RATIONALIZATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL POLITICAL ECONOMY IN EU-
JAPAN ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENT (EU-JEPA)
Irvan Helnord
EVE 394 - Topic: Global Environmental Perspectives
Professor Helman
June, 2024
Introduction
The process of global integration, or economic globalization, that has taken place
since almost 60 years ago has had a significant impact on the growth of trade between
countries. As one of the motors of economic development, international trade continues to be
promoted so that it runs more freely and does not encounter various obstacles. This
liberalization process has resulted in an increase in the value and volume of international trade
this century. World Bank data shows that the value of global exports of goods and services in
2019 reached US$ 24.795 trillion, growing dramatically from US$ 383.603 billion in 1970
(World Bank, 2019a). In addition to experiencing drastic growth in terms of valuation,
international trade is also increasingly showing its influence on global economic
development. World Bank data again shows that in 2019 the proportion of global trade to
global gross domestic product (GDP) reached almost 60.4 percent, growing dramatically from
27.3 percent in 1970 (World Bank, 2019c). This sizable contribution of trade has also resulted
in an increasingly "prosperous" world, which can be seen from the nominal global GDP in
2019 which reached US$ 87.698 trillion or increased rapidly from US$ 2.961 trillion in 1970
(World Bank, 2019b).
As international trade shows its massive growth, the discourse on the relationship
between trade and the environment has become a hot topic of discussion. In their book "Paths
to a Green World: The Political Economy of the Global Environment", Clapp and Dauvergne
(2005) state that there are at least four main perspectives that have developed in the discourse
on global environmental change and its relationship with the global political economy,
namely the perspectives of market liberals, institutionalists, bioenvironmentalists, and social
greens.
Clapp (2014) argues in his article entitled "International Political Economy and the
Environment" that there has been a long and heated debate between those who support free
trade and those who oppose it. Proponents of free trade (market liberalists) argue that overall
trade has a positive impact on the environment. Their main argument lies in the efficiency and
conservation factors of free trade where by implementing production specialization policies,
countries can allocate their scarce resources more efficiently when compared to protectionist
countries that implement self sufficiency strategies. In contrast to the view of the In contrast,
opponents (bioenvironmentalists and green socialists) argue that global trade liberalization
has had a negative impact on the environment. They argue that trade liberalization has
encouraged countries (especially developing countries) to increase their industrial output,
which often results in environmental damage such as deforestation, over-mining, and the
accumulation of hazardous industrial waste.
The debate between the two perspectives continues until the emergence of the issue of
climate change in the discourse of the global environmental regime. Various initiatives related
to this issue have been carried out by the global regime, which is mainly commanded by the
United Nations (UN), including one of them in the form of the achievement of the Paris
Agreement on climate change. This agreement is an international agreement under the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCC) reached during the 21st COP
in Paris in 2015. The main objective of the Paris Agreement is to strengthen the global
response to the threat of climate change by keeping global temperature rise this century below
2°C, above pre-industrial levels, and to pursue efforts to limit further temperature rise to
1.5°C (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019). The European
Union has actively participated in the Paris Agreement, from the negotiation process to the
implementation of the agreement.
The discourse on the relationship between trade and the environment entered a new
dimension when the European Union adopted a policy of not entering into trade agreements
with parties that did not participate in the international environmental agreement Paris
Agreement, as well as parties that did not take concrete steps to combat global warming. In
2018, the European Union, through Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmström, stated that
reference to the Paris Agreement was needed in EU trade agreements (Stone, 2018). The
direction of EU trade policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause was first implemented
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019. The Paris Agreement
compliance clause is more specifically contained in the Trade and Sustainable Development
chapter Article 16.4. In addition to being first initiated by the European Union, the EU-JEPA
is also the first bilateral trade agreement in the world to incorporate the Paris Agreement
compliance clause into its provisions.
The Paris Agreement's (environmental) clause in the EU-JEPA (free trade) agreement
clearly contradicts the two previous perspectives. The pro-trade perspective promotes the
need for environmental barriers in trade agreements given the positive role of trade itself. In
contrast, the counter-trade perspective campaigns for the slowing down or even termination of
any agreements that promote free trade. The lack of agreement between these two paradigms
comes along with the differences between them in understanding the relationship between
trade and the environment. So, how can the presence of the Paris Agreement clause in the
EU-JEPA be rationalized?
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.
Economic Rationalization, Institutionalist Perspectives, and Environmental Diplomacy
Economic Rationalization
In understanding the environmental political economy rationalization of the EU's policy of
including a Paris Agreement compliance clause in the EU-JEPA, there are several similar
papers that have attempted to explain these factors. The author divides them into two
categories. The first category is writings that put forward economic profit considerations as a
rationalization for countries to engage in environmental agendas in trade agreements. The
second category is research that includes aspects of domestic political influence.
Research by Foramitti (2019) explains that the European Union's desire to include the
Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter is the potential for economic benefits.
This argument is also supported by Becker (2019) who states that economic interests are a
driving factor for countries in implementing environmental standards in accordance with
international agreements. Milewicz et al (2018) add that the country's willingness is also
influenced by the prospect of the emergence of various trade agreements in the future which
also carry environmental clauses. The state certainly does not want to be left behind from the
potential benefits it gets from these agreements. This is why the negotiation of environmental
clauses in trade agreements is often difficult due to strong conflicting economic interests as
stated by Morin and Jinnah (2018).
In addition to economic rationalization, states also act on the basis of their domestic
political conditions and structures. Moltke (2002), Werksman and Buri (2019), and Nakanishi
(2020) suggest that the inclusion of environmental clauses in EU trade agreements is intended
to accommodate the regulatory climate and political structure that exists in the EU itself.
Olper (2016) added the significance of the role of civil society in its capacity as voters and
lobbying groups that are able to influence government behavior, including regarding the
environmental agenda in trade agreements.
The author's review of these papers shows that a country's desire to incorporate an
environmental agenda into a trade agreement is influenced by a variety of factors, some of
which may be economic or domestic political. In this study, the author argues that all of these
factors have their own influence in the EU-JEPA case. However, in addition to these two
factors, the author also sees the important role of international regime conditions and state
participation in this order. In this paper, this factor is reflected in the conditions of the Paris
Agreement, which at that time (and until now) was threatened with legitimacy by the exit of
the United States. Therefore, the author will also discuss this factor as one of the factors
influencing the existence of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-JEPA.
Based on the above discussion, this paper will be directed to answer the research
question that asks about the linkage of environmental political economy rationalization
between trade agreements and environmental measures. Specifically, this paper departs from
the problem formulation, namely, "Why did the European Union include the Paris Agreement
compliance clause in its trade agreement with Japan in the form of EU-JEPA?". The author
argues that the rationalization factor of environmental political economy has influenced the
inclusion of the Paris Agreement compliance clause by the European Union in the EU-JEPA.
Institutionalist Perspective
As discussed, there are two spectrums of perspectives in the study of International Political
Economy (IPE) that contradict each other in looking at the relationship between trade and the
environment. However, in contrast to these two camps, the institutionalist perspective is
present to accommodate and bridge the arguments of each camp. This perspective will be
used by the author to answer the previous research question.
The institutionalist perspective provides a diagnostic analysis that in principle the
relationship between trade and the environment is positive. The institutionalist perspective
shares the same view as the proponent camp regarding the positive impact of trade,
investment, and market liberalization on the environment. However, this positive relationship
can only be achieved if there are restrictions in place. The institutionalist perspective
recognizes that there are some forms of trade that should not be supported by the global trade
regime due to their harmful impact on the environment such as trade in toxic substances and
hazardous chemicals. In addition, these restrictions are necessary to accommodate the
potential environmental damage that is often caused by the economic motives of countries. In
order to reap the positive impacts in terms of both trade and the environment as much as
possible, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic analysis, namely the inclusion
of trade measures in environmental agreements and vice versa, environmental measures
become one part of the form of trade agreements between countries (Clapp, 2014).
Based on the diagnostic and prognostic analysis proposed by the institutionalist
perspective, propositions can also be drawn regarding the rationalization of the state in
including environmental clauses in its trade agreements. By including the clause, the state can
reap a balanced impact that is positive both in efforts to develop economic welfare and
environmental protection. This positive impact is the rationalization of the state in including
the environmental clause.
The conception of an institutionalist environmental political economy perspective in this
paper is interpreted as the existence of an environmental political economy rationalization
underlying the European Union's policy in incorporating the Paris Agreement compliance
clause into the EU-JEPA. The motives of environmental political economy here are
represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental political interests.
Economic interests here are in the form of 1) Increasing domestic competitiveness along with
the reduction of race to the bottom practices among trading partners and 2) As a projection of
the European Union's desire to become an alternative global economic leader amidst the
protectionism of China and the United States. Domestic environmental political interests here
are in the form of the realization of the norms and principles of EU regional environmental
policy at the international level.
Environmental Diplomacy
Apart from being driven by domestic economic and political environmental benefits, the EU's
policy rationalization is also influenced by the reality of global environmental governance.
Therefore, this paper will also use the conception of environmental diplomacy as its premise.
Environmental diplomacy can be defined as "The established method of international
discourse or the art of managing international relations, chiefly by negotiation, on issues
related to the environment" (Pisupati, 2015).
Environmental diplomacy initially revolved around local issues and was conducted
among a limited number of state actors. Until the early 1970s, the main themes of global
environmental discourse centered on issues of transboundary pollution and resource
scarcities (Stevis, 2014). Attention to these issues generally came from developed countries
that began to feel the negative impact of the massive industrialization process in their
countries. Therefore, the Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) produced during
this period were also largely the result of the initiation of developed countries aimed at
addressing transboundary industrial pollution and nature conservation issues among
themselves.
However, as the scientific evidence on the presence of climate change increases,
environmental diplomacy is also forced to change. The global danger posed by climate
change is a wake-up call to the world's countries that more comprehensive environmental
cooperation is a necessity. All parties, whether developed or developing, strong or weak,
populous or less populous, must contribute to addressing this common "planetary" problem.
There are five main elements that describe environmental diplomacy, namely 1) The subject
matter (climate change) is more long-term, 2) The importance of the role of science and
scientists, 3) The complexity of negotiations involving many parties, 4) The involvement of
equality issues and 5) Using creative and non-conventional diplomatic approaches (Benedick,
1998). Despite the increasing scale of diplomacy reflected in the growing number of MEAs,
environmental diplomacy is still entangled in the problem of compliance. Theoretically,
compliance in international agreements can be promoted either through positive incentives
(carrots) such as financial assistance or negative incentives (sticks) such as sanctions and
embargoes (Kolari, 2002). MEAs are problematic because they generally do not have enough
delicious carrots and a pretty hard stick to encourage countries' compliance. This is because
since their formulation, MEAs have been designed to be flexible enough to be agreed upon by
all.
One way to improve compliance issues in environmental diplomacy is through issue-
linkages. Issue-linkages are understood as a function where weaker environmental diplomacy
can borrow the enforcement power of other stronger forms of diplomacy such as economic
(Jinnah, 2011). Economic trade diplomacy such as in the form of Free Trade Agreements
(FTAs) is stronger because it has comprehensive and harsh legalization aspects (obligations,
precision, and delegation) (Condon, 2015). Issue-linkages are done by including
environmental protection norms or even compliance with an MEAs as one of the clauses in
FTAs.
The conception of environmental diplomacy here is understood as an additional
rationalization in the form of an interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental
governance. The European Union incorporates the Paris Agreement compliance clause into
the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-JEPA) as a way to improve environmental
regime compliance through the enforcement power offered by these FTAs. As one of the
leading actors in environmental diplomacy, the European Union views that the effectiveness
of the Paris Agreement is also one of its foreign interests. This interest is seen as increasingly
urgent when the US exit from the Paris Agreement regime presents a major threat to the
sustainability of the climate change regime.
Methods
In order to explain the phenomenon of the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause by the
European Union in the EU-JEPA, the author uses qualitative research methods. This method
emphasizes the collection and review of non-numerical data from a phenomenon to find out
the explanation behind it. The use of this method requires the collection of qualitative data in
the form of both primary and secondary data. Some of the data for this research comes from
primary data from government documents and international organizations. However, the
majority of the data used to support this research comes from secondary data, namely various
forms of literature such as books, journals, collections of scientific articles, and news. Various
forms of literature are obtained through the internet and libraries.
EU-JEPA Agreement and Paris Agremeent Clause
Indeed, the EU has included environmental issues in all "new generation" trade agreements
negotiated after 2006 (Bhardwaj, 2019). The first EU trade agreement to include
environmental issues in the TSD chapter was adopted in 2011 within the framework of the
EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (Simon, 2017). However, the direction of EU trade
policy that includes the Paris Agreement clause has only been implemented for the first time
in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA), which was agreed by both
parties on July 17, 2018 and took effect on February 1, 2019.
The European Commission's website states that one of the main objectives of this
agreement is "Helps us (European Union) shape global trade rules in line with our high
standards and shared values" (European Commission, 2019a). The standards and values here
can be interpreted as relating to the European Union's environmental standards and values,
which are based on sustainable development efforts and tackling climate change.
In addition to focusing on climate change (Paris Agreement clause) specifically, EU-
JEPA also addresses environmental governance and trade within the concept of sustainable
development. Sustainable development efforts are specifically regulated in chapter 16 on TSD
and are also included in other chapters such as the Technical Barriers to Trade chapter
(chapter 7) and the Good Regulatory Practices and Regulatory Cooperation chapter (chapter
18). In chapter 2 on Trade in Goods, it is also mentioned that each party can use GATT Article
XX on General Exceptions which allows for trade measures based on domestic environmental
protection objectives. Some sustainable development commitments between the two parties
include efforts to: "(1) Conserving and sustainably managing natural resources, (2)
Addressing biodiversity, including combating illegal trade in wildlife, (3) Sustainable
forestry, including combating illegal logging and (4) Sustainable fisheries, including
combating illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing" (European Commission, 2017).
The agreement on the principles of transparency and accountability based on the
principle of public participation is a follow-up to the implementation of the sustainable
development clause. The European Union will establish a Domestic Advisory Group for the
EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, so that the public can play an active role in the
implementation process of the agreement. The Domestic Advisory Group contains members
from labor unions, business associations, consumer organizations, and environmental
organizations. In addition, to maintain the consistency of the implementation of EU-JEPA
sustainable development, including the Paris Agreement compliance clause, a bilateral
dispute settlement mechanism was also developed, which is arranged in stages from 1)
Consultation, 2) Establishment of a panel of independent experts, 3) Publication of the panel
report, and 4) Implementation of the report results. This dispute settlement mechanism also
applies the principle of transparency that accommodates public participation (European
Commission, 2017).
Economic Interests: Economic Competitiveness and Leadership under the Threat of Race
to the Bottom and Global Protectionism
As explained earlier, the institutionalist perspective serves as a bridge of moderation between
the two poles of the pro-con perspective, each of which supports their arguments to the
extreme. However, it should be emphasized here that the institutionalist perspective generally
encourages the process of trade liberalization and rejects the destructive practices of trade
protectionism. This is because, according to them, the general economic benefits of trade
liberalization practices are constructive towards environmental protection efforts. In addition,
they assume that the presence of environmental measures in trade agreements can only occur
because of the economic benefits gained by the participants. The economic benefits gained
from such trade agreements are seen as not detrimental to the environment and encourage
conservation and protection efforts. This economic motive has influenced the formulation of
the EU-JEPA agreement and its climate change clause.
Although the institutionalist perspective generally views that globalization and
liberalization of world trade bring benefits to environmental protection efforts, it is also aware
of and concerned about the negative impacts that are likely to surface. One such concern is
directed at the emergence of race to the bottom practices among countries. Race to the bottom
is a practice in which countries race to reduce their domestic environmental standards to
achieve a competitive advantage in the wilderness of international trade liberalization. This
occurs due to the rationalization of these countries that weaker domestic environmental
standards will result in (1) protection of domestic product exports amid international
competition and (2) greater interest of MNCs to invest in domestic industries (Clark, 1995).
These advantages will put countries with lower environmental standards than their trading
partners will have a competitive advantage especially in terms of production costs.
The presence of this practice has also been noticed by developed countries with high
domestic environmental standards, including the European Union. If this practice becomes
widespread and becomes a global phenomenon, it will not only hamper global environmental
conservation efforts, but also put the European Union at a competitive disadvantage in
international trade and investment practices. The EU's high-cost domestic industrial products
will be faced with an unfavorable situation in the international market when they meet
industrial products from countries that do not have strict environmental regulations and have
lower costs. The presence of these economic interests has influenced the inclusion of
environmental clauses in the EU's international trade agreements, including in the case of EU-
JEPA.
Such "interventions" are expected to stimulate race to the top practices, especially
among trading partners who want to benefit from more comprehensive trade cooperation with
the EU. Race to the top is a practice where countries compete with each other to improve their
environmental standards to reap the economic benefits of the global economic liberalization
process. This practice often occurs when countries have strategic trading partners with strict
domestic environmental standards (Spilker et al., 2017). The existence of environmental and
climate change clauses in the EU-JEPA is expected to have an impact on the increasingly
stringent domestic environmental regulations in Japan and the EU-JEPA other countries
seeking greater EU market access. By doing so, the EU will reap economic benefits while
having a positive impact on global environmental protection efforts.
The presence of EU-JEPA with all its norms and values is also a milestone that signals
the European Union's desire to "play more" in the constellation of global economic
leadership. This desire is taken amid the conditions of the two world economic giants - the
United States and China - which are increasingly plunged into the abyss of trade wars and the
implementation of protectionist practices. This reality is certainly harmful to the global
economic order based on the principles of free trade and economic liberalization.
The EU has made its bilateral trade cooperation with Japan (as well as with other
countries such as Singapore and Vietnam) a form of global alliance that projects its influence
beyond Europe. Such a strategy could establish the EU as an "alternative global economic
leader" amidst the protectionist trade policies of the United States and the controversial
investment policies of China's BRI (Valero, 2019). This global leadership role is also a
platform for the projection of EU values and standards such as transparency, free trade,
sustainable development and environmental protection. Therefore, by becoming an
increasingly influential actor in the world economic arena, the European Union will also
increasingly benefit economically while continuing to export their domestic values and norms
to the rest of the world including with regard to climate change issues.
Domestic Environmental Political Interests: International Projections of the EU Regional
Environmental Order
A country's foreign policy is also influenced by the existence of domestic political interests in
theory and practice. Therefore, EU trade policies that include climate change clauses can also
be seen as a reflection of domestic political directions summarized in EU environmental
governance. Although the European Union is "only" a group of several sovereign states
(instead of sovereign states), thanks to its regional organizational governance system, the
European Union can be seen as a unitary actor. The role of the European Union's unitary
actor is particularly evident in its politics the global environment where European countries
put their diplomatic authority on the shoulders of the European Union.
Initially, the main idea of establishing the European Community (the predecessor
institution of the European Union) centered on the process of political and economic
integration and harmonization of domestic laws among European countries. At that time, the
formulation of specific environmental policies was still not the main discourse of European
policy makers. It was only in 1972 that the European Union began to seriously pay attention
to environmental issues with the adoption of the Paris Declaration in which European heads
of state declared the need for the presence of environmental policies that go hand in hand with
the process of European economic expansion, and called for the formulation of an action
program in the environmental field. Following this declaration, the first Action Programme
for the Environment was formulated a year later. Some of the main factors behind this turning
point include the occurrence of various natural disasters in Europe, which helped raise public
expectations (reflected in the establishment of environmental ministry positions in European
countries) and the increasing international awareness of environmental issues (reflected in the
Stockholm conference on the Human Environment in 1972).
Although the formulation of EU environmental policy dates back to the Paris
Declaration, it was not until 1987 that environmental issues had a legal basis in a European
treaty. The Single European Act in 1987 introduced the "Environment Title" (Title VII) which
provided the first legal basis for the implementation of a common environment policy aimed at
maintaining environmental quality, protecting human health, and ensuring the rational use of
natural resources. Subsequent EU treaties such as the Treaty on European Union (1992) and
the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) further strengthened the legal basis for the inclusion of
environmental issues into the EU policy framework. The passing of the Treaty on the
Functioning of the European Union/Treaty of Lisbon (2007) further broadened the scope of
EU environmental policy with the inclusion of the goal of "combating climate change" as one
of the EU's specific objectives as well as the inclusion of the context of sustainable
development in the formulation of EU relations with other countries (European Parliament,
2019).
Today, the EU's environmental policy covers a wide range of areas and issues, from the
basics such as water and air quality, waste regulation, pesticide reductions The EU's
environmental policy is based on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays,
rectifying pollution at source), while others are more specific and reflect the EU's ambition
(precautionary pollution at source). To address these issues, EU environmental policy is based
on principles, some of which are quite general (polluter pays, rectifying pollution at source),
while other principles are more specific which also reflect the magnitude of EU ambitions
(precaution, sustainable development) (Mathis, 2016). In addition, EU environmental policy
is also supported by general EU principles that direct the process of integrating environmental
issues into various fields of EU policy. So it is not a surprise that EU policies outside the
environmental field (such as energy policy) also include environmental issues in it.
In terms of the EU's environmental governance, according to Clapp (2014), the EU is
widely seen as an example of a successful regional organization in combining regional
environmental regulatory harmonization projects with regional economic integration
processes. Environmental issues are seen as an integral part of the EU's trade and economic
policies. Alongside integration efforts, the EU's environmental policy is also centered on its
participation in international environmental cooperation. The EU has been a party to various
international environmental agreements and actively contributed to the agreement on global
strategies including the Paris Agreement on Climate Change in 2015.
This pattern of strict EU environmental policy has resulted in the inclusion of
environmental issues (including climate change) in trade agreements, including in the case of
EU-JEPA. This is because rationally, countries with strict domestic environmental regulations
generally do not feel the burden of spreading their standards globally. Some recent studies
have also strengthened this argument where it is explained that the commitment of the
European Union and the United States to include environmental clauses in their respective
trade agreements is also influenced by the desire to spread their domestic environmental
norms internationally (Morin et al., 2018).
The Importance of Environmental Diplomacy: Strengthening the Effectiveness and
Existence of the Paris Agreement Climate Change Regime
The institutionalist perspective has provided an analysis of what the relationship between
trade and the environment actually looks like. It argues that the political relationship between
the two can be positive in that trade cooperation can be a concrete platform for efforts to
address environmental issues, including climate change at a time when the global
environmental regime is facing challenges to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This is because
trade cooperation often provides valuable incentives such as market access and duty free
compared to MEAs that often provide burden costs and environmental benefits that are not
clearly visible. Moreover, the presence of environmental clauses in trade cooperation can also
help the implementation of such norms at a time when many MEAs are weak and tend to be
unenforceable (Coyler, 2004). Therefore, the institutionalist perspective provides a prognostic
framework for the inclusion of environmental measures clauses in trade agreements. This
argumentation can be seen to underlie the inclusion of the Paris Agreement clause in the EU-
JEPA agreement. Nevertheless, the institutionalist perspective still emphasizes the importance
of the existence of international governance as the spearhead in dealing with the possible
negative impacts of the current world trade liberalization (Vogler, 2014).
In addition to being influenced by regional political directions that focus on
environmental issues, the EU's international policy is also influenced by the existence of the
international environmental regime. In addition to being a supporting motor for regional
environmental governance, the international environmental regime is also one of the fields of
global diplomatic leadership of the European Union. Therefore, EU trade policies that include
climate change clauses can also be rationalized as a representation of the EU's efforts as one
of the leaders of the global environmental regime to "do more" in an effort to implement the
Paris Agreement while maintaining global commitment to the agreement.
The Paris Agreement is an international agreement under the UNFCC reached during
COP 21 in Paris in 2015. One of the key features of this agreement is the obligation for all
parties to each determine their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and to
continuously improve their efforts and targets every five years. The Paris Agreement also
requires regular reporting from all parties on emissions and on efforts to implement their
NDCs (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2019).
Since the Paris Agreement negotiation process, the EU has contributed to building a
broad coalition between developed and developing countries to reach an international
agreement. The EU's bridge-building strategy in international environmental agreements is to
crown the EU's role as "leaditor" or "leader- cum-mediator" (Bäckstrand & Elgström, 2013).
In addition to its role in the negotiation process, the EU also demonstrated its commitment to
participating in the Paris Agreement. The EU formally ratified the Paris Agreement on
October 5, 2016, which in turn brought it into force on November 4, 2016. Within the
framework of the Paris Agreement, the EU set its NDCs target to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030 by at least 40% compared to 1990 levels. All legislation related to the
implementation of this target was adopted by the EU by the end of 2018 (European
Commission, 2019b).
The existence of the Paris Agreement was immediately threatened when on June 1,
2017, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration would exit the Paris
Agreement. This announcement was a form of realization of President Trump's previous
campaign promise in which he promised to remove the United States from the Paris
Agreement. President Trump views that the substance of the Paris Agreement is unfair to the
United States and will permanently place the country's economy at a disadvantage
(Chakraborty, 2017). President Trump's decision was met by negative international reactions
that deplored and criticized the United States' exit from international climate change
governance, including the European Union. In addition to hindering the achievement of the
global targets set out in the Paris Agreement (due to the United States' position as the world's
second-largest polluter), the exit of the United States is also feared to lead to a setback in the
national commitment of other countries to the ambitions of the Paris Agreement (Herz, 2018).
The withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement was then actively
responded to by the European Union. The European Union then immediately sought an
alliance with China to take on the role of world leader in efforts to address climate change.
European Union Climate Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete stated that "The EU and China
are joining forces to forge ahead on the implementation of the Paris Agreement and
accelerate the global transition to clean energy" (Boffey & Neslen, 2017). This joint
commitment was perceived as one of the European Union's reactive responses to "save" the
Paris Agreement in the shadow of the United States' attempts to undermine it.
The development of climate change discourse at the international level, threatened by
the withdrawal of the United States, has also had an impact on the changing focus of EU trade
policy. Besides being influenced by regional environmental governance, the European Union
began to see the urgency of the presence of climate change clauses in international trade
agreements as one of the unilateral ways to save the Paris Agreement. Concern about this
began to appear from the direction of the EU's internal evaluation led by the French
authorities who considered that the EU's trade agreement with Canada, namely the
Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, was not in accordance with efforts to
address climate change. Based on this evaluation, France pushed for "Compliance with the
Paris Agreement among the essential element clauses of the political dialogue and
cooperation agreements that are decided along with trade agreements" (Dupré & Leré,
2018).
France's view was positively addressed by the European Union where EU Trade
Commissioner Cecilia Malmström stated that a reference to the Paris Agreement is what is
needed in today's EU trade deals (Stone, 2018). France through its official, Jean-Baptiste
Lemoyne also called for "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement. The US knows what to
expect" as a reaction to the United States' negative stance on global efforts to address climate
change (Dupré & Leré, 2018). This policy direction of international trade cooperation can
finally be implemented for the first time in the form of the presence of the Paris Agreement
clause in the EU-JEPA trade agreement.
Summary
The European Union has a new international trade policy direction when they require the
Paris Agreement compliance clause as one of the prerequisites for other countries that want to
enter into their bilateral trade agreements. The initial implementation of this policy was
realized in the EU-JEPA agreement between the European Union and Japan. This agreement
contains a Paris Agreement compliance clause and takes concrete steps in the fight against
global warming.
Based on the analysis proposed by the institutionalist perspective, the proposition can be
drawn that the EU policy is based on the potential to reap balanced impacts that are positive
both in efforts to develop economic welfare and environmental protection. This
rationalization is represented in the form of economic interests and domestic environmental
political interests. The economic interest here is in the form of increasing domestic
competitiveness and projecting alternative global leadership. The domestic environmental
political interest here is the realization of the norms and principles of the EU regional
environmental policy at the international level.
But in addition, the EU policy also has an additional rationalization in the form of an
interest in maintaining the sustainability of environmental governance. The EU incorporated
the Paris Agreement compliance clause into the preconditions of its FTAs (including the EU-
JEPA) as a way to increase compliance with the environmental regime through the
enforcement power offered by the FTA. This is apparently also due to the reality of the US
exit from the Paris Agreement regime which presents a major threat to the sustainability of
the climate change regime.