SUCCESS OF AMERICAN-CHINESE
ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY
HST 306 - STUDIES IN UNITED STATES HISTORY
WEEK 6
Introduction:
One thing that cannot be denied is that the United States grew and developed as a great
nation, as a "giant" world power, both in terms of economics, politics, military, and science
and technology, because of the presence of migrants. With the existence of such diverse
migrants, it also results in the emergence of clashes between cultures, skin colors, religions,
economic interests, and so on. However, it must be recognized that this situation is not only
a monopoly of the United States, but can also be found in other nations in various parts of
the world.
The rise of the United States as a "giant" world power is a tangible manifestation of
the American founding fathers' desire to make the United States a more populous, richer,
and stronger country. The founders were convinced that the various migrants who
voluntarily came to America would be able to increase America's prestige and adjust to its
way of life (Mann, 1990: 89). They also believed that the United States was created by God
as a sanctuary, where freedom, opportunity, and rewards for achievement flourished (Fuchs,
1994: 3). Thus, the United States has made itself a country of freedom, wide open economic
opportunities, which of course everyone is free to take advantage of opportunities to pursue
socio-economic and political benefits, as confirmed by Crevecoeur in his book Letters from
an American Farmer in Luedtke (1994: 59), that: For various reasons, they come in droves
to move here. Everything here is a new law, a new way of life, a new social order; here they
become people: in Europe they are no different from useless vegetation, which dries up and
becomes useless longed for rain; they languished and were parched by want, famine, and
war; but now, thanks to a revived spirit, like other plants, their roots are refreshed and they
flourish.
If white people, white politicians, and statesmen are honest, then the conditions
mentioned above also apply to the Chinese people who in their home country are very poor,
political oppression, unending political turmoil, unequal social conditions, making some of
them who cannot stand the conditions in their country try to go out looking for a decent life
for humanity, both in terms of socio-economics and politics, so that the Chinese consider the
United States in general and California in particular as a gold mountain (Steinfield, 1970:
123). This indicates that they had high hopes for the land they came to improve the welfare
of themselves and their families. However, what they got was beyond what they had
imagined as they found humiliation, injustice, and limited economic opportunities in the
new place. Nevertheless, the Chinese were able to maintain their existence, in terms of
population, economy, politics, and socio-culture.
In connection with the above description, this chapter will describe the success of
Chinese Americans in the period between 1850 and 1924. The things that will be discussed
are the state of the population which includes the population and the composition of the
population based on age and gender. This is intended to know and understand the condition
of the population of the Chinese American community, after they were faced with legislation
that did not want their presence in the country, in addition to the resentment and hatred of
white citizens which in turn made their population decline, and also the proportion of the
Chinese American population. The unbalanced composition of the population, both in terms
of age and gender. In addition, the economic successes of Chinese Americans are described,
in which all of their economic activities in the country are discussed. This is intended to
understand how they are trying to solve economic problems in a region far from their home
and where economic opportunities are limited.
Furthermore, cultural contributions will also be discussed, this is intended to find out
whether their culture as a legacy from their place of origin still survives. And finally, the
contribution in the political field, both political efforts for the benefit of the group and for
the benefit of the wider community.
All of the above is expected to provide a clear picture of how Chinese Americans can
maintain their existence as a minority group in the United States, which throughout the
history of their existence in the country has been treated unfairly in various aspects of life.
A. Population and Composition of the Americas China:
The Chinese population by 1851 numbered 25,000 in California, by 1870 there were
63,000 in the United States, almost all on the West Coast. Nearly 6,000 Chinese entered the
United States in 1880, and five times that number in 1882 (Sowell, 1989: 189). The
immigrant restriction laws aimed at the Chinese reduced the flow of Chinese migrants into
the country.
Chinese migration initially consisted almost entirely of men, due to the fact that their
migration was temporary rather than permanent. In the 1880s, the number of Chinese
leaving the United States was greater than those entering (Sowell, 1989: 189). This was
because; some partly as a result of their original intention to return to China after earning
money in the United States, and partly because of unpleasant experiences in that country,
and some died. As a direct consequence of these conditions, the Chinese population over the
four decades from the early 1880s to the 1920s experienced a sharp decline. This can be
seen in table 4.1, that the number of Chinese in 1880 was 105,465, this number declined
sharply to just over 60,000 in 1920, and increased again in 1940 to 77,504.
In addition to their numbers declining sharply, their sex ratio is also unbalanced. In
1860 there were eighteen men to one woman, in 1890 there were twenty-six men to one
woman, in 1920 there were seven to one and in 1940 there were two point nine men to one
woman, for details see table 5.
The unbalanced ratio between the number of men and women can lead to social
turmoil, such as increased crime rates, prostitution, and so on, because adult men who
should be suitable for marriage become unmarried, and as an escape from this situation they
will usually spend their time and money in brothels, gambling houses, and drinking. This is
evident in the fact that between 1900 and 1927, two-thirds of all Chinese prisoners in the
United States were convicted of three crimes related to single people: prostitution, drinking,
and gambling (Daniels, 1993: 23).
The percentage of Chinese people born in the United States shows an increase, namely
in 1870 it was 1% of the total Chinese population, in 1880, also 1%, in 1890 it rose to 3%, in
1890 it was 3%. 1900 10%, 1910 20% and 1920 30%, 1930 41%, as well as the year of
1940 rose to 50% (Thernstrom, 1980: 223). Increased percentage of Chinese born in the
United States as Chinese are allowed to bring their families to the country. This also means
that Chinese women can also give birth to several generations of children, and these children
grow and develop to reduce the gender imbalance shown in Table 5 above. In addition, the
increase in the number of children born in the United States meant that the number of
Chinese Americans who became citizens automatically increased. This is evident in the fact
that from only 9010 citizens in 1900, the number increased to 40,262 in 1940, an increase of
four and a half times (table 5).
In terms of age, Chinese Americans differ significantly between the elderly, adults and
children. This disparity is due to the fact that Chinese migrants were originally adult men, as
well as the country's policy of prohibiting mixed marriages in addition to restrictions on
their migration. Since those who came gradually grew old while the younger generation,
both those born in America and those who came from China, were few in number, the
imbalance was inevitable. For a comparison of this imbalance, see the 1920 census on the
distribution of Chinese by age and sex (table 6).
Table 6 above shows that the Chinese-American community is dominated by older
men, as shown by the average age of 42 years, while among women it is dominated by the
younger age group, as shown by the average age of 19 years. In terms of the average age of
women, this group is of marriageable and childbearing age, which means that there will be
an increasing number of young Chinese-born Americans, and it can also be assumed that the
population structure will be more balanced, both in terms of age and gender.
B. Contribution to Economy
We know that economic opportunities for Chinese Americans were limited, but as the
western economy was booming, it created a wide range of opportunities and possibilities for
self-employment, including the abjectly poor Chinese migrants. After the construction of the
Central Pacific railroad was completed, which employed several tens of thousands of
Chinese, many of them began to look for work.
in agriculture and construction, while others became cooks and laundrymen. It wasn't long
before the Chinese became involved in capitalistic ventures.
In 1880, 11.8 percent of the Chinese in San Francisco were merchants themselves or
worked for merchants, 10 percent were artisans, and more than 7 percent were trained and
independent craftsmen (Fuchs, 1994: 144). Furthermore, it was noted that since 1890
Chinese shopkeepers in the mainland United States had become twice as numerous as the
general population, and by 1920 three and a half times as numerous. In that year 48 percent
of them provided personal services and another 11 percent were in agriculture (Fuchs, 1994:
216).
The Chinese have nonetheless contributed to the economy of the United States in
general and the Western region in particular. Since the Chinese are concentrated in certain
occupations, especially in agriculture, industry, and services, the focus of the discussion here
is on these fields. In addition, the work ethic and entrepreneurial ethos of the Chinese that
have made them successful in managing limited economic resources in a society that is
suspicious of their every activity are described.
C. Field Agriculture
For six or seven decades, the Chinese were active participants in the development of
California agriculture, as cooks, vegetable hawkers, or sharecroppers, and as farm
owners/entrepreneurs, as well as commission merchants, all positions that gave them
freedom over their own lives (Chan, 1985: 403). Their entrepreneurial spirit proved fruitful
in the economic sphere. Producing raw materials is more important than making finished
goods. Individuals who have little capital, but plenty of energy and are willing to take risks
can achieve considerable economic success.
The Chinese were successful in entering the niches of California's agricultural
economy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The Chinese renting land in the
Sacramento Valley in the 1870s, knowing how valuable he was to the landowner, insisted on
hiring two or three Chinese to help him for at least $1 a day. Whites may have dominated all
sectors of the economy, but they were forced to use Chinese middlemen to procure and
manage Chinese labor as industrial and agricultural expansion accelerated. The workers
were paid relatively well, for example, in the 1870s and 1880s, a tarsier could save $8 to $15
per month. Chinese who rented land earned more than whites who rented land in the south
and much more than blacks (Chan, 1986: 331). This was due to their skills in tillage,
planting, and harvesting which were used extensively in vineyards, "hop" orchards, and
apple and other fruit orchards. They also managed to increase agricultural products such as
sugar beets, citrus fruits and celery. Some were sharecroppers; others grew vegetables for
market. By 1880, they numbered more than one-third as gardeners in California, as itinerant
vegetable peddlers were known in many cities. Most of their contributions are unrecorded,
but their horticultural expertise can be inferred from their legacy, such as the introduction of
cherries by Ah Bing, a foreman working in Milwaukie, Oregon in the 1870s and the
development of citrus crops by a fruit expert, Lue Gim Gong (1860-1925) in De Land in the
1870s 1888 (Thernstrom 1980: 219).
The Chinese expertise in cultivating farmland and cultivating crops, both short-term
crops, such as vegetables, as well as the cultivation of perennials or long-term crops, such as
citrus crops, grapes, and other long-term crops is supported by the fact that they come from
agricultural areas, in the interior of Kwantung province, so it is not surprising that they apply
this expertise upon arrival in the United States. This is evident from the success of their
agricultural endeavors as described above.
D. Industry and Services
The Chinese who worked in the factories also played an important role in the
industries in California that developed since the Civil War, particularly the wollen clothing,
cigarette, shoe, and garment industries in San Francisco. In the early 1870s they comprised
70-80 percent of wollen mill workers, and 90 percent were cigarette makers. By the mid-
1870s, they were the majority of cobblers and dressmakers, marketing almost all underwear
production; they also made brooms, slippers, and cigarette cases (Thernstrom, 1980: 219).
In seeking capital to start a business the Chinese are often assisted by the Hui-Kuan,
led by a merchant. The Hui-Kuan-Hui-Kuan acted as intermediaries in disputes and
provided protection. Some of them functioned as rotating receivables to help members start
their own businesses. Members of the Hui Kuans pool a certain amount of money in a
common "poll", then they compete in some way, often by lottery, for the right to use the
entire amount to start a small business. The members get together again the following
month, and Those who have not had a turn continue the process until every member has had
a chance to use the "poll" (Thernstrom, 1980: 224).
The difficulty of seeking loans from banks and other financial institutions in the
broader society could not prevent the establishment of Chinese businesses. Credit
associations were a long-established institution in South China. As such, money can be
pooled and used for investment. It was simple enough, each member in turn could use the
money collected from all the members, but what made it successful was that it rarely failed
to repay the credit. A strong sense of individuality as someone who had to maintain family
honor seemed to make people unwilling to fail to repay credit once received, and very
importantly, the whole constellation of Chinese values, especially family honor, made the
means viable, whereas failure to repay would destroy the whole framework, These credit-
loan societies remained the main means of acquiring capital in Chinatown until 1950
(Sowell, 1989: 201).
Nevertheless, without the help of the Hui-Khans Chinese workers were sometimes
able to demand higher prices for their work because the supply of labor in the late nineteenth
century was relatively short in times of rapid economic expansion. After accumulating a
small amount of capital, an entrepreneur could quickly open a business with a limited but
steady Chinese clientele, as his language skills allowed him to serve buyers in ways that
were difficult or impossible for whites. There are thousands of similar examples of such
entrepreneurs, e.g. Lee Bing started out as a dishwasher and cleaner at the Walnut Grove
hotel, then he took over as manager a Chinese cook and got a raise from $20 to $60 per
month, which eventually enabled him to save enough money to buy a restaurant in
partnership with other Chinese. Later he became a partner in a metal shop and a drugstore
and bought shares in a Shang Loi gambling house that catered exclusively to the Chinese
(Chan, 1986: 355).
Over time, Chinese people began to engage in capitalistic ventures. In the early
twentieth century, small Chinese entrepreneurs successfully invested in ventures such as
petroleum, mining, and automotive manufacturing. In the San Francisco Bay Area,
American-Chinese capital financed at least two canneries. In 1915 merchants pooled their
resources to establish the China Mail Steamship Company to purchase three ships. Capital
for this project was supplied by the first Chinese-American bank, Canton Bank in San
Francisco, incorporated in 1907. The emergence of this group of entrepreneurs was fueled
by the establishment of American-Chinese chambers of commerce in New York in 1904 and
in San Francisco in 1908, which promoted Chinese business and replaced the protective
function of the old trade unions (Strenstrom, 1980 225).
Many of the large companies mentioned above failed due to inadequate financial
resources, competition with American corporations, and racial prejudice. In 1923 the China
Mail Steamship Company went bankrupt, followed by the Canton Bank which closed in
1926. In 1930 the Chinese lost control of the canneries. Only two major companies
remained, centered in San Francisco, namely National Dollar Stores (1921), a department-
store, men's and women's clothing chain, and Wah Chang Corporation in New York (1916)
(Strenstroff, 1980: 225).
Until the Second World War, most Chinese remained self-employed or cooperated in
small businesses, such as in trade or in small patterns (especially in garment factories),
which made products that were labor intensive and used relatively little capital. These
enterprises can remain viable due to long operating times, low profit margins, and low
salaries. In addition, they also owned restaurants, worked in restaurants, and some were
laundrymen. Nevertheless, many Chinese Americans have become wealthy as laborers in
business. In 1939 alone, a Chinese migrant laborer named Joe Shoong had built a large store
with branches that earned him the highest income in the state of California. Gerald Tsai, Jr.
is now the president of a Wall Street firm (selling 108 bell shares) with over 400 billion
dollars in assets. Another Chinese American, C.Y. Yung is one of the largest private
shipowners in the world, spending more than three billion dollars on one ship alone (Sowell,
1989: 212).
The ability of the Chinese to manage limited economic ventures has made the Chinese
community grow and develop as an independent society. Chinatown communities could take
care of their own poor. The catastrophe and earthquake in San Francisco in 1906 did not
force the Chinese to ask for government assistance, even though San Francisco's Chinatown
was burned to the ground after the 1906 earthquake, leaving many homeless. The Chinese in
San Francisco received far less aid than the number of those affected by the disaster, and
even fewer were forced to ask for government assistance, instead, internal Chinese
American community organizations collected money from Chinese descendants living in
other cities to relieve the burden and provide rehabilitation for those affected disaster
(Sowell 1989: 199). He goes on to say that when the Great Depression was at its worst in the
early 1930s, not many received unemployment funds from the federal government. While
ten percent of whites in Chicago received federal assistance in 1933, only four percent of
Chinese did. In New York, nine percent were white, and only one percent were Chinese. The
same pattern was found in other cities.
Chinese in the United States not only help their relatives in distress in the United
States, but also send part of their money in China, Hong Kong, and Macao to help their
families and invest in housing and land. As China modernized in the late nineteenth century,
overseas Chinese also sent money for other purposes. Until the onset of the depression in the
1930s, they contributed money to financial aid, trade, manufacturing enterprises, the
establishment of schools, and other non-profit organizations (Threnstrom, 1980: 224). Since
most Chinese Americans came from one district of one province, remittances were
concentrated in one place, Toishan, being one of the wealthiest districts in the country. The
streets are paved and have electric lighting. It continued to have the best learning facilities in
the province until China's communist rule in the mid-twentieth century. The schools were
built and staffed with Chinese labor in America (Sowell, 1989: 197). Government-related
projects were financed by soliciting donations from Chinese in America, such as the
construction of the Sunning Railway in the Sze Yap region which used the financial
assistance of Chinese in the United States and Chinese in Canada; the proponent of this
project was Chin Gee Hee (1844-1929), a former merchant and labor contractor in Seattle
(Threnstrom, 1989: 225).
The above description can be said that the Chinese concentrated in certain businesses
and built their sub-economy in the country's Chinatown. They provided economic
opportunities for their own class. The integration of Chinese capital and labor in a single
ethnic community separated from the larger society economically and culturally, is
supported by the fact that there was no significant generation of Chinese adults born in
America until World War II. In other words, the Chinese were better prepared than other
ethnic groups for the changing labor needs after World War II. They as a group had the
economic base to invest in the education of young people, a prerequisite for mobility into
higher levels of white-collar work. This was due to the historical solidarity of the Chinese
community in the United States and the mutual assistance that distributed economic
resources to American-born generations.
The younger generation of American-born Chinese who thus became citizens, were
sent to college and humbly sought professional employment on their own. These upstarts
became examples and arguments against the stereotype of Chinese descendants as
unassimilable and unacceptable foreigners. These unspectacular tactics combined with the
decline of realism in America in general and anti-Chinese feelings in particular caused this
group of professionals to grow in both absolute and relative terms.
The percentage of white-collar workers in the total labor force increased from 31
percent in 1940 to 48 percent in 1970, representing the growth in professional and technical
workers after the Second World War. There were new teachers, medical specialists,
researchers and engineers in the labor force in 1940. As an intermediate example it doubled,
and the number of researches increased to 50 percent (Trow, 1960: 442).
E. Work Ethic of Chinese :
The overseas Chinese or Chinese across the seas wherever they are, including in the
United States, have succeeded in building an economic base as an effort to maintain the
survival of their own ethnic community, even though in various destination countries, they
are faced with rejection, political massacres, and others, all of which lead to injustice and
other forms of discriminatory treatment.
It is widely recognized that Chinese culture has a work ethic that emphasizes tenacity
and craft. Since the turn of the century, Western observers of the Chinese have stereotyped
them as "tireless workers". Willingness to work hard and maximum utilization of working
time are not characteristics of a simple demographic or livelihood group among the Chinese,
but apply to young and old, rich and poor, manual laborers and the educated elite Ch'ng
1993: 52).
The fulfillment of this work ethic is not unconditional. There are times when Chinese
people think there is no need to work hard. It is therefore important to discover the
motivation behind the Chinese work ethic: why do they work so hard? There is no generally
accepted explanation for the tenacity of the Chinese, only a general recognition that it colors
the lives of overseas Chinese. Redding (1993: 70) attributes it to family devotion; an
acceptance of discipline; a fear of insecurity; a great tolerance for routine; and an inculcated
pragmatism strongly.
The economic success of Chinese Americans is supported by the distinctive traits they
possess, such as this work ethic, by Harell (1985) presents three explanations for the
Chinese work ethic. First, he proposes that the Chinese were raised with different values.
The positive value of "hard work" is strongly instilled in Chinese children at an early age.
For the overseas Chinese community, work is associated with a complex set of values that
include self-sacrifice, interdependence, trust, and thrift, which are seen as the basis for
accumulating wealth. Second, the Chinese work hard for material rewards. In overseas
Chinese communities, prosperity, a feeling of comfort and security in old age occupy a
central position in the shared perception of the good life. In other words, the incentive to
work hard is directly related to social dignity and future security. Third, the Chinese work
ethic has a group orientation Individuals do not work solely for personal gain, but solely to
improve the welfare of the family and then for the good of society. Chinese work hard when
they see possible long-term benefits for their basic economic units, starting with their
immediate family, in the hope of improving the welfare of their descendants.
The Chinese work hard not only because they have been educated to value hard work
and for material rewards and social honor, but also because financial success brings honor to
their ancestors.
F. Entrepreneurial Ethos of Chinese People
Chinese entrepreneurship is an important part of the Chinese work ethic and has been
defined as a cultural value that demands the possibility of wealth accumulation and has been
limit the extent to which he invests his resources in long-term ventures to improve the
material well-being and security of his immediate family and to enhance his social dignity
and lineage (Harell, 1988: 94). The main tenets of the Chinese entrepreneurial spirit are
family-centeredness and future-orientation.
Dr. Jacob Y.H. Jou in Ch'ng (1993: 54-55), explains four main reasons for the
widespread entrepreneurial spirit of the Chinese. First, the family-run nature of the business,
which is the most typical form of enterprise among overseas Chinese, means that members
who are not related to the family are usually regarded as "outsiders" and not welcome in the
sphere of power. As a result, employees full of ambition and initiative will not be satisfied
with long-term employment prospects. Once they have accomplished all they can in a
business run by others, and established good contacts, they are more likely to open their own
business. Secondly, every child in a Chinese family expects a share of the family wealth
when the father dies. This tradition reduces small businesses to large-scale enterprises.
Third, many small businesses prefer to expand by adding related small-scale businesses
rather than concentrating on expanding the original business. Finally, the social stigma
associated with working in a family outside one's own is a major motivation for an overseas
Chinese to try to get out.
G. Contributions in the Field of Politics
Aristotle (384-332 BC) argued that the very nature of social life is political and the
interaction of two or more people will inevitably involve political relations. He saw this as a
natural tendency that cannot be avoided by humans, and few people tend to isolate
themselves rather than cooperate with others (Hamid, 1988: 3). In this broad sense, everyone
is considered a politician.
A more formal and limited definition of politics was put forward by the famous French
philosopher, Montesqieu (1689-1775) who suggested that all government functions could be
included in the categories of legislative, executive, and judicial, with an assumption that it
would be more secure with the division of different functions in separate government
institutions (Hamid, 1988: 4). Based on this perspective, it is understandable that political
scientists would focus solely on the organization and working system of the institutions that
make laws, that implement laws, and that accommodate conflicts arising from different
interests and various interpretations of laws. But this is clearly not the whole of the political
process, as it is agreed by political scientists that the legislature, the executive and the courts
exist, not by themselves. As such, they cannot work independently of each other, nor with
other political organizations in society. The latter include, first of all, political parties and
interest groups (pressure or lobby groups), together with formal state institutions, they form
the "political system", a term which means that politics is actually a complex process
involving individual citizens and interests, organizational groups, elections, and lobbying,
both in the formulation, implementation, and interpretation of laws (Hamid, 1988: 5).
Based on some of the above opinions, the presence of Chinese people in the United
States cannot be separated from their political activities in that country, which are also can
be interpreted as their contribution to politics. For as people try to determine their place in
society, as they seek to achieve their personal well-being through the resources available to
them, and as they seek to influence others to accept their views, they will find themselves
busy with politics.
Early Chinese migrants sought to withdraw or alienate themselves from formal politics
due to the conditions that existed in the United States at that time, if at all, it was limited to
their efforts to defend themselves from more violent political oppression. The Chinese
emerged in the formal political arena after the reduction of discrimination in general and
anti-Chinese discrimination in particular.
From the beginning of their arrival in the United States, the Chinese organized
themselves in the form of family associations, clan or district associations, language dialects,
trade unions, and barrels, in an effort to protect their interests in the country, be it for
economic interests or political interests. Because the discussion in this paper is the political
contribution of the Chinese, the focal point of the description is the association in its
function as a political tool.
Without minimizing the role of other associations, the district association, or hui-kuan,
was the most influential and largest of all early Chinese migrant associations. According to
Threnstrom (1980: 221) the two main hui-kuans were established by the Sam Yap and Sze
Yap communities in San Francisco around 1851, followed by other areas. These hui-kuans
acted as spokespersons for the community in dealing with non-Chinese. By 1870 there were
six main hui-kuans in San Francisco, collectively known as the Six Chinese Companies.
The role of these organizations was crucial in opposing any activities that threatened
the safety and interests of the Chinese people. It is evident that when anti-Chinese agitation
intensified around 1882, a protective organization (Chinese Consolidated Benevolent
Association), better known as the Six Companies (Daniels, 1993: 23), was established in San
Francisco to deal more effectively with anti-Chinese activities and community issues. The
organization acted as a spokesperson on key issues and also held the leadership and power
structure of Chinatown (Thernstrom, 1980: 222).
As the Chinese community grew and migrated to the country, CCBA organizations
were established in other cities that functioned similarly to the CCBA in San Francisco. The
CCBA formed a network across the country; each local community appointed a
spokesperson. But all were subordinate to the CCBA in San Francisco, as the spokesperson
for all Chinese in the United States (Thernstrum, 1980: 222).
From a political point of view, the establishment of these organizations is very
beneficial for the Chinese community, because in addition to its function as a protector of
the entire Chinese community in the United States, also the existence of community
spokespersons can be interpreted as a common voice and opinion among the Chinese, both
in dealing with problems within their own community and problems related to the white
community and the United States government, especially those related to US government
policies that are considered to be very discriminatory Chinese people do not take it for
granted, such as the Chinese Exclusion Laws. Chinatown leaders often petitioned for fairer
treatment. Diplomats like Wu Tingfang (1842-1922) and Liang Cheng (1864-1917), and
prominent Chinese Americans like Ng Poon Chew (1866-1931), managing editor of the
influential Chinese newspaper in San Francisco, Chung Sai Yat Po (1900-1951) in a number
of talks and writings protested the implementation of immigration laws (Thernstrom, 1980:
223). Furthermore, Benjamin B. Ringer (1985: 668) points out that when the United States
revised its treaty with China in 1894 to reflect the updated expulsion provisions of the
Deficiency Act of 1904, Chinese Americans called on their Chinese brethren to force the
United States to improve its treatment of migrants. In 1905, China and a number of overseas
Chinese communities boycotted US goods. This effort brought some improvements to the
treatment of migrants, but the expulsion laws still remained in place.
The Chinese took a number of cases to court to clarify and assert their rights to enter
the country. In the case of United States v. Cue Lim (1900), the United States Supreme
Court ruled, that Chinese merchants were entitled to bring their wives and children in the
country. The right of American-born Chinese to be citizens and therefore entitled to enter
the United States was decided by the court in the case of United States v. Wong Kim Ark
(1898). Thanks to this decision, the Supreme Court determined that Chinese children born in
the United States were citizens of the United States under the Fourteenth Amendment
(Mann, 1990: 109). However, citizenship rights for foreign-born grandchildren were not
allowed until 1927, as in the case of Weedin v Chin Bow (Threnstrom, 1980: 224). The
decision-making in these citizenship cases was significant with the consequence that for the
two decades from 1920-1940, 71,040 were recognized as citizens and only 66,039 as
foreigners.
With the admission of women at the beginning of the twentieth century the ratio of
Chinese men to women, although still lopsided, gradually decreased between 1900-1940,
with one in four Chinese being female. As their family and community life became more
stable, the Chinese and their children established organizations that were once typical of
those created by European migrants and their children.
The first to be established were fraternal organizations, such as the Native Sons of the
Golden State, formed in San Francisco, which was renamed the Chinese-American Citizens'
Alliance in 1905. The organization grew quickly and had branches in half a dozen eastern
and midwestern states by 1915. With its main headquarters in San Francisco. The
organization fought against discriminatory immigration laws and segregation of students in
public schools and encouraged Chinese Americans to get involved in politics. In 1924 it
began publishing the Chinese Times in San Francisco in Chinese, eleven years later
American-born Chinese founded the Chinese Digest in the same city, the first Chinese
American newspaper in English. By 1921 five YMCAs (Young Men's Christian Association)
were formed by the Chinese (Fuhcs, 1994: 147).
After World War I, the Chinese became more active in politics and successfully
defeated anti-Chinese politicians and conducted an effective campaign in support of
Rosevelt's candidacy in 1936. Around that time the Chinese transit had passed. The majority
of Chinese in the United States were born in the country. The Chinese have held many
offices, one example among Chinese Americans who held political office was Wing F. Ong,
elected as a member of the state legislature. Arizona by a mostly white electorate, and only
tens of tens of thousands of Chinese votes. A well-known Chinese-American political figure
was Hiram Fong, United States Senator from Hawaii from 1959-1976, having previously
served in Hawaii's territorial legislature for 14 years (Sowell, 1989: 212). In another
example of their Americanization process in the country, in 1954 a Democratic Party
support group was established as a counterpoint to the CACA which had been obviously
leaning towards the Republican Party (Tsai, 1986: 96).
The above description shows the evolutionary process of their involvement in politics,
starting from traditional organizations that aim only to protect their own communities,
gradually demanding the rights of citizenship, and with the fulfillment of the demands of
citizenship means that their political rights are also fulfilled, because political and other
rights are inherent in every citizen.
With the growth of their community and the citizenship rights of their descendants in
the country, they began to establish modern organizations that followed Western patterns.
The first was a Republican-leaning organization and the second was a Democratic-leaning
organization. Thus, they directly began to immerse themselves in politics.
According to Myron Weiner (1979: 63), migration has political consequences for the
migrant's home region. Migrants often fight for the independence of their home country. He
took the example of the Greeks in fighting for their independence in 1837, providing money
and energy for the Greek national struggle against the Ottomans. Similarly,
Czechoslovakian, Italian, and Serbian migrants to the United States provided moral,
financial, and sometimes weapons and men to the struggle in their home countries. The same
pattern applies to the Chinese in the United States.
From 1900-1910 many Chinese Americans provided support to Kang Yu-wei's efforts
to reform imperial China and Sun Yat-sen's efforts to overthrow the Mancu dynasty. During
the civil war that led to the Chinese revolution in 1911, American-Chinese supporters
comprised a wide variety of partisan groups that differed in opinion, and were apparently
brought into polemics in Chinese newspapers in San Francisco, New York, and later
Chicago. The best organized political party was the Kuomin-tang (Chinese Nationalist
Party), derived from Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary party. Many of its branches were
established overseas including Chinatown in the United States. After the establishment of
the national government in Nangking in 1927, the Kuomintang became the most dominant
voice in the Chinese American community (Therstrom, 1980: 226).
Overseas Chinese played an important role in Chinese politics, from 1900-1930s
American-Chinese often raised money to help China resist Japanese aggression and
organized to boycott Japanese goods. In 1931 people staged anti-Japanese demonstrations in
cities across the United States. In 1937 when large-scale warfare broke out in Shanghai and
elsewhere, support for Chiang Kaishek's regime grew steadily. Between 1937-1945, 56
billion dollars were given by Chinese Americans to support China's war efforts (Daniels,
1993: 188).
Overseas Chinese played an important role in Chinese politics, from 1900-1930s
American-Chinese often raised money to help China resist Japanese aggression and
organized to boycott Japanese goods. In 1931 people staged anti-Japanese demonstrations in
cities across the United States. In 1937 when large-scale warfare broke out in Shanghai and
elsewhere, support for the anti-Japanese cause grew.
Chiang Kaishek's regime grew steadily. Between 1937-1945, 56 billion dollars were given
by American-Chinese to support China's war efforts (Daniels, 1993: 188).
The heroic resistance of the Chinese against Japanese aggression led to Asian news
coverage in American newspapers, and the growing tensions between the United States and
Japan, especially after the bombing of the US battleship Panay by Japanese aircraft in
Chinese waters in 1937, contributed to a new image of the Chinese in the eyes of many
Americans. The political result was the easing of domestic prejudice against Chinese
Americans, which also meant the opening up of new opportunities in various fields of life
that had not previously been enjoyed by Chinese Americans (Hraba, 1979: 312) consists of
everything that is learned from normative patterns of behavior. That is, it includes all the
ways or patterns of thinking, feeling, and acting.
In terms of the form of culture itself, Koentjaraningrat (1990: 186) divides it into three
categories; first, the form of culture as a complex of ideas, ideas, values, norms, rules, and so
on, second, the form of culture as a complex of activities and patterned actions of humans in
society, and third, the form of culture as objects of human work. The three forms of culture
described above, in the reality of community life are not separate from one another. Ideal
culture and customs regulate and give direction to human actions and works, both thoughts
and ideas as well as human actions and works produce physical culture, otherwise physical
culture forms a certain living environment that increasingly distances humans from their
natural environment so as to affect patterns of action, even the way of thinking. In this
regard, the Chinese-American people as a minority community group In the country's
Chinatowns, Chinese parents form distinctive cultural patterns of thinking, feeling, and
behaving, which they have acquired from their homeland, and upon arriving in the United
States as their new home, this culture has been passed on to their children and descendants.
This is evident in the novels by Ching Yun Bezine (1995), Linda Ching Sledge (1995), Amy
Tan (1994) that reveal how Chinese parents teach their children Chinese customs, norms,
values, and habits, how they struggle to instill the remnants of Chinese culture in their
American-born and -raised sons and daughters, and how they bridge the intergenerational
and intercultural gulf with unflagging love, even when confronted with the Western culture
that dominates all aspects of life in the country.
It must be recognized that American culture was shaped by migrants who came from
various regions of the world. Since the Chinese are part of the migrants in the United States,
the culture they bring with them is also part of American culture, or in other words, it
enriches the color of American culture together with the culture of other migrants from
various parts of the world.
H. Beliefs and Values Basis
It is undeniable that Chinese people in the United States reflect Chinese society in
many ways. Migrants retained their customs in clothing and food; men had their hair shaved
and the back in a long ponytail as a sign of loyalty to the Mancu dynasty; women tied their
feet as a sign of modesty (Threnstrom, 1980: 220). These customs were no longer practiced
as their time in the United States progressed. However Nevertheless, there are some basic
beliefs and values that remain inherent in every Chinese person wherever he or she is,
including in the United States, namely Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. This is
evidenced by the establishment of their places of worship in the Chinatown areas of
California, such as in Weaverville, Oroville, Marysville, Hanford, Mendocino, and
Bakersfield (Thernstrom, 1980: 321).
Confucianism is based on a moral-ethical ideal that is meant to organize all
relationships within the family and the state into a harmonious whole. As the dominant
Chinese ideology for nearly two thousand years, Confucianism has influenced every aspect
of Chinese life and culture. Although overseas Chinese do not consider themselves
Confucians, the natural manners of the Chinese are usually heavily influenced by Confucian
philosophy. This is reflected in social life, in the relationships among family members,
between young and old, between men and women, between friends, in respect for elders or
employers, and in the desire for education.
Confucian characteristics according to Little and Reed (1989) in Ch'ng (1993: 48) are
as follows: First, the emphasis on obligations in society, more than rights. Second, the
emphasis on rule by man, or virtue, rather than by law. This tends to maximize harmony and
bonding in society. Third, a great emphasis on education. Fourth, a strong belief in the
relationship between past and present. Fifth, an increased awareness of the value of human
community and order over material possessions. Sixth, a high regard for logic and
rationality. Seventh, a strong awareness of the changing nature of reality and the need for
polar opposites to complement each other, rather than to contradict each other (Yin- Yin
teachings which). These main Confucian characteristics are inherent in a person raised in an
ethnic Chinese environment. All of these influence the social behavior of Chinese people in
the United States (Threnstrom, 1980: 221).
Taoism reflects the closeness to nature and Chinese dualisms, such as hot and cold,
light and dark, male and female (yin and yang). This dualism is relevant because it is
necessary to know how to neutralize the dominant with passive, surrendered and inactive
forces. Many natural forces are unfavorable. Society may benefit from the principle of wu-
wei, or active non-doing that lies at the center of the Taoist paradigm. The second teaching
of Taoism is an understanding of natural law that can be metaphorized by the vein of wood
and the social implications of seeking wood, of working with it rather than against it
(Redding, 1993: 49).
The application of Taoism and Confucianism is reflected in every aspect of Chinese
life in the United States, as described by Amy Tan (1994) in her novel The Joy Luck Club
which tells about the efforts of the Chinese to balance the forces of nature, between good
and bad, between strong and weak, and so on. Understanding the natural phenomena that
might befall their family members and avoiding these possibilities as much as possible by
balancing the conflicting forces of nature. In short, Chinese people understand the natural
phenomena around them not to fight or oppose them, but how to balance them and cooperate
with them for the good of society in general and their families in particular.
Buddhism, like Daoism, is concerned with man's place in the world. However,
Buddhism is different from Daoism. Buddhism focuses on mistakes and people behaving
like God, such as Jesus. This makes it easier for people to find figures. However Buddhism
is not a deistic religion. Buddhism has never claimed the existence of God. Buddhism
emphasizes humans who have found the path of life. This is achieved through a process of
enlightenment that leads them to the reality of life.
Eternity or nirvana is seen as the source of perfection and the ultimate goal. That is
where the appeal of Buddhism lies. Buddhism allows each individual to give an
interpretation, and at the same time focuses attention on endless problems so that people do
not feel pressured. Buddhism also provides the philosophy that all realms are one and
nirvana is everywhere.
Buddhism has a philosophy of harmony of all natural elements, which attracts Chinese
people to Buddhism. Although Taoism regulates the rhythms of nature, Buddhist meditation
techniques more easily lead people to understand the wholeness of human beings, as
Carmody and Carmody state, the Chinese can unite with nature in a new way. Besides being
deeper and stronger than their own religious systems, the Chinese can enjoy the beauty,
emptiness, fullness, reincarnation into trees, mountains, cliffs, and people (Redding, 1993:
71).
In the United States, these believers form associations, such as the Buddhist
association and the Taoist association (Threnstrom, 1980: 228). With these associations,
their existence in the country can be maintained and perhaps even increased, not only among
Chinese Americans but also attracting white, black, or Indian adherents.
I. Ethnicity Preservation :
The assimilation of Chinese migrants into the wider American society has been very
slow, as Daniels (1993) points out that assimilation is still wishful thinking. Chinese groups
still use Chinese dialects and are still conservatively Chinese. They still preserve their race.
This is reflected in the efforts of parents of Chinese children to match their children with
members of the same ethnic group. This kind of ethnic preservation is common, and this
feature will color the pages of Chinese history. Although there are other influential factors,
there are basically three main causes that make Chinese people preserve race. First, the
success of the Chinese was hated by many, so they banded together to face it. Second,
Chinese culture is considered superior. Third, it is simply an inner satisfaction related to
one's affection.
We know that Chinese migrants in America have experienced economic success. This
success was achieved thanks to their perseverance and hard work, which not surprisingly led
to envy, suspicion, and ostracization by the American society, not only the white society, but
also the black society. It is therefore understandable that the pages of African American
newspapers attacked Asians between 1900-1935. Booker T. Washington especially disliked
the Chinese; unlike blacks, he said, they could not be assimilated into western civilization
(Fuchs, 1994: 166). The Chinese, on the other hand, were satisfied with the effort, and they
considered themselves not human if they had not succeeded. They are not Chinese if they
are not sensitive to the fact that success in other countries can lead to hatred. Consequently,
a vigilant attitude of self-defense emerges as group solidarity.
The success of the Chinese people further influenced its civilization. When viewed
from the perspective of traditionalists and retrospectives and from a romantic perspective
(difficult to separate from events), Chinese civilization has an authority still based on its
achievements. It is not strange that this is still a commonly held and understood belief that
greatly influences its work.
The memory of ethnic identity and living around one's own people is a social
phenomenon that happens automatically. In addition, there is a prohibition for Chinese
people to include other ethnicities or leave their ethnicity. Another problem is the difficulty
of speaking Chinese. For Chinese people, not being able to speak Chinese is a sacrifice,
while for foreigners it is a big challenge. As long as Chinese is still mastered, Chinese ties
are still strong in overseas countries, and ethnic Chinese can be found everywhere (Reeding,
1993: 58). The Chinese have been able to maintain their language, as most of them live
separately in the Chinatown areas of the country, and as a consequence many Chinese do not
speak English. However, it is understood that this is due to the ostracized life of the Chinese
in the country.
Chinese Americans in the past educated their children with a Chinese orientation. In
this context, Ng Poon Chew (1866-1931) an early American-Chinese editor said that even
though we are American-born Chinese, we will still look to China for our life and work
(Lyman, 1974: 23). Similarly, Jade Snow Wong stated in her autobiography Fifth Chinese
Daughter (1950) that only in China can Chinese people realize their full potential. In
planning his eldest son's career, the father agreed for his son to study medicine in China, to
prepare for his son's career. Because of his knowledge of Gina's language, Is was able to
establish for himself where there was a great need for private medical personnel, and Is was
able to strengthen his son's medical skills ancestral ties, due to travel to the home region of
his father and his relatives (Daniels, 1993: 98).
The description can be concluded that in various aspects of life, Chinese Americans
still refer to their home region as their destination. Therefore, it is not surprising that in
overseas areas, they still maintain their ethnic purity, and of course their cultural and
civilizational values. This condition is supported by the hostile environment of American
society, and as a result, Chinese people strengthen their bonds with each other (group
solidarity) in facing every situation that is not favorable to their position Because of the
strength of group solidarity, the language, values, and social norms of the Chinese people
have naturally survived until now, even though they were born and raised there.
J. Art Field:
A society, whether it is a traditional, modern or post-modern society, cannot escape
the need for art. This is because every individual has a sense of art, such as the pleasure of
beautiful things, the need for entertainment, and so on.
In traditional societies, art is usually associated with religious activities, for example,
sacred dances, sacred songs, as part of religious ceremonies adopted by the community
concerned. Therefore, this type of art is usually not for material gain, whereas in modern or
post-modern societies, art is merely entertainment and oriented towards material gain.
In discussing the contribution of the Chinese to the arts, we will look at the traditional
arts that they had from their homeland and continued to practice after arriving in the United
States. In addition, their work in the country's modern entertainment scene will also be
discussed.
According to Thernstrom (1980: 221) Chinese migrants observe all the major festivals
of the Chinese people; the celebration of the Chinese New Year or commonly referred to as
the Lunar New Year, dragon boats commemorating the death of Qu Yuan (277 BC), a
statesman-poet mid-autumn, winter solstice, annually offering Shaoi (mock hot pakafan) to
all spirits, summer ceremonies. All of these show that the Chinese have retained their
traditional arts and culture.
Every Chinatown in the country is decorated with traditional Chinese art, such as
ornaments on pagodas, just like the villages in China. This situation is still maintained today.
To attract tourists in Chinatown areas, leaders of Chinese descent organized physical
rehabilitation, decorating these areas with Chinese designs, such as the pagodas that are
characteristic of Chinatown. Chinese festivals and parades were protected by the police and
became public parties that attracted many non-Chinese (Sowel, 1989: 203). Thus, there are
two benefits obtained, namely, from a cultural point of view, their culture can be preserved,
from an economic point of view, with many tourist visits it can also increase their income.
The Chinese not only preserve their culture, but also develop their talents, interests and
abilities in the arts. In the world of entertainment, for example, there are already Chinese
people who are able to penetrate the center of Hollywood cinema, as revealed by
Thernstrom (1980: 225) that in the 1980s, the Chinese people were able to make a name for
themselves. In the 1920s cinematographer James Wong Howe (1899-1976) and artist Anna
May Wong (1907: 1961) achieved fame in Hollywood. In the 1930s, Dong Kingman (1911)
earned national awards as an artist, and Lin Yutang (1895-1976) began to interpret his
version of Chinese culture in America.
In the field of literature, there have also been Chinese Americans who have produced
great works. Jade Snow Wong (1922) was a successful ceramicist and decorator; her famous
autobiography Fifth Chinese Daughter achieved the largest sales (Daniels, 1993: 99). The
novel Flower Drum Song by C.Y. Lee (1917-) was made into a Broadway musical comedy
and motion picture. In music, two nationally recognized musicians were bassbaritone Yi-
kwe Sze (1920-) and composer Wenchung Chou (1921-) (Threnstrom, 1980: 227).
In addition to the above, architecture has produced spectacular designs, such as I.M.
Pei's famously powerful designs. His buildings include the Hancok Tower and the John F.
Kennedy Library, Boston, as well as the spectacular addition to the National Gallery of Art
in Washington D.C. (Soweel, 1989: 211).
In view of the above, it can be said that Chinese people in the United States are able to
preserve their traditional culture on the one hand, and on the other hand they are also able to
adopt Western culture, especially in contemporary art, architecture and literature. As such,
they have participated in the development of American culture despite their small numbers,
but it must be understood that their population in the United States is also small, so the
existence of their works should be respected.
