INTRODUCTION OF AFRICAN
AMERICAN LAW SCHOOL APPLICANT
An African American law school applicant challenged the long-standing
Plessy v. Ferguson‘s separate but equal‖ doctrine when the applicant had to
attend an out-of-state law school because his home state did not have a
separate‖ law school for African American students (LaMorte, 2005).
This Kansas case ranked first alphabetically out of five clustered cases
which came to be known as Brown v. Board of Education, a consolidated
lawsuit of African American people who were dissatisfied with the only
schools opened to African American students (Aldred, 1990). This court
case was considered a monumental educational policy of 1954 given that the
U.S. Supreme Court reversed the Plessy v. Ferguson decision and ruled that
racially segregated public schools were unconstitutional. Considering the
court system left local school boards with the power to implement its ruling
of desegregating schools, the decision of Brown v. Board of Education
triggered unanticipated consequences, which still impact educational
institutions and African Americans today (Hudson & Holmes, 1994).
Additionally, the Supreme Court ruled that race could no longer be a
factor in the assignment of children to public schools, and as a result of these
court proceedings, African American schools closed. Many school names,
mascots, mottos, and traditions were sacrificed, while African American
students were transferred to White schools (Cecelski, 1994). Moreover, in
the United States, the downturn in the number of African American teachers
was so drastic that some authors have referred to African American teachers
and principals as ―endangered species‖ (Irvine, 1988). Cole (1986)
contends that in 1980, African American teachers constituted approximately
12.5 percent of the national teaching force, and by 1981, this number
dropped to 8.6 percent. According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2000), the
number of African American teachers fell to 8.4%. These statistics support
the belief that Brown v. the Board of Education affected educational
institutions, and the survival of African American teachers was in jeopardy
(Cole, 1986).
The discrepancy between the number of African American teachers
and African American students was not only a national concern, but it was
also a concern in the State of Georgia. In the State of Georgia, there was an
increase in the demand for African American teachers to educate future
citizens. The Governor‘s Office of Student Achievement (GOSA) was
established by the A Plus Education Reform Act to present an annual
educational report card for the State of Georgia (DOE, 2009). The statistical
information indicated that in 2009, 75% of the population of teachers
(89,945 out of 120,660) in Georgia was of non-African American status.
Nevertheless, 38% (613,725 out of 1,615,066) of the student population was
African American consistently since 2007 (DOE, 2009).
Additionally, there were local concerns in Georgia‘s school systems
where there were a disproportionate number of African American teachers
available to educate African American students. For example, Carter
County, Georgia‘s educational report card signified that in 2009, only 6%
(22 out of 372) of the public school‘s certified staff was African American
where as 23% (1175 out of 5110) of the student population is of
African American decent (DOE, 2009) The African American teacher
population (5% in 2006, 5% in 2007, 4% in 2008, and 6% in 2009) and
African American student population (22% in 2006, 22% in 2007, 22% in
2008, and 23% in 2009) of the school system slightly increased over the
course of four years. The same information is illustrated in Tables 3 and 4.
This indicated a moderately high percentage of non-African
American teachers educating African American children.
Despite the shortage in the number of African American teachers at
the national, state, and local levels, some African Americans teachers
remained in the profession for years. Therefore, the purpose of this study
was to examine experiences of three local African American teachers who
remained in the teaching profession. This study was conducted in order to
obtain an in-depth understanding into the achievements and challenges of
African American teachers, their explanations of the reasons for their
professional challenges, as well as the strategies they employed in order to
overcome them. This insight is valuable to understand how to maintain an
educational staff that reflects the racial composition of the school‘s student
population.
Background of Study
There are many factors that contribute to the shortage of African
American teachers. In a study by Cole (1986), she found that in 1950,
―teaching accounted for nearly half of African American professional
workers, compared to less than one quarter of Caucasian professionals‖ (p.
326). However, a series of actions after 1950 contributed to the decline in
the number of African American teachers. In the mid-1960s, due to Brown v.
Board of Education of 1954, almost 40,000 African American teachers had
lost their positions in seventeen states, as African American and Caucasian
schools were consolidated to meet school-desegregation mandates (Hudson
& Holmes, 1994). Moreover, higher educational institutions often admit
students based in part on ACT and SAT scores which are used in the
university‘s selection of students (Bowen & Bok, 1998). As a consequence
of the ACT and SAT, in the fall of 1987, of those enrolled in programs of
secondary education, only five percent were African American (Farrell,
1990). However, by 2000, African Americans still lag overall in
educational achievement compared to White students. The percentage of
American college students who were African American was 13 percent
(Census Brief, 2000).
According to Cole (1986), another reason for the African American
teacher shortage is the use of licensing test as a basis for certification which
confirmed the use of the mandated statewide testing of prospective teachers
is linked to the reduction in the number of African American teachers.
Additionally, in 1984, the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People (NAACP) voiced their concern about the negative impact of
standardized tests on African American teachers; therefore, the NAACP
opposes the use of a single criterion for licensing in the teaching profession
(Cole, 1986).
Moreover, one of the major contributors to the decrease in the number
of African American teachers is the low percentage of African American
students graduating from high school (DOE, 2009). For instance, in 2009,
out of the 106 African American students eligible for graduation in the
school district selected for this project only 60% graduated from high school
(DOE, 2009). Additionally, Irvine (1988) contends that when African
Americans do attend college, fewer than 12% attain a 4-year degree, and the
failure to continue educational plans is related to tracking in high school,
where African American students are disproportionately assigned to low-
level, non-college preparatory curricula.
However, many states and districts are trying to counteract the
negative trend of the diminishing number of African American teachers.
There are some incentives that inspire African American students to attend
and complete college. The HOPE scholarship implemented by Governor
Zell Miller of Georgia was established to provide greater access to higher
education by all students (Dayton & Matthews, 1995). This program has, in
some cities, improved the graduation rate and promoted college enrollment
for African American students. The program provides a substantial
educational opportunity for students by providing tuition to any Georgia
public college, university, or technical institute if the student sustains a ―B‖
average while attending the institution (Dayton & Matthews, 1995).
Another program that is similar in nature to the HOPE Scholarship is the
College Cost Reduction Act, which pays tuition after service in a needed
content area or service at an urban school (Dayton & Matthews, 1995).
In addition, coaching and mentoring programs are other initiatives
implemented to motivate teachers to enter and stay in the field of education.
These programs are considered motivational tools because researchers
conclude that new teachers who participate are nearly twice as likely to stay
in the educational profession (Black, 2004). These programs are important
because Black (2004) contends that beginning teachers do not enter the
profession as finished products. Additionally, Boles and Troen (2000)
concur by stating that creative and highly motivated teachers need career
options and professional growth to stay in the classroom. Consequently,
coaching and mentoring programs do not specifically address the challenges
of African American teachers; these programs address the needs of teachers
in general.
As previously evidenced, there are factors that prevent some from
entering the teaching profession, as well as, initiatives which encourage
African American students to enroll in and complete higher education
programs (Boles & Troen, 2000; Black, 2004; Dayton & Matthews, 1995).
Therefore, it was important to learn how and why some African American
teachers were successful in overcoming the odds and have remained in the
profession for years. Hence, the purpose of this study was to understand the
experiences of African American teachers who stayed in the teaching
profession for over 30 years despite the odds. The researcher documented
their achievements and challenges to determine the factors that contributed
to their longevity in an effort to ascertain findings, which will hopefully lead
to attracting African American teachers to the teaching profession.
Statement of the Problem
Since Brown v. Board of Education of 1954, there have been
unanticipated consequences that have impacted African American teachers.
Consequently, African American teachers are few in number and are
considered an ―endangered species (Irvine, 1988). However, a few have
survived the consequences of Brown v. Board‘s decision and other factors of
retention. Moreover, African American teachers are essential to the success
of the educational system whose goal is to properly educate all students to be
productive citizens of a multiethnic society; it may be argued that their
voices need to be heard in order to attract African Americans into the
teaching profession. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to use
collective case study approach to investigate the lived experiences of three
African American teachers in a southeastern Georgia county to understand
the reasons for their longevity. Their longevity was studied with the
intention of understanding how a practitioner in the field can use the African
American teachers‘ experiences to address the recruitment and retention of
African American teachers.
Research Questions
The 1954 Brown v. the Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas Supreme
Court‘s decision greatly decreased the longevity of many African American
teachers; however, a few African American teachers survived the decision.
The researcher studied African
American teachers who survived integration of schools in a southeastern
school district.
Therefore, the overarching question of this research was to determine how
African American teachers explain their longevity in the teaching
profession? To assist in answering this question, the following sub-
questions were explored:
1. How do African American teachers account for their longevity in
the teaching profession?
2. Since Brown v. Board of Education, what challenges have African
American teachers encountered?
3. How did African American teachers surmount the challenges
encountered in the teaching profession?
Significance of the Study
This study is significant because it may provide school administrators
with insight into why African American teachers were attracted to and
remained in the profession. This study should grant educators and non-
educators an opportunity to gain a better understanding and appreciation of
the achievements and challenges of African American teachers, as well as
reflect on the current recruitment, hiring, and retention practices to facilitate
necessary improvements where needed. As a result of this study, school
systems may be able to attain a better retention rate among African
American teachers during challenging times.
Finally, in conjunction with the research of Farrell (1990), this study
was not conducted to release non-African American teachers from their
responsibility of educating African American students because they are
essential to the successful educating of all subgroups of students. Moreover,
this research did not suggest that the reason African American students have
not grasped the concepts of educational achievement is due to an insufficient
number of African American teachers (Farrell, 1990). However, the results
from this research should enable stakeholders to realize that the effort to
educate and create productive citizens of society is a responsibility for all to
share. Therefore, this is a ―no fault‖ research project conducted with the
intent to generate solutions.
Research Design
The researcher of this study utilized a qualitative approach with
collective case study design as the qualitative strategy of inquiry. Glesne
(2006) asserted that qualitative researchers seek to understand and interpret
how various participants in a social setting construct the world around them.
Gay and Airasian (2003) provided a similar description of qualitative
research where qualitative researchers strive to capture the human meanings
of social life as it is lived, experienced, and understood by the research
participants. Additionally, Shekedi (2005) stated that the product of
collective case study is a thick holistic narrative which enables the
achievement of a level of understanding and interpretation of a whole culture
or group. In essence, the findings of Shekedi (2005), Gay and Airasian
(2003) permitted the researcher to conduct a series of interviews to capture
the lived experiences of the three participants which encompassed a
particular event in history that impacted the participant‘s culture.
This study employed a qualitative approach to acquire a better
understanding into the retention of African American teachers, as well as the
strategies the selected teachers used to facilitate their longevity in the
educational profession. To accomplish this goal, the researcher collected
data from a series of interviews to create a narrative of several case studies
that share common characteristics.
Participants and Procedure
Collective case study design permitted the researcher to capture the
perspectives of the participants with the purpose of generating solutions to
the African American teacher shortage. The first phase of the study
involved two electronic recorded interviews of three African American
teachers, along with follow-up interviews used for clarification purposes.
The three African American teachers retired from the teaching profession,
survived the transition from segregated to integrated schools, and had at
least thirty years of teaching experience. The African American teachers
were asked a series of questions about their lived experiences as African
American teachers and the reasons for their longevity in the educational
profession in the southeastern Georgia school system. The researcher
gathered information from documents referencing integration of public
schools and the African American teacher‘s tenure in the teaching
profession.
The second phase of the study consisted of one electronic recorded
interview with each of the nine key informants. The key informants for this
study consisted of three school administrators who supervised the African
American teachers, three students who were in the classes of these teachers,
and three other persons (including friends and former colleagues) who were
knowledgeable about the experiences of the selected
African American teachers during the transition from segregated to
integrated schools.
The key informants were asked a series of questions about the experiences
of the African American teachers for this project to understand the lived
experiences of the African American teachers and the reasons for their
longevity in the educational profession in the southeastern Georgia County.
To find similarities or themes in the collected data, coding was
applied. Furthermore, triangulation was utilized to relate all of the different
data in order to check the validity of each data source and to construct the
narratives of the educational careers of the African American teachers.
Summary
It was evidenced that Brown v. Board of Education negatively
impacted the number of African American teachers in the teaching
profession. Though major research projects (Inman, 2004, Brown, 2003,
Feng, 2005) exist that incorporated general findings about the teacher
shortage, there remains a shortage and more drastically, African American
teachers. In view of these facts, it was imperative that the researcher
augment the current body of literature on the subjects of recruitment and
retention of African American teachers as to assist administrators in
balancing teacher race, culture, and ethnic representation within school
systems.
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
This study examined some of the issues confronted by the three
African American teachers before and during their tenure as teachers in
public education. The study addressed three specific research questions,
which include:
1. How do African American teachers account for their longevity in
the teaching profession?
2. Since Brown v. Board of Education, what challenges have African
American teachers encountered?
3. How did African American teachers surmount the challenges
encountered in the teaching profession?
Various scholars have concluded from their research that the inability
of school systems to recruit and retain teachers is a result of unproductive
recruitment programs, ineffective induction programs, lack of mentor
support, as well as a lack of administrative support at the site and district
levels (Bobek, 2002; Good, Halpin & Halpin, 2000; Cole, 1986; Hudson &
Holmes, 1994). Yet, the utilization of these programs becomes moot if
school systems do not have teachers to fill classroom positions. Thus,
school districts must have teachers to recruit before they can focus on
retaining teachers. Equally important is the need for a self-replenishing
supply of students seeking to enter a career in education.
However, the problems associated with teacher recruitment and
retention are increasingly critical among African American teachers whose
limited presence in the teaching profession has been and continues to be a
serious problem confronting the profession and the African American
community in the United States as well (King, 1993). The review of
literature was conducted in four major areas including, the historical
foundations and challenges of African American teachers, the schools‘ role
in the diminishing pool of potential African American teachers, the use of
assessments on prospective African American teachers, and the educational
tenure of African American teachers.
Historical Foundations and Challenges for African
American Teachers
History
In order to gain some level of understanding of the current African
American teacher shortage, this section examines the educational history of
African Americans. Given that African American educators have long
possessed a legacy of a strong commitment to education, it is vital to
understand the journey that was undertaken (King,
1993; Spring 1994).
In the 1600s, African Americans were brought to America for
involuntary servitude a state of bondage; the control of the labor and
services of one man for the benefit of another, and the absence of a legal
right to the disposal of his own person, property and services‖ (LaMorte,
2005, p. 288). In the latter part of the 1700s, African Americans were
considered not more than chattel, and thus were not, nor intended to be,
included as ―citizens‖ in the writing of the Constitution, and thus had no
rights or privileges other than those their owner chose to grant (LaMorte,
2005). Additionally, some Whites, at the time, suggested that African
Americans did not have the intellectual capacity to be educated, yet feared
literacy would encourage escape or revolt (Salvatore, 2000). With this fear
in mind, slave owners decreed that educating slaves was a capital offense.
Nevertheless, many Americans, both African American and White, risked
their lives in order to learn from or teach African American slaves
(Salvatore, 2000; Bullock, 1970; Anderson, 1988). Moreover, clandestine
classes were taught on the plantations, on Sundays or after dark by Whites,
freed African Americans and literate slaves: Elizabeth Sparks was part of a
group of rebel slaves who attended secret literacy sessions in the slave
quarters held by free African Americans who attempted to teach slaves to
read and write (Anderson, 1988, p. 17).
King (1993) and Spring (1994) concluded that literacy classes were
held because many African Americans had long recognized the importance
of education as a means of improving their life circumstances and standard
of living. Yet, when Union Troops discovered Ms. Deveaux (an African
American) secretly teaching slaves in her Savannah, Georgia home in 1865,
they were surprised to discover that she had taught them for over thirty years
(Anderson, 1988; Woodson, 1919; Bennett, 1982). In essence, African
Americans considered literacy as the key to self-determination and were
willing to take considerable risks in acquiring an education (Spring, 1994;
Anderson, 1988; Woodson, 1919; Bennett, 1982).
U.S. Government documents indicated that by the end of slavery in
1865, five percent (approximately 15,000) of former slaves were literate,
while 95 percent remained illiterate (Spring, 1994; Anderson, 1988;
Woodson, 1919; Bennett, 1982). Those literate African Americans became
the teachers in the privately-operated African American missionary schools.
These schools enabled many African Americans to become literate and
obtain the political, social, and economic skills required to survive and
prosper in an environment controlled by Whites (Spring, 1994; Anderson,
1988; Woodson, 1919; Bennett, 1982).
The passage of the ―Reconstruction Amendments‖ provided the first
official recognition of African Americans as citizens and human beings.
Further, the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of 1868
provided equal protection of the law for all persons born or naturalized in the
United States, including those born as slaves, and insured their rights to an
education (LaMorte, 2005). The newly freed slaves were persistent in their
pursuit for an education as was noted by field agents from the federal
government:
In 1869, when field agents for the federal government were asked to
count how many private schools were opened by African Americans,
they counted 1,512 schools taught by 6,146 African American
teachers. The field agents also reported that the teachers taught
107,109 students of all ages. The average teacher to pupil ratio was
one to 93 (Anderson, 1988, p.13).
Beyond Slavery
Since the slavery period, African American teachers have performed
an important role in the education of African Americans. An integral part
of the African
American teacher‘s job was to prepare future leaders of the African
Americans by teaching them the social, economic, and political skills
needed to be successful as a freed people (Anderson, 1988; Siddle-Walker,
1996; Shujaa, 1996). The efforts of these educators appear to have
produced significant results. By 1880, the illiteracy rate for African
Americans had decreased to 70 percent. By 1890, less than 40 percent of
African Americans remained illiterate, and by 1910, less than 30 percent
were illiterate (Salvatore, 2000). By 1930, over 93 percent of African
Americans in the South were literate in comparison to only 32 percent of
White southerners (Bullock, 1970; Anderson, 1988).
Between 1869 and 1874, fourteen African Americans from the south
were elected into the U.S. House of Representatives and two served in the
U.S. Senate (Cowan, & Maguire, 1994). These elected African American
officials were ardent supporters of government funded education and the
creation of a system of public education because of their awareness that an
education served as a means by which African Americans could reach
economic, social and political equality (Cowan, & Maguire, 1994).
However, with the growth of White Northern philanthropists and the
renewed power of southern plantation owners at the end of the
Reconstruction Era, in the late 1890s, privileged, powerful Whites supported
the social concept ―separate but equal‖ races. Additionally, in 1898, the
Supreme Court in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson affirmed the
constitutionality of separating the races on the condition that both races must
possess equal access and facilities (Wishon & Geringer, 2004). This ruling
evolved into a policy of ―separate but equal,‖ which segregated African
Americans from Whites in restaurants, schools, hotels and other public
facilities nationwide as a means to circumvent the Fourteenth Amendment
(Wishon & Geringer, 2004). As a result, the increase in literacy among
African Americans began to decline and a social and political assault on
African American educational opportunities began during the early decades
of the Twentieth Century (Salvatore, 2000). White social and economic
policies were created to maintain a subordinate and dependent laboring
African American class that resulted in a system of separate and unequal
schools for African Americans, which placed African American students and
teachers at a distinct disadvantage due to inadequate funding, facilities and
support (Salvatore, 2000).
African American schools also experienced problems associated with
educational funding. ―The majority of public funds went to white
segregated schools‖ (Spring, 2001, p.173). African American southerners
paid taxes, which supported the White schools, and then found it necessary
to subsidize funding for African American schools using their personal
funds (Anderson, 1988; Spring, 2001; Woodson, 1919). Spring (2001)
found that African Americans funding African American schools caused
African American schools to become inferior to other schools in both the
quality of education and the physical conditions of their buildings. Earlier,
Franklin and Anderson‘s (1978) observed that often African American
students were educated in inadequate facilities, while White students
exercised increased access to better facilities, teachers, texts and other
necessary resources. At times, African Americans advocated for
improvements in their schools. Once the renovations were completed,
African American children were often relocated to schools abandoned by
Whites who then occupied the renovated facilities (Franklin & Anderson,
1978). Franklin and Anderson (1978) concluded that scarcity of funding
caused many African American schools, both private and public, to become
reliant upon monies from Northern philanthropists to remain viable
institutions. Many of these philanthropists challenged not only the
necessity of educating African Americans, but the continued source of
quality African American teachers. To ensure the continuance of African
Americans in the lower class, White Northern philanthropists fired many
African American teachers who sought to improve the conditions of all
African Americans, but especially those who were young and held promise
for the African American people. They were replaced with African
American teachers possessing few qualifications who would continue the
practice of preparing children to work as field hands and domestics. As a
result of these philanthropists who opposed the advancement of African
Americans and the Great Depression, illiteracy expanded among the African
American population facilities (Franklin & Anderson, 1978).
The continued presence of illiteracy among African Americans,
inferior buildings staffed by less-than-qualified teachers, restricted curricula
offerings, and lack of adequate books and supplies made it clear the need for
community action among African Americans (Fairclough, 2000). The
mantle of leadership was placed squarely on the shoulders of the teachers
among the African American community, and these leaders used the school
organization to assist the community in defining themselves as a racial group
and provided an increased level of cohesiveness for the community in
general (Fairclough, 2000). King (1993) and Spring (1994) noted the
influence of education in fostering social change, liberation, citizenship, and
personal advancement. Because of their value of preserving African
American heritage and developing cultural traditions for the newly freed
slaves, African American teachers were highly respected leaders within their
communities (King, 1993; Spring, 1994).
Philanthropy
Throughout the 1930s and 1940s, African American teachers
nationwide filed lawsuits challenging unfair compensation between White
and African American teachers in public schools (Torres, Santos, Peck &
Cortes, 2004). School districts maintained separate salary schedules—one
for White teachers and another for African American teachers. Officials
explained the salary disparity using the economic law of supply and demand
based upon the contention that since there were fewer African American
students, the need for highly qualified African American teachers was
significantly lower than the demand for White teachers (Torres et al., 2004).
Researchers, Torres, Santos, Peck, and Cortes (2004) noted that in contrast
to White teachers, African American teachers had fewer employment
options and were willing to teach for less compensation. Gardner (1975)
proposed pedagogies for the attainment of equality among African
Americans with Whites, and these approaches were noted and discussed
among African American educators. The equalitarians, under the leadership
of Booker T. Washington, contended that African American citizenship
rights had to be earned (Gardner, 1975). It became the teacher‘s duty to
train children to work diligently and advance their way through the southern
caste system in order to earn their rights of citizenship. In effect,
equalitarians believed that attaining equality was a gradual process. This
pedagogy was heavily supported by White Northern philanthropists and
southern plantation owners because it ensured continued and long-term
control in limiting the progress of African Americans attaining full
citizenship in mainstream society, which supported the status quo or current
condition. Teachers were attempting to dismiss and replace African
American leadership in trade schools in order to adhere to Booker T.
Washington‘s doctrine (Gardner, 1975).
Conversely, W.E.B. DuBois asserted the purpose of African
American colleges was to produce teachers who would train children to
become leaders in the African American struggle for equality (Franklin &
Anderson, 1978). According to Carter
Woodson, ―African American education should serve two purposes:
preparation and training for movement into the mainstream of American
political and economic life, and the appreciation of ‗race pride‘ in the
younger generation of African American
Americans‖ (Franklin & Anderson, 1978; p. 5). Some White philanthropists
worked diligently to close African American institutions of higher learning
whose faculty and students supported DuBois‘ doctrine. Eventually, most
knowledgeable African Americans, including professors at African
American colleges adhering to Washington‘s doctrine, became supporters of
the DuBois philosophy (Franklin & Anderson, 1978). From one‘s
perspective, it was necessary for many African American educators to
conduct their classes in a manner that suggested support for the
philanthropists, who provided much of the funding and sought to retain
control over African Americans, while also attempting to train their students
to be political activists.
As a result of the efforts of the Northern philanthropists and the
actions of the U.S. Supreme Court, African American teachers and students
were further disenfranchised with the passage of Brown v. the Board of
Education in 1954, which mandated that all schools nationwide were to
desegregate (Franklin & Anderson, 1978). The African American
educational community became one of the first victims of the unintended
consequences of Brown v. the Board of Education (Franklin & Anderson,
1978). Desegregation immobilized African American teachers:
Desegregation mandates in many school districts visibly changed the
racial composition of the teaching staff while the composition of the
student body remained unaltered. The effect was that new, mostly
White teachers were placed in all-African American schools in which
they did not want to work" (Irvine & Irvine, 1983, p. 417 - 18).
One of the most devastating consequences of the Brown decision and the
resulting educator reassignment was the en masse termination of many
African American teachers (Bell, 1983; Irvine & Irvine, 1983; Philipsen,
1999; Ethridge, 1979). Hudson and Holmes (1994) reported that during the
decade 1954 and 1964, some 38,000 African American teachers were
released from their jobs. By the time federal measures were initiated in the
1960s and 1970s to prevent further dismissal and the unbalancing of
educational staffing in school systems, thousands of African American
faculty and staff had been dismissed (Cole, 1986).
Historical Events that Impacted African American Teachers
The review of historical events in this study was undertaken to
emphasize certain incidents before and after Brown v. Board of Education,
Topeka, Kansas, which contributed to issues of current concern of African
American teachers within the public educational system. This narrative
considered the school desegregation struggles of the principle communities
of African Americans as dictated by the historical record.
In 1954, the Supreme Court Case, Brown v. Board of Education,
provided the catalyst that led to the integration of public schools and all
public facilities in the United States (Whoriskey, 2007). Further, the
political and social climate of the country created an atmosphere, which
permitted Brown v. the Board of Education to become the catalyst that
propelled significant changes in African American educational opportunities
and efforts toward desegregation (Salvatore, 2000). Therefore, Brown v.
Board of Education provided a model upon which to build future
desegregation cases.
Fennimore (2005) found that after the Brown decision and subsequent
court proceedings, African American teachers and community leaders
recognized and more fully understood the prejudices and discriminations
that had fueled the unequal treatment of African American students in
schools due in part to difficulties in implementing public desegregation.
Researchers, Torres, Santos, Peck and Cortes (2004) compiled a list of some
of the unforeseen consequences of Brown v. The Board of Education on
African Americans and included the following:
•The loss of teaching and administrative jobs by African
Americans through dismissals, demotions, and displacement;
•The loss of millions of dollars in projected earned income;
•The loss of racial models, heroes, and authority figures for
African
American children;
•The loss of cherished school symbols, colors, emblems, and
names of schools by African American children when their
schools were closed and they were shifted to white schools;
•Subjection to segregated classes and buses, and exclusion from
extracurricular activities;
•Disproportionate numbers of African American students
suspended, expelled, or pushed out of school;
•Exposure of African American children to hostile attitudes and
behavior of white teachers and parents;
•Victimization by forced one-way busing policies and the
uprooting of African American children for placement in
hostile school environments without any support systems;
•Victimization by misclassification in special education classes
and track systems;
•Victimization by unfair discipline practices and arbitrary school
rules and regulations;
•Victimization by ignorance of their learning styles, culture, and
social, educational, and psychological needs; and
•Victimization by lack of exposure to an inclusive curriculum (p.
13).
In addition to the Brown decision, other events further assisted in
establishing the framework for the continued progress of the Civil Rights
Movement. Historically, one particular event in the desegregation process
was recognized as a primary catalyst that prompted many of the future
significant changes in public education in America. On September 23, 1957,
nine African American students were escorted through a side entrance at
Little Rock Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas, to attend an all
White school. In 1957, however, escorting of this group of nine students
was the Arkansas National Guard under the command of President
Eisenhower. President Eisenhower had federalized the Arkansas National
Guard and had used these troops to enforce the Brown Supreme Court
decision of 1954. Eisenhower intended to show the American people and
state governments that the federal government was willing and able to use
force to implement federal laws. In spite of the social turmoil, Little Rock
became a national symbol of change (Whoriskey, 2007).
In another instance, Green v. County School Board of New Kent
County, Virginia, (1968) is often considered an instrumental case that
offered promise of aiding desegregation by eliminating the practice of a dual
school system. The case findings dictated that if there are reasonable means
available to create a unitary system, such as zoning, then ―freedom of
choice‖ in school selection is unacceptable (LaMorte, 2005). LaMorte also
stated that the U.S. Supreme Court in Green v. County School Board of
New Kent County, Virginia, mandated that segregation had to take place at
all deliberate speed‖ among students, faculty, staff, transportation and
extracurricular activities.Orfield and Lee (2005) recalled that Martin Luther
King, Jr. spoke of the previous Supreme Court Civil Rights cases and the
Brown decision as ―simple, eloquent and unequivocal‖ steps to end
segregation and a ―joyous daybreak to end the long night of enforced
segregation.‖ The researchers also noted that during a national address, King
called for the government to give African Americans the political power to
enforce their newly recognized rights. For King, desegregation was not only
a social goal, but a profoundly moral and spiritual mission (Orfield & Lee,
2005). Nevertheless, after the Brown decision in 1954, many predominately
White school boards and superintendents remained in control of critical
desegregation decisions.
As a consequence, personnel decisions often resulted in the
termination or transferring of many African American teachers (Irvine,
1988; Bell 1983; Irvine & Irvine, 1983; Hudson & Holmes, 1994). Hudson
and Holmes (1994) found that during the decade 1954 and 1964, some
38,000 African American teachers were dismissed from their jobs. In 1980,
as a result of the unanticipated consequences of Brown v. Board of
Education, African American teachers constituted an estimated 12.5 percent
of the national teaching force (Cole, 1986). Even though the number of
African American teachers was drastically reduced, and in some districts,
they were completely eliminated, the number of African American students
remained at 30 percent, which is a significant proportion of students in the
nation‘s educational population (Ceceleski, 1994).In conclusion, while
examination of the impact of unanticipated consequences of Brown (1954)
and other political and judicial decisions are important, acquiring African
American teachers to maintain racial balance and participation is considered
essential to the improvement of academic achievement of African American
students. The aforementioned literature failed to provide intrinsic and
extrinsic factors, which enabled some African American teachers to enter
and remain in public education when others did not after the Brown
decision. Therefore, this study investigates the varied perspectives of
African American teachers to provide some insight into their decisions to
enter into and remain in the field of public education.
School’s Role in Diminishing the Pool of Potential African American
Teachers
Pre-collegiate Education of Prospective African American Teachers
The shortage of African American teachers is a product of a variety of
factors and has been and continues to be considered by some a national crisis
(Cochran-Smith, 2006). Denise Alston, of the National Governors‘
Association, concluded that African Americans, who suffer a
disproportionate share of economic and educational disadvantage, will
continue to comprise an increasing proportion of the student population in
the twenty-first century (Alston, 1988). Alston stated: ―These students
must be prepared, not only for occupations requiring basic skills, but also for
a wide range of high-skill professions such as teaching‖ (p. 7). Coupled with
this, the researcher found that some states have noticed the racial inequalities
of the educational system and have taken measures to close the gap in
educational achievement among the races.
Researcher Darling-Hammond (2000) suggested that the overall
educational attainment of African American students increased steadily
between 1960 and 1990. However, this trend began to diminish with the
federally mandated requirement that students meet certain scoring criteria on
assessments. Furthermore, the hiring of less qualified teachers to address
these graduation requirements of African American and other students
further reduce their probability of success on these examinations.
Bates (1990) stated that African American students are often tracked
into lower level classes, which negatively influenced student performance on
standardized assessments. According to Ayers and Klonsky (1994), African
American students score more than 50 points lower than Whites on the
standardized tests. ―Out of 39,000 freshmen who entered high school, only
18,500 African American students graduated in
1984‖ (Ayers & Klonsky, 1994, p. 5). The reality according to Philispen
(1999) was that African American students are three times as likely to drop
out of school as White children and are twice as likely to be suspended from
school. Secondly, although African American students constitute about 17
percent of the public school population, they comprise 41 percent of the
special-education populations, which may be symptomatic of the harsh
social and economic realities many African American families confront.
Not only are African American students ill-prepared for standardized
testing and are tracked in lower level classes, but teachers hired to teach
African American students may be ill-prepared. Mastery of the primary
content domains often presents a problem for many teachers in high poverty
areas because they are frequently required to teach in content domains for
which they have not been trained (Mezzacappa, 2003; Scribner, 1999;
Chester and Beaudin, 1996; Hanushek, 1989). According to Howard (2003),
more than 12 percent of the teachers hired to work in urban schools have no
prior educational training. Other research demonstrated that among urban
teachers working in high poverty environments, African American teachers
are usually less qualified and some lacking certification (Bruno & Dorsher,
1981; Mezzacappa, 2003). As Anthony Amato, the superintendent of
schools in New Orleans stated, ―Forty percent of [my] teachers are not
certified to teach their subjects or not certified at all‖ (Mezzacappa, 2003, p.
3). Statistics indicated that more than 80 percent of our nation‘s urban
schools hire noncertified teachers. As a result, the students with the greatest
needs receive the least qualified instructors (Ascher & Fruchter, 2001;
Mezzacappa, 2003; Darling-Hammond, 2000).
A three-year study by Nancy Zimpher and Susan Rieger (1988)
concluded that when vicarious experiences are few or eliminated, novice
teachers may well experience problems concerning self-confidence and
positive self-perception due to their lack of interaction with other adults.
These problems become exacerbated in low performing schools that tend to
have the least qualified teachers (Zimpher and Rieger, 1986). As
Howard (2003) notes: ―Many students in urban schools endure a life
outside of school that would be unfamiliar to most of the teachers they
encounter, and many teachers are unable to successfully educate students
because they do not know how to successfully approach the demands that
urban schools present‖ (p.149). Instead of seeking professional guidance or
the benefits of mentoring, many teachers prefer to blame parents for many of
the problems experienced in the classroom (Gay, 2000; Spring, 1994; Fink
& Stoll, 2000; Delpit, 1995; Teddlie & Springfield, 1993). Equally
influential were the fears of some novice White female teachers of African
American males. The literature suggested that most novice teachers‘
negative images of African American males interfered with their perceptions
of their teaching abilities; in essence, the negative portrayals of African
American males in the media become the realities as many White teachers
develop racist ideas about African Americans (Hopkins, 1997; Lewis, 2003;
Gay, 1990). This irrational fear at times leads younger, more inexperienced
instructors to conclude that young African American males are simpler,
smaller versions of the adult African American males seen committing
crimes almost daily on television and in films (Fine & Weis, 1998; Lewis,
2003).
Unfortunately, policymakers in many states have been willing to fill
teaching vacancies by lowering standards so that personnel who have had
little or no preparation for teaching can be hired, especially if their clients
are African American and low-income students‖ (Darling-Hammond, 2000,
p. 270). This researcher also found that African American students, because
of these prejudicial sentiments and stereotypes, are often denied lack of
access to qualified teachers, inadequate curricular and insufficient
educational materials.
Darling-Hammond suggested that schools have implemented new
standards, which have been stymied by preexisting inequalities between
African American and White races (Darling-Hammond, 2000). Darling-
Hammond‘s study proposed that inequalities continue to be created by
sprinklings of charter schools and voucher programs created to provide
additional options for more affluent White students. On the other hand,
African American students continue to face persistent and profound barriers
which limit their educational success, such as being placed in low-ability,
non-college bound tracks where they receive less socially value knowledge
—usually taught disproportionately by the under qualified and unqualified
teachers in a system (DarlingHammond, 2000); being taught by teachers
who fear African American males which may also inhibit teachers from
teaching African American students effectively (Hopkins, 1997; Lewis,
2003; Gay, 1990).
In 2009, 95 percent of African American children relied on public
schools in America, yet a great number of these systems lacked the funding
required to deliver the level of educational quality considered acceptable by
educators, policy makers and parents and further, many school districts
found extensive renovations are required for their facilities which over time
have become inadequate or unusable (Edney, 2009). In the past 40 years,
some seven trillion taxpayer‘s dollars have been invested into public
education, and much of this funding has been spent on personnel and not
facilities. President Barack Obama suggested providing funding designed to
expedite the renovation and modernization of an estimated 10,000 schools,
which may well factor into retaining or creating jobs for African Americans
especially in high density urban school systems (Edney, 2009).
Additionally, the increasingly technical economy can no longer provide
adequate employment opportunities for unskilled workers seeking decent
wages and benefits (Darling-Hammond, 2000).
Consequently, the lack of education established a probable link to
crime and welfare dependency (Darling-Hammond, 2000). Darling-
Hammond (2000) also stated that the result is more African American
citizens are on probation, in jail, prison or on parole than in college. Yet,
political and educational leaders recognized an adequate education for all is
the most viable route out of poverty and into the middle class for young
people (Alston, 1988). However, in spite of this recognition, the political
will to address persistent educational inequities among the races appeared to
be lacking.
Collegiate Barriers and Opportunities
In spite of the various Supreme Court rulings between 1954 and the
1980s, African Americans did not occupy proportionate positions of
leadership in the community or in higher education (Bowen & Bok, 1998).
In fact, the authors stated that in 1965, only 4.8 percent of college students
were African American, and no college or university had established policies
designed to seek out and admit African American students (Bowen & Bok,
1998). Also, between 1975 and 1985, the number of African American
college students entering the teaching profession dropped by 66 percent
(Smith 1987 as cited in Hudson & Holmes, 1994).
Therefore, selective universities began to take an interest in the
education of African Americans (Bowen & Bok, 1998). This initiative was
started when universities felt as though they had an obligation to educate
African American students which would enrich the education of all students
by including African American students (Bowen & Bok, 1998). They also
discovered that university officials sought to enrich the education of all
students by creating a more diverse student body of varying talents,
backgrounds and perspectives (Bowen & Bok, 1998).
Additionally, Irvine (1988) concluded that nowhere are the figures
more dismal regarding training of African Americans as teachers than at
colleges of education at historically Africa American institutions where the
majority of African American college students matriculate. Affirmative
action is a concept first established by President Kennedy in 1961 and
revisited on several occasions by other political leaders and has been praised
by many political and social leaders as a constructive policy designed to
reduce racial inequalities in collegiate school admissions, scholarships,
financial aid, compensation, and career advancement of American
Americans (Muhammad, 2002). In 1963, a Florida university graduated
more than 300 African American education majors, but in 1985, the number
was fewer than 100. Between 1980 and 1984, the number of African
American teachers in the United States declined by 6.4 percent or 5000
teachers, which equates a decline in African American graduates becoming
teachers in the classroom (Irvine, 1988). Irvin (1988) concluded that despite
the efforts of President Kennedy, college admissions official and others,
there continued to be a shortage of college graduates who may have become
tenured African American teachers in the United States.
Smith (1988) stated that the failure of institutions of higher education
to graduate more African Americans are not to be found by examining
African American students, but to dismiss the fallacies about African
Americans in general. The following are the fallacies presented by Smith:
Fallacy #1: African Americans do not want a college education.
Fallacy #2: African American youth are discouraged from working at
an early age.
Fallacy #3: No one knows what works and does not work to increase
the flow of african American teachers. Smith (1988) also concluded
that expanding the pool of African Americans at the undergraduate
level, changing the perception of young African Americans toward
teacher education and teaching as a career, getting help for a
university, and finally the coordination of effort and reward of any
successes one might have over time are possible solutions to
eliminating the fallacies about African Americans at the collegiate
level and maintaining the pipeline of African American teachers.
Use of Assessments
Factors Leading to the Decline of African American Educators
Researcher Beverly Cole (1986) stated that Whites contested the right
to vote by African Americans in public elections in a variety of ways.
African Americans seeking to vote were often required to pass a literacy test
to demonstrate an understanding of the political system. The argument
supporting the use of literacy tests was based on the contention that one who
could not read was one that could not deal with the issues and positions that
were presented by the political candidates. Cole (1986) also stated that
while the literacy test and poll tax have been declared illegal, for some
African Americans, the strategies have simply become more sophisticated
and complex in the continued efforts by some to deny African Americans
the opportunity to exercise their civil rights with the improper use of
assessments.
Shipp (1999) offered reasons for the decline in the numbers of African
Americans entering the teaching profession. The researcher contended that
the decline is linked to the expanded career opportunities now available in
other areas considered more profitable and influential than teaching, such as
lawyers, engineers, scientists, and so forth. An additional perspective was
also presented by the researcher who contended that the decline is due to
more stringent testing and admission standards in schools of education and
more demanding certification and licensing measures to become certified
teachers. Shipp (1999) also noted that no fewer than 46 states require some
form of competency testing of teachers.
The Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) scores theoretically provide
college admissions officers with a method to compare all students from
across the country to one standard of measure in order to determine
admission into their institution (The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education,
2003). On this standardized test, African American students on average do
not perform well and scores are on average about 200 points below White
students. Additionally, The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education has
documented many reasons that contribute to the large scoring gap between
African Americans and Whites on the SAT. These include, African
American students are educated by White teachers who have low opinions of
the abilities of African American students; African American students who
study hard are often the subject of peer ridicule; African American students
are aware of the fact that society expects them to perform poorly on
standardized tests which makes it more difficult for African American
students to perform well on these tests; African American students may be
taught curriculum which pays little attention to the subject matters that are
covered on the SAT, and the majority of African American students cannot
afford to attend SAT preparation classes like many of their White peers (The
Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, 2003). Therefore,
African American applicants begin the collegiate application process at a
disadvantage, thus contributing even more to the decrease of potential
African American teachers (The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education,
2003).
Most states have also established some form of standardized or
custom-made tests for entry into the teaching profession. ―The tragic
consequences of this rapidly spreading practice are that a disproportionate
number of African Americans are failing the tests, and thus are being
excluded from the teaching profession‖ (Cole, 1986, p. 327). Cole (1986)
contended that large numbers of African American teachers were eliminated
even if they were capable of teaching effectively, but failed the competency
test due to a great degree of anxiety, lack of opportunities to develop good
test-taking skills, or educational inequities. Additionally, numerous African
American students attended historically African American colleges, which
trained most African American teachers. As well, more than 50 percent of
the nation's African American public school teachers earned degrees at
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) (Bowen & Bok,
1998). However, many HBCUs have been placed on probation due to the
fact that many of their students are unsuccessful on standardized exams
required for entry into the field of education (Bowen & Bok, 1998). State
and federal policies which tended to limit the access of certified African
American teachers to the teaching profession attracted the interest of the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)
(Bowen & Bok, 1998). In fact, in 1984, the NAACP opposed the use of
testing as the single criterion for certifying or licensing in the teaching
profession (Cole, 1986). Bowen and Bok (1998) concluded that these
standardized tests are meant to screen out incompetent students (SAT) and
teachers (Certification Test), but studies have not found any consistent
relationship between scores on these tests, including the GRE, and the
measure of performance in higher education programs or their teaching
effectiveness in a classrooms. Despite research proving that these tests do
not adequately measure the performances of African Americans, universities
and school districts continue to use them as a means to limit access for
advancement (Bowen & Bok, 1998).
The Educational Tenure of African American Teachers
Recruitment
―The convergence of demographic changes, the current course of
education reform, and teacher supply and demand begs for an aggressive
effort to recruit, prepare, and certify African American teachers‖ (Alston,
1988, p.7). Therefore, recruitment efforts have to take place at many
different intervals in the educational process to recruit and retain African
Americans in the educational field. Moreover, specific recruitment
recommendations from Gederman (2001) included:
•Establishing articulation agreements with four-year institutions to
ensure a smooth transition for students.
•Creating formal partnerships with four-year institutions.
•Developing traditional teaching education programs as well as
alternate-route certification programs.
•Involving students in local schools and actively recruiting in the
service area.
Gifford (1986) found that the lower performance of African
Americans on licensure tests tended to screen them out of the pool of
potential teachers and resulted in an increasingly White teacher population.
By limiting the diversity of the pool of candidates for teaching, the overall
teacher supply by screening out African American teacher candidates was
limited. In addition, there was no evidence that higher test scores produced
better teachers, particularly for students of diverse racial, linguistic, and
cultural backgrounds (Gifford, 1986).
Gitomer, Latham, and Ziomek (1999) argued that if high standards in
the form of licensure assessments were the wave of the future, it was
important to prepare the potential teacher pool more rigorously, beginning in
grades K-12. Gifford (1986) contended that the lack of African American
teachers lead to the need for high schools to provide a quality high school
education for the pool of prospective African American teachers. Their
suggestions for strategies included targeting African American students as
early as middle school, establishing rigorous but flexible alternative route
programs to increase the recruitment rate of African American teachers.
Haselkorn (2000) has recommended that secondary students be offered
teaching-related clubs, general career awareness activities, and visits to
college campuses with teacher preparation programs. Given that the largest
potential supply of African American teachers is arguably found in the
public schools, identification and systematic study of high school
encouragement programs is clearly needed (Haselkorn, 2000).
Case, Shive, Ingegretson, and Spiegel‘s (1988) suggested that colleges
and universities examine their present policies in regard to recruitment and
retention of prospective African American teachers and create new strategies
to meet the current African American teacher shortage. Recommendations
for more effective practice included identifying potential teacher candidates
much earlier, using more personal recruitment methods, providing intensive
university and post-graduate training, providing support services while in
school, employing exit criteria that did not require heavy reliance on
standardized testing, and increasing the diversity of college faculty.
Ingersoll (1996) made similar recommendations for supporting African
American students in college programs; suggesting that teacher preparation
programs:
•conduct individual, diagnostic student assessment to assist faculty
in choosing appropriate courses as well as in determining the
amount and types of support services needed;
•offer tutoring services to help students understand course content
as well as to help them with homework;
•provide academic advising that is concentrated and personalized;
•provide study and test-taking skills through a course or through
several sessions, with follow-up; and
•monitor students‘ academic progress on a continual basis to ensure
a positive experience.
Due to the low ratio of African American teachers in contrast to the
increasing quantity of African American students, efforts to train, recruit and
retain sufficient quantities of African American teachers has become
especially critical to confront the changing demographics of our nation‘s
schools (Natriello & Zumwalt, 1992). Natriello and Zumwalt‘s (1992)
found that many state policymakers have begun to seek members of diverse
populations who are interested in becoming teachers as part of their
anticipated career change. These policymakers promote and encourage
prospective teachers to seek alternative licensing programs in part because
these alternative approaches require little time or out of pocket expenses,
both factors which made alternative education and certification programs
appealing to those seeking to enter the educational profession as a second
career choice.
Consequently, the absence of effective recruitment programs is a
contributing factor to the current shortage of African American teachers. In
Kennedy‘s (2006) article, she contended that improving hiring practices and
attending to equitable teacher qualifications are crucial to increasing the
number of African American teachers. In the past, hiring committees of
schools districts relied on interviews to assess the personal qualities of their
candidates and rendered their final teacher selections from the interview
session. Increasingly, to hire effective teachers, school districts are utilizing
external interview committees in the belief that these committees will be
more objective in candidate assessment than the interviews internal
committees conduct spontaneously on their own (Kennedy, 2006).
Further, Kennedy (2006) stated that school districts should not select
new teachers solely on the basis of their résumés and interview sessions,
neither of which guarantees high-quality teaching. Moreover, the researcher
states that one problem with external interview committees is that often
these committees do not reliably differentiate between effective and
ineffective teachers. Further, the use of external search committees is
expensive, especially compared to their predictive power.
Concluding, Kennedy (2006) contended that perhaps a more effective
and less expensive strategy is to select teaching candidates is by viewing
candidates on videotape. Videotaping is no longer an expensive technology,
and teachers who have just completed their teacher education programs may
well have videotapes of themselves in the classroom. By requesting
candidates to provide videotapes, personnel officials can see their classroom
management skills and professionalism while teaching actual content in a
real-time environment. This practice would allow school districts to
improve their hiring procedures by reducing the time spent on interviews
and spend more time on professional aptitude which may well lead to
improved teacher quality which has the potential to improve student
achievement (Kennedy, 2006).
Alston (2000) concurred with Kennedy on the need for effective
recruitment programs at the district level. In her study, Alston used data
collected by the National Governors‘ Association to examine the supply of
African American teachers compared to the growing African American
student population. Alston examined the programs which states are
implementing to increase the number of African American teachers. For
example, Illinois State Board of Education and the State Teacher
Certification Board presented a thorough analysis of gender and minority
distribution enrolled in colleges of education. Additionally, Florida‘s
Education Standards Commission produced similar data on meeting the
challenge of providing minority teachers to their public schools which
included a statewide study on the causes of minority teacher attrition and the
systematic follow-up of college of education graduates. Her findings
suggested that none of the fifteen states had a representation of African
American teachers that matched the quantity of African American students
and should follow through with the data collected to recruit, prepare, and
certify minority teachers to populate public schools (Alston,
2000).
Alston (2000) further stated the most important step in increasing the
number of African American teachers is to compile and collect statewide
data on African American teacher candidates for use by a newly formed
recruitment task force. The researcher confirmed that five southern states
(Arkansas, Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia) have created
recruitment task forces, which may result in an enhanced effort to recruit and
retain African American teachers. For example, the data collected by the
Tennessee Task Force resulted in the implementation of programs and
several initiatives to improve the supply of minority teachers in Tennessee‘s
public schools. Programs currently in operation include: Project PASS
which is a mentoring program aimed at helping junior and senior high
school minority students explore the teaching profession and the Minority
Teacher Fellowship Program which provides up forgivable loans.
Furthermore, the North Carolina Teaching Fellows Program has recruited
young men and people of color from high school to teach. The students
agree to teach in exchange for college scholarships. Shaw (1996) stated that
such programs are necessary, given that the existing demographics of the
African American teaching force are out of tune with the developing
demographics of the nation‘s classrooms.
Induction Programs
Few African American students are meeting graduation requirements
from high school or college for reasons such as, lack of access to qualified
teachers, improper use of assessments and insufficient educational materials
(Cole, 1986; Bowen & Bok, 1998). However, if and when college graduates
become teachers, there are many elements required for classroom success.
Teacher resiliency is defined by Bobek (2002) as the ability to adjust
to varied situations and increase one‘s competence in the face of adverse
conditions. An effective induction program addresses resiliency. Moreover,
resiliency is not an instant characteristic of teachers, but it is a learning
process that occurs over time in the context of teacher-student-school
interactions (Bobek, 2002). Novice teachers must develop such resources
that will sustain them, increase their resilience, and improve their
professionalism as they enter the initial career stages as professional
educators.
Bobek (2002) also contended that fostering productive relations with
fellow teachers who understand the tribulations of educating students allows
new teachers the ability to enhance their resiliency. To retain these quality
teachers, many school districts require or strongly encourage mentoring
programs, through which teachers provide support for new teachers during
the first few years of their career. This is due to the belief that novice
teachers are twice as likely to leave teaching after three years if they have
not participated in some type of induction program.
To assist teachers in establishing resiliency, Bobek (2002) stated that
novice teachers must be exposed to some of the key elements in mentoring
programs which include the belief that teacher‘s must experience a sense of
ownership in their careers as they solve problems, make decisions, set goals,
and help students. Also, newly hired teacher should experience success and
being recognized for that success. Finally, humor is vital to strengthening a
teacher‘s resilience because novice teachers tend to be overly self critical.
Implementation of induction programs creates a climate of trust and
an open exchange of ideas about potential instructional possibilities and
generally accepted good practices to allow the new teacher to thrive in the
educational environment (Bobek, 2002). Finally, Cochran-Smith (2006)
reported that while recruitment programs was both the ―wrong diagnosis‖
and a ―phony cure‖ for the teacher shortage, induction programs are vital to
the increased retention and reduced attrition of novice teachers.
Haskins and Loeb (2007) asserted that school districts should form
induction programs that include professional development opportunities
because these opportunities can assist new teachers in gaining skills and
knowledge are the foundational to improved effectiveness. Professional
development should expose new teachers learn new and innovative
instructional strategies and curriculum used in the school system.
Kennedy (2006) also stated that induction programs are essential to
professional growth and should include programs that will foster this
growth. During professional development, teachers expending numerous
hours developing lesson plans in isolation might be better served by forming
grade-level groups of teachers to compare materials, share notes on the
benefit of these materials, discuss ways to improve these materials, and learn
from the experiences of others. Implementing effective induction programs
allow teachers to form study groups, which can address some of the
problems that undermine their work, thereby enhancing teacher quality
which may well lead to improved student achievement.
Retention
Teacher retention is a major problem of many school systems which
may be addressed by an effective induction programs. Webster‘s dictionary
defines retention as the act of retaining something or the condition of being
retained‖ (Webster‘s Dictionary, 2007). Moreover, Good, Halpin, and
Halpin (2000) conducted a study of nineteen participants in which they
examined the academic and interpersonal growth of novice employees in an
effort to determine the effectiveness of a program designed to retain
employees. The researchers implemented a program of one-to-one teaching
in which experienced mentors guide neophytes during their early years as
employees. This program is sought to improve the retention of African
American employees in a professional environment that is predominately
comprised of White employees.
Furthermore, Good‘s, Halpin‘s, and Halpin‘s (2000) study indicated
that both members, mentor and neophyte, were positively impacted from this
induction program. While this study was conducted at an engineering firm,
the program implemented is similar to the type of program typical in the
field of education. Further, Brown (2003) asserted that it is of great
importance that building leaders ensure new teachers receive ongoing
support from all faculty and staff. Additionally, the researcher contended
that schools, which provide help in the form of an induction program, tend to
get positive results in their efforts to retain African Americans (Brown,
2003).
African American Teachers in Georgia
In the years following the Brown decision of 1954, state and local
school boards across the nation began allocating funds to construct new
African American schools, remodel older ones, and hire more African
American teachers. The Brown decision, which declared segregated African
American schools inherently unequal, in reality assisted in the perpetuation
of segregation. White community and school board leaders created these
belated construction projects based upon the conviction that if allowed,
African Americans would prefer to be among their own rather than be
integrated with Whites. As a consequence, public school systems in
southern towns and cities soon began to construct state-of-the-art buildings
for African American students out of the mistaken belief these efforts would
pacify the majority of African Americans (Haney, 1978).
Southern states and local governments engaged in massive resistance
to segregation and in some instances, a decade or more was required for
some state governments to act on the Brown decision (Haney, 1978). Often
teachers who attempted to organize into a viable negotiating force and others
joining organizations deemed as radical or racist by local Whites such as the
NAACP were frequently the victims of harassment (Haney, 1978).
O'Brien (1999) found that from the turn of the century to 1961, there
was a substantial expansion of educational opportunities in the State of
Georgia. The author found that African American reformers demanding
improved educational opportunities and facilities for African Americans
eventually forced White Georgians to heed the needs of the African
American citizens of the state and provide the necessary political and
economic support necessary to establish parity of opportunity between
African Americans and Whites. Race relations became an issue of
significance within the issue of education in the various public debates that
dominated Georgia politics between the 1940s and early 1961. It was during
these debates and other public forums that African American activists,
especially those in the larger metropolitan areas, realized important strides in
their efforts toward an equitable educational system in the state.
Currently, there is a significant disparity between the proportion of
students of color and the proportion of teachers of color (Dandy, 2000). In
1996, only 20 percent of Georgia's teachers were African-American, yet the
proportion of students of color in many urban and rural schools exceeded 60
percent. This situation becomes even less acceptable if one examines the
need for additional African American teachers in the
Georgia‘s rural counties. Located on the southeast coast of Georgia,
Effingham, Glynn, and McIntosh counties have experienced unprecedented
growth. Collectively, their African American population averaged 37
percent, but their teachers of color ranged from 5 – 10 percent of the
teaching force.
In a comprehensive examination of the condition of African American
teacher recruitment, preparation and retention, Torres, Santos, Peck, and
Cortes (2004) found that African American teachers are underrepresented in
the workforce today for the following reasons: inadequate academic
preparation; attraction to other careers; unsupportive working conditions;
lack of cultural and social support groups; increased standards and
competency testing; low salaries; and high attrition rates.
Lambert‘s (2006) study found that teachers prefer a school with
higher achievement levels, above and beyond its racial composition.
Lambert also found that African American teachers are less sensitive to
student racial composition than are White teachers. In fact, conditional on
student achievement and poverty levels, AfricanAmerican teachers were
more likely to remain in their districts as the share of African American
children in their schools rose, whereas White teachers were significantly
more likely to leave. A study of teachers in Georgia reached similar
conclusions. Dee (2004) found that elementary teachers left low-performing,
high-minority schools, but African American teachers responded less to the
racial composition of the school than did White teacher.
Teacher retention has been and continues to present a substantial
problem in Georgia. By 2009, Georgia will have to replace 51,498 teachers,
an equivalent of more than 50 percent of the current workforce. According
to the Alliance for Excellent Education (2005), the cost of teachers in
Georgia leaving the profession is estimated at more than $81 million per
year. Throughout Georgia, the problem affects both urban or inner-city
schools and rural schools classified as high need institutions.
Educational institutions of Carter County, GA
In 1873, Cartersville Academy was the first recorded school in Carter
County, which was located in an unfinished Methodist church (County
Information, 2007). The second school was housed in a local hotel and was
taught by Miss Belle Norwood in 1876. Students who were graduates of
Ms. Norwood‘s class established Milikin School for Girls in Carter County.
Boys in the county went to the Masonic Building to attend school.
Schools in Carter County were formed to service White and usually
privileged students. However, the city of NI begun to realize the need for a
public city school to service all students of the town. In the 1890s, the
White school, NI High School, was housed in a large brown frame building
and serviced grades fourth through tenth (County Information, 2007). It is
documented that schools were segregated and integration did not occur until
1967 (The Jesupsonian Yearbook, 1967). If African American elderly
residents are asked about their educational background during the transition
from a dual school system, they cite Carter County Training School, which
existed in the county for attendance by African American students.
However, there was not a reference in any online document or the Carter
County Public Library concerning schools for African American students.
In 2009, there were four elementary grade centers, where students
were zoned by age and not by address, two middle schools, and one high
school located in the county seat. There were two additional elementary
schools in each of the other two towns on the outskirts of the county.
The mission of Carter County High School was ―All students at CHS
will earn a meaningful high school diploma.‖ In the year 2008, of the 106
African American students in the county‘s high school, only 60% graduated
from high school (DOE, 2008).This is lower than a school district only a few
miles away from this county.
Furthermore, of the students who graduated from the high school,
most students requested transcripts to be mailed to colleges near the school
system, i.e. Georgia
Southern University, Valdosta State University, Savannah State University,
Albany State
University, and Armstrong Atlantic State University (County High School
Guidance Department, 2008). The school system collaborates with
Altamaha Technical College, which is located in NI and provides students
with additional learning opportunities.
Summary
In conclusion, it is the contention of many researchers that the
presence of African American teachers in the classroom is critical to the
success of the education of all students. The review of literature provided
some information about obstacles and opportunities for African American
teachers in nationwide public schools. The literature included historical
events that impacted African American teachers, pre-collegiate education of
prospective African American teachers, collegiate barriers and opportunities
for African American teachers, the use of assessments and the educational
tenure of African American teachers which encompassed other factors like,
recruitment, retention and induction programs.
If the reasons for the decrease in the number of African American
teachers were evident, it seems like the issue could be resolved. However,
the shortage of African American teachers still exists and continues to
deteriorate. Therefore, this study directly focused on the African American
teacher shortage of the southeastern Georgia County, which is drastically
lower than the average of school systems in the United States and Georgia.
Such an inquiry provided a context for further exploring the experiences of
African American teachers and perhaps all teachers; for a continuation of
efforts to cultivate and improve strategies to recruit and retain African
American teachers; and for improving the education of all youth and
prospective teachers.
METHODOLOGY
Children need the experience of being in the presence of an African
American person who serves as the medium between themselves and a
valuable body of knowledge
(Bobb, 2007). This African American person guides the child‘s mind from a
point of ignorance to understanding. This experience evokes an
extraordinary amount of humility, respect and admiration for that African
American person (Bobb, 2007). For that very reason, African American
teachers are significant figures who are required to educate children in this
diverse society. In this chapter, the researcher presented methods for
studying three African American teachers, including strategies and
techniques used in gathering and analyzing data appropriate for the study.
The researcher of the study stated the research questions, described the
research design, profiled the selection of sites used in the study, discussed
the participants, explained the role of the researcher, presented descriptions
of the data sources, and detailed the data collection and data analysis
processes.
Research Questions
The purpose of the study was to investigate the lived experiences of
three African American teachers to understand their career longevity in the
educational profession. All three entered the teaching profession after the
landmark decision of Brown v. Board of Education and served for at least 30
years in the teaching field. Their longevity was studied with the intention of
understanding how educators can use the African American teachers‘
experiences to identify lessons learned and specifically to apply the lessons
to recruitment and retention of African American teachers.
The researcher examined the following overarching question: Since
Brown v. Board of Education, how do African American teachers explain
their longevity in the teaching profession? This essential question was made
operational through the following sub-questions:
1. How do African American teachers account for their longevity in
the teaching profession?
2. Since Brown v. Board of Education, what challenges have African
American teachers encountered?
3. How did African American teachers surmount the challenges
encountered in the teaching profession?
Research Design
To conduct this study, the researcher utilized a qualitative approach
with collective case study as the qualitative strategy of inquiry. Glesne
(2006) asserted that qualitative researchers seek to understand and interpret
how various participants in a social setting construct the world around them.
Gay and Airasian (2003) provided a similar description of qualitative
research where qualitative researchers strive to capture the human meanings
of social life as it is lived, experienced, and understood by the research
participants. Additionally, Shekedi (2005) stated that the product of
collective case study is a thick holistic narrative which enables the
achievement of a level of understanding and interpretation of a whole culture
or group. In essence, the descriptions of the research paradigm of Shekedi
(2005), Gay and Airasian (2003), and Creswell (2007) permitted the
researcher to employ the multiple case study methodology as it best suited
the study. Creswell (2007) described case study as a qualitative approach in
which the investigator explores a bounded system (a case) or multiple
bounded systems (cases) over time, through detailed in-depth data collection
involving multiple sources of information, and reports a case description and
case-based themes‖ (p. 73). The one issue of this study was understanding
career longevity of African American teachers, and the researcher selected
several cases to illuminate the issue with the desire to gain multiple
perspectives. Creswell (2007) advised that selecting representative cases
allows for generalization across cases, which suited the researcher‘s purpose
of the study. The researcher of the study had access to definable cases (three
African American teachers who had long careers as teachers within a similar
context), which were illustrative of the central issue of the study.
Collective case study design involved multiple sources of data,
including a series of interviews to capture the lived experiences of the three
participants, discussions with nine key informants, and a review of
documents, including yearbooks and newspapers. Eliciting ideas and
feelings of participants and observers of events and activities central to the
research problem (African American teachers‘longevity in the profession
following integration of schools) required tracking data over time to analyze
and explain the logic of the participants‘ socially constructed reality.
Collecting multiple realities ensured the researcher better interpretation and
understanding of reasons for African American teacher longevity.
Collective case study was a design especially suited to the
researcher‘s need to capture and explore experiences and their significance.
For the project, the cases were not a historical documentation of teachers‘
careers, but rather cases used in the sense of capturing in-depth experiences,
conditions, and challenges that compelled the teachers to remain in the
profession. By providing an opportunity for the three major participants of
the study to share experiences, the researcher was in a unique situation to
gather data from three retired teachers who had served in the teaching
profession in a unique time in the history of American schooling, from a
time when schools were segregated by race post Brown v. Board of
Education, through the integration of schools to a time when one system for
all students was established. In the first decade of the 21st century, it is
critical to understand experiences of career African American teachers to
provide insight into how teachers endured challenges and remained in a
profession that continues to need African Americans in the workforce.
Selection of Site
According to the Georgia Department of Education 2008 – 2009 State
Report Card, 23% of the teacher population (or 27,616 out of the 120,660
public school teachers) for the state was African American while the African
American student population was 38% (or 613,725 out of 1,615,066 public
school students) (DOE, 2009). The school district selected for this study
(pseudonym Carter SD) is geographically located in southeastern Georgia.
In 2010, this rural system had nine schools within one county and across
three towns. In one town, there were four schools, specifically one pre-
kindergarten center and three elementary grade centers that had students
zoned by age and not by address. The other two towns contained one
kindergarten through fifth grade elementary school each. However, the
students were bused to the county seat to attend one of the two middles and
the high school. In Carter SD, the African American student population was
23% (or 1,175 out of 5,110 students) (GDOE School Report Card, 2009).
Additionally, the African American teacher population was 6% (or 22 out of
372 teachers in the school system) of the teacher population which is
significantly lower than the 23% African American teacher population in the
state of Georgia. However, prior to integration in 1970, there were 31
African American teachers in the school system while the African American
student population in the school system remained the same. Moreover, 13
teachers survived the transition; out of the 13 teachers who were employed
when the system was totally integrated in 1970, three of the African
American teachers remained in the profession over 30 years. These three
African American teachers became an interest of the researcher and were
ideally suited for the issue of the study, especially in light of the fact that
other African American teachers did not endure. Therefore, three African
American teachers became the focus of this study, given that the researcher
wanted to learn how administrators can use the African American teachers‘
lived experiences to address career recruitment and retention of African
American teachers for 21st century schools.
Major Participants
The major participants for this study consisted of three African
American teachers. Purposeful sampling is defined as the selection of
individuals and site for the study because they can purposefully inform an
understanding of the research problem and central phenomenon in the study
(Creswell, 2007). By using this sampling technique to identify the cases of
this study, the researcher selected the participants and site for this study.
The three African American teachers were selected because their narratives
yielded an insight into the career experiences of African American teachers
in one school district, and the researcher of this study knew of their
contributions through the researchers association with the same district.
African Americans have had a long history in the teaching profession, but
their career experiences during and post-integration of schools has rarely
been captured. Furthermore, the teachers were selected for the researcher to
learn of their plights as African American teachers after the Brown v. Board
of Education decision.
Participant #1: Robin Barnhart (pseudonym) at the time of the study
was 79 years old. She was a teacher and coach in the site selected for
this study for 33 years. Ms. Barnhart was the researcher‘s gym
teacher and the only African American teacher to educate the
researcher. In 2006, the school system named an elementary school
in honor of her.
Participant #2: Sarah Keith (pseudonym) was 57 years old. She
retired in 2005 after thirty-one years of educational service. After
retirement, Ms. Keith became an elected Board of Education member.
As a board member, Sarah Keith was an advocate for African
American students, educators, and community members.
Participant #3: Louise Grantham (pseudonym) was 66 years old at
the time of this study and an educator for 42 years. In 1967, Louise
Grantham was one of two African American teachers selected by the
superintendent of schools to integrate the high school attended by
only White students. At the time of the study, she was a substitute
teacher in the school system and a civil rights advocate.
Additionally, McMillan (2004) defined key informants as people who are
especially knowledgeable about a topic and who could provide information
that could not be found elsewhere. To understand the lived experiences of
the major participants fully, the researcher wanted to interview key
informants who were familiar with the teaching careers of the three African
American teachers. Each African American teacher provided the names of
the three informants to the researcher which equated to a total of nine
informants for this study. The key informants for this study consisted of
three school administrators who supervised the African American teachers,
three students who were in the classes of these teachers and three other
persons (including friends and former colleagues) who were knowledgeable
about the experiences of the African American teachers for this study. In
table 6, each of the informants in this study described their relationship to
the major participants.
Role Of Reseacher
In qualitative research, there are four roles that a researcher can play:
observer, observer as participant, participant as observer, and full
participant. As stated by Glesne (2006), the researcher who has little to no
interaction with those being researched is when the researcher is referred to
as observer.‖ On the contrary, the researcher could take the role of a full
participant,‖ where the researcher is a functioning member of the group
enduring the investigation. The last two roles that the researcher could play
is participant as observer‖ or observer as participant.‖ In this study, the
researcher chose to remain out of the limelight. The role of the researcher
was primarily as an observer given that the researcher is an African
American educator who lives and works in the school district where the
study was conducted.
Additionally, Creswell (2003) stated ‘backyard‘ research involves
studying the researcher‘s own organization, or friends, or immediate work
setting‖ (p. 184). The researcher of this study conducted backyard‖ research
given that the researcher is presently an African American educator in the
said county where the study was conducted. Moreover, the researcher has
always lived in the county, but commuted for thirteen years to a nearby
county to work as an educator. Glesne (2006) inserted that subjectivity, like
friendship, has long been considered something to keep out of one‘s
research, something to, at the least, control against through a variety of
methods to establish validity. The researcher was aware of subjectivity and
the effects of ―backyard‖ research; hence, the connection that the researcher
had with the subjects and site did not defect the outcome of the study. The
researcher was the connection between the literature and the participants in
making certain that the participant‘s voices were heard.
Data Sources
The nature of the study required several data sources. Primary data
sources were interviews with three African American teachers and key
informants. Other data sources for the study were documents, such as
newspapers and yearbooks. This section provided a detailed account of the
data sources and an explanation of the role of each source for collective case
study.
First of all, Creswell (2003) stated that interviews involve open-ended
questions which are few in number and intended to elicit views and opinions
from the participants. The researcher constructed relevant open-ended
interview questions directly associated with the overarching question and
sub-questions which established boundaries for this qualitative research
study. The interview questions were developed to establish rapport, ease
transition from one question to another, and to elicit explanations about the
lived experiences of the three African American teachers. Glesne (2006)
stated that researchers should think of interview questions as tentative and be
willing to modify, abandon, add or replace them to obtain clarity and depth
in a qualitative research project. Therefore, the researcher utilized follow-up
questions for clarifying initial interview data which provided depth in the
research and clarity for accurate findings. The researcher of this study
developed two sets of interview questions, one for the major participants and
the other for the nine key informants. During interviews, the researcher
found it necessary to use some follow-up questions, to solicit more specific
information. For example, the researcher wanted more specific information
about integration of schools and the major participant‘s experiences,
especially the first day in an integrated school, so the researcher asked for
more details about these experiences. The two interview protocols are
included for review in the appendices of this study.
The interviews of the African American teachers elicited oral
histories, which provided first-hand accounts of events and experiences and
primary data, and interviews with key informants yielded observations to
provide insight into the careers of the teachers that were unobservable to the
researcher. The interviews also offered the opportunity to capture opinions
and feelings, as well as factual knowledge of events surrounding the career
longevity of the three African American teachers.
After interviews with major participants, data were obtained from key
informants who were able to provide background and demographic
information through the interview process. These nine informants enhanced
the researcher‘s ability to understand the cultural context of the information
gleaned from document analysis. The researcher also asked the key
informants to reflect on critical incidents which they had observed in the
careers of the teachers or incidents mentioned during the African American
teacher‘s interviews. The reflections of the key informants proved not to
contribute substantially to the career experiences of the three African
American teachers. The researcher was unable to gain in-depth accounts and
narratives from their experiences with the three major participants of the
study, perhaps due to the time that had passed since their critical incidences
and relationships.
The researcher found it difficult to find yearbooks needed to review
for this study from the African American school, Carter County Training
School. The main administration office of the African American school was
destroyed in a fire in the 1960s; therefore, all essential human resources
information was destroyed (County Board of Education, 2009).
Consequently, the researcher asked random African American individuals if
they attended the Carter County Training School and if so, did they have
access to yearbooks from 1966 to 1970. From this random search, the
researcher was able to locate the yearbooks. Each book was entitled The
Jesupsonian with the year of publication.
However, the yearbooks from one White school in the district were
readily accessible. The researcher called the public library, and the
representative referred the researcher to the current high school for
obtainment of NI High School‘s 1966 – 1970 yearbooks. Fortunately, the
yearbooks were housed in the library of high school and were made
available to the researcher.
The final data source was newspapers which were used to obtain
information about events during the time period from 1966 to 1967 that
encompassed integration efforts by the Carter County school system. At the
time of the study, The NI PressSentinel was the local paper. The researcher
contacted the newspaper to attain copies of the paper during the research
period, but the representative directed the researcher to the public library.
The process was a laborious task for the researcher given that the
newspapers were only available on microfiche. The researcher reviewed
each newspaper in an effort to find key terms in the title of the articles, such
as, Brown v. Board of Education, integration, segregation, Negro students,
teachers, and school consolidation. Once the researcher discovered the
newspaper articles, the articles were printed and organized by date (See
Table 7). The use of newspapers provided a wealth of information to
illuminate the significance of the experiences of the African American
teachers.
Data Collection
The African American teachers were interviewed individually on
several different occasions with primary and follow-up questions to
understand the achievements and challenges of the teachers before and
during their tenure as school teachers. The key informants were also
interviewed individually to understand the African American teacher‘s lived
experiences and the reasons for their longevity. The time and place of the
interviews were decided based on the participants‘ schedules and
responsibilities. The researcher utilized electronic recordings for collecting
and transcription of essential data collected during the interviews. All
electronic recordings were stored in files that only the researcher can access
until they are deleted by the year 2011.
The first phase of the study consisted of two electronically recorded
interviews with each of the African American teachers. Two of the
interviews were conducted at the homes of the African American teachers,
while the third was conducted in the office of the researcher. The interviews
took approximately two (2) hours with the follow-up interviews. Each
teacher was asked a series of twenty-four (24) questions.The focus of the
first interview provided responses to the initial interview protocol while the
subsequent interviews provided access to additional avenues of discussion
and clarification about their lived experiences in search of how their
particular experiences reflect that of a people during a set period in time.
After transcription, the researcher placed a printed copy of the
transcribed interview document in each major participant‘s home mailbox,
followed-up with a phone call and proofing instructions. The major
participants were given a week to review their transcribed comments and
other sections of the project that were based on them. This gave the African
American teachers an opportunity to catch any errors in the material and to
express their opinion as to whether the manuscript accurately captured what
they were trying to convey. The participants returned the documents and
expressed confidence that their transcripts were accurate which improved the
quality of the manuscript.
The second phase of the study consisted of locating key informants
and conducting interviews with them. Since the study focused on the
integration mandates after Brown v. Board of Education (1954) which took
place in Carter County public schools from 1966 to 1970, the nine key
informants for this study were at least 45 years old given that this study was
conducted in 2010. The researcher had to ensure that the informants were
still alive and physically able to provide information about the experiences
of the African American teachers. For example, an informant who was a
colleague of one of the main participants was not physically able to
interview given that the informant had major health issues. This incident
constituted the researcher requesting another name of an informant from one
of the African American teachers.
The researcher used the Carter County phone book to obtain the
address and phone number of each of the informants. The researcher
contacted each informant by phone, supplied the informant with the
background of the study, the name of the African American teacher who
provided their name as a person knowledgeable about the educational
careers of the African American teacher, and asked if the informant were
willing to be informants in this study. All of the informants were willing to
participate in the study.
The interview consisted of one electronically recorded interview with
each of the nine key informants. Five of the interviews were conducted at
the homes of the informants, while the other four were conducted in the
office of the researcher. Before interviewing, the researcher reviewed the
IRB consent form with the informant and each informant signed the IRB
consent form. The IRB consent form was provided in the appendices. Each
key informant was asked twelve (12) questions about the experiences of the
teachers selected (see Appendix B). The researcher also used responses
from the African American teachers in the study to ask probing questions
that allowed the informant to reflect on critical incidents which they had
observed in the career of the teacher. The interviews took approximately
one (1) hour each to complete.
The third phase of the study consisted of the researcher triangulating
the different data sources. McMillan (2004) stated triangulation may
transpire during an interview where recollections of other participants
produce the same descriptions of an event or from documents containing
information about historical events. These ―documents‖ may be written or
printed, such as yearbooks, dropout rates, memos, letters, newspapers, and
books. For this study, yearbooks and newspapers were used to validate data
obtained from participant interviews, to assist in the understanding the
cultural context of the study, and to assist in the understanding of the
cultural context of the study.
Data Analysis
Creswell (2003) describes six steps for data analysis to help the
researcher make sense out of the recorded interviews and documents used in
the study. Step one is transcribing interviews and arranging all data for
review. Step two involves getting a general sense of the data by reading and
reviewing to gain an overall impression. Step three describes the coding
process. Glesne (2006) defined coding as ―a progressive process of
sorting and defining those scraps of collected data that are applicable to the
research purpose‖ (p. 152). Step four is using the coding process to develop
a general sense of the people, places, and events of the study. Step five is
identifying the narrative that evolves from the description and themes in the
coding process. Step six, the final stage, is to make meaning in terms of
lessons learned from the interpretation of the narrative. ―These lessons
could be the researcher‘s personal interpretation, couched in the individual
understanding that the inquirer brings to the study from her or his own
culture, history, and experiences (Creswell, 2003, pp. 194-195). In this
study, the researcher, as observer, interpreted the narrative through the lens
of historical culture generated through data collection.
In the first step for this study, the researcher organized the data and
transcribed the interviews. In the second step, the researcher read through
all of the transcripts and documents to gain a general sense of the culture and
lived experiences of the career African American teachers. This was an
iterative process, in which the researcher made notes in margins and began
to formulate initial thoughts about coding. In step three, the researcher took
individual responses from each participant and placed the responses under
each interview question. The researcher reviewed the consolidated interview
transcripts to identify key events and key reflections. The researcher used a
repetitive process, or progressive process as defined by Glesne (2006), to
review all transcripts. As suggested by Creswell (2003), the researcher
extracted key concepts, or a list of all topics, turning the descriptive phrases
into codes. The key topics and concepts were color-coded by respondent
(major participant or key informant) using a perspective coding scheme,
which allowed the researcher to identify categories. The researcher also
created a table to help in identifying categories that led to major themes.
In step four, the researcher consolidated the African American
teachers and the key informant perspectives and studied them by similarities
and differences to generate categories that were developed into themes from
the categories. If the responses were the same, the responses remained
under the same code. However, if they differed a new code was given. To
illustrate the steps one through four and the coding process, the investigator
of this study offered the following example.
For example, in one interview question, Describe your first day in an
integrated school,‖ the three major participants‘ responses were transcribed
and then read repeatedly by the researcher (steps one and two). In step three,
the interview responses were colorcoded by respondent by general
perspectives of first day events, people, and experiences.The major topics, or
perspective codes that emerged, were met key officials, nothing I remember
about first day,‖ and nothing out of ordinary‖ on first day. The researcher
visualized the experiences to begin to identify similar and dissimilar events,
people, and experiences. Two described the same type of first day, meeting
various key stakeholders and preparing for the new classroom in the
integrated school, while one simply could not recall her first day. There were
no differences, with mostly similarities, resulting in the category of typical
first day of teaching‖ as a theme for lived experiences of African American
teachers during integration. The researcher then identified a narrative in
response to the question: When African American teachers were blended
into their new role as teacher in the integrated school, the first day of
appointment was rather typical, meeting key stakeholders and preparing to
teach.
In step five, the researcher used the narrative descriptions to identify
findings to the research questions. The major objective here was to respond
to the research questions by themes to explain reasons and to detail the lived
experiences to account for African American teachers‘ longevity in the
profession. Lastly, in step six, the researcher interpreted the findings to
determine lessons learned from the lived experiences of the three African
American teachers.
Summary
In summary, the researcher used a qualitative approach and collective
case study design in an attempt to further understand three African American
teachers‘ longevity in the profession. By designing an interview protocol to
provoke a recollection of African American teachers‘ challenges and
inspirations, the researcher collected data to address the overarching and
sub- questions of this research project. The researcher also gathered
information from documents referencing integration of public schools and
the African American teacher‘s tenure in the teaching profession to
triangulate the interviews and check the validity of the information gathered.
The researcher then analyzed the data to develop themes that were used to
construct a narrative, following six steps of data analysis. These six steps
involved transcribing interviews, arranging all data for review and coding,
and using the coding process to develop a general sense of the people,
places, and events of the study in order to develop a narrative. Finally, the
last step in data analysis is making meaning in terms of lessons learned from
the interpretation of the narrative.
FINDINGS OF THE STUDY
In this chapter, the researcher presented the results of the investigation
of the lived experiences of three African American teachers in a southeastern
Georgia county. This chapter is divided into three sections. The first section
reviewed the data analysis process, including the researcher‘s reflection of
the teaching career of the three major participants of the study. The data
analysis process, steps one through four, was described and illustrated by
example in an accompanying table. In the second section of Chapter IV,
findings are presented from data analysis steps four and five (from theme to
narrative), in which the researcher related the major themes through a
narrative of the lived experiences of the major participants in four
chronological narratives. The narratives cover four distinct periods of the
African American teachers‘ lives: 1) Demographics and Early Lives; 2) K-
12 and Higher Education Experiences; 3) Professional Experiences; 4)
Reflections of their Teaching Careers. These four substantive narratives
account for the lived experiences of the three African American teachers
during a difficult time in the history of American education. Lastly, data
analysis step six is reported by identification of lessons learned.
Finally, in section three of Chapter 4, the researcher provided
responses to the research questions of the study. The overarching question to
be addressed was to determine how African American teachers explain their
longevity in the teaching profession after the 1954 Brown v. the Board of
Education of Topeka, Kansas Supreme Court decision. This overarching
question was made operational through the following sub-questions:
1. How do African American teachers account for their longevity in
the teaching profession?
2. Since Brown v. Board of Education, what challenges have African
American teachers encountered?
3. How did the African American teachers surmount the challenges
encountered in the teaching profession?
Overview of Data Analysis
Coding and identifying themes from data sources to compile a
narrative was the researcher‘s objective in this collective case study. The
major data were interviews with three African teachers, Robin Barnhart,
Sarah Keith, and Louise Grantham. They were retired teachers who had
begun their teaching careers prior to integration of schools in the South.
Collectively, they achieved 106 years of experience, which spanned from the
1950‘s through 2005. These three reflected on their long careers in teaching
from a unique vantage, having the historical perspective of integration
through the lens of an educator. Reading the transcripts of African American
teachers‘ stories, the researcher weaved a chronological narrative illustrating
the lived experiences, especially as the experiences revealed the reasons for
their longevity.
Following the interviews with the major participants, the researcher
also read transcripts of discussions with key informants. These nine were
three school administrators who supervised the teachers of the study, three
students who had been in their classes, and three other key individuals who
were knowledgeable of their experiences as African American teachers.
Their observations and recollections were used to support the narratives
described in a later section of this chapter. Overall, the nine key informants
held the African American teachers in very high regard. The respect for
them seemed to originate from the description of one who stated, They‘re
just goodhearted people.‖ (Administrator)
From yearbooks and newspaper articles, the researcher gleaned a view
of past events, including schools prior to and following integration. Photos
from the yearbooks displayed a time past with very few African American
teachers and students appearing in yearbooks from the White schools of the
mid- to latter 1960‘s. Yearbooks from the historically African American
schools were basically lost, some due to a fire in the late
1960‘s and perhaps due to their not being in the local library collection. The
PressSentinel newspaper provided a timeframe for the integration of schools
and the historical movement of students and teachers into the White schools.
The researcher was able to sense the pacing of integration in the small
school district in rural Georgia.
The researcher used six steps provided by Creswell (2003) for data
analysis which involved transcribing interviews, arranging all data for
review and coding, and using the coding process to develop a general sense
of the people, places, and events of the study in order to develop a narrative.
The last step was making meaning in terms of lessons learned from the
interpretation of the narrative. The researcher constructed a table as an
additional example, which clarified the process used to aggregate the data
from multiple data sources.
The table consists of five sections. The perspective codes were
generated from transcribed interviews, interview responses from which
codes were derived, and the major theme that surfaced from the codes (steps
3 and 4). The continuation of the table (steps 5 and 6) illustrates the
narrative that is a consolidated response to the interview question and
finally, the lesson learned which is from the interpretation of the narrative.
Voices Never Heard
“Our stories, our personal stories, our family stories, are our real gold. If
we’re lucky, as we age, we put our stories in the bank, where they gather
interest, in deepening meaning”
Early Life of Career Teachers
By coding key events and experiences from documents and
interviews, the researcher was able to identify significant narratives from the
early lives of the three, long-time educators to reconstruct a story of their
career longevity. The researcher identified similar responses to interview
questions to generate major themes that were the essence of their early
experiences. As a result of the iterative coding process, the major theme of
separate, but equal‖ emerged from the data analysis process. From the
African American teachers‘ growing up in segregated communities, the
researcher observed that they lived a life that embodied the Plessy doctrine
of separate, but equal‖ and constructed the following narrative:
Carter County is a small southeastern county. According to the 2000 U. S.
census, Carter County is the home of approximately 26,000 people (76.7
percent white, 20.3 percent African American, and 3.8 percent Hispanic).
Three of these people, two of whom were born and reared in this county,
were the focus of this study. I am a true Screvenite.I am a native of Carter
County.While the third participant moved to Carter County at an early age. I
was not born here, but from the age of about 4 months, I was raised here.The
family structure for the participants was mostly traditional two-parent
households. The parents of the participants were of limited education, yet
they managed a living in Carter County to adequately support their families
(participants). As the participants recall:
My mama, Rachel, taught school. She had an 8th grade education.
My dad, Clarence, was a farmer. We never knew how high he went
in school. Mom taught elementary school in Screven, and dad
worked the farm in Screven. (RLB, June 8, 2009) My dad finished an
8th grade education in the rural town of Appalachicola, Florida. My
dad said he hated every minute of school because of the mean
teachers who misread his mischievous conduct. My mom was privy
to at least two schools in completing her high school education and
receiving her diploma. She received schooling in the small town of
Council, Georgia, and the large city of Savannah. She even taught
school in her rural home town of Council for a brief period. Of
course, this was without any college education.My mother completed
11th grade and was a restaurant owner.
Since the women of interest lived in Carter County, this section revealed
how living in this county prepared them for the dual system. The community
let them know that Whites and African Americans would be separated,
would never be equal, and this policy should be accepted as such. The city‘s
newspaper represented the opinions of the majority at the time.
That should not depress anyone who thinks the problem through, for it
would be impossible in any society to create conditions in which all enjoyed
equal opportunities. People have never been equal and never will be. One of
the mistakes in some of our thinking and crusading is the thought that all
must be equal. Nothing could be worse. We will never all be equal nor
should we attempt to force all to conform to the same pattern or habits.
nEven the police helped to enforce separate, but unequal practices. There are
many alleys in NI. If African Americans were caught in one of the alleys
alone, they would be beaten unmercifully by the White Police.They learned
to accept being separate, which was the norm. We had to schedule our
sporting activities around the Whites because there was only one field and
we could not go if the Whites had the field booked. We were taught that we
were African American by the community because there was a White and an
African American side of town. Even when African Americans and Whites
were allowed to utilize the same facility, they did not interact; African
Americans knew to accept traditions developed by White community
members.
The only time that Whites and African Americans were together was at
the movies. We [African Americans] had to sit on the second floor of the
movie theatre when Whites were on the main floor. The quality of the
floors was different. The second floor of the movie theatre was always
dirty. We could not go into the restaurants. We had to use the side door.
African Americans who challenged the systemic norms realized the extent to
which they would be punished. Additionally, if we were caught in the
streets without our parents during school hours, we were locked up, and
truant officers would fine our parents.
Nonetheless, some African Americans protested and accepted the
consequences. There was one riot in NI where my mother, brother,
grandfather and stepfather protested. My family members were activists.
My mother was protesting because an African American man was severely
beaten by the White police. She was arrested and when my stepfather and
grandfather went to the police station to see about her, they were arrested
too. My brother and uncle went to the station to see what they could do and
my brother was locked up for coming down there. The police refused to
lock up my uncle because he was a pastor of a large Baptist Church. The
police were afraid of the church members rioting. However, I do not think
our household lived in fear, but households around us lived in fear.
The participant‘s parents taught them how to survive in the dual system
while stressing the importance of obtaining an education. My parents taught
us how to treat others, not to steal, to be kind and share with others. We
learned how to work. My mother was and still is a firm believer that
education is the key and she made sure that we understood this.My mother,
stepfather and grandparents were very influential in my life. My mother
influenced my life by instilling in me and my siblings the importance of
getting an education and by helping us soar for a higher education beyond
high school.
K-12 and Higher Educational Training of Career Teachers
The researcher was able to identify significant narratives from the
African American educators‘ lives from the period of time that they entered
school through earning their college degree, basically in the 1950‘s and
1960‘s. The researcher identified similar responses to interview questions
to generate major themes that were the essence of their K-12 and college
experiences. As a result of the iterative coding process, the major themes of
parental support‖ and community support‖ emerged from the data analysis.
As demonstrated by the narratives below, the researcher found that
community and the African American teachers‘ parents taught them to be
model citizens by complying with the norms of the community and
understanding that the way to advance was to obtain an education.
Prior to Brown v. Board of Education, dual school systems were
common across the United States whereby Whites and African Americans
attended separate schools. Accordingly, Carter County‘s school system was
no different. African Americans attended Carter County Training School
and White studentsattended NI High School. Before integration, there were
two schools: one African American school and one White school. It was not
until the schools were integrated that the school system changed the name of
Carter County Training School to Carter County High School. Many
believed that this name change was due to White students not wanting to
graduate under the name, Training School.
All participants in this study stated that they attended Carter County
Training School in the dual school system. Two of the participants
graduated from Carter County Training School. I graduated from Carter
County Training School. I and most of my older family members graduated
from Carter County Training School. However, the third moved to the White
School for her senior year of high school. I was a product of the dual system
until my senior year in high school when mandatory integration took
place.Inequalities found in the community spilled over into the school
systems. The participants supported this fact. The dual school system was
different in that African American schools received the used books from the
White school whenever they got new books and many times there were not
enough books to use in the classes at the African American school. African
American teachers were also paid on a lower salary scale than the White
teachers. Before integration, the African American teachers were paid two
weeks after White teachers. Even after the schools were integrated, there
continued to be a difference in salary of White and African American
teachers. African American students had to get the books that the White
students used the last year. And it was always books that when you open
them up, they had writing all in them. They were torn books. As African
American students, we used second hand textbooks given to the African
American schools by the White schools. (LJG-fri, September 14, 2009)
African American teachers did not have the proper materials to teach with as
opposed to the White school. In the dual school system, the African
Americans received the cast-offs from the white schools. To compensate,
students and parents had to fund certain activities. Our kids had to get out
and sell things to support their extra-curricular activities. The African
American teachers and students were at the bottom of the totem pole.
Despite the inadequate quality of resources for the African American
students, Carter County Training School, in conjunction with parents,
prepared students academically to become successful members of society.
African American teachers worked closely with parents and basically knew
their parents. In the segregated environment, there was a caring attitude and
parental support was strong. Parents respected their child‘s teacher. The
segregated setting was great for parents and teacher interaction. In the
segregated system, parents really respected, adhered to the teacher‘s
authority and cooperated well with the African American teachers. African
American teachers made it a point to know their parents, attend church in the
community, and attend community events. All of which was great for the
African American child and the African American teacher. On a positive
side with the dual system, African American teachers were able to relate and
identify more with the African American students. Another common aspect
of the African American school was the academic placement of students.
Academically, African American students were tracked or grouped
according to abilities.While in elementary school, high school and college,
African American students were reminded that they had to be better
academically and athletically than Whites to be successful in America
African American students were not wanted and it was made known to
them. We had to be three times better than the White students and still were
not considered equal. (RLB, June 8, 2009) Teachers back in the 50s and 60s
appeared to have a different work ethic. The care given to African American
students was one that has carried on throughout life. We were made to
believe that we could do all things and given opportunities to work toward
those various goals. Failure was not acceptable. African American teachers
worked together to help each other.After completion of high school in the
Carter County School System, all three participants continued their pursuit
of education by attending Historically Black Colleges and Universities
(HBCUs) which were like an extension of Carter County Training School.
One thing I recall vividly in both the segregated elementary-high school
system and also in the HBCU (historically black college and university) is
the constant lecture by our teachers who told us we had to be better than our
white counterparts in order to get the job and the respect that whites would
get just because of their skin color. Two of the participants earned a
Bachelor of Science degree in Physical Education while the third person
earned a degree in Social Science. Each continued her education and all
earned Master‘s degrees. My high school basketball coach obtained a
Savannah State College scholarship for me. I then earned a Bachelor of
Science degree in Physical Education from Savannah State College and
Masters Degree from Bloomington University of Indiana. I went to
Savannah State College and got a Bachelor of Science degree in Social
Science and Masters Degree in History Education from Armstrong Atlantic
State University and Savannah State Joint Graduate Program. (SJK, June 5,
2009) After high school, I attended Tennessee State University in Nashville,
Tennessee on a track scholarship and earned a degree in Physical Education
and Master of Education from Southern University in New Orleans,
Louisiana.
Professional Experiences of Career Teachers
From the collective 106 years experiences of the African American
teachers, the researcher identified many events, people, places, and
influences on the lives of the three African American teachers. The data
were filled with accounts from the years of teaching, and at times, there
were discrepancies in data sources. However, from the data reported in this
section, the researcher was able to identify two key themes: painful
transition and student advocacy.
Robin started teaching physical education in the African American high
school in 1955. She enjoyed many years and then was selected to integrate
the White school in 1967. Louise started teaching science at the African
American high school in 1963, and, she, too, was selected to integrate
schools in 1967. Having spent her senior year of high school at the
integrated school in 1968, Sarah began teaching social studies in 1974 at the
same high school. Primarily, the transition was unpleasant for all, and
especially for African Americans because African American students and
teachers were relocated to other schools and African American teachers
were released from employment; however, the transition was necessary due
to the integration mandates following Brown v. Board of
Education. The stories of the teaching careers began soon after college:
Upon graduation from college, all participants of this study returned
To After college, I decided that I would place an application for
employment in my hometown. There were two positions available for
Social Studies teachers at the high school level which is exactly where
I wanted to teach. I believe I received one of the positions because I
had been an honor student in both high school and college. I
graduated Magna Cum Laude from Savannah State College. I also
think I aced the interview. And it probably did not hurt that most
adults in my hometown knew me to be a very serious and dedicated
person.I accepted a scholarship from my basketball coach with the
promise that I would have a teaching job upon my return to Carter
County. Moreover, it was home, and I felt a sense of loyalty. (RLB,
June 8, 2009) I returned home after college and was offered a job as a
teacher and coach at Carter County Training School, the school from
which I graduated.
Two of the participants returned to Carter County to teach at Carter County
Training School, while the third participant was still a student there. As an
employee at Carter County Training School, I received a great deal of
assistance from the African American community.As a student in the
segregated schools with predominantly African American teachers,
administrators and students, it was much like an extension of home.
This very fact, I believe, positively impacted discipline. (SJK, June 5,
2009) However, after Brown v. the Board of Education, the Carter County
School System was presented with integration requirements amid
community protests criticizing the necessity of such a process. The school
system‘s dilemma was highlighted by newspaper articles from 1966.
The Carter County Board of Education like many other similar bodies
throughout the Deep South finds itself faced with ever new dilemmas
imposed by the changing whims of the federal authorities. Apparently not
content with their own edicts already in good faith complied with, and
impatient as integration proceeds at a palatable place, and encourage
continuously by supportive rulings of the supreme court of the land, they
now order the elimination of dual facilities by
1968 and prompt integration of faculties.
I would not deny that complete integration of our schools is right and
must become a reality but I seriously question the propriety in the logic, yes,
and the legality of forcing everyone to attend a school which he does not
wish to attend. Isn‘t this the very thing they pretend to be trying to
eliminate?
Superintendents and school boards earnestly working to accomplish
integration with a minimum of friction and as rapidly as possible experience
a sense of overwhelming frustration at the new guidelines lately sent down
from Washington and burdened with added costs heaped on by necessary
distribution of prepared orders and forms to be sent out to students struggle
to keep their heads above the water, recognizing all the while the faculty of
protest or defiance and decrying the necessity of being a party to such a
procedure.
The superintendent and board of education of Carter County ask that
indulgence and understanding of the entire populace in thus trying situation
as they seek to comply with the law while continuing to serve the needs of
all the people and to fulfill the promise of better education for all Carter
Countians.
Carter County developed a plan to eliminate a previously racially segregated
school system. Desegregation was not to be addressed all at once, but rather
gradually. They planned to start with a few grades and increase over time
until the county was eventually one united system. Carter County has a
school desegregation plan, which means that in the coming year‖ will not be
―separate schools for children of different races‖ enrolled in grades one and
two, and grades seven to twelve. First step in the execution of the
desegregation plan will be taken during the month of April. During the thirty
days, parents will choose the school, which they want their children to
attend. Forms for this purpose will be distributed to parents. Forms are two
types. One type applies to students in grades one and two and in grades
seven to twelve. This is called the choice of school‖ form.
The stated purpose of the county‘s de-segregation plan is to eliminate from
the school system the racial segregation of students and all other forms of
discrimination based on race, color, or national origin.‖ (Sentinel, March31,
1966) In Carter County, the integration mandates is what brought both
schools together.Parents of African American students had to prepare their
child for the possible transition to an integrated school.
African American students going from an all African American school
where most of the workers in the system understood what African American
children would face in our society, where the staff basically tried to prepare
us not only education-wise but also street-wise, to a predominantly white
system where most Whites could have cared less; self esteem could really
drop in an African American student if the family did not constantly
reassure us that we could do anything we put our minds to. (SJK, October 9,
2009) A few African Americans accepted the invitation of the Carter County
School System to integrate the schools. A preliminary report released
Tuesday by the county school board shows that 80 Negro students have
expressed desire to enroll in a NI school other than Carter County Training
School under the ―choice‖ plan submitted in April for all students in the
County. A record of enrollment of Negro students at Carter County Training
School and Screven Elementary School for Negroes last year shows a total
of 1,324. The 80 students represent approximately six percent of the total
Negro enrollment. Nevertheless, the school system looked upon the
integration process as an impending catastrophe, and many White families
subsequently decided to withdraw their children from the public schools.
The impending catastrophe is that the cities are witnessing the mass exodus
of whites from the public schools. What concerns the community is that the
trend produces segregation all over again and that it also ruins the schools.
Too much coercion and force to produce quick and immediate
transformations based on idealism often bring about the opposite result from
that in mind. Gradual, moderate change, as people and conditions dictate
change, brings more permanent results. After being forced to move to NI
High School as a means of integrating the school system, there were
changes from the White community. Professionally, I think the attitudinal
changes came about as a result of the integration issues and they did not
want their school integrated. I do not think that it was necessarily about me.
White parents started a private school for their students.Moreover, some
African American students felt betrayed and believed that their feelings did
not matter. Given that the primary instruments of change were African
Americans.
The transition to NI High School was unpleasant. We who were
forced by Uncle Sam to attend the White School felt betrayed and felt that
our feelings just did not really count. For example: What about our sad and
defiant feelings in the loss of our Alma Mater? What about how hard some
of us had worked to graduate first/valedictorian or second/salutatorian in our
class? What about the general pride that we had in our school and all of its
curricular? It seemed that nobody cared. We were just told, You are going
to JHS, period.‖ Our voices were not heard. (SJK, June 5, 2009) African
American teachers also felt the backlash during the transitional period. In
Carter County, it was mandatory that you make the transfer. The African
American kids were not the only ones to catch it; the African American
teachers did too.The transition was not a good experience. The attitudes of
the White administrators, teachers and students as well, were not receptive
at all. From that, I would definitely say that I was not given any assistance
with the transition to the White school.You had quite a few students on
campus who did not want to be there. It is just that African American
students had been forced to come from the schools that they were in.
Essentially, the African American teachers and students were fearful of
losing their identities and positions. Many of the fears of the school system
and African American teachers were realized; given that the African
American teachers were considered unqualified or degreed improperly, and
many were simply released from employment.Only a few African American
teachers and administrators were transferred to the historically White
schools of our county. The rumors were that many of the former African
American teachers were deemed not qualified or degreed properly and
therefore, simply cut from employment. Others left Carter County to find
employment in other counties. I learned in my adulthood that some were
employed in Ware, Long, Liberty, and Fulton counties. These counties I
know for sure absorbed some of our staff because I have met and talked with
a few since I graduated from college and became a teacher. (SJK, June 5,
2009) If African American teachers did not transfer to NI High School, they
moved to secure jobs, or they did not have a job. (SJK-fri, September 29,
2009) Some African American teachers went into other professions or
transferred to other counties or states to teach. (LJG-stud, August 15, 2009)
Additionally, African American teachers who transitioned to NI High
School were hand selected and gradually placed into the integrated school.
In 1967, two African American teachers [participants of this study]
were selected to transfer to NI High School, and in 1972, the school officials
moved all African American students into the integrated system.The total
number of Negro teachers involved in the integration plan includes two
Negro teachers [participants of this study] on full-time at Carter County
High. Louise Grantham was the first African American moved to the White
school. She was selected because of her families‘ ties to the community.
Her first few years were rocky because some White community/parents did
not want their schools integrated.
When Robin Barnhart first came over, they did not bring her, but two
periods a day. They did not bring her all day. She would teach PE and go
back. After about two years of that Robin was brought over all day. The
superintendent of Carter County Schools was able to see the people he
needed and needed to use. He had the wisdom of a Christian man and the
education needed to do the job, and the innate ability to use the right people
at the right time. He put it together so that Carter County came through it
real, real good. I do not remember any severe problems in this County
during the transition. However, the integration progress of the Carter County
school system moved forward at a leisurely pace. Because of the slow pace,
the assistant commissioner for the Equal Educational Opportunities Program
sent a correspondence to Carter County requesting broader desegregation of
schools.
The communication bearing the signature of the acting assistant
commissioner for the Equal Educational Opportunities Program claims that
further action would appear to be necessary in faculty and student
desegregation.‖ The date for any action to be taken by the Washington office
was not set, but the communication reveals that a review‖ of the Carter
County school integration procedure will be undertaken sometime during
the next school year. A possibility that examination may reveal lack of
adequate action‖ on the part of the Carter County school board is assumed in
the Washington letter, and the superintendent is advised to discuss with the
board steps that may be taken to eliminate the dual system‖ in the
countyAccording to the NI Sentinel, the integration went smoothly. The
Carter County System was considered by many as fully integrated,‖ with the
opening of school on Monday of this week. The total integration in the NI
schools was set at above 80 students. Forty-five (45) of the Negro students
enrolled at NI High School, with several of the Negro students candidates
for positions on the Yellow Jacket football team. Integration of the school
system apparently was being conducted without incident.
Despite reports of a smooth transition, African American teachers viewed
the process from a far different perspective. When the African American
teachers were blended into their new role as teacher in the integrated school,
the first day of appointment was rather typical, meeting key stakeholders and
preparing to teach. However, they described the initial experience as
difficult due to lack of support they received from stakeholders. During the
era when Federal Mandates required schools to integrate, I was forced to
move to NI High School as a means of integrating the Carter County School
System. We had our own classroom, but we were no longer head coaches.
We had to be assistants to the White coaches.During my first year at NI
High School, Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated. On my board was
written, ―Your nigger daddy is dead.‖ My parents had to come get me from
school for a fear of violence. A conference was held between my parents
and the school officials because we the African American teachers did not
want to return to the White school.After the transition to NI High School,
African American teachers had to constantly prove that they were equally as
good as the White teacher. Of course they were met with biased situations.
There were White parents who did not want their child in an African
American teacher‘s classroom. African American teachers were given the
classes that the White teachers did not want to teach. They were given
outdated equipment, little supplies and were expected to do an immaculate
job. The biggest issue was always having to prove themselves on a daily
basis that they were equally qualified to teach and master classroom
requirements.After my interview with the Superintendent and High School
Principal where I met the Head of the Social Studies Department who gave
me my teaching assignments, the rest was left up to me. During my first and
second year of teaching my classes were loaded with the so called behavior
disordered, slow learners, the economically disadvantaged, or simply mean
kid. It was not long before the word was out that these labeled students were
not only having fun learning and enjoying the challenges in my class; but
their parents were pleased that they were in Ms. Keith‘s class. The Assistant
Principals did not know what to do when they never received discipline
referrals from me on the same kid who could not stay out of the office in
another teacher‘s class. By the third year, I noticed that the student cliental
was changing: My classes were now being filled with college prep, very
few African American students or minorities in my upper level classes, and
my course outline changed from mostly basic classes per day to higher level
advanced classes per day. Now why was this? The changes occurred
because the corner stone populous and social elites of our community heard
of the learning and well disciplined atmosphere that was taking place in my
class. They wanted their children in my class and the counselors made it
happen. That is how I knew that I was proving myself and carrying out the
challenge of my elders.
Reflections of Career Teachers
Essentially, each of the three African American teachers remained in
the teaching profession for over thirty years to impact the lives of students.
The teachers did not receive very many accolades from the school system‘s
administration; however, the teachers motivated students to be great athletes
who received many championship sporting awards and motivated students to
academically believe in themselves. The major theme that emerged as they
reflected on their longevity was personal rewards
The three African American teachers who participated in this study
worked for more than thirty years in the educational profession. Two of the
three participants taught Physical Education. I worked thirty-three years in
Carter County at three different schools teaching Science and Health/P.E.
Before retiring, I taught 31 years at one high school in U.S. History,
Economics, and Civics (Basic, College Prep, and Gifted levels) I was
employed by the Carter County School District for six years at 2 different
schools teaching Health and Physical Education/General Science, but taught
a total of 42 years before retirement.
The participants stated that they developed their educational
philosophies from the achievements and challenges that they experienced in
the dual and integrated school systems. I always knew my philosophy of
teaching: Respect, expect, love and challenge every student; provide a safe
and nurturing environment; and students will grow into well rounded
perennial students. My educational philosophy is to make learning an
interesting experience. If it is interesting, students will want to learn more.
My educational philosophy is that love and hope will save those that are in
the most need and that the Lord does raise up some of us to be forerunners
for the good of all. If the Lord has commanded it, then it shall be. I have
loved and taught by faith. Moreover, the participants declared that they
remained in the teaching profession to impact students and not colleagues.
I loved teaching, nurturing, and challenging my students to go beyond the
norm. A greater expectation was not just a phrase with me. I expected and
pushed my students to reach beyond what their greatest nay-sayers ever
thought possible and this included my lowest level students. It was great to
see the majority of my students respond in-kind to my expectations for
them. I knew that most students just needed someone to really believe in
them. I did, it worked, and I stayed; enjoying my teaching career
tremendously. And although I was pressed many times during my teaching
career about going into administration, I simply had no desire to do so. I
believe I was born to be a teacher and that is what I enjoyed, that one on one
with the students. I could not see giving that up for neither titles nor money.
I am a people person. I treat people the way I want to be treated. I was fair
to my students. I loved what I was doing. Believing that I was able to reach
and impact the lives of hundreds of students contributed to my longevity in
the teaching profession. During the participant‘s tenure in the educational
field, some of their colleagues, friends, and administrators offered
encouragement to the African American teachers and stressed the
importance of their personality and presence as role models for the students
in the integrated school.
My role was encouraging the African American teachers and letting
them know they are needed role models. They inspire our young people.
They incite the need to help young people to want to go to college to be a
teacher to increase our presence in the school setting. I thank and appreciate
those who paved the way in education because these African American
teachers endured many hardships, but they survived. So hopefully by using
them as role models, our youth will select the teaching profession as a career
to enhance African American teaching visibility.I encouraged her to remain
in the profession as a role model for other African American children.
They also received a few accolades while in the teaching profession. One of
the participants received Teacher of the Year and the same year was Teacher
of the County.
I received Teacher of the Year at my high school, and then Teacher of
the Year for our county in that same year. Not to be egotistical, but I
probably should have received this recognition even during my early years
as a young teacher because I came into my job with the attitude that I would
be nothing less than the best teacher in our county. This attitude was from
the lecture from both parents and teachers in an all African American
community and school. We had to be better than the rest. My personal
rewards were further enhanced by parents and especially students who took
the time to express how much their children were enjoying my class, and
how the topics and activities in our daily class sessions were often the center
of discussion during their family time at home. My students related to me
how much they were enjoying and learning Social Studies for the first time.
More than that, many students were proving it by making good grades and
taking me up on my challenges to learn more about the subjects. A chest
full of personal rewards also encompassed seeing my students eager to go on
with our class even when the school bell rang for class change. Can you
imagine how much joy it brought to watch my students rush up the hallway
to their next class still debating or discussing something that we were
focused on in class? That is a chest full of personal rewards. I really didn‘t
need the Principal or other administrators to validate a job well done.
The other two participants received awards for extracurricular activities.
While working in Carter County, I started a creative dance group that won
several state awards. I also started a group for African American females
that was known as the Marching 100 Majorettes. This group participated in
the parades. I was assistant coach for the girl‘s basketball team and we had
several state championship teams. I also served as head coach for girls‘
track, and the team was successful for four years as state champions in the
class B division.
I coached state, regional and district championship basketball teams
After retirement, the three African American participants of this study were
well-known in Carter County. The school system named an elementary
school in honor of Robin Barnhart and she still resided in the county at the
time of the study. Sarah Keith was an elected Board of Education member.
As a board member, she was an advocate for African American students,
educators, and community members. At the time of the study, Louise
Grantham was a substitute teacher in the school system and a civil rights
advocate. Essentially, each of the three African American teachers
attributed their longevity in education to 1) their education; 2) support from
the community; 3) their recognition of unequal conditions and individual
zeal to eradicate inequity; 4) intrinsic recognition; 5) prove that they were
high quality teachers, and 6) their sense of purpose to educate and protect
African American children.
Lessons Learned from the Past
In step six, the researcher identified several lessons learned from the
narratives and documents reviewed and analyzed during this study. The
voices of the three African American teachers provided insight into lessons
learned, which were:
1) Acquire Parental and Community Support
Parental support was crucial to the longevity, the advancement and
career of the African American teacher. The African American teachers
relied heavily on the African American community for extrinsic support.
2) Advocate for Children
In this study, African American teachers felt it was their responsibility
to protect and guide the African American students.
3) Create Personal Rewards
According to the findings, intrinsic rewards extended the African
American teachers‘ longevity because they looked inwardly for accolades
about their accomplishments. These lessons were discussed in Chapter 5.
Responses to Research Questions
How do African American teachers account for their longevity in the
teaching profession? Essentially, the influences that African American
teachers describe as contributors to their longevity were: 1) a superior
education which enabled them to compete against anyone; 2) the African
American community of support; 3) fulfillment of a promise to elders; and,
4) individualized zeal to eradicate inequity. Although their careers spanned
difficult days of school integration in the South, these women experienced
strong community support, which was a major influence on their capacity to
remain in the classroom. However, their self-efficacy and resilience account
for their longevity as well. Lastly, these women felt compelled to honor the
legacy of their elders, including parents and African American community.
Therefore, it was the African American teachers‘ responsibility to do
whatever necessary to be successful.
Since Brown v. Board of Education, what challenges have African
American teachers encountered? Primarily, the major challenges that these
three African American teachers experienced as a result of teaching prior to
and during integration of schools were:1) The voices of African Americans
were not heard during the transition to integrated schools. Students and
teachers lost friends and colleagues and traditions historically associated
with their schools, such as mottos, academic recognition, and general pride
in their schools. 2) African American teachers did not experience colleague
or administrative support in the integrated school. Administrators assigned
them low level classes, until they proved themselves worthy of teaching high
level classes. 3) African American teachers experienced indignities that were
hurtful. To be able to face classes after reading ―your n….daddy is dead‖ on
the chalkboard following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. was
very difficult and an experience never forgotten. Some White parents were
biased against them and did not want their children in their classrooms.
They were given outdated equipment, and they felt they always had to prove
themselves.
How did African American teachers surmount the challenges
encountered in the teaching profession? In essence, the African American
teachers surmounted their challenges with the support and encouragement of
the community and their parents. The African American teachers were
taught to accept the norms of inequality in a dual system. The teachers were
also expected to excel academically as a means to overcome all odds.
However, their strong belief in themselves and self-determination provided
the strength to persevere through the challenges.
Summary of Major Findings
Given the shortage of African American teachers in the teaching
profession, it was imperative to learn how and why these three African
American teachers were successful in overcoming the unanticipated
consequences of Brown v. Board of Education and remained in the
profession for over 30 years. In this chapter, the researcher documented the
journey of three African American teachers from childhood to womanhood
to understand their career longevity. Elaborating on the major themes of the
study, the researcher found that:
•Major theme: Separate, but Equal; Finding: The African American
teachers were taught to be model citizens by complying with the
norms of the segregated community and modeling the way to advance
was through education. Furthermore, African American schools
academically prepared the African
American students to prevail and succeed in society despite any
adversity.
•Major theme: Parental and Community Support; Finding: The African
American teachers felt it necessary to connect with the community
and parents of their students.
•Major theme: Painful transition and student advocacy; Finding: Even
though, the transition was necessary, it was unpleasant for all,
especially for African American students and teachers. However, the
African American teachers felt the need to nurture and protect African
American students in the integrated school system.
•Major theme: Personal rewards; Finding: The African American
teachers exemplified self-efficacy, given that they believed that they
had the skills and the ability to teach all students as a result of their
formal training in Traditional African American schools and
Historically Black Colleges and Universities, and their self-
determination allowed them to remain in the teaching profession to
impact student lives.
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS
The researcher of this study provides a summary of the study,
discussion of major findings, lessons learned from the past, as well as,
implications of the study. One of the compelling reasons for the study was
to understand career longevity that might provide insight into the reasons for
the downturn in the number of African American teachers. Some have
referred to African American teachers and principals as endangered species,
and this chapter ends by presenting recommendations to address the current
and future recruitment and retention practices for African American teachers
to improve longevity.
Summary of Study
Brown v. Board of Education was considered a monumental
educational policy of 1954 given that the Supreme Court ruled that
longstanding racially segregated public schools were unconstitutional.
Considering the court system left local school boards with the power to
implement its ruling of desegregating schools, the decision of Brown v.
Board of Education triggered quite a few unanticipated consequences
such as: The loss of teaching and administrative jobs by
African Americans through dismissals, demotions, and
displacement;
•The loss of racial models, heroes, and authority figures for
African
American children;
•The loss of cherished school symbols, colors, emblems, and
names of schools by African American children when their
schools were closed and they were shifted to white schools;
•Disproportionate numbers of African American students
suspended, expelled, or pushed out of school;
•Exposure of African American children to hostile attitudes and
behavior of
White teachers and parents;
•Victimization by misclassification in special education classes
and track systems;
•Victimization by unfair discipline practices and arbitrary school
rules and regulations;
However, the historical context began in reference to the Supreme Court
ruling that race could no longer be a factor in the assignment of children to
public schools. As a result, faculty and students of African American
schools had to integrate into White Schools. A major effect of the
integration process resulted in a massive loss of teaching and administrative
jobs of African Americans, which has altered the demographic makeup of
public schools even today. The process greatly decreased the number of
African American teachers educating African American students while the
number of African American students remained the same and the presence
of African American teachers in the classroom is critical to the success of
the education of all students.
Despite the national, state, and local changes in the public schools‘
certified staff demographics, some African Americans teachers have
remained in the profession for years. The purpose of this study was to
examine the local African American teacher shortage through the life
experiences of three African American teachers who remained in the Carter
County School System although most of their African American colleagues
could not. The overarching question was to determine how African
American teachers explain their longevity in the teaching profession after
the 1954 Brown v. the Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas Supreme
Court decision and three subsequent questions:
1. How do African American teachers account for their longevity in
the teaching profession?
2. Since Brown v. Board of Education, what challenges have these
three African American teachers encountered?
3. How did African American teachers surmount the challenges
encountered in the teaching profession?
Insight may prove valuable in addressing needs of teachers; especially
a faculty reflects the racial composition of the school‘s student population.
Discussion of Major Findings
The major themes of this study were derived from the analysis of the
data from several interview discussions and documents related to the study.
From this analysis, major findings emerged. This section contained the
discussion of major findings reported in relation to prior literature.
Separate, but Equal.In the formative years of the African American
teachers‘ lives, they lived in a separate, but equal‖ world. They were taught
to be model citizens by complying with the norms of their segregated
communities and that education was critical to their success which signifies
respect for the teaching profession. Therefore, the researcher constructed
the following discussion in relation to the major findings of the study:
Separate And Unequal Schools. In 1898, the Supreme Court in the case of
Plessy v. Ferguson affirmed the constitutionality of separating the races on
the condition that both races must possess equal access and facilities
(Wishon & Geringer, 2004). Moreover, White social and economic policies
were created to maintain a subordinate and dependent laboring African
American class that resulted in a system of separate and unequal schools for
African Americans, which placed African American students and teachers at
a distinct disadvantage due to inadequate funding, facilities and support
(Salvatore, 2000). The findings support the literature. The participants
stated that the only time that Whites and African Americans were together
was at the movies. African Americans had to sit on the second floor of the
movie theatre when Whites were on the main floor. The quality of the floors
was different because the African American section was always dirty.
Moreover, African Americans could not use the front door of restaurants,
they had to use the back or side door. The three African American teachers
continued their mission to support African American students by making
themselves indispensable to White parents by outperforming their white
colleagues to the point that White parents demanded that the African
American teachers taught their children.
Respect of African American Teachers. Respect is defined as esteem for
or a sense of the worth or excellence of a person and is an intrinsic attribute
that the participants desired from parents, students and administration.
Before integration, African American teachers were highly respected leaders
within their communities (King, 1993; Spring, 1994). Additionally, African
American teachers performed an important role in the education of African
Americans and prepared future leaders of the African American community
by teaching them the social, economic, and political skills needed to be
successful in mainstream society (Anderson, 1988; Siddle-Walker, 1996;
Shujaa, 1996). However, as a result of Brown v. BOE, African American
schools closed and school names, mascots, mottos, and traditions were
sacrificed, while the students were transferred to White schools (Cecelski,
1994). The literature is consistent with the findings of Chapter IV in that the
African American teachers made it a point to know their parents by
attending church and community events. All of which was great for the
African American child and the African American teacher could earn the
respect of the African American community. In both cases, during the
transition to the White schools, the African American teachers‘ greatest
fears were also realized: the lost of their identities as role models for the
community, respect, and positions. However, their roles changed from
being nurturers of African American students to both nurturers and
protectors of African American students. In essence, the African American
teachers felt it was their responsibility to ensure the success of African
American students in the integrated school system.
Post secondary Education
Numerous African American students attended historically African
American colleges, which trained most African American teachers. As
well, more than 50 percent of the nation's African American public school
teachers earned degrees at Historically Black Colleges and Universities
(HBCUs) (Bowen & Bok, 2000). The literature is in agreement with the
findings in that all of the African American teachers in this study attended
HBCUs to obtain degrees in the field of education. They attended Savannah
State College (2) and Tennessee State University (1).
The notable findings that were not discussed in the literature was the
fact that the participants believed that Traditional African American Schools
academically prepared the African American students for future success
despite adversity given that they (participants of the study) were successful
citizens.
In conclusion, the African American teachers believed that the
segregated school systems did a better job of preparing African American
students for the future because it taught students how to survive and
overcome some of the barriers caused by ―separate, but equal‖ conditions.
Also, respect was granted to the African American teachers by students,
parents, the community because they knew the teachers were preparing
students to be future leaders by teaching them the social, economic, and
political skills needed to be successful in society.
Parental and Community Support.African Americans encountered
difficulties after the integration mandates post Brown v. Board of Education.
Therefore, the African American teachers relied heavily on the community
and their parents for support given that they encountered challenges as a
result of the Brown v. Board of Education decision. The researcher
constructed the following discussion in relation to the major findings of the
study.
Brown victims. The literature and the findings confirm that the
African American educational community became one of the first victims of
the unintended consequences of Brown v. the Board of Education.
Desegregation immobilized African American teachers:
Desegregation mandates in many school districts visibly changed the
racial composition of the teaching staff while the composition of the
student body remained unaltered (Irvine, 1988, p. 417).
Others agree that one of the more devastating consequences of the Brown
decision was the en masse termination of many African American teachers
(Bell, 1983; Irvine & Irvine, 1983; Philipsen, 1999; Ethridge, 1979).
Various other researchers, (Cecelski, 1994; Bell, 1983; Irvine, 1983; Hudson
& Holmes, 1994) found that between 1954 and 1989, approximately 91,000
African American teachers and principals were dismissed from their
positions in White America‘s direct or indirect response to the Brown v.
Board of Education ruling. By the time federal measures were initiated in
the 1960s and 1970s to prevent further dismissal and the unbalancing of
educational staffing in school systems, thousands of African American
faculty and staff had been dismissed (Cole, 1986). However, the
participants of this study survived the transition and were hand selected to
transfer to the White school. The African American teachers were selected
by their backgrounds, and school officials meet with their parents before
they began work.
School funds. The literature revealed that African American
southerners paid taxes, which supported the White schools, and then found it
necessary to subsidize funding for African American schools using their
personal funds (Anderson, 1988; Spring, 2001; Woodson, 1919). School
districts maintained separate salary schedules— one for White teachers and
another for African American teachers. Officials explained the salary
disparity using the economic law of supply and demand based upon the
contention that since there were fewer African American students, the need
for highly qualified African American teachers was significantly lower than
the demand for White teachers (Torres et al., 2004). This again is consistent
with the findings. According to the African American teachers, students had
to hold fundraisers to support athletic activities and parents also had to
contribute to support the school. The teachers concurred with the literature
on the fact that there were two different pay scales for Africa American and
White teachers and African American families subsidized their education.
Even when the systems were integrated, the salaries of White and African
American teachers remained unequal.
Painful Transition and Student Advocacy
During the professional years the African American teachers, they were
encountered with a painful transition to have to integrate the White school.
Through it all, they developed relations with key figures to ease the
transition and nurtured and protected the interests of all students. Therefore,
the researcher constructed the following discussion in relation to account for
the major findings:
Integration attempt. Southern states and local governments engaged
in massive resistance to segregation and in some instances, a decade or more
was required for some state governments to act on the Brown decision.
Additionally, Darling-Hammond‘s study proposed that inequalities continue
to be created by sprinklings of charter schools and voucher programs created
to provide additional options for more affluent White students. However,
Orfield and Lee (2004) recalled that Martin Luther King, Jr. spoke of the
previous Supreme Court Civil Rights cases and the Brown decision as
―simple, eloquent and unequivocal‖ steps to end segregation and a ―joyous
daybreak to end the long night of enforced segregation.‖ The researchers also
noted that during a national address, King called for the government to give
African Americans the political power to enforce their newly recognized
rights. For King, desegregation was not only a social goal but a profoundly
moral and spiritual mission (Orfield & Lee, 2004). The findings of this
study support the current literature. The Carter County School system
developed a plan to desegregate schools; however, they were so slow to act
that Washington sent a letter that restated the task of integration of schools.
Furthermore, some parents of White students in Carter County insisted on
having separate schools; therefore, they developed private schools for the
elite White students. Presumably the students of Carter County did not take
kindly to Martin Luther King‘s stance on integration of schools, and one
participant of this study discovered a message on her chalkboard. At the
beginning of her first year while teaching in the White school which was
immediately after the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., the message
on her board read, Your nigger daddy is dead.‖ This finding shocked and
scared the African American teacher so much that she was escorted from
work by her mother who then met with administration before allowing her
daughter to return to the White school.
In conclusion, the court system left the local school boards with the
charge to integrate public schools. The school system developed a plan that
allowed for a smooth transition, yet, it was still unpleasant for Africa
American students and teachers.
Fostering productive relations. Bobek (2002) also contended that by
fostering productive relations with fellow teachers who understood the
tribulations of educating students, new teachers could enhance their
resiliency. To retain these quality teachers, many school districts required or
strongly encouraged mentoring programs through which teachers provided
support for new teachers during the first few years of their career.
Moreover, the absence of effective recruitment programs was a contributing
factor to the current shortage of African American teachers. In Kennedy‘s
(2006) article, she contended that improving hiring practices and attending
to equitable teacher qualifications are crucial to increasing the number of
African American teachers. In the past, hiring committees of schools
districts relied on interviews to assess the personal qualities of their
candidates and rendered their final teacher selections from the interview
session. This was due to the belief that novice teachers were twice as likely
to leave teaching after three years if they have not participated in some type
of induction program. My findings are inconsistent with the literature
because the African American teachers stated that they did not have mentors
or the availability of an induction program, yet were expected to be
successful teachers in the integrated school system. As a result, they relied
heavily on members of the African American community to give them the
needed moral support and words of encouragement to improve their chances
of longevity in the classroom.
Continuous nurturing. The findings are consistent with the literature
given that the African American teachers felt the need to continue to nurture
and protect African American students in the integrated school system. The
literature suggested that White teachers‘ negative images of African
American males interfered with their perceptions of their teaching abilities;
in essence, the negative portrayals of African American males in the media
became the realities as many White teachers develop racist ideas about
African Americans (Hopkins, 1997; Lewis, 2003; Gay, 1990). In order to
protect African American students, Walker (2001) noted that African
American teachers are open to students, encouraged students to perform at
their potential and tended to empathize with student problems. The actions
of the three African American teachers in this study supported the findings
in the literature. They nurtured and protected African American students by
providing culturally relevant activities to the schools like dance teams and
majorette lines that performed in state competitions. The African American
teachers also remained as assistant coaches and encouraged African
American students to participate in sporting activities.
Summary of Discussions
In summation of the previous discussions, the African American
teachers had a strong support system that included their parents, the church,
and the community who instilled in them the value of an education and to
work twice as hard as colleagues to earn respect. Throughout life, the
African American teachers were confronted with several challenges, but
overcame them by using their intrinsic and extrinsic attributes. Additionally,
the participants declared that they remained in the teaching profession to
impact students which was, in essence, a personal reward.‖ Through it all,
each of the three African American teachers remained in the teaching
profession for over thirty years to impact the lives of students.
Lessons Learned from the Past
This section provided an explanation of lessons learned from the past‖
derived from Creswell‘s (2003) sixth step of data analysis which was
developed from the African American teachers‘. Some of these lessons may
be applicable to African American teachers today. The lessons learned‖ were
introduced in chapter IV, but are thoroughly explained in this section.
Acquire Parental and Community Support
According to the findings, African American teachers had to be twice
as good as their counterparts in order to receive somewhat equal treatment.
It was not until White parents and administration discovered that African
American teachers had the ability to educate students that longevity was
secure. Therefore, African American teachers must continue to work hard in
order to advance academically and administratively.
Additionally, parental support was crucial to the longevity, the
advancement and career of the African American teacher. African American
teachers in this study worked closely with parents, and parents respected,
adhered to the teacher‘s authority, and cooperated with the African
American teachers. Hence, it is essential that African American teachers
establish positive professional relationships with all parents to gain respect
and protection of their jobs.
Finally, the African American teachers relied heavily on the African
American community for extrinsic support. This support later came from
White parents after the African American teachers proved that they were
highly qualified. Therefore, it is suggested that African American teachers
maintain their connection to the community. If they are in a new area,
African American teachers must establish a rapport with the community.
Advocate for Students
In this study, African American teachers felt it was their responsibility
to protect and guide the African American students. They had to be role
models and the voice for the African American students in regards to
starting programs that recognized their heritage. Many African American
teachers today still feel that same responsibility. However, the African
American teachers must pick their battles carefully to maintain a teaching
position. As in the findings, the activists learned that there were limits to
their advocacy.
Additionally, the teachers in the study established themselves in the
integrated schools as professionals, and then they were able to implement
programs to address the cultural needs of African American students.
Hence, African American teachers must first establish their place in the
teaching profession. This security would allow them to provide support for
students by establishing extracurricular activities that are culturally relevant
to students.
Create Personal Rewards
According to the findings, intrinsic rewards extended the African
American teachers‘ longevity because they had to look inwardly for
accolades about their accomplishments. Therefore, African American
teachers cannot rely totally on others for recognition of accomplishments in
the classroom or workplace. They should discover ways to provide personal
rewards or their own ―chest full of personal rewards.
Hence, African American teachers should assume that entering the
teaching profession may be more difficult for them than for their White
colleagues. African American teachers will encounter the same issues that
novice teachers acquire. Furthermore, they should expect these issues to be
exacerbated due to their race and anticipate a higher level of expectations
from the community.
Implications
Since the United States has been termed a ―melting pot‖ of all people
of all races, it stands to reason that all races of classroom teachers are needed
to appropriately educate students to be productive citizens of this
multicultural society. Therefore, this study was necessary because it
provided school administrators insight into experiences of African American
teachers.
This study granted educators and non-educators an opportunity to gain
a better understanding and appreciation of the achievements and challenges
of African American teachers, as well as reflect on the current recruitment,
hiring, and retention practices to facilitate necessary improvements where
needed. As a result of this study, school systems should be able to attain a
better retention rate among African American teachers during challenging
times by understanding experiences.
Finally, the results from this research should enable stakeholders to
realize that the effort to educate and create productive citizens of society is a
responsibility for all to share. Administrators may use the information
within to formulate strategies that focus upon African American teacher
retention and not necessarily teacher acquisition. Time, effort, energy, and
money may be transferred to factors that assist in retaining current African
American teachers while streamlining procedures that are used to attract new
African American teachers. Therefore, the following practices, if adopted
by school leaders may support career longevity of African American
teachers:
1. Ensure that all teachers receive fair treatment in the disbursement of
students in classes, in the quality of teaching resources, and the
quality of professional development opportunities.
2. Assist in the development of relationships between the school,
community, and parents by holding events that require parent and
teacher attendance.
3. Implement programs to celebrate teacher successes.
4. Implement programs which highlight different cultural aspects of
students‘ lives to ensure that every ethnicity is respected by all
students.
5. Pair new teachers with experienced teachers who could offer support
to African
American teachers.
6. Develop recruiting strategies to include visitation of HBCUs job fairs.
Recommendations
1. More studies on African American teacher longevity should be
conducted providing valued educators a voice from which future
generations may learn.
2. Additional studies are needed on personal rewards and professional
motivation to persevere in the field of education.
Dissemination
The researcher will communicate the findings of this research project
with public libraries and professional development coordinators for teacher,
administrator, and district use for professional development opportunities
with the assumption that the results will be used to improve hiring,
recruitment, and retention of African American teachers.
Concluding Thoughts
Based on the findings and insights of the implications and
recommendations identified in this study, the researcher avails the following
concluding thoughts for participants and others:
The African American teacher shortage is a concern at three different
levels:
national, state and local. However, several researchers contended that the
African American teacher is a critical figure in a web of caring adults who
place the needs of children at the center of the school‘s mission. They also
noted that African American teachers are open to students, encourages
students to perform at their potential and tend to empathize with student
problems. In view of these facts, it is imperative that more research is done
to augment the current body of literature on the subjects of recruitment and
retention of African American teachers as to assist administrators in
balancing teacher race, culture, and ethnic representation within school
systems.
