INTRODUCTION REFLECT ON THE COURTSHIP

When asked to reflect on the courtship of a former girlfriend, acclaimed New

York Times bestselling author Neil Strauss (2005) stated the following:

When talking to a woman, I could recognize the specific point

when she became attracted to me, even if she was acting distant or

felt uncomfortable. I knew when to talk and when to shut up;

when to push and when to pull; when to tease and when to be

sincere. (p. 212)

Although the preceding account depicts the experiences of just one individual, it does

present a unique illustration of the process of attraction. On a similar note, it is especially

important to be able to decode indications of interest because they can enhance or deter

romantic relationship development. Along this line, the introduction of this paper defines

interpersonal attraction and discusses the empirical foundations that underlie this

multifaceted yet charming phenomenon.

The Many Hats of Interpersonal Attraction Interpersonal

attraction refers to “the affectional component of social relationships” (Huston, 1974, p.

xv). Stated differently, this topic area addresses a multitude of positive emotional

responses that occur between strangers, friends, and romantic partners (Berscheid &

Walster, 1969; Duck, 1977; Huston, 1974). For example, individuals can be

interpersonally attracted to physical attributes such as the facial appearance or body

physique of a dyadic partner (Huston, 1974). On the other hand, psychological features

including demeanor and “attitudes toward a limited number of topics” (Huston, p. 10)

can also produce feelings of desirability. In short, interpersonal attraction encompasses a

host of diverse physical and mental characteristics. Initial empirical research on

interpersonal attraction yielded three conceptual definitions. First, Berscheid and Walster

(1969) suggested interpersonal attraction was a multidimensional construct that was

predicated on attitudes towards another individual. A short time later McCroskey, Larsen,

and Knapp (1971) claimed interpersonal attraction was concentrated on “judgments

about whether we ‘like’ another person, whether we desire to associate with or spend

time with him, whether we ‘feel good’ in his presence” (p. 38). Finally, Huston (1974)

extended the multidimensionality argument and posited that attraction was comprised of

evaluative, cognitive, and behavioral components. When taken together, these

conceptualizations indicated that interpersonal attraction is a complex social construct

that involves liking for another individual.

Early communication scholarship devoted to interpersonal attraction examined

how individuals convey romantic interest. For instance, Kirkendall (1961) reported that

men tactically discuss their social prowess before attempting to steer the conversation

towards intimate discussion. In terms of nonverbal channels, premier communication

studies reported that interpersonal attraction was expressed through smiling (Argyle,

Alkema, & Gilmour, 1972), gazing (Cook & Smith, 1975), and displaying an open

posture (Mehrabian, 1969). The seminal work of these scholars was beneficial because it

identified expressive functions, yet other social scientific research has been advantageous

because it has produced unique insight on the theoretical underpinnings of interpersonal

attraction.

Empirical Foundations of Liking

There are two philosophical approaches that are vital to the present research. First

and foremost, interaction appearance theory (IAT) suggests that social interactions can

positively or negatively influence judgments about the physical appearance of a dyadic

partner (Albada, Knapp, & Theune, 2002). In terms of the relationship between

communication and interpersonal attraction, IAT declares:

In order to effect a positive change in one’s perceptions of a partner’s

physical attractiveness, continued social interaction is essential. Social

interaction may continue for any number of reasons, and it may occur

over a relatively short or long period of time. Ultimately, if the satisfaction

with the interaction is assessed significantly higher than the initial perception

of physical attractiveness, one’s desire for romantic involvement should be

activated. (p. 12)

Thus, one of the central tenets of IAT is that source attractiveness is not always a static

variable. Instead, theory advocates assert that perceptions of physical appearance are

vulnerable to multiple social interactions. While IAT represents a contemporary means

for understanding desirability, a classic attraction principle continues to yield novel data

on interpersonal liking.

The second philosophical approach inherent to this study is the

similarityattraction hypothesis. The basic premise behind this well-established theoretical

foundation is the claim that individuals are naturally attracted to similar others (Byrne,

1961). Historically speaking, the empirical roots of this axiom can be traced back to the

Athenian empire some 350 years before Christ. In fact, it was the renowned Greek

philosopher Aristotle (translated in 1932) who famously proclaimed: And they are

friends who have come to regard the same things as good and the same things as

evil, they who are friends of the same people, and they who are enemies of the

same people . . . . we like those with whom we wish to be friends, if they show the

same inclination . . . .we like those who resemble us, and are engaged in the same

pursuits. We like those who desire the same things as we. (pp. 103-105)

In other words, interpersonal liking correlates with perceived similarity. While the

opening pages of Chapter II further highlight the fruitful nature of the similarityattraction

hypothesis, it should be noted that one independent variable has failed to support the

robust foundation of this particular paradigm. Specifically, Bell and Wilford (2008)

reported that attraction did not develop between individuals who shared similar levels of

intelligence. In that particular study, researchers concluded “those who were more similar

to the intelligent individuals described were not significantly found to be more attracted

to them” (Bell & Wilford, 2008). As such, additional investigation into how perceived

intelligence functions in an attraction-relevant context is certainly warranted.

The Central Purpose of this Dissertation

The present study is being guided by the aforementioned chief maxim of IAT. In

essence, the role of IAT in the present investigation is two-fold. First, IAT provides an

empirical foundation on which this doctoral dissertation is being grounded. Second, this

study attempts to extend the underlying attraction mechanism that represents the heart of

IAT. In order to accomplish this objective, this study is scientifically testing if a brief date

can impact judgments of physical attractiveness, similarity, and intelligence. As alluded

to previously, IAT nicely illustrates how perceptions of dyadic partners change over long

periods of time. However, IAT and other extant literature do not address whether a single

social interaction has the power to affect feelings of desirability. Thus, this study has been

designed to address this gap in the literature as the central question being examined is:

can a single communication event influence perceptions of physical attractiveness?

This dissertation is comprised of five separate chapters. The opening chapter

begins by defining the central topic and discussing independent variables. The second

chapter reviews the existing literature devoted to interpersonal attraction in potentially

romantic relationships. More specifically, this section of the paper illustrates the

pervasiveness of similarity research, examines how intelligence influences desirability,

describes how propinquity mediates liking, and evaluates the impact of first impressions.

The second chapter concludes by identifying several examples of positive

communication, highlighting the effects of negative social interactions, and proposing

several hypotheses as well as a research question. It is in the third chapter of this text that

the author outlines methodological considerations. Once completed, the fourth chapter

presents the results of this experiment. Lastly, the fifth and final chapter concludes by

discussing study findings, identifying limitations, and suggesting directions for future

research.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Early Theory and Methodology

Two schools of thought dominate the theoretical landscape of interpersonal

attraction. First, the attraction paradigm suggests individuals experience high amounts of

attraction for similar others (Byrne, 1971). That is, people prefer interpersonal partners

who possess comparable attitudes (Byrne, 1961). As archetype founder Don Byrne

(1971) summarizes:

Several different kinds of evidence indicate that interpersonal

attraction is related to similarity and dissimilarity of attitudes. If, however,

we wish to initiate a research paradigm, it is necessary to consider that

apparent relationship as simply the starting point for a program of basic

research. (p. 47)

Indeed, the similarity-attraction foundation has been fruitful as subsequent research

indicated that a strong relationship existed between interpersonal attraction and similarity

(Berscheid & Walster, 1978; Bochner, 1984; Duck, 1976). Stated differently, early

empirical observations on interpersonal attraction dispelled the famous adage that

opposites attract.

The second empirical foundation of interpersonal attraction research is commonly

referred to as the goal-oriented perspective. Scholars who embrace this philosophical

approach argue that interpersonal attraction is influenced by individuals who desire

healthy, positive, and stable communication atmospheres (Sunnafrank, 1983; Sunnafrank

& Miller, 1981). As communication researcher Michael Sunnafrank (1984) stated:

“Participating in normal, nonthreatening, get-acquainted conversations provides the

individuals with a mutually experienced stable, predictable, and controllable

environment” (p. 374). He also added the following:

This experience should lead individuals to perceive that future

contact is likely to proceed in a manner that will satisfy these goals.

This goal satisfaction, both as experienced in the communicative past

and perceived in the future, should lead to high levels of attraction,

regardless of the similarity state. (p. 374)

In other words, interpersonal attraction develops as a result of comfortable interactions in

the past and because of the potential for pleasant interactions in the future. Thus, the goal-

oriented perspective supports uncertainty reduction axioms (Berger & Calabrese, 1975)

and also explains the relationship between communication and attraction in upcoming

interactions.

The longstanding dispute between the goal-oriented and similarity-attraction

camps resulted in some academics adopting a middle-of-the-road perspective. For

example, Duck and Barnes (1992) asserted that similarity has some, but not exclusive

control over interpersonal attraction. While they argued, “the concept of similarity is

actually fundamental to the study of communication” (p. 199), they nevertheless

maintained that goals are related to both attraction and communication. In a similar vein,

Bochner (1991) stated that individuals communicate to attain goals, determine attitude

similarity, and assess potential for interpersonal bonding. Even though advocates of a

blended approach haggle about the fundamental underpinnings of each philosophical

camp, these same scholars frequently embrace diverse methodologies for studying

interpersonal attraction.

Initial quantitative research on interpersonal attraction produced two prominent

measures. First, Byrne (1971) constructed the interpersonal judgment scale, which

suggested attraction was based on intelligence, knowledge of current events, morality,

adjustments, personal feelings, and working together. A year later McCroskey and

McCain (1972) simplified desirability research when they introduced the interpersonal

attraction scale, which measured social, physical, and task attraction. Taken together,

these scales offered researchers an efficient means for systematically studying example,

Additional studies used factor analysis to quantitatively examine interpersonal

attraction. For instance, Triandis (1964) found that five independent factors represented

about 60% of the variance in his study of interpersonal attraction. Moreover, the Triandis

investigation identified a socio-emotional and task category of interpersonal attraction. In

a related study, Kiesler and Goldberg (1968) found additional empirical support for the

notion that interpersonal attraction was comprised of at least a task and liking dimension.

As a direct result, one of their final conclusions was that “factor analysis might be a very

useful tool in the study of interpersonal attraction” (p. 703). In summary, both of these

studies provided support for the claim that interpersonal attraction was multidimensional

in nature.

Early qualitative research on interpersonal attraction normally involved

participant interviews. For example, Kirkendall (1961) conducted interviews with 200

college-aged men in order to assess their motivation, communication, protective

measures, attitudes, and self-evaluations of romantic partners. When interview participant

number 52 (referred to as M) was asked about interpersonal attraction, Kirkendall

summarized his sentiments by stating, “There are certain things which he finds are good

indications as to whether or not the girl will become a willing partner” (p. 109).

Kirkendall goes on to summarize:

He also thinks it is indicative if a girl begins to flatter a boy. If

she tells him he is a big wheel, or smooth guy, it means that she is

impressed, and will accept advances from him when she might

not from other fellows. (p. 110)

One of the main findings from the Kirkendall interviews was that men frequently

developed communication strategies for building attraction. While this finding was

empirically intriguing, the majority of subsequent attraction research focused less on

strategy and more on similarity.

The Role of Similarity in Interpersonal Dyads

The relationship between interpersonal attraction and similarity can be evaluated

in a myriad of different contexts. Most notably, Byrne (1961) reported that individuals

had significantly more positive feelings for similar strangers than dissimilar strangers.

Results also indicated that individuals viewed similar strangers as more intelligent, better

adjusted, and more ethical than their dissimilar counterparts. When examined

collectively, these conclusions were instrumental because they provided a solid

foundation for later similarity-attraction research.

One of the more intriguing studies devoted to the similarity-attraction hypothesis

was conducted by Byrne and Nelson (1965). The central hypothesis of this study was that

feelings of attraction would increase as proportions of similar attitudes increased. As

hypothesized, ratings of attraction between individuals did improve when similar

attitudes increased. Put differently, this finding indicated that a strong linear relationship

existed between attraction and proportions of similar attitudes. Notably, this Byrne and

Nelson study was one of the first investigations to offer empirical evidence of a positive

correlation between similarity and attraction.

Numerous other social scientists have further developed the relationship between

interpersonal attraction and similarity. For example, Byrne, Clore Jr., and Worchel (1966)

found that individuals reported more attraction for strangers who shared similar economic

statuses in comparison to people who were financial opposites. Likewise, Zander and

Havelin (1960) claimed that individuals felt increased attraction for persons who shared

similar amounts of confidence. Back in the laboratory, Zimbardo and Formica (1963)

demonstrated that participants preferred to affiliate with individuals who maintained

similar emotional states. Although these studies revealed that attitudinal similarity was

positively associated with interpersonal attraction, subsequent research focused on the

conceptualization of similarity.

Interpersonal attraction scholars have squabbled over the relative importance of

perceived and actual similarity. Most studies have indicated that perceived attitude

similarity is more indicative of liking for another than actual similarity (Byrne, 1969;

Lindzey & Byrne, 1968). In terms of perceived similarity, Klohnen and Luo (2003)

reported that similarity to an ideal self was a strong predictor of interpersonal attraction.

With regard to actual similarities, Werner and Parmelee (1979) suggested that individuals

preferred acquaintances that enjoyed similar activities to acquaintances that shared

similar attitudes. While these results empirically demonstrated that strangers are drawn to

commonplace similarities, other investigations reported that individuals are attracted to

less traditional characteristics.

Additional social scientific literature devoted to interpersonal attraction and

similarity has found that individuals are enticed by unconventional similarities. For

instance, Jones, Pelham, Cavallo, and Mirenberg (2004) claimed that individuals

experienced elevated levels of attraction for others simply because they shared similar

surnames. Moreover, Jones and colleagues also found that participants experienced more

attraction for people who were given arbitrary numbers that closely matched their

individual birthday. Similarly, scholars argued that individuals are more likely to report

feelings of closeness for individuals who actually do share a birthday, regardless of

whether conversational similarities existed (Miller, Downs, & Prentice, 1998). When

taken together, these findings indicated that individuals fail to make a distinction between

chance similarity and genuine similarity that often emerges in conversation.

Communication scholarship is heavily focused on the correlation between similarity and

interpersonal attraction. A study by Buller, LePoire, Aune, and Eloy (1992) indicated that

similarity between the speech rates of speakers and listeners resulted in increased levels

of attractiveness. On the other hand, research has demonstrated that speech rate

dissimilarity caused diminished perceptions of social attractiveness (Street & Brady,

1982). In addition, Wheeless and Reichel (1990) reported that similarity in

communication style was a strong indicator of attraction for another interlocutor. As these

communication studies focused on speech rate and style, separate investigations

examined theoretical considerations related to attraction and similarity.

Communication accommodation theorists evaluated interpersonal attraction,

similarity and a possible link to convergence. Empirical work by Giles, Mulac, Bradac,

and Johnson (1987) suggested convergence occurred when “individuals adapt to each

other’s speech by means of a wide range of linguistic features, including speech rates,

pauses and utterance length, pronunciations and so on” (p. 14). In the same report, they

argued that individuals who converged their speech were more likely to be seen as

likable. In a similar vein, Fortman (2003) argued that “the more similar the attitudes, the

greater the attraction and the more likely accommodation will occur” (pp. 107-108).

Therefore, the findings from these studies empirically demonstrated that a strong

correlation existed between communication accommodation and feelings of interpersonal

attraction.

Attributional communication scholars evaluated whether a correlation existed

between attraction, similarity, and attributions. For instance, Berger (1973) developed two

hypotheses to test whether a relationship existed between attributions and interpersonal

attraction. First, he hypothesized that individuals who successfully completed a word

anagram would attribute their success to internal factors. Second, he theorized that

individuals would experience increased attraction for those individuals who made the

same attribution regarding task completion. Indeed, results suggested that individuals

who made similar attributions were more likely to experience interpersonal attraction in

comparison to sources that made dissimilar attributions.

Studies dedicated to similarities in persuasive communication and interpersonal

attraction have yielded inconsistent results. In one investigation of young adults,

Burleson and Samter (1996) reported that similarity in communication skills consistently

predicted attraction except in a persuasive skills condition. In contrast, Waldron and

Applegate (1998) found that similarity in persuasive tactics was positively correlated with

increased social attraction during argumentative conversations. While Waldron and

Applegate attribute the contradictory findings as a function of different methodologies,

other scholars such as Spitzberg, Canary, and Cupach (1994) maintain that feelings of

ambivalence during conflict can result in both feelings of attraction and dislike. Either way,

the relationship between attraction and similarities in persuasive communication remains

decidedly unclear.

Humorous communication scholarship evaluated whether humor impacts

attraction and similarity. Cann, Calhoun, and Banks (1997) tested the relationship

between humorous communication and interpersonal attraction by having an attitudinally

similar or attitudinally dissimilar stranger relay a humorous message over an intercom.

They found that participants reported more attraction to dissimilar strangers who

appreciated the joke in comparison to attitudinally similar strangers who felt neutral about

the humorous message. Comparable research by Murstein and Brust (1985) examined

students who rated humorous stimuli in a similar manner. Results indicated that humor

rating similarity was positively correlated with liking, loving, and a predisposition to

marry. All joking aside, these studies collectively suggested that attraction increased

between individuals who embraced similar humor tendencies. Non-theoretical

interpersonal attraction literature focused on individuals who share similar

communication values. Burleson, Kunkel, and Birch (1994) identified four different types

of communicative values in dating relationships, which included comforting, ego support,

conflict management, and regulation. They hypothesized that partner similarity on these

dimensions was positively correlated with feelings of interpersonal attraction. Indeed,

results indicated that similar communication values were associated with increased

feelings of attraction for an interpersonal partner.

Finally, nonverbal communication scholarship evaluated the correlation between

interpersonal attraction and similarity. A speed-dating study by Gueguen (2009) revealed

that men were more interpersonally attracted to women who mimicked their nonverbal

behavior during a first meeting in comparison to women who did not engage in similar

behaviors. Prior research by Dabs (1969) suggested that individuals felt higher levels of

rapport for partners who displayed similar nonverbal postures. Thus, both of these

findings imply that similar nonverbal behaviors can result in greater attraction during

interpersonal communication.

Other literature devoted to nonverbal similarity and interpersonal attraction has

produced strong claims concerning the relationship between attitude similarity and

nonverbal communication. For instance, Cappella and Palmer (1992) argued that

“nonverbal similarity depresses the effect of attitude similarity on attraction and

satisfaction to the point of non-significance” (p. 184). In an earlier study, Cappella and

Palmer (1990) claimed that a causal relationship existed between nonverbal similarity and

attraction in such a way that “attitude similarity works through behavioral similarity in

accounting for attraction and satisfaction judgments without having a direct effect itself”

(p. 178). Stated differently, similar nonverbal actions speak louder than similar attitudes.

The salience of the similarity-attraction hypothesis remains a topic of considerable

debate. While disciples from the Byrne camp continue to argue that similarity causes

attraction, Sunnafrank advocates steadfastly maintain that attraction is inherently tied to

the potential for positive outcomes in the future. Comparatively speaking, both

philosophical approaches have advanced strong empirical support. Perhaps, situational

factors related to perceived intelligence, physical proximity, initial communication,

individual perceptions, and impression formation mediate whether attraction develops. As

such, this paper now discusses each of these elements and their correlation with

interpersonal attraction.

Intellectual Ability and Source Attractiveness

Scholarship dedicated to intelligence and perceptions of physical appearance is

deeply rooted. Perhaps the most notable research on these variables came from Thorndike

(1920) who reported that positive ratings on the physical qualities of others strongly

correlated with elevated judgments concerning the intelligence of others. The label

ascribed to the cognitive process that Thorndike unearthed became reified and is now

referred to as the halo effect. Since that time, the halo of physical attractiveness and its

correlation with measures of competence and intelligence have been of particular interest

to several other academics.

Succeeding research on perception and attraction has provided additional support

for the seminal findings of Thorndike. A classic study by Dion, Berscheid, and Walster

(1972) found that physically attractive individuals were rated as more competent parents

and more likely to secure a prestigious job in comparison to less physically attractive

persons. While Dion and associates did not specifically measure intelligence, their

famous “what is beautiful is good” (p. 285) aphorism tacitly suggested that individuals of

higher physical attractiveness are also more likely to be perceived as intellectually gifted.

Along a similar line, Cann (1991) reported “the relationships of competence to other

socially desirable qualities, interpersonal attraction and intelligence, fit the emerging

pattern. Competence of either type made anyone more interpersonally attractive” (p.

229). Put differently, both intelligence and attraction share a strong correlation with social

competence.

Newer scholarship devoted to attraction and intelligence has focused on when

these variables are most salient. For instance, Haselton and Miller (2006) proposed that

ovulatory cycles affected female attraction towards either a high or low intelligence

potential mate. Specifically, they hypothesized that women would be more attracted to

intellectually creative men compared to wealthy men when females were especially

fertile. In order to test their hypotheses, researchers had mid-cycle female participants

choose a short-term mate based on two contrasting scenarios that featured either a less

talented wealthy man or an intellectually creative potentially mate. As hypothesized,

results suggested that females had the tendency to choose intellectually creative men over

wealthy potential mates when females were mid-cycle and nearing peak fertility. Thus, it

appears that female biology can affect whether women are more or less attracted to an

intelligent potential romantic partner.

Other research on how gender mediates perceptions of intelligence and attraction

has been conducted in the standard college environment. For instance, a study by Lao,

Upchurch, Corwin, and Grossnickle (1975) required male and female confederates to

role-play either a high, medium, or low assertive demeanor in front of a committee of

university faculty members. They argued that study participants would rate females who

enacted the highly assertive disposition as less likeable and intelligent. Indeed, findings

indicated that perceptions of intelligence and likeability were lower in the condition

during which the female acted in a conventionally inappropriate sex-role manner. Put

another way, it appears that liking for another as well as perceptions of intelligence are

dependent on whether females enact their traditional social role.

There are at least two studies that have examined how communicative

information affects perceptions of interpersonal attraction and intelligence. In one study,

Bailey and Garrou (1983) supplied potential daters information concerning the religious

involvement of other single individuals. More specifically, researchers asked participants

to rate their perceptions of the attractiveness and intelligence of potential daters who were

either labeled as either high or low in religious involvement. Results indicated that both

females and males perceived the targets who were classified as highly religious as more

intelligent and physically attractive in comparison to the non-religious individuals. While

this particular study used upper body slides (or pictures) to assess perceptions of

intelligence and attraction, other empirical research has looked at how nonverbal

communication affected perceptions of these same variables.

A second study on how communicative information affects individual perceptions

was conducted by Elliot and Niesta (2008). For this particular investigation, researchers

were interested in whether the color red influenced perceptions of intelligence and

attraction. With regard to methodology, participants were asked to examine female

photographs that were featured against either a red or white background. Once

completed, participants were then asked to measure the physical attractiveness, kindness,

and intelligence of the photographed women. Findings indicated that men perceived

females who were set against a red background as more attractive physically in

comparison to females who were featured against a white background. However, results

also suggested that male perceptions of female intelligence were not influenced by the

color of the background used in the photograph. Therefore, it appears that the color red

can influence male perceptions of physical attractiveness but not male perceptions of

intelligence.

Existing scholarship devoted to perceptions of physical attractiveness and

intelligence has yielded several findings that are pertinent to this study. First, a halo effect

exists whereby increased ratings on one measure correlate with increased ratings on the

other measure. Second, female attraction to intelligent men is vulnerable to biological

process. Third, individuals who are categorized as religious are also more likely to be

perceived as attractive and intelligence. All things considered, perhaps Feingold (1982)

best summarized the extant research on these two variables in stating “a reasonable

conclusion, however, is that attractiveness and mental ability covary in an unpredictable

manner” (p. 284). While additional research on perceptions of physical attractiveness and

intelligence are forthcoming, scholarship focused on propinquity and attraction has been

much more predictable.

The Correlation Between Propinquity and Liking

The concepts of proximity and interpersonal attraction have shared a robust

connection in previous scholarship. Berscheid and Walster (1969) broadly summarized

the correlation between these two phenomena in stating “other things being equal, the

closer two individuals are located geographically, the more likely it is that they will be

attracted to each other” (p. 46). In a classic study of how propinquity mediates attraction,

Bossard (1932) investigated the effects that proximity had on mate selection during the

dating stages of relationships that eventually resulted in marriage. Findings suggested that

as the physical distance between dating individuals increased the number of petitions for

marriage licenses decreased. Put differently, it appears that potential feelings of romantic

attraction are hindered by geographic separation.

Extant quantitative research devoted to attraction and proximity has commonly

employed experimental design to scientifically test independent variables. Some of the

more succinct studies such as Arkin and Burger (1980) reported that individuals who

directly interacted with others were more likely to report greater amounts of attraction in

comparison to control conditions in which participants experienced lessened amounts of

direct social interaction. In a similar vein, Byrne, Baskett, and Hodges (1971) focused on

the effects that similarity had on both proximity and attraction. Although the results for

male participants were not significant, this study indicated that female participants were

more likely to sit physically closer to similar strangers as well as report greater attraction

towards that similar individual. While both of these studies contributed additional

understanding on physical distance, the majority of existing literature on propinquity has

sought to determine whether proximity impacts attraction or whether attraction impacts

proximity.

The lion’s share of prior social scientific literature devoted to propinquity has

identified proximity as a determinant of interpersonal attraction. For instance, a

specialized investigation by Zajonc (1968) examined the relationship between “mere

exposure” (p. 1) and source liking. He hypothesized that repeated access to a given

stimulus would eventually result in more favorable perceptions of that stimulus. Not

surprisingly, results indicated that as time passed individuals eventually held more

favorable perceptions of a photographic stimuli that occurred with a greater frequency in

comparison to photographic stimuli that occurred at a lesser frequency. Zajonc nicely

summarized his central finding in stating: “If the function of orienting behavior is

eventually to change a novel stimulus into a familiar one, it is also its consequence to

render the stimulus object eventually more attractive” (p. 21). This study demonstrated

that feelings of interpersonal attraction can be induced from something as simple as

repeated exposure.

Other empirical studies have further investigated proximity as a cause of

attraction processes. Burgoon and associates (2002) found that closer proximity resulted

in more favorable ratings on measures of task attraction. With regard to organizational

communication, Quinn and Judge (1978) proposed that employees who worked

physically closer to one another were more likely to interact and thus potentially develop

feelings of interpersonal attraction. Along this same line, a survey by Anderson and

Hunsaker (1985) indicated that 68% of workplace romances occurred between two

employees who worked in a close immediate vicinity. Taken together, these investigations

proposed further evidence that attraction can develop as result of maintaining close

employment proximity.

Additional literature has examined how reciprocity influences propinquity and

interpersonal attraction. As Kubitschek and Hallinan (1998) suggest, “persons may not

approach others deemed more attractive, more competent, or of higher status because

they anticipate their attraction will not be reciprocated” (p. 4). Similarly, Kenny and

LaVoie (1982) reported that propinquity exerted greater influence over attraction and

reciprocity during the early stages of acquaintanceship as opposed to the latter stages of

acquaintanceships. Either way, it appears that reciprocity is a salient independent variable

in the marriage between propinquity and liking.

There are at least two studies that illustrate how changes in proximity can sway

feelings of interpersonal attraction. First, a longitudinal study by Priest and Sawyer

(1967) indicated that attraction was less affected by changes in proximity when initial

perceptions of source attractiveness were relatively high. In a similar vein, a second study

by Mehrabian (1968) found that as the distance between communicators decreased, the

amount of liking between dyadic partners increased. In other words, it appears that

maintaining a close physical proximity to another individual can result in increased levels

of attraction if the initial perceptions of that individual are positive.

Finally, some research has downplayed the significance of proximity as

determinant of interpersonal attraction. For instance, a study by Blass and Schwarcz

(1982) examined the relative importance of attitude similarity, need similarity, frequency

of exposure, and proximity. More specifically, a sample of skilled researchers were asked

to rank order these four variables in terms of their empirical ability to predict feelings of

attraction. Comparatively speaking, respondents rated physical proximity as being the

least statistically significant determinant of interpersonal attraction. While all of the

studies discussed thus far have focused on how proximity affects attraction, other

investigations have assessed the influence that attraction has on physical proximity.

Extant scholarship on whether attraction is a determinant of physical proximity has a less

celebrated history. Nevertheless, one study by Byrne, Ervin, and Lamberth (1970) sought

to further analyze the relationship between attraction and proximity in a non-laboratory

setting. With regard to their methodology, researchers introduced a pair of opposite sex

partners and asked them to interact for a period of thirty minutes. Shortly thereafter,

measures of interpersonal attraction were administered to both male and female

participants. Interestingly, findings indicated that individuals who reported higher levels

of attraction for a fellow interlocutor were more likely to stand closer together to that

individual while the experimenter debriefed participants. Therefore, it appears that

individuals who experience larger amounts of interpersonal attraction are more likely to

seek out closer physical proximity.

A second study by Allgeier and Byrne (1973) investigated similarity in the arena

of propinquity and how it affected interpersonal attraction. Researchers proposed that

both female and male participants would sit closer to a stranger they perceived as

attitudinally similar in comparison to a stranger they viewed as dissimilar. Indeed, results

indicated that participants were more likely to choose a seat that was two feet closer to a

stranger they viewed as both attractive and attitudinally similar. Put another way, it seems

that similarity can impact attraction, which in turn can affect the role of proximity.

In summary, considerable amounts of research have examined the correlation between

proximity and attraction. Some studies have indicated that mere exposure eventually

results in more favorable perceptions of a given phenomenon. However, many other

studies have evaluated the correlation between propinquity and attraction over lengthy

periods of time. While it is vital to consider the function of proximity, it is of greater

importance to appreciate the nature of theory in potentially romantic relationships. As

such, the next section of this dissertation examines the theoretical foundations of social

interaction and perceptions of others. More specifically, this paper meticulously unpacks

the interaction appearance theory (IAT) of communication in order to strategically

highlight the interconnectedness of interpersonal communication and physical

attractiveness.

Communication and Attraction During Initial Interactions

Several empirical theories have examined communication during initial

interactions. For example, social penetration theory (SPT) suggests relational closeness

develops through a gradual process of matched self-disclosures (Altman & Taylor, 1973).

According to Altman and Taylor, strangers engage in four stages of communication that

include orientation, exploratory affective exchange, affective exchange, and stable

exchange. Empirical research on SPT has indicated the depth of information shared

during first meetings is limited. Instead, new acquaintances engage in ordinary

conversation that is characterized by limited amounts of self-disclosure. A second

theory that focuses on communication during first meetings is uncertainty reduction

theory (URT). URT proposes strangers participate in a series of communicative behaviors

that are designed to reduce cognitive and behavioral uncertainty (Berger & Calabrese,

1975). One of the central assumptions of URT is that interlocutors enter initial

interactions with high levels of anxiety. As a direct result, individuals employ

information-seeking strategies in order to minimize uncomfortable feelings. In other

words, communication is a tool for collecting information during initial interactions.

While both SPT and URT effectively analyze dialogue during first meetings, the

aforementioned interaction appearance theory (IAT) evaluates initial interactions and

beyond.

The interaction appearance theory (IAT) of communication examines the

correlation between social interactions and perceptions of physical appearance (Albada,

Knapp, & Theune, 2002). The philosophical underpinnings of this theory are embedded

in four inter-related assumptions that address the link between communication and

feelings of romantic interest. The first supposition is that social interaction and physical

attraction are interdependent variables. Second, social interactions exist whereby

participants evaluate dyadic partners as not attractive enough to romantically pursue, but

not unattractive enough as to disregard as a potential partner. The third assumption of IAT

proposes that individuals eventually place more emphasis on positive social interactions

than on physical attributes. Finally, IAT suggests initial perceptions of physical attraction

are adjusted because of continued social interaction. When taken together, IAT concisely

posits that communication can alter opinions of physical appearance.

Albada and colleagues (2002) completed three separate studies in order to

validate IAT. In their first investigation, they interviewed participants who had been or

were currently in a committed heterosexual relationship for a period of at least 60 days.

Participants were asked to describe specific occasions during which their perceptions of a

partner’s physical appearance positively changed over time. Several participants

indicated they had experienced this phenomenon. In fact, one response was: “Which one

do you want me to talk about?” (p. 17). Moreover, interviewees were able to frequently

cite positive interactions that caused them to favorably evaluate the physical appearance

of a romantic partner. Or, as one interview participant succinctly suggested: “The more

time I spent with her, the more I noticed her personality outshining her physical

attributes” (p. 21).

Surveys were used in the second study to determine the salience of physical

attractiveness for individuals who were currently involved in a committed heterosexual

relationship (Albada et al.). For this portion of the investigation, Albada and colleagues

proposed four straightforward assumptions. They argued that: (1) physical attraction was

an important aspect of relationship involvement; (2) individuals would prefer attractive

partners; (3) daters would favor quality interactions in relationships; and (4) romantic

partners would view physical attraction and social attraction as interrelated variables. In

order to test these hypotheses, researchers used a sample of undergraduate participants

who were currently involved in a dating relationship. Support was found for all

hypotheses as 89% of participants suggested physical attraction was an important

relationship component, 58% claimed satisfying romantic relationships involved a

physically attractive partner, 99% stated that interaction satisfaction was an important

component of good relationships, and 92% acknowledged the interdependence of social

and physical attraction.

The third study by Albada and associates (2002) involved participant diaries. For

this portion of their analysis, researchers instructed 20 romantic couples to anonymously

rate their initial perceptions of their partner’s physical attractiveness. Next, participants

used written diaries to record positive and negative interactions that occurred over a

three-week period. Finally, participants re-evaluated their partner’s physical appearance

after they described their social interactions. Results for male participants yielded no

statistically significant results for positive interactions. However, researchers reported

that perceptions of physical appearance decreased for men after negative exchanges.

Moreover, a significant shift occurred for females after both positive and negative social

interactions. That is, females’ initial ratings of physical attraction significantly changed

after non-neutral interactions with their romantic partner.

A scarce amount of scholarly literature has further investigated the perceptions of

physical appearance claim proposed in IAT. Lewandowski Jr., Aron, and Gee (2007)

examined whether trait information affected ratings of physical attraction. They

hypothesized that positive personality variables would cause participants to see others as

more physically attractive. On the other hand, they argued negative qualities would result

in lesser amounts of physical attraction. Study participants evaluated yearbook photos of

opposite sex participants, engaged in a non-related distraction task, and then re-examined

the original set of photos. However, during the re-examination, the original photos were

accompanied with either positive or negative information about the pictured individual.

Findings indicated that perceptions of physical attraction increased after participants were

supplied with positive information and decreased when photos were accompanied with

non-flattering information.

Persuasion theorists recently examined compliance within an IAT context. For

instance, Hendrickson and Goei (2009) analyzed the relationship between interpersonal

favors and date requests. One of their hypotheses was that female participants would

experience increased levels of attraction for men who provided them a drink.

Furthermore, researchers posited that one implication of increased attraction would be

improved chances for compliance with an impending date request. In other words,

researchers maintained that perceptions of physical appearance would function as a

mediating variable in compliance requests.

Participants in the Hendrickson and Goei study watched a series of videotaped

vignettes in order to test IAT’s claims on perception and physical attraction. The vignettes

featured confederates role-playing a 90-second interaction at a rented-out bar filled with

extras. The various scenes featured social interactions during which a free drink was

either offered or not offered to a female confederate. Next, participants viewed the

interaction and rated indebtedness, compliance, and physical attraction. Results indicated

that free drink favors resulted in more positive assessments of source attraction. That is,

this finding provided additional empirical support for the IAT axiom which suggests

positive social interactions induce greater perceptions of physical attractiveness.

Subsequent research on IAT has examined the correlation between perceptions of

physical attraction and the absence of social interaction. For example, a recent

computermediated communication (CMC) study exposed research participants to the

Facebook pictures of attractive and unattractive strangers to determine if physical

appearance affected the probability of initiating a social interaction (Wang, Moon, Kwon,

Evans, & Stefanone, 2010). Findings suggested that participants were more likely to

initiate friendships with strangers who displayed attractive photos in comparison to

participants who displayed unattractive photos. In terms of implications for IAT, this

study demonstrated that physical attraction influenced social interactions in the same way

that social interactions influenced attraction.

Specialized investigations have extended IAT into different academic disciplines.

Research by Griffin, Polit, and Byrne (2007) found that physical attractiveness did not

influence social interactions in a medical setting. Specifically, they reported that nurses

treated all patients similarly regardless of physical attractiveness. Therefore, this finding

indicated that the relationship between physical attraction and social interaction is

contextually dependent. Put another way, IAT is vulnerable to the social environment.

Campbell (2005) applied IAT outcomes to retirement care facilities. One of the

main goals of this report was to develop a specialized model of attraction that illustrated

the relationship between attractiveness and the treatment of nursing home residents. In

order to accomplish this objective, Campbell cited the fundamental IAT premise that

suggests positive social interactions result in greater perceptions of physical appearance.

Based off of case study data, she concluded that physical appearance and communication

behaviors worked in tandem to impact perceptions of attractiveness, approaches to care,

quality of care, and client outcomes. Stated differently, both central variables of IAT

(physical appearance and social interaction) were fundamental elements in her attraction

model.

To briefly summarize, IAT maintains that social interactions influence perceptions

of physical attractiveness. The majority of subsequent research on IAT has offered

support for the fundamental axioms of this communication theory. As previously

mentioned, one of the central roles of IAT in the present study is to provide a conceptual

framework for examining whether a single conversation can impact evaluations of

physical beauty. While IAT provides a solid foundation for understanding the implications

of multiple social interactions, it is also critical to understand how constructs such as

impression formation, positive communication, and negative communication function in

the courtship arena. As such, this paper now discusses each of these variables and their

correlation with interpersonal attraction.

The Significance of Impressions When Strangers First Meet

Social scientific literature has thoroughly examined the salience of first

impressions. In terms of a formal definition, an impression can be conceptualized as the

“perceiver’s cognitive representation of another person” (Hamilton, Katz, & Leirer, 1980,

p. 1051). Scholars have examined the function of impression formation in a variety of

different communication contexts ranging from public communication in an educational

environment (Kelley, 1950) to applied interpersonal settings involving personal

counseling (Brown, 1970). While the majority of extant literature devoted to impressions

has taken place in the niche of behavioral psychology, some studies have sought to marry

the concepts of impression formation and interpersonal attraction within the world of

interdisciplinary scholarship.

Numerous investigations have examined how nonverbal communication affects

impression formation and perceptions of physical appearance. For instance, Ambady and

Rosenthal (1993) reported that independent observers accurately predicted how students

would evaluate instructors from watching the nonverbal behaviors of a teacher in a brief

video clip. Moreover, this study also suggested that “students’ ratings of teachers were

somewhat influenced by the physical appearance of the teachers” (p. 435). Along this

line, subsequent research by Ambady, Hallahan, and Conner (1999) indicated that

participants could correctly evaluate the sexual orientation of strangers at better than

chance levels from merely watching a 10-second video. Taken together, these empirical

investigations suggested that impressions based on physical appearance are made almost

instantaneously via observing thin slices of nonverbal behavior.

A classic study by Zuckerman, Miyake, and Hodgins (1991) sought to determine

whether a correlation existed between physical attractiveness and vocal attractiveness.

They hypothesized that impressions of attractiveness in one channel (i.e. auditory or

visual) would influence perceptions of attractiveness in the other channel. Stated

differently, they posited that individuals would infer an overall impression of

attractiveness based on exposure to a single variable. In terms of their methodology,

participants were exposed to either a facial picture or the voice of another individual.

Participants were then asked to rate the attractiveness of the individual on the opposite

measure. Results indicated that favorable impressions on physical attractiveness

correlated with favorable impressions of vocal attractiveness and vice versa. Thus, it

appears that vocal features have the ability to affect perceptions of physical attractiveness.

Related scholarship on impressions and attraction has examined whether

communication influences individual perceptions. For example, a study by Wyer,

Budesheim, and Lambert (1990) claimed that speakers who described others favorably

were more likely to leave a positive impression about her or himself. Comparable

research by Gawronski and Walther (2008) indicated “the evaluations endorsed by a

given source can recursively transfer to the source, such that people tend to form positive

attitudes toward sources who like other individuals” (p. 1288). Moreover, Ames, Bianchi,

and Magee (2010) argued that speakers who talked positively of others were more likely

to be seen as giving off a likeable demeanor. As a whole, the aforementioned scholarship

has yielded evidence that liking can occur via positive impressions of another individual.

Extant literature that exclusively focuses on negative first impressions and

attraction is rare. In fact, most studies such as Rosen, Cheever, Cummings, and Felt

(2008) discussed the unflattering aspects of negative first impressions as an afterthought

to the reported findings on positive first impressions. However, scholars like Denrell

(2005) have conducted entire investigations devoted to the effects of negative first

impressions. With regard to latter, Denrell found evidence of a recency effect, during

which the negative effects of first impressions diminished as a result of continued positive

social interactions. Put another way, initial negative impressions start subsiding as

feelings of liking for another individual continue to increase.

A novel empirical investigation of impression formation by Clark, Klesges, and

Neimeyer (1992) sought to determine whether smoking status impacted initial judgments

of interpersonal attractiveness. Researchers proposed that participants would have more

negative first impressions of individuals who smoked in a videotaped vignette in

comparison to others who did not smoke. Results suggested that both male and female

participants reported higher levels of interpersonal attraction for the nonsmoking models.

Additionally, findings indicated that smoking female models were rated as less healthy

and less likable. Stated simply, this study nicely demonstrated that negative impressions

could result in lower ratings of physical attractiveness.

In summary, the existing literature focused on initial impressions and liking has

presented straightforward insight on how individuals assess perceptions of interpersonal

attraction. First, the literature suggested that impressions based on physical appearance

are made very quickly via thin slices of behavior. Second, prior literature suggested that

nonverbal communication commonly impacts impressions of source attractiveness.

Finally, scholarship indicated that negative impressions resulted in decreased amounts of

social attractiveness. Now that an overview of impressions and attraction has been

undertaken, this paper now examines the relationship between positive communication

and interpersonal attraction.

Positive Communication and Attraction for Others

The broad umbrella of positive communication has been regularly investigated in

previous literature devoted to developing and established romantic relationships. For

instance, Burgoon and LePoire (1993) reported that individuals who engaged in a

pleasant communication style were rated favorably on measures of credibility, positive

expectancies, and source attractiveness. Subsequent research on positive messages

indicated that happy relational partners engaged in “more frequent and special types of

pleasurable communication” (Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Schlee, Monson, Ehrenshaft, &

Heyman, 1998, p. 208). According to Knapp, Ellis, and Williams (1980), positive

communication in potentially romantic and romantic relationships changed over time as

individuals offered more personalized positive comments after escaping banal

conversation. When taken together, these studies illustrated that individuals are attracted

to pleasant interlocutors, favor pleasurable communication, and consciously alter their

positive communication behaviors when appropriate.

There are at least four types of positive communication that have the ability to

influence feelings of interpersonal attraction. First, research has suggested that

compliments are an effective tool for strategically building interpersonal rapport (Greer &

Buss, 1994). Along this line, Aronson and Linder (1965) found that participants rated

confederates as most attractive in experimental conditions during which the confederates

spoke about other participants in a complimentary fashion. Moreover, Grant, Fabrigar,

and Lim (2010) reported that compliments resulted in increased amounts of liking for a

message sender in the arena of interpersonal compliance research. Indeed, these empirical

reports offered strong documentation that compliments are a regular staple in

interpersonal attraction scholarship.

One of the more noteworthy studies on compliments and interpersonal attraction

was conducted by social scientists Katz and Beach (2000). In this particular investigation,

researchers sought to determine whether potential romantic partners reacted favorably to

individuals who offered both supportive and enhancing comments. That is, one of the

goals of this study was to determine what effects these examples of positive

communication had on other individuals. Results indicated that participants reported high

amounts of initial attraction for individuals who offered both enhancing and verifying

statements. Therefore, it appears that compliments can be used in conjunction with other

positive comments as a means to effectively increase romantic desirability.

Comparable research from Wildermuth, Vogl-Bauer, and Rivera (2006) evaluated

the salience of compliments as communication strategy for initiating a romantic

relationship. As part of their methodology, researchers employed a content analysis in

order to determine the prevalence of complimentary communication in initial

interactions. Results indicated that complimenting others was a tactic that individuals

frequently used to build rapport with a potential romantic partner. However, since the

impressions of compliment receivers were not ascertained in this investigation, one who

embraces the use of complimentary communication to build interpersonal attraction

should proceed with care.

A multi-faceted study by Doohan and Manusov (2004) examined relational

outcomes and the most common types of compliments. In terms of the latter, findings

indicated that flattering statements about the physical appearance of another individual

occurred with the greatest frequency. With regard to the former, results suggested that

complimentary behavior was positively correlated with perceptions of relational

satisfaction. Stated simply, we like dyadic partners who compliment us. Additionally,

researchers reported that individuals prefer emotional compliments (e.g. expressing

feelings about being happy with the other person) over positive comments related to her

or his physical appearance. Although this study offered additional evidence that

compliments are omnipresent in social interactions, other research has investigated the

correlation between attraction and other types of positive communication.

A second type of positive communication that has been heavily researched in the

arena of interpersonal attraction is humorous messages. For example, Fraley and Aron

(2004) reported that individuals felt closer to interpersonal strangers who used humor in a

first meeting in comparison to individuals who did not use humorous communication

during an initial interaction. Further support for this claim emerged in the work of

Wanzer, Booth-Butterfield, and Booth-Butterfield (1996) who suggested:

The more entertaining and humorous communicators are, the more

they should be desired as social partners. Certainly humor isn’t the

only communicative transaction occurring in relationships, but especially

at a relatively superficial or acquaintance-level stages of relationships,

successful humor enactments probably serve to make the

communication more rewarding. (p. 46)

Perhaps the most intriguing finding from the Wanzer and colleagues study was that

individuals who enacted humorous messages were rated as more socially attractive.

Indeed, both of these studies tacitly illustrated that humor is a common type of positive

communication that is especially regarded when strangers first meet.

Newer research on humorous messages and interpersonal attraction examined

how these constructs work together to influence mate selection. For instance, McGee and

Shevlin (2009) hypothesized that individuals who possessed a good sense of humor

would be rated high on measures of physical appearance and mate suitability. As

proposed, this hypothesis was supported as targets who were rated as having a good sense

of humor were also rated high on aspects of attractiveness and suitability. In addition, it is

also interesting to note that males rated females with an average or no sense of humor

relatively high on both measures. Thus, this finding infers that males place less emphasis

on selecting a potential mate who is regarded as humorous.

A specialized investigation by Kuiper and Leite (2010) focused on whether

different humor types had the ability to influence liking for another. Specifically,

researchers proposed that individuals who employed affiliative and self-enhancing humor

approaches would be received more positively than participants who embraced

aggressive and self-defeating humor types. Findings suggested that participants who

utilized affiliative and self-enhancing humorous communication were seen as more

friendly than those who did not. Interestingly, this study also highlighted that not all types

of humor positively influenced a dyadic partner.

A study by Weber, Goodboy, and Cayanus (2010) sought to investigate how

humorous flirtation would be perceived during an initial interaction. Participants in this

investigation watched a series of simulated interactions during which male participants

initiated a conversation with a female stranger via either a humorous attempt, direct

compliment, direct introduction, flippant line, or through a third-party introduction. Next,

a modified version of the conversational appropriateness scale (Canary & Spitzberg,

1987) was administered to all participants. Comparatively speaking, attempts at humor

were rated second to last in terms of their appropriateness and effectiveness as an opening

gambit with a potential romantic partner. Therefore, individuals who use humor as an

opening line to build interpersonal rapport might want to caveat emptor.

Additional literature focused on humorous messages as a form of positive

communication and interpersonal attraction sought to evaluate long-term preferences in

mate selection. For instance, Lundy, Tan, and Cunningham (1998) reported that women

rated humorous men as more desirable in terms of consideration for a serious relationship

or marriage. Comparable scholarship by Gueguen (2010) extended previous research in

suggesting:

Humor for women may perhaps be interpreted as a personal level

trait related to intelligence; intelligence is an important trait in

evaluating the probability of obtaining higher status and success in

financial prospects. This effect could explain why men used humor

more frequently than women because the lack of humor is

associated with less interest in the female’s mental activity. Such a

lack of interest might have decreased the opportunity for men to

find a a possible partner. (p.152)

Gueguen also uncovered evidence that men who employed humor during interpersonal

interactions were viewed as highly attractive potential mates. When examined

collectively, the majority of these studies demonstrated that humorous messages are a

salient type of positive communication that frequently induce feelings of interpersonal

attraction.

A third type of positive communication that can affect interpersonal attraction is

self-disclosure. Initial empirical research on this phenomenon indicated that individuals

who disclose personal information about her or himself are more likely to be perceived as

attractive and well-adjusted socially (Cozby, 1973). The theoretical groundwork on

selfdisclosure was also sowed during this time as scholarship suggested that sharing

personal information with others helped facilitate the development of personal

relationships

(Altman & Taylor, 1973) and alleviate feelings of uncertainty (Berger & Calabrese,

1975). Simply put, this literature laid a strong foundation for understanding the

correlation between self-disclosure and interpersonal relationship development.

Two empirical studies by Banikiotes and colleagues nicely illustrate the

correlation between interpersonal attraction and self-disclosure. In the first study,

Banikiotes and Daher (1976) reported that individuals experienced increased amounts of

interpersonal attraction for participants who self-disclosed similar amounts, similar types,

and similar levels of personal information. Less than a decade later, Winum and

Banikiotes (1983) investigated the correlation between self-disclosure flexibility and

interpersonal attraction. In other words, they were interested in whether attraction was

positively correlated with the ability to consciously alter self-disclosure tendencies.

Findings indicated that individuals who were flexible with their self-disclosure were seen

as more interpersonally attractive. As a collective whole, these investigations suggested that

participants are attracted to individuals who share similar information, disclose at a

comparable level (i.e. high, medium, low), and modify their self-disclosure as the situation

requires.

Additional investigations examined impressions and how different genders

perceive the attractiveness of self-disclosers. For instance, scholarship has suggested that

high amounts of appropriate self-disclosure resulted in positive first impressions on

measures of social attractiveness (Clark, Dockum, Hazeu, Huang, Luo, Ramsey, &

Spyrou, 2004). Moreover, findings from this investigation indicated that both males and

females believed they were liked more when they increased their self-disclosure. While it

has been stated that everyone’s favorite subject to talk about is themselves, this study was

unique because it inferred that some individuals believe self-disclosing can be used as a

tool for increasing her or his social attractiveness.

Finally, flirtatious nonverbal communication represents a fourth type of positive

communication behavior that is often investigated by interpersonal attraction researchers.

Along this line, McCormick (1979) reported that females demonstrated positive body

language as a means to telegraph interpersonal attraction. With regard to specific

nonverbal behaviors, Eibl-Eibesefeldt (1970) indicated that smiles and eyebrow flashes

were positive communication behaviors that females regularly displayed during

courtship. Complementing these studies, Burgoon, Manusov, Mineo, and Hale (1985)

found that an interlocutor was rated more positively in terms of attraction and credibility

when she or he demonstrated average or high amounts of gazing during an interpersonal

interaction. Taken together, these studies demonstrated that subtle nonverbal cues are a

strong indicator of interpersonal attraction.

A novel study by Clore, Wiggins, and Itkin (1975) sought to draw comparisons

between positive and negative nonverbal behaviors in terms of their effect on

interpersonal attraction. With regard to perceptions, they hypothesized that participants

would observe that males would experience greater attraction for females who

demonstrated cold and then warm nonverbal behaviors in comparison to females who

consistently displayed warm behaviors. In terms of their methodology, researchers

compiled a list of the most frequently employed warm and cold behaviors in the world of

interpersonal attraction. Participants were then randomly assigned to watch videotapes in

which a female demonstrated either cold and then warm nonverbal behaviors or only

warm nonverbal behaviors. As hypothesized, results indicated that participants viewed

interpersonal attraction as more prevalent in the cold and warm condition in contrast to

the warm only condition.

Other studies on the relationship between flirtatious nonverbal communication

and attraction have been conducted in applied settings. For instance, Moore (1985)

studied specific types of playful gestures and movements at a singles bar, university

library, snack bar, and at a university center for women. One of the main findings from

her investigation was that women were significantly more likely than men to use

nonverbal behaviors to demonstrate attraction. In a related study, McCormick and Jones

(1989) conducted participant observation of flirtatious nonverbal behaviors in bars,

lounges, and nightclubs. Results suggested that women were more likely to engage in

attraction-enticing behaviors such as exhibiting positive facial expressions, grooming

gestures, hair stroking, and briefly touching others in comparison to men. Thus, it appears

that women embrace nonverbal channels as a means to covertly telegraph interpersonal

attraction.

In summary, positive communication shares a strong connection with increased

amounts of interpersonal attraction. Prior research has identified compliments, humor,

self-disclosure, and flirtatious nonverbal behaviors as four specific types of positive

communication that commonly result in additional liking for another. However, with the

good also comes the bad. As such, this document now discusses how negative

communication can adversely affect feelings of interpersonal attraction.

Negative Communication and Attraction for Others

The study of negative communication in close interpersonal relationships has been

a topic of interest in several academic disciplines. For instance, Sher and Baucom (1993)

reported that negative communication in distressed marital relationships resulted in

increased levels of interpersonal dissonance. Within the arena of family psychology,

Corenelius, Shorey, and Beebe (2010) found that a strong correlation existed between

negative communication and aggressive behaviors in romantic relationships. Moreover,

behavioral psychologists suggested that depressed females are more likely to engage in

negative communication if they regularly maintain a sad emotional state (Rehman,

Ginting, Karimiha, & Goodnight, 2010). Taken together, these studies imply that negative

messages produce detrimental interpersonal outcomes.

Communication researchers have also investigated negative communication. For

example, Vangelisti and Crumley (1998) indicated that acquiescent responses such as

apologizing and crying were common retorts to negative communication in close

interpersonal relationships. Comparable research by Sanford (2007) claimed that

expressions of angriness during a disagreement resulted in increased amounts of negative

communication. Similarly, Domingue and Mollen (2009) reported that couples who had

insecure attachments to partners were more likely to avoid and withdraw than were

relationship partners who demonstrated secure attachment styles. Thus, it appears that

negative communication encourages damaging feedback from a fellow interlocutor.

There are at least three specific types of negative communication behaviors that

are regularly investigated in the world of interpersonal attraction. First, deceptive

communication has indicated that physically attractive potential mates are more likely to

be lied to in comparison to less attractive potential mates (Rowatt, Cunningham, & Druen

1999). Similarly, Toma and Hancock (2010) investigated the role of physical appearance

and deception in online dating. Results from their study indicated that less attractive

participants were more likely to be dishonest about variables related to age, height, and

weight. In terms of implications for the present research, these studies put forth evidence

that deceptive messages have a negative effect on interpersonal attraction development.

One of the more engaging studies that evaluated deception and physical

attractiveness emerged from DePaulo, Tang, and Stone (1987). One of the main themes

that guided their research was whether physically attractive individuals had more skill at

detecting deception in comparison to individuals who were not as physically attractive.

Findings from their investigation indicated that participants who were rated as high in

attractiveness were able to detect lies told to other highly attractive participants more

frequently than individuals who were rated as moderately attractive. Therefore, based on

the results of this study it appears that similarity in attractiveness corresponds with the

ability to identify deceptive communication.

A second type of negative communication behavior that is especially prevalent in

interpersonal attraction research is ingratiation. While many individuals would

characterize ingratiatory behavior as the evil cousin of complimentary communication, a

more formal definition of ingratiation would be “the act of giving esteem to another with

the view in mind of obtaining rewards or benefits from the recipient” (Berscheid &

Walster, 1969, p. 62). That is, ingratiatory communicators speak favorably of others as a

means to strategically promote their own self-interests in forthcoming social interactions.

As the following paragraphs will illustrate, the concepts of ingratiation and interpersonal

attraction have shared a relatively prosperous yet sordid empirical history.

A classic study by Jones, Jones, and Gergen (1963) was one of the first

investigations to evaluate the correlation between ingratiatory communication and

interpersonal attraction. One of the major implications that emerged in this study was a

preliminary model of how ingratiation affected attractiveness. Moreover, Jones and

associates also reported that individuals who were rated as high in ingratiatory

communication were eventually perceived as less attractive. In contrast, individuals who

use ingratiatory messages less frequently were eventually perceived as more attractive. In

addition to proposing a general model on ingratiation and attractiveness, another central

finding from this study was that participants liked other individuals less in conditions

where participants believed that an ulterior motive was present. Stated differently,

individuals were received less favorably if they were perceived as an ingratiatory

communicator.

A separate study on attraction and ingratiation conducted by Pandey and Bohra

(1986) focused on evaluating these constructs in a simulated organizational context. That

is, researchers were interested in whether praising a superior, supporting the views of a

person who was in a position of power, asserting the significance of an influential

individual, or changing attitudes to match those of prominent superiors would affect

feelings of liking. They hypothesized that witnesses to ingratiating behaviors would be

more interpersonally attracted to individuals who communicated in a non-ingratiatory

style. Indeed, results indicated that participants viewed non-ingratiators more favorably

and socially attractive in comparison to their ingratiating counterparts.

Two investigations have examined ingratiation and attraction during the courtship

stage of romantic relationships. In one study, Stretch and Figley (1980) investigated

whether ingratiation could significantly predict feelings of interpersonal attraction for a

potential mate. Results from their study indicated that ingratiation did not statistically

predict ratings of attractiveness. A second study by Plesser (1995) focused on how men

used ingratiatory behaviors as a means to build rapport with potential romantic partners.

Findings from this doctoral dissertation indicated that men claimed similar attitudes with

attractive women in order to promote feelings of liking. Moreover, this study suggested

that men rarely engaged in ingratiatory behaviors in the presence of less attractive

females. In sum, these empirical pursuits found evidence that ingratiatory behavior is

especially common when one is desirous of attracting a potential mate.

A study by Kahn and Young (1973) added a nice touch to the extant literature on

ingratiation and interpersonal attraction because it employed an unorthodox methodology.

In fact, this study was one of the first to empirically test ingratiation outside of a highly

controlled laboratory setting. Instead, participants in this study utilized ingratiatory tactics

in a “relatively free social situation” (p. 580) that involved a 15minute discussion with a

stranger. Findings suggested that ingratiating participants were statistically unsuccessful

at getting an interpersonal partner to like her or him in comparison to the control group.

Hence, it appears that using verbal ingratiation to strategically build attraction can be a

daunting challenge.

Finally, negative expectancy violations represent a third type of negative

communication behavior that is of regular interest in interpersonal attraction research. For

example, Afifi and Burgoon (2000) investigated how various amounts of negative

expectancy violations affected uncertainty and source attractiveness. They concluded

that, “attraction is more strongly affected by the violation valence than the violation’s

impact on uncertainty, the valence of prior information, or the pure magnitude of the

violation” (p. 227-228). Interestingly, they go on to assert that, “individuals behaving

unpleasantly during the initial portion of the interaction were able to ‘repair’ their

attractiveness by positively violating observers’ expectations later in the interaction” (p.

228). Stated differently, negative violations hurt perceptions of attraction yet are

redeemable via positive violations.

A decade earlier Kellerman and Reynolds (1990) analyzed whether negative

violations affected our desire to associate with other individuals. As part of their

methodology, they utilized a series of unconventional negative violations including an

individual wearing a suit to an amusement park. One of their conclusions was that strong

negative violations resulted in other individuals judging the violator in a non-flattering

manner. Moreover, they also reported that individuals were less desirous of conversing

with those participants who significantly violated social decorum. Thus, it seems that

negative violations hinder not only attraction but also our motivation to engage in future

interactions with negative expectancy violators.

Empirical investigations by Burgoon and associates have focused on how

nonverbal violations affect ratings of interpersonal attraction. For instance, Burgoon and

Hale (1988) sought to extend prior research via conducting a social experiment on how

nonverbal expectancies impacted attraction for another individual. They hypothesized

that significant violations on measures of nonverbal immediacy would result in less

attraction during social interaction. While statistically significant results did not emerge

for this hypothesis, a separate study on specific nonverbal expectancies by Burgoon,

Coker, and Coker (1986) found that individuals who violated normal eye gazing

expectancies were viewed as less interpersonally attractive. In terms of implications from

these Burgoon studies, perhaps procedural differences influenced whether these

nonverbal expectancies produce lessened amounts of attraction.

Other empirical research devoted to specific types of negative communicative

behaviors and interpersonal attraction can be categorized as choppy. For instance, a crude

study by Stapleton, Nelson, Franconere, and Tedeschi (1975) reported that attraction for

other individuals decreased as the number of electric shocks administered by a fellow

interpersonal partner increased. Stanley, Markman, and Whitton (2002) claimed that

negative communication experiences such as invalidation and escalation were positively

correlated with lessened amounts of relationship satisfaction and feelings of liking for

another. Similarly, Gottman (1999) suggested that liking for a relational partner decreased

as critical, contempt, and defensive messages increased amongst dyadic partners. Back in

the communication laboratory, McCroskey, Richmond, Daly, and Cox

(1975) found that as feelings of interpersonal attraction decreased, levels of

communication apprehension increased. Despite the fact that all of these studies

employed different methodologies, one commonality that emerged in most of these

investigations was that a strong inverse relationship existed between negative

communication and feelings of interpersonal attraction.

Summary of Positive and Negative Communication

The extant literature devoted to positive and negative communication has yielded

consistent results. Positive communication has shared a strong correlation with increases

in social satisfaction and interpersonal attraction. In contrast, negative communication

tends to generate feelings of dislike and interpersonal animosity. Even though these

results make logical sense, all of the previously cited studies were valuable as each

offered specific conclusions concerning communication in close interpersonal contexts.

One of the major limitations of positive and negative communication scholarship

is that comparatively few studies have looked at how these diverse phenomena function

when strangers first meet. Moreover, the majority of the investigations that have

examined positive and negative communication during initial interactions have done so in

tightly controlled laboratory settings. Thus, there is a need to further study these

communication processes in a more naturalistic context. Recently, a new methodology

emerged that is suited for studying how positive and negative communication impact

interpersonal attraction after an initial interaction. Along this line, this paper highlights an

attraction-relevant methodology for assessing how communication is correlated with

perceptions of physical attractiveness.

Background on Speed-dating

Speed-dating is a romantic matchmaking process that allows individuals to go on

several short dates in a limited amount of time. While the exact origins of this

cuttingedge phenomenon are debatable, most sources credit Rabbi Yaacov Deyo as being

the founder of this innovative dating paradigm (Deyo & Deyo, 2002; Finkel, Eastwick, &

Matthews, 2007; Houser, Horan, & Furler, 2007). Deyo, a Harvard graduate, first

introduced his round-robin dating system in southern California during the late 1990s. In

its original format, speed-dating provided local Jewish singles an efficient means to

quickly assess interpersonal attraction.

National interest in speed-dating started to flourish in the early 2000s. According

to Finkel, Eastwick, and Matthews (2007) the popularity of speed-dating can be partially

attributed to unique portrayals on popular television shows such as Sex and the City and

Frasier. In addition, several mainstream media programs have also depicted speed-dating

in a favorable light. For instance, in 2004 CBS journalist Bob Simon reported on 60

Minutes II that “these dating systems work so well because the shame of looking for love

is disappearing” (Fager, 2006). Indeed, speed-dating has become successful because it

has bonded with a new generation of daters who embrace less conventional approaches to

courtship.

The popularity of speed-dating has continued to grow more than a decade into the

new millennium. For example, in 2010 pre- dating.com advertised that

thousands of singles attend monthly events in over 190 different cities across the United

States and Canada. In terms of global considerations, speed-dating has become

increasingly popular in eastern cultures like Japan, Singapore, and China (“History of

Speed-Dating,” 2010).

In fact, MacFarquhar (2006) reported that the matrimonial banquet (the speed-dating

event) was one of the most popular events at the Islamic Society of North America’s 2006

annual convention. In another specialized investigation, Jones (2009) found that speed-

dating sessions were used to enhance the social experiences of learning disabled

individuals. Although these reports demonstrated the pervasiveness of speed-dating, one

question that naturally emerges is: How does speed-dating work?

Speed-Dating Procedures

The speed-dating process is comprised of three basic stages. First, participants are

required to pre-register with a commercial dating agency prior to speed-dating sessions.

Event registration normally occurs online several days in advance. As part of the

registration process, speed-dating participants are required to pay a fee. This initial

enrollment cost can range anywhere from 30 to 80 dollars depending on location and the

type of speed-dating service provided (“History of Speed-Dating,” 2010). For example,

participation in specialized speed-dating events that involve racially specific, age

controlled, or same-sex participants costs more than standard speed-dating sessions

(“History of Speed-Dating,” 2010). Once enrollment is completed, e-mail notification is

sent to daters along with information regarding an upcoming event. Participants can then

accept or decline an invitation to partake in an upcoming session.

The second stage of the speed-dating process occurs at the actual event. Upon

entrance, event organizers immediately separate male and female daters as a means to

eliminate happenstance encounters before the event begins. This initial separation ensures

that all participants secure equal face time with other speed-dating partners. Participants

are then assigned a number or given a nametag for identification purposes. Next, event

organizers distribute evaluation forms to both male and females. Finally, female

participants are seated at a series of small personal tables and the event is set to begin.

The formal speed-dating process starts when male participants are brought in the

room and matched with their first female dating partner. The length of the interaction and

subsequent interactions is predetermined; yet, all mini-dates occur for an equivalent

amount of time. The event coordinator rings a bell after a predetermined amount of time

has passed (generally three to eight minutes) in order to let male participants know it is

time for them to rotate to the next female dater. In terms of conversation, participants are

allowed to discuss a wide range of topics including both impersonal and intimate

information. While the total number of participants at a speed-dating event can vary, the

majority of sessions involve 14-24 total participants (“Frequently Asked Speed-Dating

Questions,” 2011). Finally, the speed-dating event concludes after all male and female

participants have had a chance to interact.

The last stage of the speed-dating process occurs after the event has concluded.

Upon event completion, all participants fill out evaluation forms to identify which dating

partners they would like to have contact with in the future. The evaluation forms may be

physically submitted or entered online depending on the type of speed-dating agency. For

most events, there is no limit on the number of potential suitors a person can identify as a

match. Event organizers then review the evaluation forms to look for matches. Lastly,

within two to four days speed-daters are informed only of their matches and are provided

with contact information. Participants then have the autonomy to contact, not contact, or

date any of their matches.

The evolution of speed-dating has both academic and non-academic implications.

One non-scholarly result is that speed-dating affects how love-seeking strangers

communicate in certain contexts. As Deyo and Deyo (2002) explain: SpeedDating offers

a smarter and faster way to date to find a lifelong relationship. Given the proper tools –

such as knowing which questions to ask before the dating process begins and as the

relationship unfolds – you can quickly and more confidently assess a relationship. (p.

xiv)

That is, strategic communication impacts relational outcomes. Moreover, another

nonacademic benefit of speed-dating is that it provides love-seekers an efficient way to

quickly interact with potential dating prospects (Deyo & Deyo, 2002). Put simply,

speeddating saves time.

One important communication benefit of speed-dating is that it eliminates certain

types of rejection feedback (Finkel & Eastwick, 2008). For instance, the formal structure

of speed-dating eradicates uncomfortable verbal conversations that naturally ensue when

one partner declines a date request. Instead, speed-dating provides participants an easy

way to offer negative feedback in a non-direct, less hurtful manner that does not involve

face-to-face conversation. In fact, speed-dating participants never directly communicate

their dating disinterest to non-matches. In addition to these communication implications,

speed-dating also provides several benefits for researchers.

The restricted structure of speed-dating yields several scholarly advantages. First,

it allows attraction scholars a controlled means to understand interpersonal dynamics

(Finkel & Eastwick, 2008a). As social scientists Finkel, Eastwick, and Matthews (2007)

succinctly stated:

Speed-dating provides a promising methodological paradigm for

studying initial romantic attraction and early relationship development

because it enables investigators to assess a large battery of background

information about individuals before they meet one another, to introduce

them to one another in a controlled laboratory setting (the speed-dating

event), and to follow them after the laboratory session to examine

relationship dynamics over the ensuing days, weeks, and beyond. (p.

151)

In terms of other research benefits, Finkel and associates (2007) have argued that

speeddating methodologies offer researchers strong ecological validity, efficient

observational benefits, and numerous ways to manipulate experimental variables. When

taken together, it can easily be seen that speed-dating offers both academic and non-

academic benefits.

Empirical Studies On Speed-Dating

Several contemporary scholars have used speed-dating to gain additional insight

on interpersonal attraction. For example, a recent study by Place, Todd, Penke, and

Asendorpf (2009) focused on whether independent observers could accurately predict

romantic interest in interpersonal dyads. In order to test their hypotheses, Place and

colleagues had participants watch videos of strangers meeting for the first time at a

speed-dating event. The results from their investigation indicated that participants could

better identify male interest during speed-dating than female interest. Nevertheless,

research participants were able to accurately predict both male and female interest at

above-chance levels.

A similar study by Wilson, Cousins, and Fink (2006) was also devoted to

predicting speed-date outcomes. In this investigation, Wilson and associates had

speeddaters complete a 25-item compatibility measure before attending a speed-dating

event. Correlation analyses indicated that participants who had similar compatibility

scores were more likely to either request a second date or desire friendship. Additionally,

results suggested that age was a strong predictor of speed-dating outcomes. That is,

findings indicated that both males and females favored potential relationships in which

the female was younger than the male.

Comparable speed-dating research by Todd, Penke, Fasolo, and Lenton (2007)

had participants complete a pre-event questionnaire. One of the main goals of this study

was to assess whether stated mate preferences accurately predicted second dates. In other

words, researchers were curious if speed-daters would select partners who possessed

qualities they identified as most important before the event. They found that pre-event

preferences did not affect selections for a second date. Moreover, Todd and associates

reported that men were more inclined to select physically attractive women, while women

were more likely to choose men who shared similar levels of self-perceived

attractiveness.

Two separate journal articles analyzed participant data from a large commercial

speed-dating firm. In their first study, Kurzban and Weeden (2005) reported that facial

attractiveness, body physique, and taller stature were strong predictors of male

desirability. On the other hand, male participants viewed females who possessed

attractive facial features, a fit body, and a younger age as most desirable. Subsequent

research by Kurzban and Weeden (2007) indicated that pre-event racial preferences were

most predictive of whom individuals eventually chose for a second date. This empirical

finding resulted in subsequent scholarship looking more closely at the function of race at

speed-dating events.

The racial component of speed-dating has been analyzed in numerous contexts.

For example, Fisman, Iyengar, Kamenica, and Simonson (2008) evaluated racial

preferences and the ethnic background of speed-daters. In an effort to improve

generalizability, Fisman and colleagues employed a diverse sample of relatively older

graduate students. Additionally, their data was collected from 17 speed-dating sessions

that occurred over a rather extensive two-year period. One of their main findings was that

women preferred dating racially similar partners more so than men. Moreover, some

empirical support was found for the claim that participants who grew up in non-racially

segregated zip codes were less likely to date outside their race. Or, as Fishman and

associates concisely stated, “familiarity can decrease tolerance” (p. 18).

Prior research by Fisman, Iyengar, Kamenica, and Simonson (2006) concentrated

on the socio-economic backgrounds of speed-daters. Interestingly, Fisman and colleagues

reported that females valued speed-dating partners who came from affluent

neighborhoods and were perceived as intelligent. In contrast, findings suggested that

males did not appreciate women whose intelligence was perceived as greater than their

own. Additionally, men were not inclined to choose second dates with women who were

perceived as relatively ambitious. Instead, further support was found for the claim that

men were more concerned with physical appearance than other attributes.

Newer studies have replicated and extended previous research on mate

preferences in speed-dating. For instance, Finkel and Eastwick (2008) hypothesized that

men would choose physically attractive partners, while females would prefer speeddating

participants who possessed increased earnings potential. They also posited that males

would demonstrate greater pursuit of partners who were viewed as more physically

attractive and that women would aggressively pursue participants with strong earnings

prospects after a speed-dating event concluded. While no statistically significant results

emerged for the latter claims regarding relationship pursuit, Finkel and Eastwick did

report further evidence that physical attractiveness in women and strong earnings

potential for men were both positively correlated with romantic interest during an initial

interaction.

Eastwick and Finkel (2008b) also examined how interpersonal attachment

affected speed-dating outcomes. In order to measure partner attachment, researchers had

participants complete a pre-event questionnaire that measured anxiety, reassurance, and

the perceived interest of a potential romantic partner. They hypothesized that participants

who scored higher on the partner-specific anxiety scale (PSAnx) would be more likely to

initiate the first contact with matches after the speed-dating event was finished. Indeed,

results indicated that participants who reported higher levels of partner attachment

anxiety were more likely to send the first message to matches after a first meeting. When

examined collectively, the empirical studies of Finkel and Eastwick are influential

because they were the first to report participant behavior after a speed-dating event

concluded. Moreover, their research has been particularly important because it has

acknowledged the importance of interpersonal dynamics in a speed-dating context.

Some experimental studies have examined the type of relationship that

speeddaters pursue. For example, an investigation by Provost, Kormos, Kosakowski, and

Quinsey (2006) evaluated the correlation between participant openness to sexual

experiences and the type of relationship that speed-daters desired. They found that

females who were not open to having numerous sexual experiences were more likely to

pick less masculine males for long-term relationship purposes. In contrast, females who

were comparatively liberal about past and future sexual behaviors were more interested in

highly-masculine men for short-term relationships. Although the findings from this

investigation indicated that relational intentions might influence preferences, other

studies have looked at self-characteristics and their connection with interpersonal

attraction.

Extant literature has indicated that personality attributes influence interpersonal

attraction at speed-dating events. For instance, a recent study by Luo and Zhang (2009)

focused on reciprocity, similarity, and the self-reported personality characteristics of

speed-daters. While little empirical support was found for the value of reciprocity and

similarity, study results indicated that significant correlations existed between several

personality features and attraction. Most notably, Luo and Zhang reported a positive

correlation existed between interpersonal attraction and women who were extroverted,

open, and younger. In other words, females who possessed these characteristics were

more likely to report feelings of interpersonal attraction while speed-dating than were

females who did not possess these characteristics.

Technology scholarship has analyzed the relationship between online dates and

offline speed-dates. A recent study by Frost, Chance, Norton, and Ariely (2008) randomly

assigned participants to either a control group that reviewed online dater profiles or an

experimental group that had participants go on virtual dates during which they shared

real-time messages with online dating partners. Once completed, participants in both

conditions attended a speed-dating event, which allowed researchers to draw comparisons

between the two groups. Results indicated that participants who virtual dated online had

more favorable reactions after meeting face-to-face at speed-dating than did participants

in the control condition who merely examined online profiles before meeting at the

speed-dating event.

Other empirical studies devoted to speed-dating have analyzed communicative

functions. Most notably, Houser, Horan, and Furler (2008) recently evaluated how

communication impacted speed-dating results. They hypothesized that interpersonal

attraction and nonverbal immediacy would affect speed-dating decisions. In an effort to

further examine predicted outcome value theory (Sunnafrank, 1986), they collected data

from 157 speed-daters over a six-month period. Correlation analyses indicated that a

positive correlation existed between predicted outcome value judgments and both

interpersonal attraction and nonverbal immediacy. That is, the ability to convey positive

social characteristics and nonverbal immediacy were likely to affect decisions about

whether participants desired a second date.

Another study by Houser, Horan, and Furler (2007) examined verbal and

nonverbal communication during speed-dating. One of the goals of this investigation was

to evaluate the initial assessments that participants made after a brief period of time.

Thus, researchers had speed-daters interact for 30 seconds before pausing the date.

During the pause, participants completed an initial evaluation of their partner. Thematic

analyses indicated that men cited positive communication behaviors most frequently in

dates where they had a pleasant initial assessment after the first 30 seconds. In terms of

nonverbal communication, females strongly favored men who demonstrated either a nice,

cute, or warm smile after the brief encounter. Taken together, these results suggested that

both verbal and nonverbal behavior were salient during the first meetings of potential

romantic partners.

Subsequent nonverbal communication scholarship has examined nonverbal

similarity during speed-dating. In a mimicry study, Gueguen (2009) instructed female

confederates to imitate the nonverbal behaviors of their male speed-dating partners.

Specifically, Gueguen advised confederates to match behaviors like arm-folding, facial

touches, and scratching approximately three to four seconds after male participants

demonstrated these specific behaviors. Findings indicated that men rated the interaction

higher in the experimental condition during which female confederates imitated their

nonverbal behaviors. Interestingly, results also suggested that men rated their female

dates as more sexually attractive in the condition where their nonverbal behaviors were

matched.

To briefly summarize, speed-dating allows singles an efficient means to quickly

assess feelings of interpersonal attraction. Newer investigations have used a speed-dating

methodology to study communication during initial interactions. However, no studies

have examined the correlation between communication and perceptions of physical

appearance within a speed-dating environment. As such, this paper now outlines an

empirical study devoted to communication and speed-dating.

The Current Research

The purpose of this study is to test whether a brief conversation can significantly

influence interpersonal perceptions. The main goal of this experiment is to determine if a

single communication event can positively or negatively impact initial opinions of

physical attractiveness. The secondary goal of this project is to examine whether a brief

chat can affect perceptions of intelligence and similarity. Two separate conditions are

being created in an effort to systematically test these constructs. Specifically, this study

features a positive communication condition and a negative communication condition.

Each condition is comprised of verbal and nonverbal elements. In order to empirically

test whether positive and negative communication influences perceptions, an

attractionrelevant context is being used to strategically analyze the aforementioned

dependent variables.

The role of speed-dating in the current research is three-fold. First, it is being used

as a tool for investigating perceptions of others. Along this line, a speed-dating

environment is appropriate for the current research because it offers a naturalistic context

for analyzing the initial communication of potential romantic partners. Moreover,

speeddating is a valuable instrument for studying interpersonal attraction because it has

become increasingly popular among young singles. Finally, speed-dating is being used to

examine construct salience because it is during initial interactions that impressions of

physical attractiveness, intelligence, and similarity are especially volatile. In sum,

utilizing a speed-dating environment for the present investigation is advantageous

because it yields an efficient means for studying perceptions, provides a naturalistic

context, and allows the investigator to examine multiple social constructs.

The second function of speed-dating in the current research is to serve as a

distraction task. That is, speed-dating will occur between the pre-test and post-test

administration in order to strategically divert the minds of study participants. As a direct

result of intentionally placing social interaction between two separate data collection

points, participants will be less likely to remember their initial perceptions of physical

attractiveness, intelligence, and similarity. Put simply, speed-dating will occur between

assessments to ensure that participants do not recall their initial ratings.

The central rationale for this dissertation is to learn about the effects of a single

interpersonal communication event. One of the main results that can be discovered via

analyzing single interaction contexts is whether male or female perceptions change after a

brief conversation. Moreover, studying the effects of a single interaction context can yield

practical understanding of the attraction-related processes that significantly influence

interpersonal relationship development. Another reason why we should study whether

communication influences perceptions during first meetings is because it will determine

the overall volatility of intelligence and similarity judgments after initial interaction. As

such, the findings from this part of the investigation are important because they can be

applied not only to dating environments but also to organizational contexts like the

traditional employment interview. When taken together, the current research has the

ability to offer both novel and applied data to the empirical foundations of several

different interpersonal communication niches.

A second rationale for this dissertation is to further explore gender differences

within an attraction relevant context. Extant scholarship (e.g. Finkel & Eastwick 2008;

Todd, Penke, Fasolo, & Lenton, 2009) has consistently suggested that male daters place

more emphasis on physical attractiveness than female daters at the onset of social

interaction. However, comparatively little research has examined which gender

appreciates a physical attractive mate more after dating commences. Females have

regularly cited intelligence as a desirable attribute in a potential partner while other

empirical studies have demonstrated that males are intimidated by highly intelligent

females within various dating contexts. Studies focused on perceived similarity and

actual similarity have produced evidence that men and women conceptualize these social

constructs very differently. In sum, gender differences exist within attraction relevant

environments but additional research can offer further insight.

One of the central conclusions that can be drawn from the review of related

literature is that interpersonal attraction is a heavily researched topic. Numerous studies

have demonstrated that similarity is positively linked with feelings of attraction. Prior

scholarship has also suggested that intelligence and physical attractiveness operate in

tandem as components of the halo effect. Theoretically based literature has illustrated that

feelings of interpersonal attraction are particularly salient during initial meetings.

Moreover, a robust amount of previous scholarship has found that first impressions of

verbal and nonverbal behaviors affect initial liking for another. Despite the fact that we

know a healthy amount about the general function of interpersonal attraction, there are

still many avenues of research that have yet to be explored. Perhaps the next area of

empirical development is the one devoted to analyzing if judgments of physical

attractiveness are influenced by conversation. Thus, there is a need for this investigation.

Interpersonal Outcomes Related to Positive and Negative Communication

Some of the main questions that are not addressed in previous literature fall

underneath the positive communication umbrella. Prior research tells us that positive

communication has the tendency to produce feelings of attraction over significant periods

of time. A further unpacking of empirical scholarship offers evidence that compliments,

humorous messages, appropriate self-disclosures, and flirtatious nonverbal

communication are especially prevalent in the study of interpersonal attraction. Extant

research has also demonstrated that perceptions of similarity induce feelings of liking for

another but has not detailed when these similarity judgments are most volatile. Yet, there

is reason to believe that perceptions of others are highly unstable at the onset of social

interaction. For instance, scholarship has indicated that perceptions of physical

attractiveness significantly increased when participants were exposed to a single positive

vocal cue of a non-familiar other (Zuckerman, Miyake, & Hodgins, 1991). In terms of

gender differences, Albada, Knapp, and Theune (2002) provided evidence that male

perceptions of others were more volatile than female perceptions of others. While theories

like IAT illustrate how perceptions of others change over significant periods of time, no

studies have investigated the relative impact of positive communication in a single

attraction-relevant context. Similarly, no studies have examined how positive

communication affects perceptions of physical attractiveness, intelligence, and similarity

after just one social interaction. In sum, additional research on positive communication

would be empirically beneficial.

Negative communicative behaviors tend to produce negative relational outcomes.

While this broad statement is not surprising, there have been a moderate amount of

studies that have investigated negative communication in the arena of interpersonal

attraction. Some of the more prevalent types of negative communication that have

achieved status in the realm of interpersonal attraction research are deceptive,

ingratiatory, and expectancy violation communicative behaviors. Scholarship devoted to

these negative constructs has tacitly implied that perceptions of others are vulnerable to

limited information. For example, empirical evidence has suggested that initial

perceptions of others decreased when participants were exposed to a single piece of

negative information concerning the overall personality of another individual

(Lewandowski Jr., Aron, & Gee, 2007). With regard to gender differences, research has

suggested that male perceptions are more unstable than female perceptions after negative

social interactions (Albada, Knapp, & Theune, 2002). Nevertheless, and akin to the

literature on positive communication, no studies were found to assess how perceptions of

intelligence and similarity were affected by a single chat in a dating relevant context.

Moreover, no investigations have determined whether negative communication has the

ability to impact perceptions of physical attractiveness after just one conversation.

Therefore, based on these gaps in prior scholarship, the following hypotheses and

research question are being offered:

H1: A single positive communication will cause participants to increase

their perceptions of the physical attractiveness of a dating partner from

pre-test to post-test while a single negative communication will cause

participants to decrease their perceptions of the physical attractiveness

of a dating partner from pre-test to post-test.

H2: A single positive communication will cause participants to increase

their perceptions of the intelligence of a dating partner from pre-test to

post-test while a single negative communication will cause participants

to decrease their perceptions of the intelligence of a dating partner from

pre-test to post-test.

H3: A single positive communication will cause participants to increase

their perceptions of the attitudinal similarity of a dating partner from

pre-test to post-test while a single negative communication will cause

participants to decrease their perceptions of the attitudinal similarity of

a dating partner from pre-test to post-test.

H4: A single positive communication will cause participants to increase

their perceptions of the background similarity of a dating partner from pre-test

to post-test while a single negative communication will cause participants

to decrease their perceptions of the background similarity of a dating partner

from pre-test to post-test.

RQ1: What effect will participant gender have on perceptions of

physical attractiveness, intelligence, attitudinal similarity, and background

similarity from pre-test to post-test after a single positive or a single negative

communication occurs within a dating

environment?

In summary, the current research is examining whether a single social interaction

can significantly impact individual perceptions. In order to accomplish this objective,

speed-dating is being used to investigate perceptions and serve as a distraction task. A

review of the extant scholarship devoted to positive communication and negative

communication resulted in the emergence of four hypotheses. Now that the central

purpose of this dissertation has been revealed, this document proceeds forward as it

describes methodological considerations.

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to describe the methodology of this study. The first

section focuses on securing study participants. The second section discusses the materials

that were utilized in this social experiment. The author then presents an overview of the

pre-event, during-event, and post-event procedures. The last section of this chapter

examines the process of data analysis. All of the aforementioned items were approved by

the Institutional Review Board at the University of Southern Mississippi (Appendix A).

Participants

The participants in this study were 104 undergraduate students (53 women, 51

men) at a large southeastern university. The age range for participants was between 18

years old and 48 years of age; the mean age was 20.97 (sd = 4.27). The majority of the

sample was Caucasian (63.5%), followed by African American (29.8%), Asian (3.8%),

and Hispanic (2.9%). With regard to relationship status, 70.2% of participants indicated

they were single, 19.2% claimed they were in a relationship, and 10.6% suggested they

were casually dating. None of the study participants were married.

Participants were recruited via a series of efforts. First, a total of 25 teaser

advertisements (See Appendix B) were strategically placed on campus kiosks and

classroom bulletin boards four weeks prior to the first speed-dating session. Next, the

investigator promoted this study by completing a series of brief five-minute class visits to

six different introductory level communication courses. Third, participants were verbally

encouraged to engage in snowball sampling; it was during the series of class visits that

potential participants were informed they could “bring a friend and meet new friends,”

which is akin to a previous speed-dating slogan utilized by Finkel, Eastwick, and

Matthews (2007). Fourth, 25 detailed advertisements (See Appendix C) were posted on

campus bulletin boards 10 days before the first speed-dating session. Fifth, a one-person

manned advertisement table was set up inside the lobby of the university union after the

initial speed-dating sessions were completed; the table was set up on seven different

occasions. Sixth, a brief article (See Appendix D) appeared in the campus newspaper; the

article provided the contact information of the investigator and discussed the general

purpose of this study. Finally, a casual form of direct marketing was used as the

investigator and a research assistant passed out flyers to potential participants in the

minutes leading up to the final two speed-dating sessions.

One additional component of this study that is related to study participants

involved a power analysis. Specifically, the investigator used the G-Power program

(Erdfelder, Faul, & Buchner, 1997) to investigate effect size, sample size, and the like.

The power to detect main effects and interactions was 0.998 when the input parameters

were set at a total sample size of 104 and an effect size of .25. In sum, this program

allowed the investigator to compute a general power analysis.

Materials

Perceptions of Others Measurement Scale

The present study used a 19-item instrument to assess individual perceptions of

other speed-daters. This instrument contained four sub-scales designed to measure the

variables of interest. All items featured a seven point response continuum (1 = strongly

disagree, 7 = strongly agree). First, the variable of physical attractiveness was measured

with a physical attractiveness sub-scale that was originally created by McCroskey and

McCain (1974). The sub-scale is comprised of eight items that measure perceptions of:

(1) handsomeness (prettiness); (2) sexy looking; (3) very attractive physically; (4) don’t

like the way a person looks; (5) is somewhat ugly; (6) not very good looking; (7) wears

neat clothes; and (8) clothes are not becoming. Items four, five, six, and eight are reverse

coded. Extant literature has frequently utilized this sub-scale as Cronbach’s coefficient

alpha (reliability) scores have ranged between the lower .80s and upper .80s. It has

consistently exceeded the acceptable social scientific threshold of .70 (Baxter & Babbie,

2004). Thus, the physical attractiveness sub-scale was included in this study.

A second set of items on the 19-item instrument focused on perceptions of

intelligence. Specifically, the intelligence dependent variable was measured with a

perceptions of others intelligence scale that was originally created by Murphy (2007). In

that study, Murphy used three separate items to evaluate perceived intelligence. The three

items used in the Murphy investigation involved perceptions of: (1) competence; (2)

brightness; and (3) smartness. A nine-point response continuum was utilized in that

particular study. Cronbach’s coefficient alpha (reliability) was calculated at .79 in her

investigation. This satisfactory reliability level resulted in the perceptions of others

intelligence scale being incorporated into this social experiment.

Perceptions of attitudinal similarity (homophily) were also represented on the

19item instrument that was utilized in the current research. In order to test attitudinal

similarity, the investigator employed McCroskey, Richmond, and Daly’s (1975) similarity

(homophily) scale. Four items from this scale are devoted to attitudinal similarity and

look at whether another person: (1) is like me; (2) is different than me; (3) thinks like me;

and (4) doesn’t behave like me. Items two and four are reverse coded. Scale reliability for

this construct has commonly landed in the mid .80s. As such, this sub-scale was included

in the present research.

The final set of items on the 19-item instrument analyzed perceptions of

background similarity. The principal researcher once again utilized McCroskey,

Richmond, and Daly’s (1975) similarity (homophily) scale. The four items from this scale

that were dedicated to background similarity looked at perceptions as to whether another

person: (1) has status like me; (2) is from a different social class than me; (3) is culturally

different than me; and (4) is economically like me. Items two and three are reverse coded.

Rocca and McCroskey (1999) calculated reliability for this sub-scale at .69 in their study.

Reliability for this sub-scale generally hovers around .70. Nevertheless, these four items

were integrated into this study.

Match Sheet

The final piece of material that warrants discussion in this section of the paper is

the speed-dating match sheet. As stated previously, this form was structured so that

participants would first write their name and nametag number in the upper right hand

corner. Most importantly, this sheet of paper allowed participants to indicate those

individuals with whom they desired future contact. While no statistical testing was

completed on this form per se, this material did yield interesting empirical data that is

subsequently discussed in the results section of this paper.

Procedure

Pre-Event Procedures

The speed-dating process for this study can be broken down into three separate

sections: pre-event, during-event, and post-event. The first pre-event activity was a

twohour training session for study confederates. The male confederate was a 22-year old

undergraduate student who was majoring in communication studies. The female

confederate was a youthful looking 26-year old graduate student who was completing her

second year of communication studies doctoral coursework. Both of the confederates

were current students at the large southeastern university where the present research was

conducted. The male and female confederate were each paid $200.00 for their

participation. These two individuals were personally selected by the investigator for two

main reasons. First and foremost, both confederates were familiar with the discipline.

That is, both the female and male confederate had completed formal coursework in the

areas of interpersonal communication, nonverbal communication, and communication

theory. The second reason these individuals were chosen was because of their availability

to participate at the pre-arranged speed-dating dates and times.

The initial matter of business for the two-hour training session was to provide an

overview of the current study. As such, the confederates for this investigation were not

blind but instead conscious of the central thesis that was guiding the present research.

Moreover, confederates were also educated on how speed-dating works so they knew

what to expect at each individual session. It was also during the training session that

confederates were exposed to the physical space where the impending speed-dating

sessions would take place. In fact, the majority of the two-hour training session was

conducted in the conference room where all of the speed-dating experiments

subsequently unfolded.

The central matter of business for the two-hour training session was to instruct

study confederates on how to behave during their speed-dating interactions. More

specifically, confederates were given precise instructions regarding verbal comments,

tonality, and nonverbal communication. With regard to the negative communication

condition, confederates where advised to employ a “conceited and somewhat standoffish

communicative demeanor.” It should also be noted that confederates were not advised to

be critical of her or his speed-dating partners. Instead, they were instructed to display an

overly confident disposition. For example, one of the questions that confederates were

encouraged to ask in the negative communication condition was: “I don’t mean this in an

arrogant way, but I know that I am pretty attractive, what do you have going for you more

than your looks, what do you have going for you more than the eye meets?” The

confederates were instructed to employ similar types of haughty comments in the

negative communication condition as much as each three-minute speed-date allowed (See

Appendix E for the positive and negative communication script). In addition,

confederates were asked to execute a condescending tonality and exhibit disengaged

nonverbal communication. Explicit instructions were given concerning eye contact.

Specifically, confederates were told to maintain a minimal amount of mutual eye contact

and to look down at the table when eyes met for a period of more than three seconds.

With regard to a general demeanor for the positive communication condition,

confederates were advised to “smile constantly, maintain a cheerful disposition,

demonstrate high immediacy non-verbal behaviors, and offer complimentary verbal

communication.” In line with previous scholarship on attraction and positive

communication, confederates were told to be friendly, cordial, flirtatious, and engaging

during their three-minute positive communication speed-dates. For instance, one of the

comments that study confederates were advised to communicate at the end of their

positive communication speed-dates was: “Are you on Facebook? You should friend me!”

Structurally speaking, confederates were asked to engage in cheerful communication for

the duration of each three-minute speed-date. They were also advised to demonstrate a

peppy voice tonality; confederates were instructed to positively inflect their voice in a

flirtatious manner. In addition to smiling throughout the duration of each three minute

date, confederates were told to maintain consistent and comfortable eye contact with their

dating partners. In fact, they were told to smile with their eyes or smize during each of

their individual speed dates. Immediately after study confederates had a relatively solid

grasp on the verbal comments, tonality, and nonverbal communication that were being

expected of them, they were given a 15-minute window to individually review and

rehearse the positive and negative communication script.

The final aspect of the two-hour training session involved study confederates

enacting a series of role-playing interactions. Both male and female participants

roleplayed the positive and negative condition. The investigator watched each interaction

and coached study confederates after each simulated interaction was completed. While

the initial role-play manipulation was too strong and somewhat forced, it was during the

fourth role-play that the simulated interactions began to feel more natural and

ecologically valid. Shortly thereafter, more practice and individual coaching ensued.

Finally, the investigator videotaped the last two role-plays. In the first videotaped

roleplaying session, the male engaged in positive communication while the female

enacted the negative communication script. In the second videotaped role-playing

session, the female engaged in positive communication while the male enacted the

negative communication script. Both sessions were videotaped with the exact same

conference table, chairs, and background that were utilized during actual speed-dating

sessions.

The second pre-event activity involved collecting information on the negative and

positive manipulation before actual speed-dating sessions commenced. In order to

accomplish this objective, a 12-item validation measure (Appendix F) was created and

administered to 22 students in an introductory level communication class. Six of the items

applied to the first video and six of the items were applicable to the second video. The

measure featured a seven point response continuum that ranged from strongly disagree to

strongly agree (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree). Methodologically speaking, the

communication class was exposed to several different procedures. First, they were

instructed that participation was voluntary. Second, the validation measure was

distributed. Third, the students who elected to participate were informed that they were

about to view two separate social interactions. Fourth, classroom students were told that

they would need to indicate their perceptions of the two videotaped social interactions.

Next, the first video was played. As aluded to previously, this video featured the male

enacting the positive communication script while the female executed the negative

communication script. After the video ended, classroom students filled out the six scale

items devoted to the first video. Once completed, the second video was played. In the

second video, the opposite occurred as the female role-played the positive communication

script while the male engaged in negative communication. Students then completed the

six items dedicated to the second video. Each video was three minutes in length, which

matched the duration of each individual speed-date. Both of the videos were shown at the

start of the 50-minute class session.

Statistical analyses were then conducted on the obtained data from the

introductory level communication course. First, reliability analyses were conducted for

the six items focused on positive communication and for the six items dedicated to

negative communication. Cronbach’s coefficient alpha (reliability) was .837 for the

positive communication items and was .743 for the negative communication items. A

paired-samples t test was then calculated to determine if the positive and negative

communication were identifiable. The results of the paired-samples t test were

statistically significant (t (21) = 14.370, p < .001, Cohen’s d = 4.66). The mean for the

positive condition was 6.51 (sd = .68) while the mean for the negative condition was 1.98

(sd = .97). These findings suggested that the manipulation was successful and easily

observed.

The third pre-event activity involved participants sending a letter of interest email

to the investigator. A new e-mail account was created for this aspect of the study to lend

credibility to this experiment; the e-mail address was [email protected]. As

part of the registration process, participants supplied basic demographic information

including name, class status, and future contact information in their initial

correspondence. In addition, participants also indicated their availability for speed-dating

in the body of this particular e-mail.

The fourth pre-event activity was a reply e-mail that was sent by the investigator.

This correspondence highlighted the general purpose of the study, described speed-dating

attire, and briefly discussed speed-dating procedures. Figure 1 (see below) uses fictional

names to demonstrate the general structure of this message. As the subsequent item

illustrates, the reply e-mail also identified a specific date and time for participants to Speed-

dating Session on Sunday, April 10th:

Figure 1. Fictional Sample of Reply E-mail. This correspondence illustrates the

grammatical structure and language that was used to confirm speed-dating registration.

speed-date. In sum, the central purpose of this correspondence was to confirm an exact

time and date for study participants.

The fifth pre-event activity involved preparing the speed-dating room. The

location of all speed-dating sessions was a medium-sized conference room that was

located on the first floor of the university library. While the space is normally used for

public speaking classes, the overall ambiance of the room was remarkably conducive for

a speed-dating experiment. The room itself can be characterized as contemporary. The

floors feature trendy carpeting and three of the walls are a soothing off-white color. The

final wall is an accent wall that is a light turquoise color. In terms of non-stagnant

features, bottled water and soft drinks were laid out on a small coffee table that was

located immediately adjacent to the main door. The same coffee table also featured

complimentary finger foods, plates, napkins, and plastic utensils. Thirteen medium-sized

conference tables were strategically arranged as a means to maximize the overall

potential of the speed-dating space. Two cushioned chairs were placed at each conference

table so all participants would have a place to sit. It should also be noted that the tables

were individually marked with an assigned number so participants would have a sense of

where to sit at various times. The table numbering system helped make the rotation aspect

of this experiment significantly more time efficient. Female participants were instructed

to report to this room 15 minutes before their speed-dating session started.

The sixth pre-event activity involved preparing a waiting room for male

participants. While the particular room that was utilized generally functions as a practice

area for public speaking students, the same room ended up being conducive for seating

male participants beforehand. The space itself is approximately 1/8 the size of the

speeddating room and is located approximately 20 feet away from the speed-dating

conference room. The waiting area displayed carpeting and walls that were similar to the

overall style of the speed-dating conference room. However, no conference tables were

situated in the male waiting area. Instead, a total of 15 chairs were placed in this room so

the male participants would have a comfortable place to sit. Akin to the tables in the

speed-dating conference room, the chairs in the male waiting area were individually

numbered in order to maximize organizational efficiency. Male participants were asked to

report to this room 15 minutes before their speed-dating session began.

The seventh pre-event activity required the investigator to pre-test technical

equipment in the speed-dating conference room and the small waiting room for the male

participants. Both the speed-dating conference room and the small waiting room for male

participants featured large monitors that were A/V compatible. In addition, both monitors

had the ability to upload digital photographs in just a matter of seconds. Once the

investigator pre-tested the two separate monitors, he then pre-tested the camera to make

sure that it was functioning properly.

The final pre-event activity was a meeting with study confederates. It was during

this time that confederates were informed of which communication script she or he would

be enacting for that particular night. Two additional points should be made in relation to

the pre-speed-dating meeting. First, confederates were told during this meeting that they

should execute the same script for the entire night. That is, all of the dates for that night

were either positive or all of their dates for that night were negative. This non-alternation

between the positive and negative communication script kept the confederates in

character for that particular evening. Second, confederates enacted the same scripts for

each night. For example, the female confederate engaged in positive communication on

the same night that the male confederate engaged in positive communication. Similarly,

the female confederate engaged in negative communication on the same night that the

male confederated engaged in negative communication. In sum, the major pre-event

activities included a training session for confederates, validating the manipulation,

receiving a letter of interest e-mail from potential speed-daters, sending a confirmation

email to enroll speed-daters, preparing the speed-dating room, preparing the male waiting

area, pre-testing the required technical equipment, and meeting with study confederates.

During-Event Procedures

There were also a series of during-event procedures that unfolded in this study.

First, the investigator or a research assistant individually greeted, seated, and numbered

study participants. Upon arrival, females were seated at the conference tables in the

speed-dating room. Concurrently, males were being seated in the waiting room area. It

was also during this period of time that participants were assigned a dating number based

off of their time of arrival. For instance, the first female who arrived was female dater

number one for the evening, while the second female who arrived was female dater

number two for the evening, and so forth. The same random number assignment was

concurrently administered to male participants.

The second during-event activity required the investigator or the research assistant

to take digital photographs of study participants. A Polaroid PoGo digital camera was

used to take full body photographs of participants from a distance of three feet away.

Participants were seated in a chair when their photograph was taken. Their entire body

was visible. Once all of the photographs of the female participants were taken, the

investigator subsequently uploaded this material to the large computer monitor in the

male waiting room area. Likewise, the photographs of the male participants were

uploaded to the large computer monitor in the speed-dating room where the female

participants were presently situated. During this process, each photograph was tagged

with a number that corresponded with the nametag number of the photographed

participant. It is noteworthy to mention here that the female and male confederates

engaged in the exact same process (e.g. being greeted by the investigator, individually

photographed, etc.) as other study participants. This precaution was taken as a means to

ensure that study participants would not become cognizant of the presence of study

confederates.

The third during-event activity involved participants completing an array of

methodological items. In order to accomplish this objective, every female seat in the

speed-dating room and every male seat in the male waiting room area had a blue pen,

nametag, and two manila folders resting beside them. The manila folders were placed on

top of one another. The top manila folder was labeled: “Female Dater Pre.” The second

manila folder was directly underneath the top folder and was labeled: “Female Dater

Post.” The layout of the folders was identical for the male participants yet the label:

“Male Dater” was used instead of the label: “Female Dater.” The contents of the top

folder included two copies of an informed consent form that were signed by the

investigator (Appendix G), one copy of a basic demographic information sheet (Appendix

H), four copies of a 19-item measurement scale (Appendix I) that served as the pre-test

assessment, and one copy of a speed-dating match sheet (Appendix J). The second manila

folder contained four copies of the 19-item measurement scale that functioned as the

post-test measure for this investigation. Participants were first asked to write their first

name and dater number on their nametag. Next, the investigator explained the informed

consent form and described the study. Participants were then given time to read as well as

sign the informed consent form if they were still interested in speeddating. Shortly

thereafter, the investigator informed participants that one copy of the informed consent

form was for them while the other copy of the informed consent form was for the

investigator. Once completed, the investigator instructed participants to fill out the basic

demographic information form. Participants were then ready to complete the 19-item

measurement scale that was created for this study.

The primary dependent measures in this study were the 19-item pre-test and the

19-item post-test. With regard to the pre-test, the investigator first instructed participants

to number their form in the upper right hand corner. Specifically, the investigator stated:

“You are about to be shown a series of different photographs. Please label each

photograph individually. At this time, please write number one where it says photograph

# in the upper right hand corner of your form.” The investigator then used the large

computer monitor to unveil the first photograph of an opposite-sex speed-dater. Once

displayed in full view, the investigator said the following: “Please indicate your

perceptions of the person in the photograph. Please indicate the degree to which each

statement applies to you by marking whether you strongly disagree one, disagree two,

somewhat disagree three, undecided four, somewhat agree five, agree six, or strongly

agree seven. You should look at the item, look at the photograph, and then answer. So,

you should look at the photograph after you answer each individual item. Again, look at

the photograph, look at the item, and then answer. Look at the photograph, look at the

item, and then answer and so forth and so on until you have completed all 19 items.

Please begin now.” Participants were then given a three-minute window of time to assess

their perceptions of the person in photograph number one. After this period of time

expired, the investigator removed the photograph from plain view and stated: “Okay,

moving on. On the second sheet of paper, please write photograph number two in the

upper right hand corner and the same set of instructions will apply. You should look at

the photograph, look at the item, and then answer. Okay? Please indicate your

perceptions of the person in the photograph starting now.” The investigator then

displayed the second photograph of an opposite-sex speed-dater. The same three-minute

window of time was provided to participants so they could complete all 19-items for the

second photograph. The investigator continued this process until each participant had

examined either three or four photographs; participants were not exposed to all of the

photographs of other speed-daters so as to maximize time efficiency and thereby reduce

potential discomfort and possible fatigue. Along a similar line, the photographs of the

male and female confederates were always included in the unveiled mix. The order in

which the photograph of the female and male confederate were displayed changed at each

individual session. For instance, in the very first session the female confederate

photograph was photograph number three in the mix and the male confederate

photograph was photograph number three in the mix. At the second session, the female

confederate photograph was photograph number one and the male confederate

photograph was photograph number four. Now that an initial assessment of perceptions

was ascertained, participants were then advised to peruse the final item in their first

manila folder.

The final form that was enclosed in the top manila folder was the speed-dating

match sheet. This document allowed participants to identify those persons with whom

they desired to have future contact with after their speed-dating session concluded. In

terms of the overall procedure, the investigator or the research assistant announced the

following: “The final sheet of paper in your manila folder is your speed-dating match

form. This is the document you will use to indicate whether or not you felt you were a

match with someone else. Now, it doesn’t necessarily have to be a romantic match, it

could just be someone you think is cool or someone you might like to spend time with as

friends in the future. Or, it could be someone you wish to romantically date in the future.

Either way, what you need to do is this. You will write one of two things for each date that

you complete. So, for date one, you will write the first name of the other speed-dater and

their dater number. You should do this when you first meet this other individual. At the

end of the night, after you have gone on all of your dates, you will then write one of two

things in the comments line. You will write either ‘Match. My e-mail address is

_________’ followed by your own individual e-mail address or ‘Not a match based on our

speed-date.’ Does this kind of make sense to everyone? Does anyone have any

questions?” After these instructions were given, the investigator or the research assistant

then briefly explained to participants how the speed-dating process would unfold.

The third major during-event activity involved seating the male participants in the

speed-dating conference room. In order to complete this task, the investigator escorted the

male participants into the speed-dating room where the female participants were eagerly

waiting. Immediately before the male participants entered the room, the investigator

opened the main door to the speed-dating conference room and stated to the already

seated female participants: “Okay ladies! Are you all ready to meet your future

husbands?” Seconds later, the investigator brought the male participants into the room

and directed male participant number one to sit at the table with female participant

number one, male participant number two to sit at the table with female participant

number two, and so on and so forth. Once all of the male participants were seated directly

across from their first female speed-dating partner, the investigator excitedly announced:

“Okay. Here is what is going to happen folks. You will have three minutes to meet with

your date. At the start of each date, you should write the first name and dater number of

your fellow speed-dater at the top of your speed-dating match sheet. After three minutes

of time have passed, I will flip off the lights in this room. At that moment, there will be a

30-second window of time during which the male participants will rotate to the table on

their immediate left. Ladies you will stay seated; the guys are going to be coming to you.

Now, don’t write any comments on your match sheet at this point in time. That form will

be completed after the entire session has been completed. Okay? Without further adieu,

let’s get things started by meeting your speed-dates! Mingle with your first partner

everyone!” At this moment in time, the three minute stopwatch began and the

speeddating process was finally underway.

The last major during-event activity involved facilitating the social interactions.

With regards to proximal considerations, the investigator and or the research assistant

stood next to the light switch and carefully monitored the time. As stated previously, each

speed-date lasted for a period of three minutes. After the allotted amount of time had

passed, the investigator or the research assistant flipped the light switch off so as to signal

that the present date had concluded. In addition to the nonverbal lighting cue, the

investigator or the research assistant verbally stated at the end of each three minute date:

“Okay. Guys. Please take a moment and rotate to your next date.” This process

subsequently continued until all of the male and female participants had the chance to

socially interact. In sum, the central during-event activities included numbering

participants, photographing participants, completing all of the forms in the first manila

folder, escorting male participants into the speed-dating room, and then facilitating the

social interactions.

Post-Event Procedures

Four post-event procedures began immediately after speed-dating concluded.

First, the investigator separated the male and female participants. While the female

participants were advised to remain seated in the speed-dating room, the male participants

were escorted by the investigator back to the male waiting room area. The investigator or

the research assistant then personally met with both groups. The first matter of business

involved the speed-dating match sheet. For this particular item, participants were given

anywhere from five to nine minutes to complete this document. The time it took to

complete the match sheet depended on the total number of speeddaters attending any

given session. For instance, only five minutes were given to complete the speed-dating

match sheet at the smallest speed-dating session that featured a total of five male

participants and a total of five female participants. In contrast, participants were given

nine minutes to complete the speed-dating match sheet at the largest speed-dating session,

which featured 13 male participants and 11 female participants. Hence, as the number of

session participants increased so too did the amount of time that was allocated for the

speed-dating match sheet. Once the investigator or the research assistant noticed that the

allotted amount of time had passed, he or she then proceeded to administer the post-test

measurement scale for this study.

The second major post-event activity required participants to re-evaluate the exact

same set of photographs that they had examined before they completed their speed-dating

session. Participants were first instructed to remove their four 19-item perceptions of

others post-test forms from their second manila folder. Once removed, the investigator

then displayed the same first photograph on the large computer monitor. Participants

were then given the exact same set of instructions by the investigator. He stated: “Please

indicate your perceptions of the person in the photograph. Please indicate the degree to

which each statement applies to you by marking whether you strongly disagree one,

disagree two, somewhat disagree three, undecided four, somewhat agree five, agree six,

or strongly agree seven. You should look at the item, look at the photograph, and then

answer. So, you should look at the photograph after you answer each individual item.

Again, look at the photograph, look at the item, and then answer. Look at the photograph,

look at the item, and then answer and so forth and so on until you have completed all 19

items. Please begin now.” Participants were then given the same three-minute window of

time to assess their perceptions of the person in photograph number one. After this period

of time expired, the investigator removed the first photograph from plain view and stated:

“Okay, moving on. On the second sheet of paper, please write photograph number two in

the upper right hand corner and the same set of instructions will apply. You should look

at the photograph, look at the item, and then answer. Okay? Please indicate your

perceptions of the person in the photograph starting now.” The investigator then

displayed the same second photograph of an opposite-sex speed-dater on the computer

monitor. The same three-minute window of time was provided so that participants could

complete all 19-items related to photograph number two. The investigator subsequently

continued this process to ensure that each participant had examined the exact same set of

photographs. The photographs of the female and male confederate were always included

in the mix because the exact same set of photographs were being evaluated by study

participants. The other assessments besides those of the confederates were merely

distractors. The re-evaluation of the confederate photographs served as the post-test

dependent measure for this study. Now that the post-test empirical data had been

collected, the investigator was ready to inform participants about the specific purpose of

this social experiment.

The third major post-event activity involved debriefing participants. The

investigator met with the male participants first and the female participants second. It is

especially important to note here that it was during this time that study participants were

informed about the presence of the female and male confederate. The investigator

specifically identified these individuals and stated: “Before your speed-dating session

began, two of your fellow speed-daters who were conscious of the purpose of this study

were instructed to enact either a positive or negative communication script during your

individual speed-dates. Put differently, these two individual were acting a part, they were

role-playing an interaction. So, they will not be matched up with anyone. All things

considered, the central purpose of this study was to determine if a single interaction could

influence perceptions of another. And these two confederates or actors were used to

statistically determine if your perceptions would change from before speed-dating to after

speed-dating. Does that kind of make sense to everyone? That was the goal of this study.

Does anyone have any questions?” If questions emerged, the investigator answered them

in a candid and straightforward manner. In most circumstances, study participants either

smiled or chuckled after the confederate information was disclosed. Once discussion on

the confederates subsided, the investigator informed participants: “Here is what is going

to happen now. Within 48 hours you will receive an e-mail from me that will identify your

speed-dating matches. If you don’t have any matches, you will still receive an e-mail from

me letting you know of this. Does anyone have any additional questions or comments at

this point? Okay, please leave all of your materials including your manila folders in your

seat. Thank you again for your participation today. I really appreciate it. Have a good

day!” Male participants were then dismissed. Shortly thereafter, the investigator gave the

same debriefing, e-mail information, and thank you to the female participants. If no

questions emerged, then the female participants were subsequently dismissed from the

speed-dating room.

The final post-event activity involved the investigator individually e-mailing all

study participants within 48 hours of their individual speed-dating session being

Figure 2. Fictional Sample of Matches E-mail. This correspondence illustrates the

grammatical structure and language that was used to identify speed-dating matches.

completed. Figure 2 uses the same set of fictional names to illustrate the overall structure

of this correspondence. Usually, the investigator e-mailed participants the following day.

As the preceding example illustrates, the subject line of the e-mail was “Speed-dating

Session from” followed by their actual speed-dating date. In the body of the e-mail, the

investigator again thanked the participant for their attendance as well as supplied match

information. If study participants did not receive a match, the investigator moderately

personalized their individual e-mail (See Figure 3 on the following page). Specifically,

the investigator included his cellular phone number in the correspondence to provide

participants an additional way to get in touch with him because some study participants

may have desired to talk about not making any matches at their speed-dating event. As

Figure 3. Fictional Sample of No Matches E-mail. This correspondence illustrates the

grammatical structure and language that was used when no matches were identified.

noted, study participants were also encouraged to contact the investigator if they had any

additional questions about their speed-dating session. In sum, the central post-event

activities included separating male and female participants, completing the speed-dating

match sheet, administering the post-test, debriefing participants, and e-mailing match

information to study participants.

Data Analyses

Quantitative Data Analysis

The data analysis portion of this study involved importing the empirical data into

the statistical program SPSS. Once inputted, the three physical attractiveness items that

were reverse coded were then recoded into a different variable. Next, a composite score

for each participant for the physical attractiveness dependent variable was calculated in

SPSS. This composite score represented the mean pre-test perception of the physical

attractiveness of the confederate for that specific participant. Shortly thereafter, the

reverse coded post-test data were then recoded into a different variable. Once again, an

overall composite score was computed for each participant concerning the overall

physical attractiveness of the confederate for the post-test. This composite score

represented the mean post-test perception of the overall physical attractiveness of the

confederate for that specific participant. Now, each participant had a mean score for their

pre-test perception of the physical attractiveness of the opposite-sex confederate and a

mean score for their post-test perception of the physical attractiveness of the opposite-sex

confederate. The investigator subsequently completed this exact same process for the

intelligence, attitudinal similarity, and background similarity dependent variables. In

other words, each participant had a composite score for each dependent variable on both

the pre-test and the post-test.

The next data analysis step involved quantitatively testing the newly transformed

SPSS data. The investigator conducted a 2 (participant gender – male and female) x 2

(communication condition – positive and negative) x 2 (repeated measure – pre-test and

post-test) mixed factorial ANOVA on the physical attractiveness dependent variable to

uncover statistically significant results.1 Participant gender (male or female) and

communication condition (positive or negative) were entered as the between subjects

factors while pre-test and post-test were entered as the within subjects factor. This type of

2 x 2 x 2 design allowed the investigator to test for main effects and interactions. If

found, appropriate follow-up measures were completed. The same series of steps and

statistical tests (2 x 2 x 2 mixed factorial ANOVAs and appropriate follow-up tests) were

subsequently completed on the intelligence, attitudinal similarity, and background

similarity dependent variables. While these analyses represented the main aspect of this

experiment, additional empirical testing was also conducted in this social scientific

investigation.

One additional type of quantitative data analysis that was completed focused on

second date selection. That is, a number of basic statistical tests were completed on dating

outcomes. Specifically, the investigator calculated the total number of matches that

emerged from this experiment. Next, the investigator determined what percentage of the

matches involved interracial dating parting partners. The investigator then ran a series of

tests to assess the dating selectiveness of each gender. Most importantly, findings focused

on second date selection with study confederates were also examined.

To briefly summarize, a series of different steps were executed in order to

quantitatively test the emergent data from this study. First, the perceptions of others

pretest scale and perceptions of others post-test scale were matched up for every study

participant. Next, the obtained data was imported into SPSS. Third, a series of different

statistical tests included 2 x 2 x 2 mixed factorial ANOVAs were completed on the

emergent data. Fourth, a number of general analyses were conducted in order to assess

dating outcomes and dating selectiveness. Lastly, the level of statistical significance for

this study was set at p < .05.

CHAPTER IV

RESULTS

The current study scientifically tested whether perceptions of physical

attractiveness, intelligence, attitudinal similarity, and background similarity were

influenced by three minutes of interpersonal communication. The present chapter

discusses the results of this social experiment as it focuses on: 1) reliability analyses; 2) 2

x 2 x 2 mixed factorial ANOVAs; and 3) follow-up tests. Study findings are presented in

aggregate form by dependent variable.

Physical Attractiveness Dependent Variable

Reliability Testing on Physical Attractiveness

The reliability analysis for the physical attractiveness sub-scale was initially

completed on the conventional eight items for the pre-test in the positive condition. This

produced an alpha reliability of .879, which is considered very strong. When question

eight (the clothes of the person in the photograph are not becoming) was removed from

the analysis, reliability for the positive condition decreased negligibly to .877.

A reliability analysis was then conducted using the conventional eight items for

physical attractiveness for the pre-test in the negative condition. This yielded a reliability

of .829. However, when question eight (the clothes of the person in the photograph are

not becoming) was deleted from the pre-test portion of the negative condition reliability

increased somewhat moderately to .840. While this differential provided initial evidence

that utilizing the 7-item sub-scale would help improve overall reliability, the investigator

decided to conduct additional analyses on the physical attractiveness sub-scale before

making any decisions.

The next reliability analysis was completed on the eight item post-test for physical

attractiveness in the positive condition. This produced an estimate of .850. When question

eight (the clothes of the person in the photograph are not becoming) was removed,

reliability analyses for the seven item post-test for the positive condition increased

negligibly to .858. Indeed, more evidence emerged that the seven item subscale would be

more reliable.

Finally, a reliability analysis was conducted on the 8-item post-test for physical

attractiveness in the negative condition. This produced a reliability estimate of .862.

When question eight (the clothes of the person in the photograph are not becoming) was

deleted, the reliability analysis for the seven item post-test for the negative condition once

again moderately increased to .874. Thus, additional evidence emerged in support of the

7-item sub-scale.

In total, reliability analyses increased either negligibly or moderately in three out

of the four conditions where the seven item physical attractiveness sub-scale was utilized.

Since one of the primary objectives of a researcher is to “desire the highest reliability

possible” (Frey, Botan, & Kreps, 2000, p. 112) the eighth item (the clothes of the person

in the photograph are not becoming) was deleted from this study. Instead, the seven item

physical attractiveness sub-scale was used for subsequent statistical tests. Now that a

highly reliable physical attractiveness sub-scale was obtained, the investigator focused on

testing for main effects and interactions.

2 x 2 x 2 Mixed Factorial ANOVA on Physical Attractiveness

The following results emerged after a 2 x 2 x 2 mixed factorial ANOVA was

completed on the physical attractiveness dependent variable. The participant gender main

effect (between subjects) was not statistically significant (F (1, 100) = .150, p = .70,

Partial Eta Squared = .001). A communication condition main effect (between subjects)

was not observed (F (1, 100) = .011, p = .91, Partial Eta Squared = .000). The pre-test and

post-test administration main effect (within subjects/repeated measures) did not produce

statistically significant results (F (1, 100) = .331, p = .56, Partial Eta Squared =

.003). No two-way interaction was observed between participant gender and

communication condition (F (1, 100) = 3.591, p = .06, Partial Eta Squared = .035).

Similarly, a two-way interaction between participant gender and administration was not

uncovered (F (1, 100) = .096, p = .75, Partial Eta Squared = .001). However, a two-way

interaction (See Figure 4) between communication condition and administration was

Figure 4. Interaction Plot for Communication Condition and Administration on

Perceptions of Physical Attractiveness.

observed (F (1, 100) = 7.689, p = .007, Partial Eta Squared = .071). Finally, a three-way

interaction between participant gender, communication condition, and administration was

not found (F (1, 100) = 3.363, p = .07, Partial Eta Squared = .033). Taken together, only

one interaction was observed for the physical attractiveness dependent variable.

Hypothesis one proposed that a single positive communication would cause

participants to increase their perceptions of the physical attractiveness of a dating partner

from pre-test to post-test while a single negative communication would cause participants

to decrease their perceptions of the physical attractiveness of a dating partner from pretest

to post-test. This hypothesis was partially supported; it was in the positive condition that

perceptions of physical attractiveness negligibly increased from pre-test to post-test Table

Means for Interaction between Communication Condition and Administration on

Perceptions of Physical Attractiveness

__________________________________________

Condition Administration Mean Std. Err

__________________________________________

Positive Communication Pre-Test 4.757 .156

Post-Test 4.943 .183

Negative Communication Pre-Test 5.015 .148

Post-Test 4.731 .173

_________________________________________

while it was in the negative communication condition that perceptions of physical

attractiveness significantly decreased from pre-test to post-test (See Table 1). Thus, an

interaction was observed between communication condition and administration for this

hypothesis. Two follow-up tests provided additional insight on how perceptions of

physical attractiveness were influenced by interpersonal communication. First, results

indicated that perceptions of physical attractiveness did not significantly increase in the

positive communication condition (F (1, 47) = 3.363, p = .07, Partial Eta Squared =

.067). More specifically, the mean pre-test rating of the physical attractiveness of study

confederates before positive communication occurred was 4.76 (sd = 1.15) while the

mean post-test rating of the physical attractiveness of study confederates after positive

communication occurred was 4.94 (sd = 1.31). Despite the fact that a difference was

found to exist, the observed increase from pre-test to post-test was not strong enough to

be considered statistically significant. That is, three minutes of positive communication

are not enough to make another individual appear more physically attractive.

The second follow-up test examined whether participants rated the physical

attractiveness of a dating partner significantly lower after negative communication

occurred during a single social interaction. Indeed, the negative communication data set

yielded evidence that perceptions of physical attractiveness were in fact influenced by a

single interpersonal communication event (F (1, 53) = 4.629, p = .03, Partial Eta Squared

= .080). Findings indicated that initial perceptions concerning the physical attractiveness

of study confederates before negative communication were a mean of 5.02 (sd = 1.03)

whereas post-test perceptions of the physical attractiveness of study confederates after

negative communication were a mean of 4.73 (sd = 1.29). As stated previously, this

decrease from pre-test to post-test was statistically significant. Put differently, three

minutes of negative interpersonal communication can actually make another person

appear less attractive physically.

Summary on Participant Gender and Perceptions of Physical Attractiveness

The research question for this study asked: What effect will participant gender

have on perceptions of physical attractiveness, intelligence, attitudinal similarity, and

background similarity from pre-test to post-test after a single positive or a single negative

communication occurs within a dating environment? As previously stated, findings from

the physical attractiveness dependent variable indicated that participant gender did not

interact with communication condition (F (1, 100) = 3.591, p = .06, Partial Eta Squared =

.035) or administration (F (1, 100) = .096, p = .75, Partial Eta Squared = .001). However,

the observed increase from pre-test to post-test for the male participants in this study was

significant in the positive communication condition (t (23) = -2.358, p = .03). As for the

female participants, a minimal increase in perceptions of physical attractiveness was

observed from pre-test to post-test in the positive communication condition albeit not

statistically significant (t (24) = -.376, p = .71). In terms of the negative communication

condition, male perceptions of the physical attractiveness of the female confederate

significantly decreased after negative interpersonal communication occurred (t (26) =

2.107, p = .04) while female perceptions of the physical attractiveness of the male

confederate did not significantly decrease from pre-test to post-test after negative

interpersonal communication occurred (t (27) = .692, p = .49). Interestingly, and perhaps

the most intriguing finding for the physical attractiveness portion of the aforesaid

research question was that: females do not experience less physical attraction for a man

who engages in negative communication during a single social interaction while males do

experience less physical attraction for a woman who engages in negative communication

during a single social interaction.

Intelligence Dependent Variable

Reliability Testing on Intelligence

The second set of items on the 19-item instrument focused on perceptions of

intelligence. For the present investigation, Cronbach’s alpha for the intelligence items

was .82 in the positive condition and .90 in the negative condition. Further reliability

analyses on the perceptions of others intelligence scale yielded an alpha of .81 for the pre-

test. A test of reliability for perceptions of intelligence on the post-test also produced a

high alpha reliability that was calculated at .84. In sum, all of the computations for the

reliability of the perceptions of others intelligence scale for this study were .81 or higher.

2 x 2 x 2 Mixed Factorial ANOVA on Intelligence

A 2 x 2 x 2 mixed factorial ANOVA that was calculated on the intelligence

dependent variable produced the following results. The participant gender main effect

(between subjects) was not statistically significant (F (1, 100) = .974, p = .32, Partial Eta

Squared = .010). A main effect for communication condition (between subjects) was not

discovered (F (1, 100) = .638, p = .42, Partial Eta Squared = .006). The pre-test and

posttest administration main effect (within subjects/repeated measures) was also not

statistically significant (F (1, 100) = .058, p = .81, Partial Eta Squared = .001). In

addition, no two-way interaction was observed between participant gender and

communication condition (F (1, 100) = .453, p = .50, Partial Eta Squared = .005). A

twoway interaction was observed between participant gender and administration (F (1,

100) = 6.995, p = .009, Partial Eta Squared = .065). A two-way interaction was also found

between communication condition and administration (F (1, 100) = 16.244, p < .001,

Partial Eta Squared = .140). These two-way interactions were qualified by a statistically

significant three-way interaction between participant gender, communication condition,

and administration (F (1, 100) = 4.362, p = .04, Partial Eta Squared = .042).

Hypothesis two proposed that a single positive communication would cause

participants to increase their perceptions of the intelligence of a dating partner from

pretest to post-test while a single negative communication would cause participants to

decrease their perceptions of the intelligence of a dating partner from pre-test to post-test.

This hypothesis was supported; an interaction was observed between communication

condition and administration (See Figure 5 below). Two follow-up tests were then

Figure 5. Interaction Plot for Communication Condition and Administration on

Perceptions of Intelligence.

completed in order to further examine the interaction between communication condition

and administration on perceptions of intelligence (See Table 2 on the following page).

First, the data from the positive communication condition revealed that perceptions of

intelligence increased in a statistically significant manner from pre-test to post-test (F (1,

47) = 9.430, p = .004, Partial Eta Squared = .167). Specifically, the perceived intelligence

rating of study confederates before positive interpersonal communication ensued was

5.14 (sd = 1.16) while the perceived intelligence rating of study confederates after

positive interpersonal communication ensued was 5.62 (sd = 1.22). Thus, it can be said

that three minutes of positive communication during a single social interaction can

actually make another person appear more intelligent.

Table 2

Means for Interaction between Communication Condition and Administration on

Perceptions of Intelligence

__________________________________________

Condition Administration Mean Std. Error

__________________________________________

Positive Communication Pre-Test 5.136 .157

Post-Test 5.624 .199

Negative Communication Pre-Test 5.487 .149

Post-Test 4.937 .188

__________________________________________

The second follow-up test for this dependent variable further analyzed the

interaction between communication condition and administration. Results indicated that

participants rated the intelligence of a dating partner significantly lower after negative

communication occurred during a single social interaction (F (1, 53) = 7.755, p = .007,

Partial Eta Squared = .130). It was in the negative communication condition that study

participants initially assigned confederates a relatively high intelligence rating of 5.49 (sd

= 1.03) but later assigned confederates a lower intelligence rating of 4.94 (sd =1.58) after

negative communication transpired. Indeed, negative interpersonal communication during

a single social interaction causes individuals to see another person as less intelligent.

The crossover interaction between participant gender and administration also

warranted additional examination (See Figure 6 and Table 3 on the following page).

Therefore, two follow-up tests were completed. First, a significant difference was not

observed on male perceptions of intelligence from pre-test to post-test (F (1, 50) = 3.410,

p = .07, Partial Eta Squared = .064). Male pre-test perceptions of the intelligence of the

female confederate were a mean of 5.38 (sd = 1.23) while male post-test perceptions of

the intelligence of the female confederate were a mean of 5.01 (sd = 1.73). Second, a

Figure 6. Interaction Plot for Participant Gender and Administration on Perceptions of

Intelligence.

Table 3

Means for Interaction between Participant Gender and Administration on Perceptions of

Intelligence

__________________________________________

Gender of Participants Administration Mean Std. Error

__________________________________________

Male Pre-Test 5.378 .155

Post-Test 5.006 .196

Female Pre-Test 5.245 .152

Post-Test 5.555 .192

__________________________________________

statistically significant difference was not found on female perceptions of intelligence

from pre-test to post-test (F (1, 52) = 3.162, p = .08, Partial Eta Squared = .057). Female

pre-test perceptions of the intelligence of the male confederate were 5.25 (sd = .96) while

female post-test perceptions of the intelligence of the male confederate were 5.55 (sd =

1.07). When taken together, pre-test to post-test main effects negligibly increased for

females and negligibly decreased for males which resulted in a complete crossover.

Indeed, neither main effect was individually significant but the two main effects were

significantly different from each other. Thus, a crossover interaction was observed.

Finally, the three-way interaction (See Figure 7A and 7B on the following page)

that was observed on this dependent variable resulted in four additional follow-up tests

being undertaken. First, a statistically significant increase was uncovered on the male

participant data from pre-test to post-test in the positive communication condition (t (23)

= -2.378, p = .03). The mean pre-test perception of the intelligence of the female

confederate was 5.14 (sd = 1.20) whereas the mean post-test perception of the

intelligence of the female confederate was 5.56 (sd = 1.37). As aluded to previously, three

minutes of positive interpersonal communication during a single social interaction causes

males to regard a female as more intelligent.

A second follow-up test was then completed on the observed three-way

interaction for this dependent variable. The results illustrated that female perceptions of

intelligence significantly increased from pre-test to post-test in the positive

communication condition (t (23) = -2.135, p = .04). Findings from this follow-up test

indicated that the mean intelligence rating of the male confederate before positive

communication was 5.13 (sd =1.15) while the mean intelligence rating of the male

Figure 7A. Three-Way Interaction Plot between Participant Gender, Positive

Communication, and Administration on Perceptions of Intelligence.

Figure 7B. Three-Way Interaction Plot between Participant Gender, Negative

Communication, and Administration on Perceptions of Intelligence. confederate after

positive communication was 5.69 (sd = 1.09). Thus, a male who engages in three minutes

of positive communication during a single social interaction can make women perceive

him as more intelligent.

The third follow-up test on the three-way interaction analyzed male perceptions of

intelligence from pre-test to post-test in the negative communication condition. A

statistically significant decrease was observed from pre-test to post-test for the male

participants in the negative communication condition (t (27) = 3.389, p = .002). Pre-test

perceptions of the intelligence of the female confederate were 5.61 (sd = 1.24) while

Table 4

Means for Three-Way Interaction between Participant Gender, Communication

Condition, and Administration on Perceptions of Intelligence

__________________________________________

Gender of Participants Condition Administration Mean Std. Error

__________________________________________

Male Positive Pre-Test 5.139 .225

Post-Test 5.556 .285

Negative Pre-Test 5.617 .212

Post-Test 4.457 .269

Female Positive Pre-Test 5.133 .220

Post-Test 5.693 .279

Negative Pre-Test 5.357 .208

Post-Test 5.417 .264

__________________________________________

post-test perceptions of the intelligence of the female confederate were 4.45 (sd = 1.88).

Therefore, it can be argued that negative communication during a single social interaction

will cause men to perceive a female as less intelligent.

A final follow-up test provided additional insight on the three-way interaction that

was observed for this dependent variable. A statistically significant decrease was not

discovered from pre-test to post-test for the female participants in the negative

communication condition (t (27) = -.291, p = .77). In fact, a slight increase was observed

as pre-test perceptions of the intelligence of the male confederate were a mean of 5.36 (sd

= .774) while post-test perceptions of the intelligence of the male confederate were a

mean of 5.42 (sd = 1.06). Nevertheless, it can be said that negative interpersonal

communication during a single social interaction does not cause females to evaluate a

male as less intelligent.

Summary on Participant Gender and Perceptions of Intelligence

The effects of participant gender on the intelligence dependent variable are also

interesting to note. Most notably, a three-way interaction was observed between

participant gender, communication condition, and administration (F (1, 100) = 4.362, p =

.04, Partial Eta Squared = .042). In terms of specific gender differences, findings

indicated that male perceptions of intelligence significantly increased from pre-test to

post-test in the positive communication condition (t (23) = - 2.378, p = .03) as did female

perceptions of intelligence from pre-test to post-test in the positive condition (t (23) = -

2.135, p = .04). Also, it was found that male perceptions of intelligence significantly

decreased from pre-test to post-test in the negative communication condition (t (27) =

3.389, p = .002) while female perceptions of intelligence did not significantly decrease

from pre-test to post-test in the negative communication condition (t (27) = -.291, p =

.77). In sum, one of the central findings for the perceptions of intelligence portion of the

research question was that: females do not perceive a dating partner as less intelligent

after a single negative social interaction while males do perceive a dating partner as less

intelligent after a single negative social interaction.

Attitudinal Similarity Dependent Variable

Reliability Testing on Attitudinal Similarity

Reliability analyses were also conducted on the attitudinal similarity dependent

variable. Findings indicated that reliability for the four items focused on attitudinal

similarity for the pre-test in the positive condition was .824 while reliability for the

posttest in the positive condition was .690. On the other hand, reliability analyses for the

attitudinal similarity items for the pre-test in the negative condition was .784 while

reliability for the post-test in the negative condition was .864. All in all, reliability was

fairly strong for this dependent variable.

2 x 2 x 2 Mixed Factorial ANOVA on Attitudinal Similarity

A 2 x 2 x 2 mixed factorial ANOVA was calculated on this dependent variable to

uncover main effects and interactions. The main effect for participant gender (between

subjects) was statistically significant (F (1, 95) = 5.791, p = .02, Partial Eta Squared =

.057). However, the main effect for communication condition (between subjects) was not

statistically significant (F (1, 95) = 2.009, p = .16, Partial Eta Squared = .021). A pre-test

and post-test administration main effect (within subjects/repeated measures) was not

observed in the present study (F (1, 95) = 1.861, p = .18, Partial Eta Squared = .019).

Nevertheless, a two-way interaction between participant gender and communication

condition was observed (F (1, 95) = 4.689, p = .03, Partial Eta Squared = .047).

Moreover, a two-way interaction between participant gender and administration was

uncovered (F (1, 95) = 7.308, p = .008, Partial Eta Squared = .071). A two-way

interaction was also observed between communication condition and administration (F

(1, 95) = 16.005, p < .001, Partial Eta Squared = .144). However, a three-way interaction

between participant gender, communication condition, and administration was not

discovered (F (1, 95) = 2.361, p = .13, Partial Eta Squared = .024).

Hypothesis three proposed that a single positive communication would cause

participants to increase their perceptions of the attitudinal similarity of a dating partner

from pre-test to post-test while a single negative communication would cause participants

to decrease their perceptions of the attitudinal similarity of a dating partner from pre-test

to post-test. This hypothesis was partially supported as an interaction was observed

between communication condition and administration (See Figure 8 below and Table 5 on

the following page). The initial follow-up test for this dependent variable centered on

Figure 8. Interaction Plot for Communication Condition and Administration on

Perceptions of Attitudinal Similarity.

the positive communication data set and demonstrated that perceptions of attitudinal

similarity were significantly higher after positive communication occurred during a single

social interaction (F (1, 47) = 28.500, p < .001, Partial Eta Squared = .377). Results from

the positive communication condition illustrated that pre-test perceptions of the

attitudinal similarity of confederates were 3.82 (sd = 1.14) while post-test perceptions of

the attitudinal similarity of confederates were 4.59 (sd = 1.11). In the end, perceptions of

attitudinal similarity increased as a direct result of three minutes of positive interpersonal

communication during a single social interaction.

Another follow-up test on the two-way interaction between communication

condition and administration on perceptions of attitudinal similarity was completed on

the data that was obtained in the negative communication condition. Perceptions of

Table 5

Means for Interaction between Communication Condition and Administration on

Perceptions of Attitudinal Similarity

__________________________________________

Condition Administration Mean Std. Error

__________________________________________

Positive Communication Pre-Test 3.818 .168

Post-Test 4.590 .203

Negative Communication Pre-Test 4.082 .166

Post-Test 3.703 .201

__________________________________________

attitudinal similarity did not significantly decrease after a negative social interaction (F

(1, 48) = 2.356, p = .13, Partial Eta Squared = .047). Initial perceptions concerning the

attitudinal similarity of study confederates were 4.08 (sd = 1.20) before negative

communication occurred whereas post-test perceptions of the attitudinal similarity of

study confederates were 3.70 (sd = 1.84) after negative communication occurred.

Although a decline was observed, it was not statistically significant from pre-test to

posttest. Put differently, negative communication during a single social interaction does

not have the power to significantly influence attitudinal similarity perceptions.

The next series of follow-up tests for this dependent variable focused on the

twoway interaction between participant gender and communication condition (See Figure

9 below and Table 6 on the following page). First, it was found that male perceptions of

attitudinal similarity significantly differed between the positive communication condition

and the negative communication condition (F (1, 46) = 9.195, p = .004, Partial Eta

Squared = .167). Male participants in the positive communication condition perceived the

Figure 9. Interaction Plot for Participant Gender and Communication Condition on

Perceptions of Attitudinal Similarity.

attitudinal similarity of the female confederate at a mean of 4.17 (sd = 1.15) while male

participants in the negative communication condition perceived the attitudinal similarity

of the female confederate at a mean of 3.39 (sd = 1.18). It seems that males perceive a

female to be more attitudinally similar when she engages in positive communication

relative to when she engages in negative communication.

Table 6

Means for Interaction between Participant Gender and Communication Condition on

Perceptions of Attitudinal Similarity

__________________________________________

Gender of Participants Condition Mean Std. Error

__________________________________________

Male Positive 4.177 .223

Negative 3.391 .223

Female Positive 4.230 .218

Negative 4.394 .214

__________________________________________

A subsequent follow-up test for this dependent variable further examined the

twoway interaction between participant gender and communication condition. Results

suggested that female perceptions of the attitudinal similarity of the male confederate

were not influenced by whether positive or negative communication occurred (F (1, 49) =

.222, p = .64, Partial Eta Squared = .005). The female participants in the positive

communication condition evaluated the attitudinal similarity of the male confederate as a

4.23 (sd = 1.11) whereas the female participants in the negative communication condition

evaluated the attitudinal similarity of the male confederate as a 4.39 (sd = 1.61). As

hinted at previously, female perceptions of attitudinal similarity were not affected by

whether positive or negative communication transpired.

The last set of follow-up tests for this dependent variable focused on the two-way

interaction between participant gender and administration (See Figure 10 below and Table

7 on the following page). It was found that male perceptions of attitudinal similarity from

pre-test to post-test did not increase in a statistically significant manner when the positive

and negative communication data were combined (F (1, 47) = .577, p = .45, Partial Eta

Squared = .012). When taken together, male pre-test perceptions of the attitudinal

similarity of the female confederate were a mean of 3.88 (sd = .95) while male post-test

perceptions of the attitudinal similarity of the female confederate were a mean of 3.69 (sd

= 1.59). Next, a statistically significant difference was observed on female perceptions of

attitudinal similarity from pre-test to post-test when the positive and negative

communication data were combined (F (1, 50) = 9.885, p = .003, Partial Eta

Figure 10. Interaction Plot for Participant Gender and Administration on Perceptions of

Attitudinal Similarity.

Table 7

Means for Interaction between Participant Gender and Administration on Perceptions of

Attitudinal Similarity

__________________________________________

Gender of Participants Administration Mean Std. Error

__________________________________________

Male Pre-Test 3.880 .170

Post-Test 3.688 .205

Female Pre-Test 4.019 .165

Post-Test 4.605 .199

__________________________________________

Squared = .165). Female pre-test perceptions of the attitudinal similarity of the male

confederate were 4.02 (sd = 1.35) while female post-test perceptions of the attitudinal

similarity of the male confederate were 4.60 (sd = 1.44). Interestingly, females evaluated

the attitudinal similarity of the male confederate more favorably after conversation

regardless of whether positive or negative communication occurred during their single

social interaction.

Summary on Participant Gender and Perceptions of Attitudinal Similarity

Perceptions of attitudinal similarity and their relationship with participant gender

required further analysis. While findings highlighted a two-way interaction between

participant gender and communication condition (F (1, 95) = 4.689, p = .03, Partial Eta

Squared = .047) as well as a two-way interaction between participant gender and

administration (F (1, 95) = 7.308, p =.008, Partial Eta Squared = .071), subsequent

analyses further illustrated the relationship between participant gender and perceptions of

attitudinal similarity. Results indicated that male perceptions of attitudinal similarity

significantly increased from pre-test to post-test in the positive communication condition

(t (23) = -3.117, p = .005) as did female perceptions of attitudinal similarity from pre-test

to post-test in the positive communication condition (t (23) = - 4.398, p = .001). In

addition, male perceptions of the attitudinal similarity of the female confederate

significantly decreased from pre-test to post-test after negative social interaction

transpired (t (23) = 2.399, p = .02) while female perceptions of the attitudinal similarity

of the male confederate did not significantly decrease from pre-test to post-test after

negative social interaction transpired (t (23) = -.812, p = .42). In response to the proposed

research question that focused on the role of participant gender: it seems that perceptions

of attitudinal similarity differ between men and women after negative communication

occurs during a single social interaction.

Background Similarity Dependent Variable

Reliability Testing on Background Similarity

The final set of reliability analyses were conducted on the background similarity

sub-scale items. Results suggested that reliability for the pre-test in the positive condition

was .718 while reliability for the post-test in the positive condition was .713. On the other

hand, reliability for background similarity in the negative condition was .728 for the

pretest items and was .844 for the post-test items in the negative condition. When taken

together, the range of reliability for the background similarity sub-scale varied from a low

of .71 to a high of .84.

2 x 2 x 2 Mixed Factorial ANOVA on Background Similarity

The following set of results emerged after a 2 x 2 x 2 mixed factorial ANOVA was

calculated on the background similarity dependent variable. Statistically significant

results emerged on the main effect (between subjects) for participant gender (F (1, 95) =

6.271, p = .01, Partial Eta Squared = .062). However, statistically significant results did

not emerge on the main effect (between subjects) for communication condition (F (1, 95)

= .554, p = .46, Partial Eta Squared = .006). The pre-test and post-test administration

main effect (within subjects/repeated measures) was not statistically significant (F (1, 95)

= 1.499, p = .22, Partial Eta Squared = .016). Yet, a two-way interaction between

participant gender and communication condition was observed (F (1, 95) = 7.950, p =

.006, Partial Eta Squared = .077). In addition, a two-way interaction between participant

gender and administration was also discovered (F (1, 95) = 6.647, p = .01, Partial Eta

Squared = .065). However, the two-way interaction between communication condition

and administration was not statistically significant (F (1, 95) = 1.868, p = .18, Partial Eta

Squared = .019). A three-way interaction was discovered (F (1, 95) = 6.418, p = .01,

Partial Eta Squared = .063).

Hypothesis four proposed that a single positive communication would cause

participants to increase their perceptions of the background similarity of a dating partner

from pre-test to post-test while a single negative communication would cause participants

to decrease their perceptions of the background similarity of a dating partner from pretest

to post-test. This hypothesis was not supported because an interaction was not observed

between communication condition and administration. The results from the positive

communication data illustrated that perceptions of background similarity did not

significantly increase after positive social interaction (F (1, 47) = .012, p = .91, Partial

Eta Squared = 0.00). It was in the positive communication condition that pre-test

perceptions of the background similarity of study confederates were 4.26 (sd = 1.05)

while post-test perceptions of the background similarity of study confederates were 4.28

(sd = 1.09). This negligible increase in perceptions of background similarity from pre-test

to post-test was not statistically significant. Similarly, perceptions of background

similarity did not significantly decrease after negative social interaction (F (1, 48) =

2.873, p = .09, Partial Eta Squared = .056). Findings from the negative communication

condition indicated that initial perceptions of the background similarity of study

confederates were a mean of 4.26 (sd = 1.20) while post-test perceptions of the

background similarity of study confederates were a mean of 4.01 (sd = 1.59). When taken

together, the pattern for positive communication did not significantly increase from

pretest to post-test and the pattern for negative communication did not significantly

decrease from pre-test to post-test.

Initial follow-up tests for this dependent variable were devoted to the two-way

interaction between participant gender and communication condition (See Figure 11

Figure 11. Interaction Plot for Participant Gender and Communication Condition on

Perceptions of Background Similarity.

Table 8

Means for Interaction between Participant Gender and Communication Condition on

Perceptions of Background Similarity

__________________________________________

Gender of Participants Condition Mean Std. Error

__________________________________________

Male Positive 4.307 .217

Negative 3.547 .217

Female Positive 4.240 .212

Negative 4.683 .208

__________________________________________

and Table 8). First, male perceptions of background similarity significantly differed

between the positive communication condition and the negative communication

condition (F (1, 46) = 11.239, p = .002, Partial Eta Squared = .196). Male participants in

the positive communication condition perceived the background similarity of the female

confederate to be a mean of 4.30 (sd = 0.91) while male participants in the negative

communication condition perceived the background similarity of the female confederate

to be a mean of 3.54 (sd = 1.02). It seems that males who are exposed to positive

communication will perceive that a female will possess a background more similar to his

own relative to males who are exposed to negative communication.

The next follow-up test for the background similarity dependent variable further

examined the two-way interaction between participant gender and communication

condition (See Table 8 above). Female perceptions of background similarity were not

influenced by whether they participated in the positive or negative condition (F (1, 49) =

1.559, p = .21, Partial Eta Squared = .031). The female participants in the positive

communication condition rated the attitudinal similarity of the male confederate as a 4.24

(sd = 1.24) whereas the female participants in the negative communication condition

rated the attitudinal similarity of the male confederate as a 4.68 (sd = 1.44). Simply put,

female perceptions of background similarity did not differ depending on whether they

were exposed to either positive or negative communication.

The two-way interaction between participant gender and administration on

perceptions of background similarity also required that additional follow-up tests be

undertaken (See Figure 12 and Table 9). First, results indicated that male perceptions of

background similarity significantly decreased from pre-test to post-test regardless of

whether positive or negative communication occurred during a single social interaction

(F (1, 47) = 5.035, p= .03, Partial Eta Squared = .097). Male pre-test perceptions of the

background similarity of the female confederate were a mean of 4.13 (sd = .83) while

male post-test perceptions of the background similarity of the female confederate were a

Figure 12. Interaction Plot for Participant Gender and Administration on Perceptions of

Background Similarity

Table 9

Means for Interaction between Participant Gender and Administration on Perceptions of

Background Similarity

__________________________________________

Gender of Participants Administration Mean Std. Error

__________________________________________

Male Pre-Test 4.130 .162

Post-Test 3.724 .180

Female Pre-Test 4.389 .158

Post-Test 4.534 .174

__________________________________________

mean of 3.72 (sd =1.25). Second, a statistically significant difference was not observed on

female perceptions of background similarity from pre-test to post-test when the positive

and negative communication data were combined (F (1, 50) = 1.301, p = .26, Partial Eta

Squared = .025). Female pre-test perceptions of the background similarity of the male

confederate were 4.39 (sd = 1.34) while female post-test perceptions of the background

similarity of the male confederate were 4.53 (sd = 1.36). Nevertheless, it is interesting to

note that male perceptions of background similarity decreased from pre-test to post-test

regardless of the communication condition.

The next follow-up tests examined the three-way interaction between participant

gender, administration, and communication condition (See Figure 13A and Figure 13B on

the following page). Four follow-up tests looked at the differences between participant

gender from pre-test to post-test in the positive and negative communication conditions.

Figure 13A. Three-Way Interaction Plot between Participant Gender, Positive

Communication, and Administration on Perceptions of Background Similarity.

Figure 13B. Three-Way Interaction Plot between Participant Gender, Negative

Communication, and Administration on Perceptions of Background Similarity.

Results indicated that male perceptions of background similarity were virtually stagnant

from pre-test to post-test in the positive communication condition (t (23) = -.053, p =

.96). Specifically, the male participant data from the positive communication condition

demonstrated that initial perceptions of the background similarity of the female

confederate were 4.30 (sd = .869) and that post-test perceptions of the background

similarity of the female confederate were 4.31 (sd = .959). This minimal increase

suggests that three minutes of positive interpersonal communication will not cause men

to regard a female dating partner as having a background similar to his own.

Table 10

Means for Three-Way Interaction between Participant Gender, Communication

Condition, and Administration on Perceptions of Background Similarity.

__________________________________________

Gender of Participants Condition Administration Mean Std. Error

__________________________________________

Male Positive Pre-Test 4.302 .230

Post-Test 4.313 .254

Negative Pre-Test 3.958 .230

Post-Test 3.135 .254

Female Positive Pre-Test 4.230 .225

Post-Test 4.250 .249

Negative Pre-Test 4.548 .221

Post-Test 4.817 .244

__________________________________________

The second follow-up test for the observed three-way interaction focused on the

data that was obtained from the female participants in the positive communication

condition. No statistically significant effect was found (t (23) = - .104, p = .91). Initial

perceptions of the background similarity of the male confederate in the positive

communication condition were 4.23 (sd = 1.23) while post-test perceptions of the

background similarity of the male confederate in the positive communication condition

were 4.25 (sd = 1.24). Indeed, there is no evidence that three minutes of positive

interpersonal communication will cause females to evaluate the background similarity of

a male dating partner any differently.

The third follow-up test analyzed the background similarity dependent variable

for the male participants in the negative communication condition. A significant effect

was observed as male perceptions of the background similarity of the female confederate

significantly decreased from pre-test to post-test (t (23) = 2.896, p = .008). Additional

evidence illustrated that male pre-test perceptions of the background similarity of the

female confederate were 3.95 (sd = .789) while male post-test perceptions of the

background similarity of the female confederate were 3.13 (sd = 1.26). Three minutes of

negative interpersonal communication resulted in men perceiving a woman as having a

background as less similar to his own personal background.

The final follow-up test for the observed three-way interaction for this dependent

variable examined the female participant data that was collected in the negative

communication condition. A significant effect was not found (t (25) = -1.560, p = .13).

Female pre-test perceptions of the background similarity of the male confederate in the

negative communication condition were 4.54 (sd = 1.44) while female post-test

perceptions of the background similarity of the male confederate were 4.81 (sd = 1.44). In

the end, negative interpersonal communication during a single social interaction does not

cause females to lower their perceptions of the background similarity of a male dating

partner from pre-test to post-test.

Summary on Participant Gender and Perceptions of Background Similarity The

background similarity dependent variable also produced evidence of some gender

differences. As stated previously, a three-way interaction was observed between

participant gender, administration, and communication condition (F (1, 95) = 6.418, p =

.01, Partial Eta Squared = .063). When further broken down, male perceptions of

background similarity did not significantly increase from pre-test to post-test after

positive communication occurred (t (23) = -.053, p = .96) and female perceptions of

background similarity did not significantly increase from pre-test to post-test after

positive communication occurred (t (23) = -.104, p = .91). It was also found that male

perceptions of background similarity significantly decreased after negative

communication (t (23) = 2.896, p = .008) but female perceptions of background similarity

did not signficantly decrease after negative communication (t (25) = -1.560, p = .13).

Thus, in response to the aforesaid research question which asked what effect will

participant gender have on perceptions of background similarity from pre-test to post-test

after a single positive or a single negative communication event: it seems that perceptions

of background similarity differ between men and women after the occurrence of a single

negative communication event.

To briefly summarize, the first part of this chapter focused on main effects and

interactions. The opening pages illustrated that perceptions of physical attractiveness

significantly decreased after negative communication occurred during a single social

interaction. Next, a three-way interaction was observed on the perceptions of intelligence

dependent variable. In terms of attitudinal similarity, three different two-way interactions

were found for this dependent variable. A three-way interaction was also observed on the

background similarity dependent variable. Study findings also indicated that some

individual perceptions varied as a result of participant gender. Lastly, it should be noted

here that some of the aforementioned findings from this section have negligible

application to real world contexts. That is, some of the reported results that were not

focused on the central hypotheses or research question were described in order to

maintain a consistent writing style from dependent variable to dependent variable. Even

though individual perceptions and interpersonal communication were the central

variables in this study, other miscellaneous data collaterally emerged as a direct result of

employing a speed-dating methodology.

Additional Findings

There are several supplemental findings that materialized after this study was

completed. To begin, a total of 54 matches were made in the present investigation. Of that

total, only three (or 5.55%) of the matches involved interracial dating partners (e.g. a

Caucasian male matching with an African American female, a Hispanic female matching

with an Asian male, etc.). Second, female speed-daters were almost three times choosier

in terms of second date selection than their male speed-dating counterparts. Specifically,

females identified a male speed-dater as a “match” on 72 different occasions on their

speed-dating match sheets. In contrast, male participants identified a female speed-dater

as a “match” on 201 different occasions on their speed-dating match sheets. While the

aforementioned data did not include instances where a confederate was picked as a

match, the findings related to identifying the male or female confederate as a match are

also interesting to note.

Findings concerning the selection of study confederates for a second date are

intriguing. Overall, the female confederate was picked for a second date on 17 different

occasions out of her 51 total dates. Statistically speaking, she was identified as a match in

33.3% of her dates. When broken down further, the female confederate was selected for a

second date 12 times (or 50% of the time) out of her 24 total positive communication

speed-dates. In contrast, the female confederate was selected for a second date five times

(or 18.5% of the time) out of her 27 total negative communication speed-dates.

The male confederate was picked for a second date on 14 different occasions out

of his 53 total dates. Mathematically speaking, the male confederate was identified as a

match in 26.4% of his dates. When further broken down, the male confederate was picked

for a second date three times (or 12% of the time) out of his 25 total positive

communication speed-dates. On the other hand, the male confederate was selected for a

second date 11 times (or 39.2% of the time) out of his 28 total negative communication

speed-dates. Since an analysis of dating outcomes has now been undertaken, the last

paragraph of this chapter briefly summarizes the additional results.

To conclude, several supplementary findings emerged after the completion of this

study. First, the total number of matches was calculated by the investigator. Next,

findings illustrated that a relatively small amount of matches involved interracial dating

partners. Third, study data indicated that women were significantly choosier than men

with regards to identifying a fellow speed-dater as a match. Now that the empirical

findings of this study have been presented, the final chapter of this dissertation will focus

on discussing results, identifying limitations, and proposing avenues for future research.

CHAPTER V

DISCUSSION

The present study was conducted because it supplied novel and practical data on

cognitive processes and interpersonal communication. Interaction appearance theory was

discussed in the opening chapters of this dissertation as it provided a strong foundation

for understanding the relationship between social interaction and personal judgments. The

third chapter highlighted how a speed-dating methodology could be used to determine if

three minutes of communication had the ability to perceptually alter impressions of

another. It was also in the third chapter that an overview of the positive and negative

communication conditions were provided; confederates were instructed to maintain a

cheerful disposition, demonstrate high-immediacy non-verbal behaviors, and offer

complimentary verbal communication in the positive communication condition while

confederates were instructed to make haughty verbal comments and sustain a standoffish

communicative demeanor in the negative communication condition. The most recent

chapter presented an array of mixed empirical results and highlighted dating outcomes.

The last chapter of this dissertation demonstrates how the main findings from this study

can be applied as well as generalized to various communicative contexts. Finally, this

dissertation concludes by discussing limitations and identifying directions for future

research.

Physical Attraction Changing Because of Social Interaction

This study’s first hypothesis focused on perceptions of physical attractiveness. It

proposed that three minutes of positive social interaction would cause participants to

experience more physical attraction for a dating partner from pre-test to post-test while

three minutes of negative social interaction would cause participants to experience less

physical attraction for a dating partner from pre-test to post-test. This hypothesis was

partially supported. Evidence related to the proposed research question demonstrated that

males and females evaluated perceptions of physical attractiveness differently after a

single negative social interaction. Less specifically, overall perceptions of physical

attractiveness significantly decreased after a single negative interpersonal communication

event. In contrast, overall perceptions of physical attractiveness did not significantly

increase after a single positive interpersonal communication event. Interestingly, the latter

finding contradicts previous literature by Albada, Knapp, and Theune (2002) who

reported that perceptions of physical appearance were vulnerable to positive interpersonal

communication events. While this conflicting result might seem puzzling at first glance,

it can rather easily be explained by comparing methodological approaches.

There are three methodological reasons why conflicting results emerged between

this experiment and the Albada et al. investigation. First, this study examined the effect of

a single interpersonal communication event whereas the Albada et al. report focused on

multiple social interactions. Second, the present study featured a sample of primarily

single participants while the Albada and colleagues investigation only enlisted

participants who were in a committed dating relationship. Thus, the relational stage may

make a difference in terms of perceptions as they are highly unstable during interpersonal

relationship development but relatively stable after dating ensues. Third, this dissertation

employed a speed-dating methodology whereas the Albada et al. study relied on a diary

method of data collection. Indeed, having to intrapersonally assess the physical

attractiveness of multiple speed-dating partners brought about a different result than

merely evaluating and re-evaluating the physical attractiveness of the same person

repeatedly in a diary. As a collective whole, these three fundamental differences suggest

why contradictory results emerged between this investigation and the diary method study

of Albada and associates.

Two theoretical conclusions can be drawn based on the results from the physical

attractiveness dependent variable. Most notably, this study successfully extends the

underlying attraction mechanism that represents the heart of IAT. That is, IAT was

originally predicated on the axiom that it takes multiple social interactions for individuals

to alter their perceptions of the physical attractiveness of another individual (Albada,

Knapp, & Theune, 2002). Instead, this study demonstrated that a single chat can make

another person appear more or less physically attractive. Moreover, this study also

illustrated that male perceptions of physical attractiveness were in fact vulnerable to

positive social behaviors while the seminal reporting of IAT indicated that male ratings of

physical attractiveness were not impacted by positive interaction. When taken together,

both of these findings broaden the empirical parameters of IAT.

One general reason why the results from the physical attractiveness variable are

interesting to note is because they further highlight the significance of interpersonal

communication in burgeoning romantic relationships. Specifically, the present research

illustrated that it takes only 180 seconds of communicative behavior for individuals to

evaluate another person as physically different. While prior scholarship has found that

perceptions of others are made based on relatively thin slices of behavior (e.g. Ambady,

Hallahan, & Connor, 1999; Ambady & Rosenthal, 1993), lesser amounts of scholarship

have documented how much communication is required for these initial perceptions to be

cognitively altered within a dating environment. Indeed, conventional wisdom suggests

that first impressions are lasting impressions. At the same time, this study offers evidence

that first impressions are not always lasting impressions as it nicely illustrates the

volatility of perceptions during initial interaction.

The data that emerged from the negative communication condition for the

physical attractiveness dependent variable are discussion worthy. The finding that overall

perceptions of physical attractiveness decreased after just three minutes of negative

interpersonal communication was consistent with prior literature that suggested

judgments of physical appearance should decrease after negative social interactions

(Albada, Knapp, & Theune, 2002). While it may not be surprising that a single negative

social interaction would cause individuals to evaluate others less favorably, it is at least

moderately surprising to see that only three minutes of negative communication would

induce such a strong perceptual shift on the physical attractiveness variable. It appears

that most individuals are opposed to negative communication during initial interaction. It

could also be argued that a small number of persons may desire to critically evaluate the

physical attractiveness of a dating partner immediately after a single negative

interpersonal communication event. All things considered, the unfavorable post-test

evaluations phenomenon appeared to be especially prevalent in the minds of male

participants relative to the minds of female participants. In fact, additional follow-up tests

demonstrated that male speed-daters post-test evaluations of the physical attractiveness of

the confederate were much lower than their female speed-dating counterparts. Thus, it

can be argued that negative communication during a single social interaction has a more

powerful effect on men compared to women. All in all, the finding that overall

perceptions of physical attractiveness statistically decreased further exemplifies the

interconnectedness of these two constructs (e.g. communication type and physical

attractiveness) in most communicative contexts and conditions.

Assessing the Intelligence of Others

The second hypothesis examined perceptions of intelligence. The investigator

posited that three minutes of positive social interaction would cause participants to see a

dating partner as more intelligent from pre-test to post-test while three minutes of

negative social interaction would cause participants to see a dating partner as less

intelligent from pre-test to post-test. Support was found for this hypothesis. In addition,

follow-up tests on the three-way interaction produced valuable information concerning

the proposed research question. Specifically, findings indicated that male perceptions of

female intelligence significantly decreased from pre-test to post-test in the negative

communication condition. However, female perceptions of male intelligence did not

significantly decrease from pre-test to post-test in the negative communication condition.

All things considered, several discussion points emerged for this dependent variable.

The finding that intelligence perceptions changed from pre-test to post-test is

applicable to several communicative contexts. First, the results on the intelligence

variable have dating implications as single individuals often cite intelligence as a

desirable attribute for potential mates to possess (Cann, 1991). As such, an individual

who can strategically make her or himself appear intelligent during a three-minute social

interaction can thereby increase her or his chances of being desired as a potential mate. In

other words, intelligence can be used a tool for increasing desirability. Akin to the

findings on the physical attractiveness dependent variable, it would be interesting to note

whether tonality, nonverbal communication, or verbal comments are most influential in

terms of their overall ability to impact intelligence ratings within various attraction

relevant contexts. Indeed, some research has suggested that humorous verbal comments

are highly correlated with perceptions of intelligence and desirability (Gueguen, 2010).

However, the results from this study provide only circumstantial evidence as to which

communicative dimension (i.e. tonality, nonverbal communication, verbal comments,

etc.) is strongest in terms of its relative ability to make another person appear more

intelligent. Although this intelligence finding merely adds to prior interpersonal attraction

scholarship, this same result is nevertheless unique because it offers insight on a

completely separate avenue of communication research.

The results from the intelligence dependent variable can also be applied to

organizational communication scholarship. Specifically, it is interesting to note the

findings on the intelligence variable because they can be applied to employment

interviewing in an organizational setting. That is, newer scholarship has indicated that

speed-dating for jobs has become en vogue for some academic institutions and corporate

organizations (Orum, 2010). In fact, a recent Ph.D. candidate in sociology named Tennant

(2008) stated the following in an online article after she speed-dated for her first tenure

track faculty position:

My advisor and some well-meaning members of my dissertation

committee urged me to give it a shot. ‘It’s good practice,’ they said.

‘And what have you got to lose?’ Actually, I lost $45 the minute I signed up

for the service, but I assured myself it would be worth it for the interview

experience and possible job offers.

Even though Tenant did not secure employment from her sociological speed-dating

session, the fact that speed-dating has entered a new realm of society makes the findings

on the intelligence dependent variable particularly intriguing. Most notably, results from

the present study suggest that potential employees who can successfully maintain positive

communication for only three minutes can thereby make themselves a more appealing job

candidate. Similarly, less savvy interviewers who are armed with the findings from this

study now have a strategic tool for marketing her or himself as a highly intelligent

potential employee. In terms of implications for the other side of the table, hiring

managers need to exert more diligence before assessing the overall intelligence of a

potential employee. Regardless, the finding that perceptions of intelligence were highly

variable in a speed-dating environment is applicable to daters, potential employees, as

well as potential employers.

One general reason why the overall findings concerning the intelligence

dependent variable are interesting to note is because intelligence perceptions can

positively or negatively correlate with other personal attributes. As stated previously, the

famed halo effect (Thorndike, 1920) suggested that favorable impressions on one quality

regularly induce positive judgments on a separate and often unrelated variable. In fact,

Thorndike specifically analyzed intellect as he argued:

Different traits such as intelligence, industry, technical skill reliability,

etc., were very highly correlated and very unevenly correlated. It consequently

appears probable that those giving the ratings were unable to analyze out these

different aspects of the person’s nature and achievement and rate each in

independence of others. (p. 25)

Thus, if a potential romantic partner or potential employee is regarded as highly

intelligent because of positive communication then she or he might be overestimated in

terms of her or his sociability, attractiveness, competence, and the like. Conversely, an

individual who is regarded as less intelligent because of negative communication might

be underestimated on various personal and professional qualities. Either way, single

individuals and hiring managers who become cognizant of the intelligence perceptual

shift that occurs during a single social interaction will now be less prone to misjudge the

other attributes of another individual.

The three-way interaction that materialized for this dependent variable is

intriguing. It appears that participant gender influenced the pre-test to post-test

differences that were dependent on whether positive or negative communication

occurred. This result was partially due to the finding that female perceptions of

intelligence negligibly increased in the negative communication condition. While

counterintuitive to the anticipated ramifications of negative conversation, it could be

argued that this particular result emerged because females are more thoughtful than

males. That is, the finding that females did not regard a male dating partner as less

intelligent after negative communication while males did regard a female dating partner

as less intelligent after negative communication suggests that females differentiate

between intellectual ability and negative social interaction. It appears that women are

perhaps more reflective about a negative chat during a single social interaction than are

men. In fact, the females in this study appeared to more closely analyze the specific

negative comments that emerged in this experiment in comparison to the male

participants. Female participants did not observe intellectual ability unfavorably because

the male confederate did not offer unintelligent communication. Instead, female

participants were exposed to haughty comments and a standoffish communicative

demeanor. Thus, female perceptions of the intelligence of the male confederate did not

decrease because they engaged in a thoughtful communication analysis. On the other

hand, slightly different results emerged concerning the male participants in this study. For

men, negative communication was married to negative intelligence perceptions regardless

of intellectual content. In the end, it appears that some gender differences exist between

men and women in terms of how they perceive the intelligence of another after a single

negative social interaction.

How do We Receive Attitudinally Similar Others?

The third hypothesis for this study looked at perceptions of attitudinal similarity.

It was hypothesized that three minutes of positive social interaction would cause

participants to see a dating partner as more attitudinally similar from pre-test to post-test

while three minutes of negative social interaction would cause participants to see a dating

partner as less attitudinally similar from pre-test to post-test. Partial support was found

for the attitudinal similarity hypothesis. Evidence related to the proposed research

question revealed that both male and female perceptions of attitudinal similarity increased

after positive communication. Along this line, prior research by Byrne (1961;

1969; 1971) and his associates (Byrne & Nelson, 1965; Byrne, Clore, & Worchel 1966;

Byrne, Ervin & Lamberth, 1970; Byrne, Baskett, & Hodges, 1971) has yielded consistent

support for the claim that individuals experience increased amounts of attraction for

similar others. Based on Bryne’s research, it makes logical sense that participants

evaluated the attitudinal similarity of confederates more favorably after they were

exposed to a single positive communication event. That is, these results probably

emerged because most individuals generally believe that they in fact possess an overall

positive attitude. Simply put, most people believe that they consistently maintain a

positive attitude. As such, it would be expected that perceptions of attitudinal similarity

would increase after the confederates demonstrated positive communication behaviors

because participants who believe that they consistently maintain a positive attitude would

upon seeing the positive behaviors of another regard them as similar to her or his own

attitudinal tendencies. Stated differently, most people consider themselves to be

attitudinally positive and thus found attitudinal similarities after positive communication

ensued.

The finding that perceptions of attitudinal similarity did not significantly decrease

from pre-test to post-test after negative communication should also be noted. It appears

that the attitudinal similarity dependent variable may have been less prevalent than other

variables during the negative communication speed-dating sessions. This was particularly

true for the female participants. One possible reason why this result emerged is because

female speed-daters during the negative communication speed-dating sessions may have

been more pre-occupied with other variables (e.g. physical attractiveness, intelligence,

etc.) than were their male speed-dating counterparts during the negative communication

sessions. It is also conceivable that female speed-daters in the negative communication

sessions perhaps chalked the negative communication of the male confederate up to him

just merely having a bad day and not up to him maintaining an overall negative attitude.

Either way, the female participants in the negative communication sessions were less

likely to negatively evaluate their overall perception of the attitudinal similarity of the

male confederate after negative social interaction.

Additional findings for this dependent variable indicated that male pre-test to

post-test perceptions of attitudinal similarity were virtually unchanged regardless of

which communication condition they were exposed to. This was an expected finding

because the post-test evaluations contained the data from both the positive and negative

manipulations. One unexpected finding for this dependent variable was that female

perceptions of attitudinal similarity increased in a statistically significant manner in both

communication conditions. It is possible that communication whether positive or negative

allows females to experience an attitudinal similarity connection with males. For females,

it is conceivable that the mere presence of interpersonal interaction is enough to instill a

feeling of rapport with another individual. Thus, this connection via dyadic

communication could have made it more difficult for females to unfavorably evaluate the

attitudinal similarity of their male dating counterpart during the post-test assessment. Or,

it is also feasible that some female participants misperceived some of the nonverbal

communication that occurred in the negative communication condition. For instance,

some females might perceive a lack of eye contact as being consistent with a shy

disposition while other females might perceive a lack of eye contact as being symbolic of

a negative attitude. While the findings on this dependent variable may have produced

more questions than answers, the results concerning the final dependent variable were

much easier to interpret.

Perceptions of Background Similarity in a Dating Environment The final

hypothesis evaluated perceptions of background similarity. It was proposed that three

minutes of positive social interaction would cause participants to perceive that a dating

partner possessed a background as more similar to her or his own personal background

while three minutes of negative social interaction would cause participants to perceive

that a dating partner possessed a background as less similar to her or his own personal

background. This hypothesis was not supported. Findings related to the proposed research

question indicated that some gender differences existed between male and female

perceptions of background similarity after a single negative social interaction. Follow-up

tests demonstrated that perceptions of background similarity did not significantly increase

after positive interpersonal communication. Moreover, perceptions of background

similarity did not significantly decrease after negative interpersonal communication.

The observed three-way interaction produced novel data on participant gender

and the proposed research question. One interesting discussion point relates to why

perceptions of background similarity did not increase after a single positive

communication event. It appears that pre-test and post-test scores were stagnant for this

dependent variable because some participants may have inferred perceptions of

background similarity based solely on aesthetic observations. That is, the construct of

background similarity may have been ascertained autonomous of the enacted

communicative behaviors if some participants developed conclusions based off of

peripheral nonverbal indicators. Specifically, visual cues such as ethnicity, haircut, dress,

and economic status could have been perceived without social interaction. At the same

time, it is also possible that visual cues made no difference in terms of swaying individual

perceptions. Either way, it is at least conceivable that non-controllable features like

ethnicity may have influenced some individual perceptions of background similarity.

It should also be noted that very few gender differences were observed on this

dependent variable relative to other study variables. In fact, the only difference identified

in the present research was on perceptions of background similarity in the negative

communication condition. It was in this condition that male perceptions of the

background similarity of the female confederate significantly decreased after negative

communication. However, negative communication did not cause females to lower their

perceptions of the background similarity of the male confederate. In fact, female

perceptions of male background similarity negligibly increased after negative

communication. This effect may have been observed because the male confederate in this

study was native to the state where the present research was conducted. In essence, his

background was similar to the majority of the female participants who participated in this

study. In the end, this unexpected finding partially facilitated the three-way interaction

that was observed for this dependent variable.

There are a couple of reasons why male perceptions of female background

similarity decreased after negative communication. One possible explanation is that the

female confederate in this study was from the upper Midwest. In contrast, all male

participants in this study were students at a large Southeastern university. Thus, highly

observant participants may have detected a negligible Midwest accent in the female

confederate (or a lack of a southern accent) and thereby drew assumptions concerning

background similarity based on that vocal cue. Perhaps a more plausible explanation as to

why male perceptions of female background similarity decreased after negative

communication is that during some of the social interactions the male participants asked

the female confederate where she was from in the opening seconds of their speed-date.

Therefore, some inadvertent background data leaked during some of the social

interactions. Even though the female confederate firmly adhered to the negative

communication script, she was also instructed beforehand to not blatantly lie during her

social interactions. Moreover, since the female confederate answered all demographic

questions honestly, the male participants might have drawn irreversible assumptions

concerning the background similarity of the female confederate based off of this single

question. When taken together, subtle vocal cues and casual verbal comments may have

potentially tipped off some participants on the lack of background similarity possessed.

Additional Findings and Implications

The finding that women were more discriminating than men in terms of second

date selection is consistent with previous literature. In fact, Todd, Penke, Fasolo, and

Lenton (2007) reported in their speed-dating investigation that “men ‘propose’ to nearly

every woman above some certain attractiveness threshold, independent of their own

desirability as a mate” (p. 15015). Indeed, this same phenomenon was evident in this

study as several male participants were so desirous of landing a second date that they

subsequently indicated ‘match’ for every female they speed-dated. Put differently, the

male participants in this study were quite open to exploring second date possibilities.

A somewhat related psychological process comparable to the phenomenon

identified by Todd and associates (2007) appeared to be consuming the minds of female

speed-daters. To begin to describe this effect, it should first be noted that some females

were moderately unhappy about the lack of quality male speed-daters. Specifically, some

female participants suggested that their male speed-dating partners were socially

awkward and not very attractive physically. While some of these claims might have been

warranted, the central byproduct of this perception was that the regular male confederate

subsequently became overly desired in both communicative conditions. In other words,

perceptions of the physical attractiveness and fundamental social competence of the male

confederate were rated exceedingly high because of the other male speed-daters in

attendance. As such, the “I don’t want to go home empty-handed” effect seemed

especially prevalent for female participants. Thus, it appears that physical attractiveness

(relative to the other male speed-daters) induced female participants to select the male

confederate for a second date at a relatively high frequency.

One final theoretical implication that should be noted is that perceptions of

various other social constructs are applicable to IAT. The original foundation of IAT was

solely devoted to perceptions of physical attractiveness. This study demonstrated that

perceptions of intelligence, attitudinal similarity, and background similarity were also

vulnerable to interpersonal outcomes in certain circumstances. Put differently, it seems

that a single positive or a single negative social interaction will cause individuals to alter

multiple perceptions of a fellow dyadic partner. All things considered, IAT is not merely

limited to perceptions of physical attractiveness but can instead be applied to various

other dependent and independent variables.

Recurring Themes Across Multiple Dependent Variables

The data from this study yielded several supplementary findings that can be

characterized as moderately related to the central hypotheses and research question. As

hinted at previously, some gender differences were prevalent in this empirical

investigation. Comparatively speaking, male perceptions of the female confederate were

more likely to change from pre-test to post-test than were female perceptions of the male

confederate from pre-test to post-test. Along a similar line, female perceptions were less

likely to gravitate towards the proposed directional shift in comparison to the male

participants. This was a recurring pattern that was especially noticeable on the

intelligence and background similarity dependent variables. It is conceivable that the

female participants in this study placed less emphasis on their interpersonal

communication with the male confederate relative to the male participants. Stated

differently, female participants may have been more fixated on the physical attractiveness

of the male confederate. Or, it could also be argued that male participants placed more

emphasis on the interpersonal communication that occurred during speed-dating relative

to the female participants. Either way, female perceptions in this study were less volatile

but more surprising than the perceptions of their male speed-dating counterparts.

There is one consistent pattern that occurred across every dependent variable that

is discussion worthy. Specifically, male perceptions of physical attractiveness,

intelligence, attitudinal similarity, and background similarity significantly decreased from

pre-test to post-test in the negative communication condition. This was a constant pattern.

There are two possible explanations as to why this particular result consistently

developed. First, it appears that males are perhaps more critical than females immediately

after negative communication transpires. A second possible reason why this pattern

developed is because males do not differentiate between various types of negative

communication. As aluded to previously, the findings from this study suggest that for

male daters negative communication is consistently and inherently tied to across the

board negative perceptions of a female dating partner. Regardless of the explanation, the

significant decrease for males after negative communication is consistent with prior

literature by Markman and Kraft (1989) who reported from a psychological perspective

that both men and women are adversely affected by negative interaction. The results from

this study suggest that males are particularly vulnerable to the results of a single negative

social interaction.

One additional theme that cut across multiple dependent variables involves the

size of the observed effects. More specifically, the effect sizes in this investigation

generally ranged from small to medium based on a classification system that was

developed by Cohen (1988). While statisticians quibble over the relative importance of

effect size, the recurring theme of non-large effects from this study is noteworthy because

it demonstrates the observed changes were not especially powerful. That is, perceptions

of others can be altered in a statistically significant manner because of three minutes of

interpersonal communication but the extent or degree to which perceptions are altered is

not particularly strong. All things considered, it seems that three minutes of

communication can cause individuals to see another person somewhat differently albeit

not substantially different.

Limitations and Future Research

Limitations

This empirical study like all scholarly research featured methodological

limitations. One major limitation was the speed-dating room. Even though the

speeddating space was trendy, attraction-relevant, and centrally located, it was altogether

too small for some of the larger speed-dating sessions. Thus, the medium-sized

conference room at times felt physically uncomfortable and congested despite the fact

that the air conditioning was set at a relatively cool 65 degrees Fahrenheit. Moreover, the

ventilating system for the speed-dating area was below average. The amalgamation of a

mediumsized area, warm bodies, and poor ventilation caused some participants to

become physically hot. In fact, some participants were lightly sweating. Along a similar

line, the confined quarters of the speed-dating room resulted in stronger smells lingering

in the said environment. For instance, a male participant at the fifth session decided to

speeddate immediately after he completed an outdoor soccer practice. This non-showered

male was so soiled that one female participant remarked during the debriefing session:

“his feet smelled like stale milk.” Sadly, this situation was further exacerbated because

the male participant wore his soccer cleats over his shoulder like a duffle bag as he

rotated from date to date. At this particular session, it is feasible that some female

participants may have slightly rushed through their post-test evaluations because the said

environment was not physically comfortable. In any event, a moderately larger room with

better air circulation would have been a better dating environment.

A second limitation of this study involved participant use of technology during

speed-dates. The use of iphones, blackberries, and the like was problematic because it

allowed participants to easily exchange contact information immediately after or during a

good speed-date. It was difficult to definitively ascertain whether or not this happened

largely because of the multi-purposeful nature of cellular technology. In all likelihood, the

exchange of contact information between participants while speed-dating probably

occurred at least once but less than five times total. This may have influenced some of the

matching data that emerged in this study. In contrast, it is the speculation of the

investigator that some participants may have strategically used their cell phones as a tool

for communicating disinterest to other speed-daters. That is, participants who brought

their cellular phones with them to the event could easily focus on that accessory instead

of her or his date in circumstances where a fellow speed-dater did not meet her or his

minimum physical attractiveness standards. In addition to being rude, a participant who

texted during speed-dating would have also been less focused on the communicative

behaviors that occurred during the dates with the confederates and other participants.

While this was not a major issue, it could easily be resolved in future research if the

investigator instructs participants beforehand to turn off all technological devices before

speed-dating begins.

A third limitation of this study was the participant sample. This empirical

investigation was only open to undergraduate students at the current university. As such,

the participants in this study were from a relatively homogenous group. Future empirical

research that employs a speed-dating methodology should secure a non-college aged

sample. Similarly, the results from a sample comprised of homosexual participants would

also be interesting to note. This would allow investigators to compare and contrast the

function of speed-dating between two populations who embrace different sexual

preferences.

An additional limitation of this study involves experimenter effects. The

confederates in this study were conscious of the original hypotheses that were driving this

empirical investigation. Thus, it possible that confederates were trying to please the

experimenter by speed-dating in such a way that would ensure that statistically significant

results would emerge. This affect may have been further confounded because

confederates were provided financial compensation for their participation. Indeed, it

seems that a blind experimental procedure in which confederates were not aware of the

central purpose may have been more appropriate for this social sciences project. A final

limitation of this study was that only two confederates were employed for this empirical

investigation. It is conceivable that the observed and non-observed effects were limited to

the two individuals who severed as confederates in the present research. It also possible

that confederates may have varied at their degree of proficiency with regard to executing

each communication script. That is, the female confederate (or the male confederate) may

have been exceedingly skilled at performing the positive communication script but not as

skilled at performing the negative communication script or vice versa. Perhaps this

limitation impacted the background similarity dependent variable the most of all. Either

way, using additional confederates could have strengthened or diminished the reported

effect sizes and brought more consistency to the enactment of each communication script.

All things considered, it would have made better methodological sense to have utilized at

least two female and two male confederates.

Future Research

There are several intriguing avenues for future research. One interesting area for

future speed-dating research involves incorporating additional verbal and nonverbal

variables into the experimental design. With regards to the latter, only one empirical

study (Guegen, 2009) has investigated the function of nonverbal communication in a

speed-dating environment. As such, it would be fascinating to test if a brief hand touch

could make a fellow speed-dater appear more attractive, intelligent, or similar. While

related scholarship by Hubbard, Tsuji, Williams, and Seatriz Jr. (2003) found that a light

touch induced higher gratuities, it would be interesting to note if the psychological effects

of touch during an initial dating interaction would also yield favorable outcomes. With

regards to the verbal component, focusing on specific types of verbal communication

could also produce fascinating empirical data. For instance, one could assess the role of

humor in an attraction-relevant environment by having a confederate share a joke during

speed-dates in order to determine if that type of communication influences individual

perceptions in a statistically significant manner. Moreover, focus group research could be

completed after each speed-dating session in order to qualitatively ascertain what specific

types of communicative behaviors made a fellow dating partner appear more or less

physically attractive, intelligent, and similar.

A second area of future research on speed-dating involves altering the traditional

face-to-face interaction. Newer research could physically mask study participants, utilize

a poorly light environment, or place a screen between participants as a means to ensure

that social interaction is especially salient. By doing so, more emphasis would be placed

on interpersonal communication while less attention would be devoted to other constructs

like physical attractiveness, attire, status, and the like. Now that some future avenues for

speed-dating research have been identified, this paper will now explore future research

devoted to liking for another.

Future interpersonal attraction scholarship should examine the role of imagined

interactions in various dating contexts. As the preceding pages have insinuated, the

confederates in this study mentally rehearsed both the positive and negative

communication scripts before completing their speed-dates. Not surprisingly, this

intrapersonal focus on forthcoming communication helped produce statistically

significant results on some of the proposed hypotheses. In the future, it would be

interesting to scientifically test whether individuals who pre-script their social

interactions with others thereby increase their chances of landing a romantic date in

comparison to individuals who merely rely on situational communication to obtain a date

with another single individual. That is, future social scientific research could examine if

pre-planned pick-up banter is more effective than spontaneous pick-up banter in

environments like coffee shops, singles bars, and the like. This line of research could

thereby empower less-savvy communicators as she or he could then intrapersonally

rehearse effective pick-up rhetoric beforehand in order to systematically improve her or

his chances of securing a romantic date.

Conclusions

In conclusion, this study provided evidence that perceptions of physical

attractiveness, intelligence, attitudinal similarity, and background similarity were

influenced by three minutes of interpersonal communication. In addition, this paper

offered empirical support that the philosophical underpinnings of interaction appearance

theory are germane not only to judgments of physical appearance but can also be applied

to constructs such as intelligence and similarity. Moreover, the findings from this study

pertain to an array of diverse social arenas that include both interpersonal relationship

development and interviewing within an organizational communication setting. Thus, the

present research has both theoretical implications as well as practical applications. While

this dissertation began with a quote from popular author Neil Strauss, this dissertation

now concludes by reaffirming that interpersonal communication has an influential impact

over our individual perceptions.

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