

the majority of the respondents believed that police harassed them most of the time. Half

stated the police were always rude and difficult to talk to. Roughly 78% had been

stopped by the police once, with some admitting being stopped by the police as many as

100 times. A third admitted to being stopped by the police in the last six months for

minor and status offenses, and more than 45% had been arrested at least once. Many

participants stated that police often stopped them even when they were not engaged in

any wrong-doing, which lead to erosion of police legitimacy, thus causing the

respondents to rely on their own friends for protection as opposed to calling the police

when in need. Gau and Brunson’s (2015) findings are supported by this research,

meaning that erosion of police legitimacy (i.e., procedural justice) is directly related to

attitudes toward police authority. AA males will seek to defend their perceived right via

aggressive counter actions rather than being submissive.

Bell (1992) purported that White supremacy and White privilege are woven into

the American fabric via the laws that this country was founded upon, including current

laws in place. This has allowed the White race to dominate and marginalize people of

color (Bell, 1992, 1995). In reference to the findings in this paper, I suggest that the

current laws in place may indeed marginalize AA males and subsequently influence their

action when it comes to submitting to police authority. Evidence from this study

indicates that if AA males were treated with the same procedural deference as Caucasian

males, their response to police authority may, in fact, be more amenable.

The second theory presented in this paper is PJT, which is attributed to Tom

Tyler, author and professor, who introduced seminal literature on compliance with the

law in 1990. According to Tyler (1990), individuals obey the law because they believe it

to be fair and honest, not because they fear reprisal. In addition, PJT emphasizes the idea

of treating individuals fairly and equally when resolving issues as it relates to

citizenpolice interactions. This is seemingly supported by this study given that reprisal

from a police officer due to non-compliance can mean severe injury or death.

Accordingly, AA males who do not perceive fairness, ostensibly, will not arbitrarily

submit to police authority. This sometimes results in beatings and death due to

extemporaneous actions taken by police and the resisting AA male.

Limitations of the Study

Findings may have been affected by specific limitations associated with the study

design. Sample size, instrument sensitivity, and data collection technique may have

impacted outcomes of the data. Another limitation for this study is that the location of

data collection was confined to metropolitan Atlanta, Georgia. For quantitative data

analysis, it is imperative that type of participant is operationalized, and that the sample

size is large enough to ensure detection of a relationship between variables. For this

study, the number of participants needed for the study was assessed via a formal power

analysis. When conducting a power analysis, it is best to refer to current research for a

suitable effect size. Due to the lack of research, the effect size was determined utilizing

Cohen’s (1988) guidelines. Effect size was estimated to be .15 (Medium), but actual

effect size was .14. This provides evidence that the sample size was mostly adequate to

identify an effect between procedural justice and police authority. However, a

nonsignificant finding was obtained when examining the effect the control variable had

on the aforementioned relationship. This implies that there was no effect or the sample

size was not large enough to detect an effect.

Further, participant data were obtained via self-report surveys, which can

facilitate data collection, but reduce quality of data collected. That is, although the

benefit is small and not directly related to participants, a confounding effect may be

present. Self-report surveys may be overused where participants are very familiar with

common response expectations. This issue could possibly affect the variation of

responses and contribute to an effect called regression toward the mean (Galton, 1886).

This theory, which is accredited to Galton, suggests that extremes do not survive.

If participants are excessively surveyed (as with many millennials) extreme scores

are likely to migrate to the mean—whereas extreme scores do not survive. To reduce this

affect, researchers should inquire as to whether or not participants have been excessively

surveyed and if so ask them if they have been administered attitudinal surveys in the past.

If so, the chance is great that the target population has been over surveyed.

This study incorporated a cross sectional correlational design which required

participants to complete the procedural justice and police authority survey at a single

point in time rather than across time. This strategy may have affected the likelihood of

obtaining true attitudinal values. In other words, participants may not have been honest

in reporting their true feelings due to factors beyond their control that were affecting their

attitudes at the time of data collection.

Recommendations

Findings from this research generally supported the literature. Based on the

strength of the relationship between procedural justice and police authority, three

recommendations should be considered when conducting additional research on the topic,

these are: (a) obtain a larger sample size, (b) create a more sensitive survey, and (c)

develop a longitudinal approach to the problem.

Sample size should be expanded to include more participants from a larger base.

Sample size in this context means two things: physically more participants, and a larger

geographic base. For example, regional samples could be obtained to include western,

central, southern, and northeast sections of the United States. Larger samples from a

larger base could be used to provide the means to discover if current findings remain

consistent across the nation. The aim would be to determine if the effect size from this

study of .14% could be replicated. Smaller effect size in any one region may mean that

the strength of the relationship between procedural justice and police authority depends

on a particular region of the United States. And, perhaps more importantly, a physically

larger sample (perhaps 120 per region) would likely strengthen the mean score by

reducing the standard deviation. This could help validate current findings and expand

generalizability of the study.

Both surveys used in this study were based on self-report data. This means that

emotionally-driven responses were likely part of the data collected. Given this, it might

be important to develop an observational type survey where attitudes toward procedural

justice and police authority could be observed or obtained from a different perspective.

For example, a 360-type survey could be developed to obtain how participants behave in

certain situations from a third party. This might remove some of the deleterious feelings

that some AA males may have developed.

Since news cycles and political affiliation may strongly drive individual feelings

about procedural justice and police authority, it may be beneficial to develop a

longitudinal design to assess AA male’s attitudes toward these sensitive constructs. For

example, millennials could be tracked for 10 years to determine how strong their feelings

are toward procedural justice and police authority. This approach could serve to

determine how volatile one’s attitudes are given specific life or episodic events.

Implications

Findings from this study could serve individuals by allowing them to take an

introspective look at how they may react in certain statutory situations. By reflecting on

possible outcomes and personal actions, mitigation of conformations and deaths may be

achieved. In addition, findings may serve AA males by providing them an opportunity to

consolidate their feelings on the topic and take positive, affirmative action rather than

being reactive. Emotional control and introspection may be especially important when

justice seems ill-served.

Families may also discuss the topic with their loved ones to plan for occurrences

when justice is not rendered fairly. Often, knowledge and forethought can be used to

gain the upper hand in situations where emotions evolve into rage and hatred. Further,

these findings can be used to center the family and draw from their shared experiences to

overcome emotional spikes that can lead to confrontation and incitement.

Communities must evolve and come together to solve these instantiated problems.

Training of police officers and court officials must be linked directly with those that are

experiencing the burden of low procedural justice. Shared experiences and common

goals should be used to draw community groups together.

Practitioners should work with community groups to develop a plan to evolve

beyond the confrontation stage when tactical interactions occur. Not only should police

officers work to de-escalate situations, but community members should also train with

police to understand best practices when behavioral reciprocation is mandated.

Practitioners should also work with community members and governmental

stakeholders to map out judicial rules and procedures that undermine trust. Without

uncovering these latent factors, that often percolate under the surface, recovery is not

possible. Rather than short term solutions, practitioners should seek to develop a

longterm plan with incremental steps with specific goals defined by temporal points.

Longterm social change can be achieved provided buy-in is obtained from all

stakeholders and specific goals are met.

Conclusion

More unarmed young men of color between the ages of 18-35 years are losing

their lives during confrontation with police than any other age group or ethnic group in

the United States (Swaine, Laughland & Lartey, 2015; Weitzer, 2015). Based on

research, it was theorized that procedural justice may be one of the factors that lead to

confrontation, which in turn may lead to an increase in AA male’s death rate. Specific

research has not been found on millennial AA male’s attitudes toward procedural justice

and willingness to submit to police authority. Research on the topic did suggest that the

answer and possible solution to this social crisis may lie within the affected community

of individuals themselves. Therefore, it was necessary to conduct research on this group

of millennial men to gather information on the topic.

This study used a quantitative approach to collect data from 69 AA males. The

main research question asked: What is the relationship between the perception of

procedural justice and consent to police authority, and does age or SES affect the

outcome? Findings revealed a significant relationship did exists between the variables,

and, after controlling for age and SES, procedural justice and police authority remained

significantly related.

Findings from this study support current research on the topic. Empirical

evidence from this study was inferred to mean that procedural justice drives AA male’s

willingness to obey police authority. These findings were used to infer that practitioners

should develop programs that support individuals and communities to change systemic

practices that foster procedural injustice.

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