The elevation of the French language in 16th century
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and
complex in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the
century, though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth,
or Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th
century by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as
a movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
The cultural field linking the Middle Ages and the early modern period is vast and complex
in every sense. Chronologically, there is no simple or single break across the turn of the century,
though there is indeed among many writers of the period the sense of a cultural rebirth, or
Renaissance. The term, first used during the 18th century, was given currency in the 19th century
by Jacob Burckhardt and Jules Michelet, who used it to describe what they perceived as a
movement representing a clean break with the medieval past and inaugurating the forms and
values of modern European secular and progressive nation-states. But the turn to antiquity was
already visible in France in the 12th century, and echoes of Classical literature and traces of
Latinizing style are present again from the mid-15th century in the work of the Grands
Rhétoriqueurs (poets such as Guillaume Crétin, Octovien de Saint-Gellais, Jean Marot, Jean
Bouchet, and Jean Lemaire de Belges), better known for their commitment to formal play, rhyme
games, and allegorizing, in the medieval tradition. Writing inspired by the medieval tradition
continued to be produced well into the 16th century. Old and New Testaments of the Christian
Bible were as much a sourcebook as any Latin or Greek text, especially with the new impetus
provided by the Catholic Reformation. Writers were certainly grouping in new ways around their
patron courts, and their writing was becoming attached to the defense of particular positions
within the nascent nation-state. Themes and forms would mutate within the developing context,
but the processes making the literature of early modern France are characterized by struggle
rather than by any clear moment of change.
Many of the thinkers and writers of the 16th century belong to Europe as a whole as much
as to a particular nation. Many still wrote and thought in Latin, and neo-Latin literature
continued to thrive. Even those who preferred the vernacular, however, saw themselves as heirs
and contributors to a European as much as a local inheritance. Erasmus, though born in
Rotterdam, Holland, lived in France, England, and Switzerland. The assignment of Jean Lemaire
de Belges to a particular country is equally difficult, for he was a Walloon who wrote in French
and traveled among various courts. During this period writers made many journeys, either by
choice or by necessity. François Rabelais, Joachim du Bellay, and Michel de Montaigne all made
the trip from France to Italy. Clément Marot died in Turin, and Marc-Antoine de Muret, after a
long exile, died in Rome.
This was a time of intensive and varied cultural exchanges, which focused on, for example,
the crossroads city of Lyon, turned as much toward Italy as toward Paris, or on the courts of a
succession of great royal patrons, such as Marguerite de Navarre (Margaret of Angoulême), in
Béarn, and Charles IX, in Paris. The craving for new knowledge was fueled by the books coming
off the recently developed printing press, both original works and the great texts newly come into
translation that were to form the mind and manners of the cultured European: the Bible
(available in full for the first time in 1530, in the translation by Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples);
Baldassare Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (Book of the Courtier), translated into French by Jacques
Colin in 1537; and Plutarch’s Bioi paralleloi (Parallel Lives), translated by Jacques Amyot in
1559. Martin Luther’s writings helped spread the ideas of the Protestant Reformation swiftly
through France from 1519 onward. In 1536 the first version of the refugee John Calvin’s study of
Christianity was distributed from Basel; by the early 1540s Calvin was finally settled in Geneva,
with the resources of Geneva’s publishing trade at his disposal to disseminate the French version
of his work. The classical texts of Renaissance humanism moved with equal speed,
disseminating across Europe the Neoplatonism of Marsilio Ficino and the morality of Plutarch
and Seneca, along with the poetic forms of Ovid and Horace.
The elevation of the French language
Latin remained important as the language of diplomats, theologians, philosophers, and
jurists; though the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts (1539), requiring judgments in the law courts to be
given solely in French, marked a turning point. Erasmus polemicized in Latin with the Sorbonne
or with Luther. Calvin used Latin to write the first version of his Christianae Religionis Institutio
(1536; definitive Latin version, 1559; Institutes of the Christian Religion). Petrus Ramus (Pierre
de la Ramée) created a sensation when, after earlier writings in Latin, he produced his
Dialectique (1555; “Dialectics”), the first major philosophical work in French. In 1562 his
Gramère (“Grammar”) was a significant contribution to a host of new studies produced in the
midcentury of the vocabulary and syntax of French.
At the same time, the poets began to declare their mission to work, through their writing,
for the elevation of the national language. Thomas Sébillet, a humanist of the school of Clément
Marot, who also looked back to the later Middle Ages, produced his Art poétique français (“The
Art of French Poetry”) in 1548. It was overshadowed in the following year by Joachim du
Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue francoyse (1549; The Defence and Illustration of
the French Language), which came to be considered as a manifesto by the group of young poets
known as the Pléiade (Pierre de Ronsard, du Bellay, Jean Dorat, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, Rémy
Belleau, Étienne Jodelle, and Pontus de Tyard), who were totally committed to the new learning
in its classical forms, and who attached themselves to the service of the Valois court. As the
century drew to its close, the great political thinker Jean Bodin, the first theorist who sought to
define the powers and the limits of sovereignty, published in French his Six livres de la
République (1576; The Six Books of a Commonweale). The Latin version of the work followed
10 years later.
