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Presidential Paper
Introduction
In their efforts to build a strong and long-lasting nation, the Founding Fathers of the
United States were very aware of the problems that could come up and ruin their ambitious
goals. Out of these, demagoguery stood out as the most sneaky threat to the democracy they
were trying to build. The Founders thought that demagoguery was a bad thing because it let
leaders with a lot of charm but no morals take advantage of people's feelings and biases to
gain power and weaken democracy institutions. This paper will talk about how the Founding
Fathers thought about demagoguery, including how they described it and why they thought it
was so dangerous. To get a sense of how people like James Madison, Alexander Hamilton,
and others felt about this issue, we will look at first-hand sources like their works and talks.
We will also look into how their worries about demagoguery affected the writing of the
Constitution and other important papers for American democracy. This article will also look
at Donald Trump through the lens of the Founders' definition of demagoguery. The Founding
Fathers used a lot of different words, political styles, and deeds to describe demagogues. We
can use these to judge whether Trump fits that description. This study will look at Trump's
use of popular rhetoric, his relationship with the media, his view on constitutional issues, and
how he has changed the way people talk about politics. This article tries to show that the
Founders' warnings about demagoguery in American politics are still true today by
connecting historical views with current events. People will also think about how strong
democratic institutions are when faced with populist threats and how hard it is to keep a
balance between public sovereignty and constitutional government.
The Founders' Definition and Fear of Demagoguery
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The Founding Fathers viewed demagoguery as a way of running a government
through use of,emotions and prejudices instead of rationality. Dwyer says that they thought it
was marked by "appeals to 'passions and prejudices rather than to reason'" The Founders were
especially wary of leaders who would lie to the people and offer things that couldn't be kept
in order to get more power and respect. Dwyer says that soft demagoguery uses "flattery that
tells people they can do no wrong or of seductive appeals that hide behind a veil of liberality,
making promises that can never be kept or hopes that can never be realized."1 What Paul J.
Quirk talks about in Chapter 5 of Nelson's book as the need for "strategic competence" in
leaders fits with this worry. Quirk says that leaders who are good at their jobs must make
"strategic choices about what to know" and have a deep understanding of policy issues
(Nelson, Chapter 5). The Founders were afraid of demagoguery because they knew that
leaders who weren't very smart might use emotional pleas instead of smart leadership. They
believed that demagoguery was the opposite of civil government and reasoned debate. The
Founders were also afraid of demagoguery because they thought it was the opposite of civil
government and reasoned debate. They feared that demagogues could get around formal
checks and balances by appealing to people's emotions. As Dwyer says, "Demagoguery is not
a form of constitutional leadership; it creates a source of authority entirely separate from that
of the Constitution."2 People saw this extra-constitutional power as a threat to their rights and
the rule of law. Hamilton warned in Federalist 71 that leaders could lead the people astray "by
the wiles of parasites and sycophants, by the snares of the ambitious, the avaricious, the
desperate, by the artifices of men who possess their confidence more than they deserve it.”3
This concern can be observed throughout the Federalist Papers.
1 Dwyer, Zachary. "The Founding Nightmare Realized: Demagoguery, Fascism, And Donald Trump." Journal of
Politics 40 (1978): 716
2 Dwyer, Zachary. "The Founding Nightmare Realized: Demagoguery, Fascism, And Donald Trump." Journal of
Politics 40 (1978): 716
3 Dwyer, Zachary. "The Founding Nightmare Realized: Demagoguery, Fascism, And Donald Trump." Journal of
Politics 40 (1978): 716
3
Characteristics of Demagoguery
Several key characteristics define demagoguery as understood by the Founders and
subsequent scholars. Most of the time, demagogues say they are fighting for the regular
people against an evil elite. They use crisis language a lot, making up threats or inflating
them to make people afraid. Di Tella and Rotemberg say that demagogues often use "crisis
psychology" to "create a crisis, 'define the cause of the crisis as a simple abstract or concrete
evil, and then 'provide a new escape from the crisis, 'a new faith, a new belief,'" with himself
as the leader.4 The people who are demagogues also like to use simple, emotional words and
avoid talking about complicated policy issues. They often make themselves the most
important problem in politics. It's similar to what Michael Nelson talks about as the
"psychological presidency."5 Nelson talks about James David Barber's idea of presidential
personality types and says that some presidents may be "active-negative," which means they
are "ambitious out of anxiety."6 This type of psychology could make a leader more likely to
use demagoguery. The people who are demagogues also like to use simple, emotional words
and avoid talking about complicated policy issues. They often make themselves the most
important problem in politics. Dwyer says, "Demagogues usually stay away from big policy
issues that aren't directly linked to social unhappiness and the establishment."7 If there isn't
enough content, demagogues make up characters that are bigger than life and focus their
political actions on themselves instead of the problems, making themselves the issues. This
focus on personalities in politics helps demagogues keep their supporters even when the
4 Di Tella, Rafael, and Julio J. Rotemberg. "Populism and the return of the “paranoid style”: Some evidence and
a simple model of demand for incompetence as insurance against elite betrayal." Journal of Comparative
Economics 46, no. 4 (2018): 988-1005.
5 Nelson, Michael. “The presidency and the political system, Michael Nelsen,” 12th ed, 2020.
6 Nelson, Michael. “The presidency and the political system, Michael Nelsen,” 12th ed, 2020.
7 Dwyer, Zachary. "The Founding Nightmare Realized: Demagoguery, Fascism, And Donald Trump." Journal of
Politics 40 (1978): 716.
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media or other leaders criticize them. This method is shown to work especially well in today's
media, where personalities and conflicts often determine what is covered.8
Trump as a Demagogue
Many of Donald Trump's political rhetoric and style are similar to what the Founders
and other experts recognized regarding demagoguery. He used fear and anger to win the
election and during his presidency, especially when talking about immigrants and terrorists.9
A lot of Trump's campaign speeches and election success were built on playing on people's
fears and rage, as Dwyer points out. Trump stirred up these feelings where they weren't
strong enough before and fed off of them.10 In line with what the Founders thought,
demagoguery meant appealing to emotions instead of reason. In line with what the Founders
thought, demagoguery meant appealing to emotions instead of reason. Nelson's book talks
about Trump's ideas about what it means to be president. He says that Trump "in effect
rejected the basic assumption—never before challenged in the modern era—of the need for
specialized skills and highly informed decisions for a successful presidency."11 Trump has
always said that he is fighting for "the people" against corrupt leaders, which is a standard
demagogic theme. This can be evidences as he often used the phrase, "we are transferring
power from Washington, D.C. and giving it back to you, the people" even in his inaugural
speech.12 This attack on the establishment is similar to what past demagogues did by
portraying their opponent as an enemy of the people and friend of the wealthy while
presenting himself as "one of the people."13 This is similar to how Trump talks about things
8 Nelson, Michael. “The presidency and the political system, Michael Nelsen,” 12th ed, 2020.
9 Mollan, S., & Geesin, B. (2020). Donald Trump and Trumpism: Leadership, ideology and narrative of the
business executive turned politician. Organization, 27(3), 405-418.
10 Dwyer, Zachary. "The Founding Nightmare Realized: Demagoguery, Fascism, And Donald Trump." Journal of
Politics 40 (1978): 716.
11 Nelson, Michael. “The presidency and the political system, Michael Nelsen,” 12th ed, 2020.
12 Dwyer, Zachary. "The Founding Nightmare Realized: Demagoguery, Fascism, And Donald Trump." Journal of
Politics 40 (1978): 716.
13 Di Tella, Rafael, and Julio J. Rotemberg. "Populism and the return of the “paranoid style”: Some evidence and
a simple model of demand for incompetence as insurance against elite betrayal." Journal of Comparative
Economics 46, no. 4 (2018): 988-1005.
5
by using simple, emotional words and not going into details about his policies. Because he
likes to make personal attacks and comments that stir up trouble, he has become the center of
political debate, not specific policies. From the point of view of the Founders, Trump's
obvious lack of respect for constitutional values and institutions is also very troubling.14 He
said that the presidential oath is "an oath of allegiance to all Americans" instead of the
Constitution. This shows that he wants to put the will of the people above the limits of the
Constitution. The quote by James Fenimore Cooper that "the demagogue always puts the
people before the constitution and the laws" fits with this.15 Nelson's explores Trump's
unusual "war on the media" and how he uses social media, especially Twitter, to avoid
traditional media outlets and talk directly to his followers, giving his demagogic style more
background.16 By using this approach, Trump can keep up his hateful rhetoric even when the
media criticizes it.
Conclusion
The Founding Fathers were concerned about demagoguery because they had a deep
understanding of how people function and how fragile democracy systems can be. They knew
that demagogues were a special kind of threat because they used democratic freedoms like
free speech, gathering, and the press to weaken the pillars of democratic government. The
founders were afraid that demagogues would put personal gain ahead of the common good,
play on people's baser feelings instead of logic, and upset the delicate balance of powers that
they had worked so hard to create. If you use these standards to look at Donald Trump, there
are good reasons to call him a populist in the same way that the Founders did. It's been
Trump's style in politics to use emotional calls that often put feelings ahead of facts, to tell a
14 Mollan, S., & Geesin, B. (2020). Donald Trump and Trumpism: Leadership, ideology and narrative of the
business executive turned politician. Organization, 27(3), 405-418.
15 Dwyer, Zachary. "The Founding Nightmare Realized: Demagoguery, Fascism, And Donald Trump." Journal of
Politics 40 (1978): 716.
16 Nelson, Michael. “The presidency and the political system, Michael Nelsen,” 12th ed, 2020.
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consistent story of "us versus them" that splits instead of unites, and to personalize political
power in ways that go against what institutions normally do. He is hostile toward the media,
doesn't care about what experts say, and is ready to go beyond the limits of presidential
power. These are all traits that the Founders and later political thinkers thought were typical
of demagogues. It's important to remember, though, that the definition of demagoguery can
vary depending on the party. For example, Trump fans might say that his method is just
necessary to change the corrupt status quo and not a threat to democracy itself. It's still hard
to tell the difference between real demagoguery and populist political groups, as this
argument shows. People of all political views, including those who don't support Trump,
should remember what the Founding Fathers said about how demagoguery can threaten
democracy and individual freedom. The spread of nationalist groups around the world, the
effect of social media on political speech, and the growing division among voters all make it
easy for demagogues to make their cases. Going forward, it is very important for people,
academics, and political leaders to stay alert to demagoguery methods, no matter what side of
the political spectrum they come from. The Founders warned us about these threats and gave
us ways to fight them, such as a strong system of checks and balances, defense of individual
rights, and support for political education. We can help make sure that the republic they
envisioned continues to thrive in the face of modern challenges by learning from these
mistakes and taking part in the political process.
References
Di Tella, Rafael, and Julio J. Rotemberg. "Populism and the return of the “paranoid style”:
Some evidence and a simple model of demand for incompetence as insurance against
elite betrayal." Journal of Comparative Economics 46, no. 4 (2018): 988-1005.
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0147596718300374.
7
Dwyer, Zachary. "The Founding Nightmare Realized: Demagoguery, Fascism, And Donald
Trump." Journal of Politics 40 (1978): 716.
https://bpb-us-w2.wpmucdn.com/about.illinoisstate.edu/dist/e/34/files/2019/09/The-
Founding-Nightmare-Realized.pdf.
Mollan, S., & Geesin, B. (2020). Donald Trump and Trumpism: Leadership, ideology and
narrative of the business executive turned politician. Organization, 27(3), 405-418.
https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/ws/portalfiles/portal/37694464/Geesin_Mollan_Trump
_and_Trumpism_FINAL.pdf.
Nelson, Michael. “The presidency and the political system, Michael Nelsen,” 12th ed, 2020.
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