Need corrections made, one more time on my thesis
davidifediba4
ThesisFullDraftMarch22ndDavid.pdf
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
i
EXAMINING AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE YOUTH EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES
THROUGH AN ECOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL OUTLOOK
A THESIS
Presented to the Department of Advanced Studies in Education and Counseling
California State University, Long Beach
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Education Specialist in School Psychology
Committee Members:
Kerri Knight-Teague, Ph.D. (Chair) Edwin Achola, Ph.D
Kirstin Powers
College Designee:
Anna M.Ortiz, Ph.D.
By David Ifediba
B.A., 2020, University of California, Riverside
May 2024
Kristin DhD
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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ABSTRACT
In 2015 and 2016, the overall life expectancy for the United States (US) population
experienced a slight decline from 76.3 years to 76.1 years (Khazan, 2017). This decrease was
primarily attributed to a notable increase in the mortality rate among African American males.
Furthermore, research has shown that high social stress levels can lead to elevated stress
hormones, such as proinflammatory cytokine activity and cortisol levels (Dickerson, Gruenewald
& Kemeny, 2004). This chronic stress has been linked to a lack of social support and an
increased prevalence of psychological problems over time (Schmeelk-Cone & Zimmerman,
2003). However, despite these concerning statistics, existing literature has not adequately
explored the relationship between school safety, school satisfaction and levels of happiness
experienced by African American male youth in educational setting in comparison to their
Hispanic and Caucasian counterparts. This study aims to address this gap by utilizing data from
the California Healthy Kids Study (CHKS) and adopting historical and ecological perspectives to
examine these complex factors. The outcomes of this study will not only offer insights into
strategies for promoting improved academic outcomes among African American male youth and
contribute to efforts to rectify racial health disparities between this demographic and the majority
population.
Keywords: racism, discrimination, resilience, African-American, males
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EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to begin by expressing my gratitude to God, whose strength sustained me
throughout this journey, enabling me to complete this thesis. I extend heartfelt thanks to my
parents, Paul and Nwanneka Ifediba, for their unwavering support and inspiration. To my
siblings, Ifeanyi, Izuchukwu, and Ifunanya, your encouragement fuels my dedication to
education. I am deeply grateful to my extended family in Nimo, Nigeria, and the communities of
St. Eugene Catholic Church, Igbo Catholic Community USA, and Umu Igbo Unite for their
steadfast support. Special thanks to the Department of Advanced Studies in Education and
Counseling at California State University, Long Beach, for their resources and guidance. I owe a
debt of gratitude to my thesis supervisor, Dr. Kerri-Knight Teague, for her invaluable expertise
and feedback. Likewise, to my thesis committee members, Dr. Edwin Achola and Dr. Kirsten
Powers. I also acknowledge the California Department of Education and California Healthy Kids
Survey, particularly, Ben Trigg for granting me access to essential student data. Furthermore to
Dr. Erin Arruda for her assistance with analysis and coding of this work. the Lastly, I appreciate
Dr. Carolyn Murray and her lab for inspiring this topic and my time at UC Riverside's USA
STEM Academy. May the findings of this thesis contribute to advancing equitable education and
amplifying the voices of marginalized youth in Los Angeles schools and beyond.
Ki
Yi
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ………………………………………………………………………………………ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS …………………………………………………………………………..iii
LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………………………….v
INTRODUCTION…………...………………………………………………………………... 1
LITERATURE REVIEW…………………………………………………………………... 11
METHODOLOGY…………………………………………………………………………... 28
RESULTS …………………………………………………………………………………………….33
DISCUSSION …………………………………….………………………………………………….37
REFERENCES……………………………………..…………………………………………...45
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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LIST OF TABLES
1. Table 1 Descriptives………………...………………………………………………….. 33
2. Table 2 Summary of Means, SDs, and ANOVA Results for Hypothesis 1…………...…34
3. Table 3 Summary of Means, SDs, and ANOVA Results for Hypothesis 2……………...35
4. Table 4 Summary of Means, SDs, and ANOVA Results for Hypothesis 3……………...36
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
When interacting with another person, one expects fairness and equality throughout the
discussion. This can be described as a "normal" discussion, and the principle of the Golden Rule,
or treating others how you would like to be treated, should be applied. Yet, this is not always the
case. Moments of discrimination or unfair treatment may occur to an individual when it is least
expected. Additionally, these moments occur more to minorities than previously thought. African
Americans frequently report higher levels of discrimination than their peers (Pew Research
Center, 2021). Furthermore, these instances of discriminatory treatment have led to worse health
outcomes (Paradies, 2006). Levels of everyday discrimination are associated with higher
morbidity and mortality rates than acute instances (Williams & Mohammed, 2009).
However, linking discrimination as the cause of these detrimental health concerns for
African Americans does little to understand the historical context of African American
communities and the years of oppressive historical occurrences in their rich history. Historians
debate the beginning of slavery; however, Grosfoguel, (2011) reports that the first enslaved
people being dropped off in late August 1619 appears to be the story widely accepted, despite
reports of Africans being present in the American societies prior due to exploratory endeavors by
Christopher Columbus in the 1400s. Regardless, this marked the inception of a multi-billion-
dollar slave trade along with racism and discriminatory treatment that would last for generations
(Colen et al., 2018).
As enslaved people continued to be brought to the United States, the cotton industry soon
began to develop to exploit enslaved people to their full potential. Slaves were also cruelly
beaten, lynched, and murdered if they tended to disobey or betray their masters. As a result, the
ofdiscrimination
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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Civil War and Emancipation Proclamation were pillars in African American and United States
history that showed the United States' various views on slavery. The liberal North and the
oppressive South fought dearly for the right to the possession of enslaved people. Their
importance cannot be undermined due to their prevalence and strength in the United States
economy.
As the country recovered from its pre-Civil War era, a new wave of issues would begin to
rot and swallow the country in the upcoming 20th century. One of the most significant rulings
during this era was Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. This landmark ruling stated that racial
segregation of children in schools was unconstitutional. This cornerstone ruling allowed for
equal education (Ponti, 2022). The motivation was that African American students received
inadequate education compared to their white counterparts. School segregation, bathrooms,
public restaurants, and public transportation further exacerbate these ideas. Nevertheless, in
1957, the "Little Rock Nine'' became the pillar of resilience in the African American community.
By blazing the trail and attending an integrated school with thousands of white onlookers
screaming profanity and slurs, they began a new generation of race dynamics in the United States
and its education system.
Despite the strides taken in the course of over 400 years of African American history, the
remnants of slavery and racism remain and affect many African Americans to this day. Steele
(2003) reports that throughout the 1990s, the national college dropout rate for African Americans
continued to be 20 to 25 percent higher than for whites. Additionally, nearly all aspects of
underperformance, from graduation rates to college grades, continue to persist among African
Americans to this day. Issues such as lower academic performance, higher crime rates, and
higher rates of suspension continue to destroy the African American community. Despite these
mandated
plague
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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adversities, African Americans remain resilient to these changes and find ways to overcome their
obstacles. Even in today's vastly expanding world, African Americans' resilience should be
revered and respected despite the many risks they encounter.
Statement of the Problem
In 2015 and 2016, the overall life expectancy for the United States (US) population
decreased from 76.3 to 76.1 years (Khazan, 2017). This drop was attributed to an increase in the
death rate for African American males. Furthermore, previous literature demonstrates that high
threats to one's social wellbeing increase stress hormones such as proinflammatory cytokine
activity and cortisol levels (Dickerson, Gruenewald & Kemeny, 2004). This stress over time has
been shown to coincide with a lack of support and more psychological problems (Schmeelk-
Cone & Zimmerman, 2003). Despite these statistics, there is a lack of research examining the
relationship between school satisfaction, school safety, and levels of happiness among school-
age African American youth. My thesis intends to examine these factors using historical and
ecological perspectives. The findings of this study will identify interventions to promote
healthier academic outcomes for African American youth. Additionally, it will assist in
addressing racial health discrepancies between African American youth and other majority
populations.
Purpose of Study
This study aims to address the hindrances that African American boys face both
economically and environmentally in their pursuit to promote healthier academic outcomes for
African American youth. Furthermore, it will shed light on the many accomplishments the
African American community has achieved despite inadequate circumstances. Routinely,
African Americans are undermined and disproportionately singled out despite their many
justintegrate -
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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contributions to American society. However, societal circumstances have routinely pushed
African Americans to the brink of resolve numerous times, yet we have been able to withstand
them. Finally, this study examines disparities in the educational system between African
American and Caucasian students.
Importance of Study/Significance
Discrimination and stigma are complex and can affect health in numerous ways. One way
is through day-to-day encounters with microaggressions, racial slurs, and other subtle actions
that elicit fear and tension. Another way is through more extensive and more severe acts of
racism, such as being fired from a job, random racial profiling, and unfair treatment in the
healthcare system (Murray, 2016). Lastly, being profiled and harassed by individuals leads to
continuous anxiety and worry, contributing to anticipatory behavior that affects individual habits
(Murray, 2016). Researchers have given these concepts various names: Daily Discrimination
refers to more minor everyday discriminatory incidents (e.g., microaggressions), Major
Discrimination (e.g., police harassment) refers to more substantial lifetime discriminatory
episodes, Anticipated Discrimination refers to the fear of further discriminatory treatment to
come (Dickerson, Gruenewald & Kemeny, 2004). Previous literature has not compared the
impact of various types of discrimination on self-reported general health to determine how the
various types of discrimination overlap and how they are distinct. This thesis primarily focuses
on academic experiences using data from the California Healthy Kids Survey, it is essential to
acknowledge the broader health implications of discrimination against African American youth.
Prior research, such as the Child Health and Development Disparities study, has investigated
how discrimination affects health. These effects can manifest physiologically and emotionally
through poor healthcare quality and promoting unhealthy behaviors. Different types of
Theabstract includedHispanic
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EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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discrimination are commonly reported by African American youth including significant, daily,
and anticipated discrimination, however it is important to consider how perceptions of health and
well being compare across different race and ethnic identities. Though not the primary focus of
this thesis, understanding the multifaceted impact of discrimination on health provides an
essential context for examining the academic experiences of African American youth within the
educational system.
Discrimination and Health
Discrimination is a social stressor seen as an unfair or unjustified socially structured
action (Abramson et al., 2015). This stressor increases cortisol levels and causes a fight-or-flight
response. Dickerson, Gruenewald, and Kemeny (2004) argue that high threats to one's social
wellbeing increase stress hormones such as proinflammatory cytokine activity and cortisol
levels. Continual reception of these threats reduces one's overall level of general health.
However, physiological effects are not the only way that this can occur. Discrimination can also
affect individuals in that they receive inadequate healthcare. Furthermore, it can affect
individuals directly and indirectly by promoting unhealthy behaviors such as poor diet, smoking,
and avoidance of healthcare (Carlisle & Murray, in press).
Physiological and Emotional Effects of Discrimination
Discrimination and health have been intertwined strongly over the centuries through
unfair treatment, racial tensions, and inequality. Previous literature has offered strong evidence
that racial discrimination produces stress, which has direct physiological effects on health. This
includes emotional effects and direct physical stress. For example, one study found that racism
and discriminatory treatment accelerated aging at a biological level, consequently linking racism
and disease risk (Chae et al., 2014). Another study linked discrimination to heightened blood
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
6
pressure, which can decrease wellbeing among African Americans (Deitch et al., 2003).
Discrimination can also induce negative emotions, loneliness, and lower overall life satisfaction
(Sutin et al., 2015). These emotions can affect an individual's life from young adulthood to old
age and their health and wellbeing. Discrimination's emotional impact also carries over by
promoting instances of depressive symptoms, major depression, and psychological distress in an
individual (Hwang & Goto, 2008). Perception of discriminatory events also plays a role in
health. An analysis of 134 samples of perceived discrimination studies found a significant
adverse effect on both the mental and physical health of individuals; perceived discriminatory
events were linked with hypertension, self-reported general health, and breast cancer (Pascoe &
Richman, 2009).
Theoretical Framework(s)
A child's development requires the efforts of parents, teachers, relatives, and others. From
an ecological lens, psychologist Urie Bronfenbrenner's ecological theory of human development
sets the foundation for ecological systems theory. He coined the idea of systems such as the
microsystem to the macrosystem (Harkonen, 2001). As a result, these systems have created a
path for the scholarly development of a child and emphasized the importance of parental
involvement as the stepping stone of this ecological theory.
This theory has been proven vital to a child's success. The microsystem, which involves
parents, family, and school, is the most critical system in Bronfenbrenner's ecological theory.
Within this microsystem, a relationship exists between parental involvement levels and a child's
academic success (Wilder, 2014). Despite parents being the root of a child's academic
development, the level of involvement varies, with factors such as single parenthood or non-
residential status often reducing parental engagement in a child's school life (Peters et al., 2007).
Lamination development
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EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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This disparity in parental involvement can contribute to educational inequalities. Wilder (2014)
states, "Parental involvement has been known to impact students' academic outcomes positively.
Parents change their child's trajectory simply by engaging in their child's educational plan and
investing in their future." This quote highlights the impact of the presence of parents in a child's
life. It also shows the power of a parental investment that can be shown using words, actions, or
money.
Regarding Bronfenbrenner's ecological theory, the microsystem is the most crucial,
involving parents, family, and school as the primary influences on a child's growth and
development. Within this intimate microsystem, parental involvement is a significant factor in
academic success. A direct relationship exists between the levels of parental engagement,
whether through guidance, support, or active participation, and positive outcomes in a child's
educational environment (Epstein & Dauber, 1991; Wilder, 2014). The degree of involvement
can vary considerably, impacting a child's academic trajectory.
Despite parents being the root of a child's success, the level of involvement of parents
matters in the rearing of the child. For example, if a parent can assist a child with homework,
positive feelings about learning occur within the child and the teacher in the classroom (Epstein
& Dauber, 1991). These positive experiences are excellent for everyone within the microsystem,
yet the problem is that these positive experiences are not consistent across all students. Peters
and colleagues (2007) conducted a thorough survey using responses from over 5,032 parents
regarding their involvement in their child's academics. Their survey found that only "around half
(51%) of parents felt very involved in their child's school life: and that lone parents and non-
resident parents were both less likely than average to feel very involved." This gap is further
emphasized by "one in three parents (32%) saying they help their children with their homework
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
8
every time, while a further 26% do so most times" and lastly, "around one in three parents (35%)
had helped out in class or at school at some point". These alarming statistics highlight the
differences in treatment that every child faces.
The dichotomy behind education and parental involvement are two aspects of education
that both offer an exciting outlook on the factors that affect a child's growth. Despite the
resources being available in schools, a child's success is also grounded in the willingness of a
parent to be available during their child's learning experience. Nevertheless, their availability can
vary depending on their job, current lifestyle, and moral willingness to engage with their child.
This engagement can be through homework assistance, involvement in school programs, and the
listening skills of the parent (Wilder, 2014). Wilder (2014) also suggests that involvement in
back-to-school nights and sporting events helps to build rapport with the student and school
community. These activities help to nurture the microsystem arrangement and foster an organic
relationship between family, school, and the student.
Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory also relies not only on the microsystem but
also the mesosystem, exosystem (extended family and neighbors), macrosystem (attitudes and
ideologies of the culture), and chronosystem (environmental changes that occur over time
(Härkönen, 2001). As a result, the school system exists within the exosystem and macrosystem
due to its relationship with local policies, social services and the attitudes surrounding it. The
school system also works intimately with macrosystems such as socioeconomic status (SES),
which also play an intimate role with parents in the school system.
Definitions/Terminology
Racism: Racism is a global hierarchy of superiority and inferiority along the line of the
human that has been politically, culturally, and economically produced and reproduced for
m
vir
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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centuries by the institutions of the "capitalist/patriarchal western-centric/Christian-centric
modern/colonial world system" (Grosfoguel, 2011)
Discrimination: consists of actions, practices, or policies that are—in some appropriate
sense—based on the (perceived) social group to which those discriminated against belong and
that the relevant groups must be socially salient in that they structure interaction in meaningful
social contexts (Lippert-Rasmussen, 2006)
Resilience: Shahroozi (2021) defines resilience as "positive outcomes, adaptation or
attainment of developmental milestones or competencies in the face of significant risk, adversity
or stress." It underscores the importance of understanding how African American youths
navigate challenges and develop strategies to thrive in educational settings, highlighting the need
for interventions that support their holistic development and safety within the school
environment
Ecological Systems Theory: Urie Bronfenbrenner formulated the Ecological Systems
Theory to explain how social environments affect children's development. This theory
emphasizes the importance of studying children in multiple environments, known as ecological
systems, to understand their development.
Research Questions
1) On the California Healthy Kids Survey, Do African American male youth in Los Angeles
County Report a lower level of school safety compared to their Hispanic and White
counterparts?
2) On the California Healthy Kids Survey, Do African American male youth in Los Angeles
County Report lower school satisfaction than their Hispanic and White counterparts?
better than
Caucasian
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EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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3) On the California Healthy Kids Survey, Do African American male youth in Los Angeles
County Report lower happiness than their Hispanic and White counterparts?
Conclusion
Given the context of disparities in education and health among African Americans, there
must be a greater understanding of discriminatory treatment and its effects on health and
education. By examining African American youth in schools and their environmental risks, this
study hopes to understand better how people understand racial events toward African American
communities and beyond.
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
In this chapter, the literature review explores previous research contextualizing the
experiences of African American students in the education system. It examines issues around
racial discrimination in schools, including inequalities stemming from differential treatment,
biases tied to socioeconomic status, language barriers, and discrepancies in academic outcomes.
The discussion then turns to arguments for embracing diverse school environments to nourish
critical thinking, access professional connections, and mitigate student vulnerabilities.
Additionally, this chapter discusses risk and resilience patterns among African American learners
pursuing academics, highlighting formidable obstacles faced but noting substantial persistence
despite challenges. Similarly, it delves into prevalent issues surrounding racial trauma in
education contexts and strategies to provide affected students with coping outlets and counter
discriminatory practices. Collectively, the review situates the current study within broader
conversations on persisting inequities and complex dynamics influencing African American
student success.
Racism and Education
According to Arneback & Jämte (2022), education attainment is the critical developmental
outcome widely assessing successful growth and development. They stated that racism is often
seen as a historical/and or individual-oriented problem in schools. However, discrepancies have
been seen through equalities presented to them through inequalities due to differential treatment,
differences in socioeconomic practice and educational outcomes and more.
Inequalities Due to Differential Treatment and Socioeconomic Status
LYNN
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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Racial differences in academic accomplishment represent egregious and apparent racial
and ethnic disparities. Racial discrimination in the education system takes different forms and
sometimes goes unnoticed. However, victims of persisting discrimination may portray hostility
that they express in implicit and explicit forms, which society perceives as microaggressions that
stigmatize these minority groups. They do not receive the help they need on time, widening
disparities in the education sector. A study by Quintana & Mahgoub. (2016) found that racial
discrimination was executed by teachers who treated students' education abilities differently
depending on their racial and ethnic backgrounds throughout the academic year. Likewise, Trent
et al. (2019) found that educational disparities in the United States are portrayed by the poor quality
of schooling, where children from poor socioeconomic backgrounds are marginalized,
contributing to uneven opportunities to access education. The authors also find that occupational
and economic abilities aggravate substantial differences in academic performance.
Inequalities Contributed by Differences in Response to Educational Practice
Racial differences in the education system manifest as differences in response to education
practices based on racial and ethnic status. This means students from different racial backgrounds
perform based on their ability to respond to similar educational situations. This can go unnoticed,
although it is integral to understanding why disparities persist (Quintana & Mahgoub, 2016). By
drawing from health disparities, they explain that the reason why health disparities persist is that
people from different racial or ethnic backgrounds receive the same type of healthcare but respond
differently to it. Educational practices or approaches might be the same for all students but lead to
different outcomes for students from various ethnic and racial backgrounds. The definition of
educational disparities used by the Task Force encompasses situations where educational outcomes
differ among ethnic and racial minority children due to variations in how they interact with the
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
13
educational system. In other words, it's not just about what happens in schools but also how
students from different backgrounds respond to what happens in schools, which can contribute to
the disparities in educational achievement.
Inequalities in Educational Outcomes
Although American institutions have been implementing substantial efforts to resolve this
national crisis for the last six decades, the Nation's Report Card (2003) data disclose that academic
educational disparities continue to exist and have snowballed widely in the last decades. The
authors find that some groups, like African American, Latino, Native American, and some Asian
American students, tend to do worse in school from when they start in preschool until they finish
high school. They are also less likely to graduate from high school, get into special programs for
talented students, or go to college compared to White and some other Asian American students.
For example, Latino students are almost four times more likely to drop out of school compared to
White students, and African American students are three times more likely to be suspended or
expelled. Many of these minority students still graduate from high school at a rate just above 60%,
and in some big city schools where most students are low-income and minorities, the graduation
rates are even lower than 50%. Among the same racial groups, boys tend to do worse in school
than girls and multiracial young people say they face more physical threats in school than others
(Persky, Daane & Jin, 2003)
Reasons For Embracing Racially Diverse School Environment
Racial composition is essential in the education system as it explains how embracing
diversity in the learning environment can influence other aspects of students' social experience and
academic accomplishment. Findings by Arneback & Jämte (2022) disclose that schools embracing
racial and ethnic differences stimulate the development of critical thinking skills among students
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
14
as it allows students to discuss social issues affecting them, with each student offering an opinion
based on where they come from. Therefore, exposure to different opinions in a class environment
strengthens students' ability to think critically about complex issues facing their community.
Additionally, attending racially diverse schools strengthens students' access to professional and
social networks, especially when transitioning to postsecondary education. A racially diverse
school environment provides students, especially those from marginalized ethnic backgrounds,
ample opportunities to develop professional and social connections that are important for their
future careers (Evans-Winters & Hines, 2020).
Racially diverse schools inherently reduce students' feelings of vulnerability, irrespective
of specific staff actions. In their study, Lopez (2020) researched the impacts of peer harassment at
school. When students perceive themselves as vulnerable and feel unsafe due to peer harassment,
their emotional and cognitive resources are often compromised, making it difficult for them to
perform well academically. In racially diverse schools, where power is distributed across multiple
ethnic groups without a single numerical majority, students may feel less vulnerable. This
balancing highlights the positive impact of being part of a community with balanced power
dynamics, reducing isolation and vulnerability to peer harassment. Such an environment can
significantly enhance overall wellbeing and academic performance for students. Overall, the racial
composition of schools can influence critical thinking abilities, enhance access to social and
professional networks, and reduce feelings of vulnerability among students, highlighting the
importance of diversity in educational environments. Schools should prioritize fostering open
communication to connect with learners to create a space where they will feel valued. It is also
essential to tailor educational programs to provide room for multifaceted discussion to help
students share diverse opinions and insights to benefit them in the long run.
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
15
Risk and Resilience
African American students are vulnerable to various challenges, including adapting to new
cultures, social isolation, unfamiliarity with the curriculum, and financial challenges obstructing
their ability to continue pursuing education opportunities (Hunter-Johnson, 2022). Regardless,
Lopez (2020) argues that most students have shown substantial resilience to overcome these
challenges and graduate from higher education.
Challenges Facing African American Students Pursuing Education in White-Dominated
Schools
Non-white students, especially African Americans, experience a wide variety of challenges
that white students do not encounter. These challenges include adapting to new cultures,
unfamiliarity with the education system, and social isolation from the existing stereotypes (Hunter-
Johnson, 2022). While some scholars focus on exploring challenges experienced by students from
a social perspective, others approach the issue by exploring language issues, differences in
instructional culture and classroom setting, and mostly skin color awareness. Other challenges
include confusion and disconnection subjected to them at different social value systems, loss of
social status and power, and identity issues contributed by their being classified as a minority,
which makes them target victims of the associated stigma, which further hinders their
employability (O'Leary et al., 2020).
According to Hunter-Johnson (2022), African American students are expected to blend
into learning environments characterized by a generational gap between them and American
natives. This can increase feelings of differences as they have different cultural exposure from
their fellow students born and raised in white cultures. Prevalence of such differences may even
lead to the perception that others view them as inferior, adding to their emotional burden.
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
16
Moreover, when transitioning to international nontraditional adult learners, it is essential to note
that they often require assistance with financial challenges due to the high costs of studying abroad.
These financial burdens can impact their social and emotional wellbeing, potentially hindering
their academic progress. It is crucial to address these financial pressures to support these learners
in completing their academic programs. The outcome of these challenges is increased stress, which
persists throughout their academic journey, and many experience challenges qualifying for exams
and securing sustainable networking and mentorship opportunities. Once they complete their
higher education, they still must face the challenges of seeking employment and job security.
Persistence Of Non-American Students Pursuing Education In the United States
Despite various obstacles, most African American students demonstrate resilience by
attaining advanced academic credentials and managing a healthy work-life equilibrium. The
findings of Krsmanovic's (2022) study indicate that there are various factors behind nontraditional
international students choosing American-centered educational institutions. They include
opportunities to improve English, financial support, academic and professional growth drive,
interaction in different intercultural settings, future job prospects, better living, politics and
economically stable life. The motivations behind the actions of these individuals create a solid
base that allows international students to be ambitious and strive hard to do well in academics.
One should bear in mind the fact that the motivational patterns among African American learners
differ from those of their local counterparts, stemming from significant variations in their life
experience (including personal and professional ones) and various factors that determine the living
standards, taking into account countries of origin (Spencer, 2016). Spencer (2016) points out that
African American students encounter significant challenges in American-oriented institutions,
unlike many other groups pursuing education in Western-oriented settings. Despite the challenges,
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
17
they have shown remarkable resilience, supported by their desire to overcome obstacles in life,
strive for academic success, and contribute positively to their communities and society. African
American students rely on goals such as enhanced English-language skills, a desire for academic
and professional development, exposure to diverse intercultural contexts, prospects for future
career advancement, and the promise of improved social status to remain resilient to challenges
facing them daily while pursuing education in America (Penner et al., 2013).
Racial Trauma
The negative impacts of racism are well documented, including experiences of racial
trauma. Therefore, there is a need to implement interventions to help spread awareness and
practical strategies to prevent African American racism, given its harmful impacts.
In recent decades, the rate of racial trauma has tremendously increased in higher learning
institutions. The current form of racism has changed from overt acts to subtler, complex racist, and
ambiguous incidents at institutional and cultural levels. The events intensify the physiological,
emotional, and psychological response when various public humiliations are involved. This leads
to students who are targets of overt, public racism on campus feeling frustrated and detached and
starting to develop doubts concerning their academic capabilities and challenges with their identity
development (Mosley, 2022). The kind of relationship between the student and the perpetrator of
racism may have a crucial role in how trauma is ultimately experienced. For example, Mosley
(2022) argues that if the perpetrator of racism is a teacher, the power dynamics and authority in
the student-teacher relationship can significantly impact how the student experiences and
processes the trauma. This builds upon Shalka's work on trauma, which aims to integrate racial
trauma into student development theory, recognizing the profound and debilitating effects of
racism on Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC).
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
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Self-authorship refers to the ability of individuals to define their own identity, beliefs, and
social relations, transitioning from reliance on external authorities to internal capacity. Through
self-authorship, it is possible to explore how individuals evolve in their ability to define their
identity, beliefs, and social relations, transitioning from reliance on external authorities to internal
capacity. This approach divides this aspect into three dimensions. It helps individuals to reevaluate
who they are, how they see themselves in a racialized manner, and their sense of belonging in
society (Henderson et al., 2022). Individuals may be prompted to discard stereotypes and create
their sense of self through racial trauma. The second dimension is the cognitive/epistemological
dimension, where racial trauma affects students' understanding of how they perceive the world and
make the meaning of their social environment. Engaging in traumatic occasions can lead to the
realization that their perspectives differ from others, which may entail extra developmental tasks
due to the exceptional interpersonal challenges of trauma. The students may grapple with safety,
vulnerability, and agency questions in disclosing their post-trauma selves.
The third dimension is interpersonal, which plays a crucial role in exploring how the
individuals affected by racial trauma may reconsider their association with others. Racial trauma
can lead to self-isolation, isolation, and push-and-pull behavior in interpersonal relations. Students
can seek comfort and deep understanding through kinship connections with others who have
undergone similar trauma. This sense inspires individuals to serve their community as advocates
and mentors, paying forward the support they received and embodying their racial or ethnic
identity.
Strategies To Diminish Racial Trauma
Racial trauma can be diminished using various strategies, such as racial socialization, often
studied in the context of parents educating their children about race, culture, and identity. It helps
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
19
children be aware and take necessary precautions to deal with racism. Racial socialization supports
coping responses such as teaching children how to respond to racial discrimination, providing them
with strategies to navigate challenging situations, and fostering a strong sense of racial identity
and pride. In contrast to families and parents of color, white educators and parents are most likely
to involve themselves in racial socialization practices that enhance the disruption of racism
(Hatchimonji et al., 2022). Therefore, any learning institution aiming to combat racism must build
racial socialization skills in all white members of the institution. This will help the school to
increase constructive interracial interactions and promote productive racial socialization within the
school compound.
On the other hand, trauma-informed strategies assist teachers and adults in identifying
students who may be undergoing challenging ways with kindness and give them another chance
at healing besides being designed to deal with racism or the stress and trauma related to race.
Schools have created trauma-informed programs over the last twenty years to help children cope
with trauma, anxiety, and challenging experiences that can harm their development. According to
Henderson et al. (2019), these strategies focus on strengthening the existing support and helping
students build skills to handle the current trauma. Nevertheless, these methods can sometimes label
Brown and Black students as having challenges because of the unfair conditions created by racism.
The strengths of trauma-informed approaches should be used to help students adapt to and heal
from the trauma and stress related to racism, all while aiming to stop the racism and unfair
conditions it creates.
Racial trauma in the education sector plays an integral role in hindering African American
individuals from receiving the quality education they desire. However, implementing efforts such
as racial trauma and trauma-informed strategies will enable all stakeholders, including teachers
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
20
and students, to identify victims of racial discrimination and provide them with an environment to
cope effectively.
Environmental and Historical Impediments
Racial discrimination against African American students has been a systemic issue
historically. These practices persist due to continued reliance on policies that do little to address
racial disparities existing in American schools. Environmental and historical obstacles hindering
the American education system from embracing an education system free from racial
discrimination targeting African American students will be discussed.
Evidence from the United States Census Bureau pinpointed that racial minorities were
projected to be 57% of the American population as of 2020 (Mills, 2020). Regardless, fewer
students enrolled in higher learning institutions after federal educational policies prohibited
individuals from racial minority groups from attaining higher education. Although efforts to
diversify academic attendance have been made, they completely erase the history of racial
discrimination against African American students, as discriminatory admission policies exist and
unfairly exclude students. The persistence of this culture of exclusion creates an unwelcoming
climate for these students, increasing attrition and disengagement.
Since the colonial period, federal educational policies prevented African Americans from
accessing high-quality education. Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) supported the appropriateness of
racial segregation in public institutions, stating that it did not violate the American Constitution
only if they focused on providing students with equal quality education. However, maintaining
equality in education is not easy when the entire system is corrupted by systemic exclusion and
racism of minor groups. For instance, Southern Black schools during the 1950s would only receive
60% of the per-student funds from Southern white schools, meaning that black students would go
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
21
on for months without proper access to primary needs and facilities such as electricity, water,
libraries, gymnasiums, and cafeterias (Evans-Winters, & Hines, 2020). The presence of these
amenities meant that black students would only access substandard education. However, the civil
rights activists and the NAACP during the 1950s did their best to challenge these racial segregation
laws in public schools. In 1954, "the separate but equal" principle was overruled by the Brown v.
Board of Education. According to the Supreme Court, laws allowing racial segregation in public
learning institutions were unconstitutional.
For centuries, American African students were forced to enroll primarily in white boarding
schools where they were not allowed to speak their first language or engage in cultural activities.
This forced assimilation contributed to the systemic dilution of students' traditions and culture. In
addition, the students were banned from participating in college life, primarily in white institutions,
which empowered students to form organizations focusing on celebrating the experiences of
African American students. These formations allowed students to socialize, assemble, and seek
solutions to overcome the harsh repercussions of enrolling in predominantly white schools. During
this time, organizations such as the Black Student Union were formed to allow students to preserve
their cultural traditions and focus on campaigning for measures that would enable them to validate
their racial and ethnic identity.
Consequently, implementing discriminatory policies affects low-income students through
standardized evaluations such as the SAT, which was introduced in 1962. The negative side of
these standardized tests is that they have played a central role in disqualifying many Black students
during admission. However, a recent study by Reynolds et al. (2021) revealed that the SAT is not
an ideal determiner of college success, given that it tends to favor the languages communicated by
white American students from affluent backgrounds and those from Eurocentric culture. Today,
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
22
racial segregation persists, given that African American students attend predominantly white
schools with buildings named after white men who openly supported beliefs of genocide, slavery,
and the inferiority of African Americans. At the same time, hate crimes remain the face of many
learning institutions. For instance, Syracuse University in 2019 reported twelve different incidents
of anti-Semitic and racist graffiti, which attracted protests from students, and the FBI also became
involved (Sasso & David, 2022). Furthermore, racial exclusion manifests in curriculum
development as most American schools have adopted educational programs that teach students the
significance and history of racial and ethnic minorities. Additionally, several institutions are under-
resourced and underfunded, highlighting how Black institutions are undervalued in the American
context.
Overall, there is an urgent need for learning institutions to review the exclusionary
practices exercised in school settings throughout history as they reflect the persisting racial
segregation experienced by African American students. Racism is still a common issue in the
American education system. While increasing diversity is a substantial goal, it makes little effort
to eliminate the existing institutional barriers that obstruct access and educational opportunities
for African American students. Therefore, higher education institutions should collaborate with
scholars and policy developers to understand the root cause of inequities in access to quality
education, which currently inhibits students' academic success in the African American
community.
Racial Disparities in Education
Racial gaps across educational outcomes, including standardized test scores, grades,
graduation rates, discipline, college enrollment and completion rates, reveal vast inequities in
achievement and attainment between minority and White students at all academic levels. These
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
23
persistent differences stem from interlocking social, economic, and institutional factors that
collectively sustain structural racism within schools.
Causes of Education Disparities
In a study by Williams & Cooper (2019), Socioeconomic status and race are strongly
interconnected, with minorities facing disproportionate poverty. This economic disadvantage
directly harms academic achievement. Moreover, biases tied to socioeconomic status contribute
to unequal education. Teachers frequently perceive minority students from low-income
backgrounds as less capable and motivated, propagating divergent expectations and treatment.
Financial hardships also limit minority students' access to supplemental learning opportunities,
furthering divides.
Eurocentric curricula and predominately White teaching forces alienate minority
students, challenging their identity development, sense of belonging, skill building, and
academic performance (Dickerson, Gruenewald, and Kemeny, 2004). Racial biases embedded in
standardized assessments also disadvantage non-native English speakers. Marginalization of
minority students' cultural frames of reference and experiences in academics exacerbates
estrangement and underachievement.
School segregation concentrates on poverty and racial isolation, severely impacting
minority student outcomes (Henderson et al., 2019). Relatedly, inequitable funding and staffing
distributions between minority-serving and predominately White schools deprive the former of
essential resources, entrenching achievement gaps (Quintana & Mahgoub, 2016). Ongoing
segregation and unequal resource allocation sustain racial hierarchy.
Socioeconomic Status
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
24
Beyond material factors, biases tied to socioeconomic status contribute to racial
disparities in education. Teachers frequently perceive minority students from low-income
backgrounds through deficit lenses as less capable and motivated, leading to divergent
expectations and treatment that propagate inequality (Al Shamsi et al., 2020). Financial
hardships also limit disadvantaged minorities' access to supplemental learning opportunities
available to more affluent peers, furthering divides. While differences exist even among
economically advantaged subgroups, indicating additional factors, socioeconomic barriers
remain a primary driver of racial inequities.
Language Proficiency
Limited English proficiency among racial minority students, especially English language
learners, is associated with depressed academic performance, graduation rates, and overall
educational attainment (Penner et al., 2013). Racial biases embedded in standardized language
assessments further disadvantage non-native speakers (Hunter-Johnson, 2022). While numerous
elements contribute to achievement gaps, language barriers and culturally-biased tests exacerbate
racial stratification. Even minoritized native English speakers contend with whitewashed
linguistic expectations marginalizing cultural dialects.
Approaches to Address Racial Disparity in Education
Government-driven initiatives around integration, equitable funding formulas, early
interventions, and accountability measures help mitigate disparities systemically (Hernández &
Harris, 2022). Embedding culturally responsive teaching practices through diverse curricular
materials, antiracist pedagogies, and educator training promotes minority achievement
(Hatchimonji, 2022). Considering racism's psychological toll, increased mental health support,
trauma-informed practices, and disaggregated data analysis enable healthier school climates that
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
25
embrace minority students' lived experiences (Persky, Daane, & Jin, 2003). Additionally,
outreach programs prepare disadvantaged minorities for higher education through academic
enrichment, admissions and financial guidance, and campus exposure, while school-community
partnerships build cultural bridges and address challenges holistically (Arneback & Jämte, 2022;
Krsmanovic, 2022). Sustained, multifaceted efforts challenging historical biases are imperative.
Current Interventions
Incidents of racial disparities in the education sector are increasing among non-white
students, especially African Americans and Hispanics, making them vulnerable to unequal
opportunities and experiences. Different strategies and interventions have been set in place to
resolve racial injustices in the education system in the long run to neutralize their impacts. These
interventions range from policy reforms to introducing changes in education and society
engagement efforts. Such a comprehensive approach promotes equitable representation, access,
and outcomes for these students.
The first intervention is policy reforms through desegregation policies, affirmative action,
and equity legislation, which the government aims to maximize to resolve historical challenges
facing non-white students. Affirmative action aims to offer the underrepresented ethnic and
minority racial groups preferential treatment in employment and education, thus enhancing
opportunities (Anderson et al., 2019). On the other hand, court-mandated desegregation policies
aim at creating racially integrated environments that neutralize segregation. In contrast, equity
legislation policies aim to push school districts to oversee even distribution of resources, especially
in low-income societies.
Another effort is integrating culturally responsive teaching methods, which suggested
positive results, is by O'Leary et al.and colleagues (2020) to improve educational outcomes for all
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
26
students by immersing them in cultural experiences and backgrounds of different cultures. This
serves as an essential foundation for the students to understand how they can respond to the unique
needs of other cultures in the classroom. Recent studies identify that these stereotypes in the
education system have a more remarkable ability to influence how students treat their classmates
and perceive themselves. Therefore, implementing anti-bias education programs aims to raise
awareness of these biases and prejudices among teachers, administrators, and students and
encourages cultivating a culture of inclusivity, respect, and empathy in the classroom.
African American students are vulnerable to unique challenges and stressors due to racial
discrimination, and efforts have been made to incorporate mental health services and counseling
into the school curriculum. The aim is to provide victims of racial disparity with a safe and non-
judgmental opportunity to discuss racial challenges facing them and encourage them to work
together to resolve them in an empathic and confidential environment. Moreover, efforts to collect
and analyze student academic accomplishments play a central role in helping teachers identify the
source and solution of these racial disparities. According to Ottwein (2020), providing African
Americans with equal educational opportunities through gifted programs will play an integral role
in lifting barriers to information dissemination and admission criteria. Several African American
schools expanded their course offerings, ensured training teachers on cultural diversity and
inclusion regularly, and how to tailor their education programs to diminish opportunities for biases
and foster a collaborative community sustainably. Together, these efforts provide an equitable,
inclusive, and supportive learning environment, which is integral in closing the gaps and instilling
a fair education system.
Abolishing racial injustice practices in education is a multifaceted issue demanding the
implementation of long-term efforts to sustain stakeholder commitment. Combining these
citation
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
27
interventions provides an opportunity for adjustment to the changing landscapes and supports
ongoing evaluation of supportive environments for students from all ethnic and racial
backgrounds.
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
28
CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
Few studies have identified the risk and resilience factors among African American youth
in education. A study by Spencer and colleagues (1994) assessed how indicators of context, self,
and action related to measures of risk and resilient outcomes in schools in three different
samples. Overall, their sample found that African American youths' experiences of their parent
school involvement predicted a composite of their self-system processes, predicting the subjects'
school engagement reports. Another study by Myers and Taylor (1998) found that African
American youth living in urban poverty run a disproportionately higher risk for adverse
psychosocial and educational outcomes than more affluent African American and Caucasian
children. Although previous research has been conducted on resilience and risk, limited research
is available on the relationship between academic success, health risks and stress among African
American youth in schools.
Research Questions
The present study plans to identify appropriate interventions to improve and promote
healthier academic outcomes for African American youth. Quantitative analytical approaches are
integrated into the research to design questionnaires. These include;
1) On the California Healthy Kids Survey, Do African American male youth in Los Angeles
County Report a lower level of school safety compared to their Hispanic and White
counterparts?
2) On the California Healthy Kids Survey, Do African American male youth in Los Angeles
County Report lower school satisfaction than their Hispanic and White counterparts?
p
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
29
3) On the California Healthy Kids Survey, Do African American male youth in Los Angeles
County Report lower happiness than their Hispanic and White counterparts?
Measurement
The California Healthy Kids Survey (CHKS) is offered to students starting in grade 5
(age 10) and up in grades 5, 7, 9 and 11 every other year. It is not a random sample; districts
choose to participate or receive state TUPE funding to administer it. The survey includes
sections on school climate, safety, student wellness, health risks, school connectedness,
protective factors and violence. Additional supplemental and demographic sections allow
customization and identification of vulnerabilities. Psychometric analyses by CHKS (n.d.) found
the CHKS meets reliability standards with Cronbach's alpha levels between .73 and .89 across
subscales. Criterion and construct validity were also demonstrated through logical relationships
between crucial risk areas. Any supplemental validity data in the CHKS data request will also be
reported. As participation is voluntary, results may reflect districts more actively addressing
student needs, limiting generalizability. This potential self-selection bias will be discussed as a
study limitation.
Site
The study takes place across all public schools in Los Angeles County. About 70% of
school districts in California participate in the CHKS. Most districts administer the CHKS every
other year, but about one-third of districts administer it each year.
Sample
The California Healthy Kids Survey (CHKS) uses a stratified cluster random sampling
method to sample students across California. This means that the sample is representative of the
state's population in terms of race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, geographic region, and other
Gand questions
good
good
usesextantdatacollectedfrom
Include into relevant toyour study sample sizefor LACounty males
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
30
vital characteristics. The sampling process involves dividing the state into clusters, randomly
selecting a subset of schools from each cluster, and then selecting a random sample of students
from those schools. The total sample size for the CHKS is approximately 200,000 students,
designed to ensure that the results are accurate and representative of the state's youth population.
Recruitment
The California Healthy Kids Survey (CHKS) is voluntary. One class period is needed to
take the survey. The average student can complete the online Core Module in 15 minutes or less.
Ninety-five percent of students complete the online Core Module in 30 minutes or less. State law
requires the parents, at a minimum, to be notified of a CHKS administration and be offered the
opportunity to grant or withhold consent (CALSCHS, 2023).
Instrumentation
The California Healthy Kids Survey (CHKS) in Core Elementary School Survey is a
comprehensive assessment tool for elementary school students. It begins by collecting
demographic data, such as age, grade, gender, and ethnicity, providing context for analysis. The
survey evaluates physical health, including nutrition, physical activity, and sleep patterns, while
identifying potential support areas. Emotional and mental health is also explored, shedding light
on stress and emotional wellbeing. Addressing substance use, bullying, and safety within and
outside school settings is crucial for intervention. The survey measures students' sense of
connectedness and support at school and home, aiding in understanding their social and
emotional wellbeing. The school environment, including climate and health resources, may be
considered. The survey may also explore students' social and environmental factors, like living
conditions and community resources. Collectively, these components offer a comprehensive
add table items surveysamplesize
2021 2
gaffed
has questions about Thesurvey includes items on
Rewritetojustdescribe what items or scales are on the survey you don't need to
explain or justify the items
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
31
view of students' wellbeing. They provide essential data for informed decision-making and the
development of targeted intervention strategies to enhance student's overall health and safety.
Data Collection
Data was collected via a coded Likert scale survey, which was then analyzed to identify
trends, patterns, and areas of concern. This data can be used at various levels, including
individual school assessments, district-wide comparisons, and statewide assessments, to inform
decision-making and intervention strategies.
Data Analysis
The three research questions selected for analysis using the California Healthy Kids
Survey (CHKS) data center examine critical aspects of the school experiences of African
American male youth in Los Angeles County public compared to their Hispanic/Latinx and
White peers.
The first research question focuses specifically on school safety, asking: Do African
American male youth report lower perceptions of school safety compared to Hispanic/Latinx and
White male youth based on the CHKS? Assessing racial/ethnic group differences in perceived
school safety is essential, considering past literature demonstrating that discriminatory treatment
and lack of belongingness in school can negatively impact minority students' wellbeing (Evans-
Winters & Hines, 2020). Due to historical marginalization, African American youth may view
the same school climates as less secure. Their responses illuminated invisible threats influencing
their educational experiences.
Likewise, the second research question concentrated on school satisfaction, examining if
African American male youth report lower satisfaction levels than their counterparts. Satisfaction
measures gauge effective engagement with the academic environment. Understanding variations
Extant data the
e
WhatHad Molested
Joked to
natives justify
Mw Explain
inch
againjust list survey item asthe of
students who responded to the item
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
32
can identify specific student needs. Previous studies found race and gender shape satisfaction; for
instance, Hunter-Johnson (2022) found that African-American students exhibit less trust in
teachers and are less satisfied with discipline policies than white peers. Investigating satisfaction
by race and gender in LA schools promised to reveal intervention points.
Moreover, the third question explored racial/ethnic differences in reported unhappiness
levels, an indicator of emotional wellbeing. Psychological health interplays closely with
academic outcomes, so examining discrepancies provided insights. Prior evidence does suggest
depressed psychological wellbeing among African American youth stemming from social
inequities and exclusion (Lopez, 2020). Assessing unhappiness gives a proxy indication of this
critical issue.
These three research focal areas collectively elucidated variances between African
American male youth and peers in aspects closely tied to minority students' experiences,
engagement, and success within education settings. Examining racial disparities utilizing the
CHKS provided direction for enhancing support services, climate interventions, inclusion
strategies, and policies to promote equitable opportunities for student health across groups.
i
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
33
CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
While assessing the results of a study through ANOVA, several assumptions need to be
met. These include the independence of observations, the normality of residuals, and the
homogeneity of variances. The hypothetical questions in the CHKS study guided the data
collection process to ensure the independence of observations. The normality of residuals was
also assessed through statistical tests or visual inspection of the data distribution. On the
contrary, the homogeneity of variances was checked using post-hoc tests to ensure that the
variance of the dependent variable was consistent across groups. Addressing these assumptions
in the research design and analysis enhanced the validity and reliability of the ANOVA results,
providing a solid foundation for drawing meaningful conclusions from the data. Descriptive data
is presented in Table 1.
Table 1.
Sample Size for Study Items by Race/Ethnicity
Item
Range Black/AA Hispanic/Latinx White/Caucasian Total
Safety
1-6 309 2058 1511 3,878
Satisfaction 1-4 27 339 474 840
Happiness 1-5 27 344 482 853 Note. Safety items ranged from 1=Very dissatisfied to 6=Very satisfied,….. Satisfaction items ranged from 1=No, Never to 4=Yes, All of the time Happiness items ranged from 1=Never, 5=Always
analysis
0 What are the specific items howmany survey itemsper scale why does the sample size
vary so much why was LA county the
focus how many schools districts in the
sample
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
34
Hypothesis 1
Hypothesis 1 predicted that on the California Healthy Kids Survey, African American
male youth in Los Angeles County would report a lower level of school safety compared to their
Hispanic and White counterparts. A one-way between-subjects ANOVA was conducted to assess
the differences in levels of safety between African Americans, Hispanics/Latinx, and Whites.
Contrary to our hypothesis, Hispanic/Latinx students reported the lowest levels of safety (M =
3.14) in comparison to White (M = 3.32) and African American students (M = 3.17). There was a
significant effect between the three races at the p < .05 level regarding school safety [F(2, 3875)
= 20.211, p = <.001]. Post hoc comparisons using the Bonferroni HSD test indicated mean scores
for African American students (M = 3.17, SD = .871) indicated minute but significant mean
differences between Hispanic/Latinx (M = 3.14, SD = .844) and White students (M = 3.32, SD =
.759).
Table 2
Summary of Means, SDs, and ANOVA Results for Hypothesis 1
RACE MEAN SD STD ERROR 95% CI BLACK/AA 3.17 .871 .050 3.07 – 3.27
HISPANIC/LATINX 3.14 .844 .019 3.11 – 3.18 WHITE 3.32 .759 .020 3.28 – 3.35 TOTAL 3.21 .818 .013 3.19 – 3.24
Note. AA=African Americans
SUM OF SQUARES DF MEAN
SQUARE F P-VALUE BETWEEN GROUPS 26.795 2 13.398 20.2 <.001* WITHIN GROUPS 2598.696 3875 .663 TOTAL 2595.491 3877
Note. p >.001
compute effectsize Such a large sample
willmake any slight difference significant
but it may not be clinically significant
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
35
Hypothesis 2
Hypothesis 2 predicted that on the California Healthy Kids Survey, African American
male youth in Los Angeles County will report a lower level of school satisfaction compared to
their Hispanic and White counterparts. A one-way between-subjects ANOVA was conducted to
assess the differences in levels of school satisfaction between African Americans,
Hispanic/Latinx, and Whites. Under our hypothesis, Black/African American students reported
the lowest levels of school satisfaction (M = 4.48) in comparison to White (M = 4.65) and
Hispanic/Latinx peers (M = 4.60). Post hoc comparisons using the Bonferroni HSD test indicated
non-significant mean score differences [F(2, 837) = .330, p = .719) between Black/African
Americans (M = 4.48, SD = 1.503), Hispanic/Latinx (M = 4.60, SD = 1.239) and White (M =
4.65, SD = 1.138).
Table 3
Summary of Means, SDs, and ANOVA Results for Hypothesis 2
RACE MEAN SD STD ERROR 95% CI BLACK/AA 4.48 1.503 .289 3.89 – 5.08
HISPANIC/LATINX 4.60 1.239 .067 4.47 – 4.74 WHITE 4.65 1.138 .052 4.55 – 4.75 TOTAL 4.63 1.191 .041 4.54 – 4.71
SUM OF SQUARES DF MEAN
SQUARE F P-VALUE BETWEEN GROUPS .939 2 .470 .330 .719 WITHIN GROUPS 1189.936 837 1.422 TOTAL 1190.875 839
Note. AA=African Americans
Hypothesis 3
Hypothesis 3 predicted that on the California Healthy Kids Survey, African American
male youth in Los Angeles County will report lower levels of happiness compared to their
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
36
Hispanic and White counterparts. A one-way between-subjects ANOVA was conducted to assess
the differences in levels of unhappiness between African Americans, Hispanic/Latinx, and
Whites. This was reverse-coded, indicating that higher mean values meant lower happiness
levels. Following our hypothesis, Black/African American students reported the lowest levels of
unhappiness (M = 2.07) in comparison to White (M = 1.87) and Hispanic/Latinx peers (M =
1.88). Post hoc comparisons using the Bonferroni HSD test indicated non-significant mean score
differences [F(2, 850) = 1.012, p = .364) between Black/African Americans (M = 2.07, SD =
.917), Hispanic/Latinx (M = 1.88, SD = .859) and White (M = 1.87, SD = .588).
Table 4
Summary of Means, SDs, and ANOVA Results for Hypothesis 3
RACE MEAN SD STD ERROR 95% CI BLACK/AA 2.07 .917 .176 1.71 – 2.44
HISPANIC/LATINX 1.88 .859 .046 1.79 – 1.97 WHITE 1.87 .588 .027 1.82 – 1.92 TOTAL 1.88 .720 .025 1.83 – 1.93
Note. AA=African Americans
SUM OF SQUARES DF MEAN
SQUARE F P-VALUE BETWEEN GROUPS 1.051 2 .526 1.01 .364 WITHIN GROUPS 441.226 850 .519 TOTAL 442.277 852
again listing the actualitems wouldbehelpful
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
37
Chapter 5
DISCUSSION
The CHKS study discusses salient findings about the academic experiences of African
American male youth in Los Angeles County, offering a window into the nuanced interplay
between race, educational environment, and student wellbeing. These discussions surface
multifarious implications concerning the school climate and emotional health of African
American students alongside their Hispanic/Latinx and White peers. Furthermore, it discusses
the current educational discourse and the enduring racial disparities that shape these youths'
educational trajectories.
Regarding school safety, the unanticipated report of lower safety levels among
Hispanic/Latinx students deviates from expected outcomes and suggests intricate socio-cultural
dynamics at play. The findings here echo more significant societal conversations about
differential treatment and the impact of socioeconomic status on educational experiences
(Arneback & Jämte, 2022; Trent et al., 2019). Specifically, these disparities resonate with
historical patterns of inequitable resource allocation and institutional approaches that may
perpetuate a sense of insecurity among marginalized communities. This study found no
significant racial differences regarding school satisfaction, paradoxically juxtaposing the reality
that African American students reported the lowest satisfaction levels. This suggests latent
complexities in how satisfaction is articulated and processed across racial lines. The varied
academic outcomes across ethnic groups may arise from differential responses to homogenous
educational practices, spotlighting a critical area for introspection in pedagogic approaches
(Quintana & Mahgoub, 2016).
Learns_
10 theans ThEy
asmall
sample size
which led
to a lack of
power
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
38
Similarly, the CHKS analysis of the happiness levels among African American students
unveiled a non-significant trend toward greater unhappiness. While not stark, this prompts a
critical assessment of factors contributing to their wellbeing, threading into conversations about
racial composition in schools and the impact on students' social and academic realities (Evans-
Winters & Hines, 2020). The study's introduction steers towards educational structures that uplift
critical thinking through racial diversity and fortifying strategies that mitigate vulnerability due
to peer harassment.
The resilience observed in African American students is commendable despite the
formidable barriers such as cultural incongruity, financial constraints, and socio-educational
alienation in predominantly white institutions. This resilience underscores a broader narrative of
resistance and adaptation in the face of systemic educational and socioeconomic impediments,
affirming the complex interplay of risk and resilience in minority education (Hunter-Johnson,
2022). The examination of racial trauma within educational settings further exacerbates the
dialogue on the intricate relation between student experiences and development under the duress
of racialized experiences. Educational arenas are settings for cognitive growth and territories
where racial identities are contested, fortified, or assailed, affecting African American students to
varying degrees concerning their developmental trajectories (Hernández & Harris., 2022).
The historical survey brings forth evidence pointing to entrenched, systemic racial
discrimination, with remnants still palpable in today's educational policies and practices. This
historical overview, notably referencing Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) and subsequent landmark
cases, showcases the longevity and stubbornness of racial inequality within educational contexts,
necessitating urgent and systemic interventions. These discussions invite scrutiny of the current
interventions focused on dismantling the persisting barriers sculpted by racial disparities. Policy
are hotcountryschools predominantly
White
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
39
reforms, culturally responsive teaching, and augmented mental health services outlined as
current interventions form an essential solution toward a more equitable education landscape.
They are imperative in ensuring that the echoes of historical exclusions do not reverberate into
the future of African American education.
Limitations
This study had several limitations that should be considered when interpreting the
findings. First, the sample was limited to African American male youth in Los Angeles County
public schools. While focusing on this specific population was intentional, given the study aims,
the geographic restriction reduces generalizability to the broader population of African American
students nationwide. In particular, findings may not reflect the realities of African American
youth in rural areas or other urban centers with different socioeconomic and educational
dynamics. Relatedly, intersectional diversity within African American communities along the
lines of social class, family structure, or sexual identities could result in a range of academic
experiences not fully captured in the data.
Additionally, the quantitative nature of the survey data, while allowing examination of
group trends, does not provide a nuanced, qualitative understanding of how socio-cultural and
institutional processes shape students' schooling realities. Statistical comparisons of school
climate perceptions or wellbeing indicators lack the contextual insights from open-ended
interviews or ethnographic observation. As such, the survey items represent researcher-driven
categories that may not fully align with emic perspectives or address subtle environmental
factors impacting minority youth engagement. Mixed methods incorporating participatory
assessments could strengthen the cultural validity of findings.
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EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
40
The voluntary nature of district participation in administering the CHKS also presents a
self-selection threat where included counties may have more robust student support initiatives. If
less-resourced districts with more significant unmet needs are underrepresented, reported racial
disparities could be muted, distorting the scope of current inequities. Relatedly, social
desirability bias could affect student responses regarding sensitive topics like discrimination or
mental health. Steps to maximize anonymity protections help minimize this bias but do not
eliminate it.
Additionally, the cross-sectional rather than longitudinal design collects data at one point.
Tracking students' trajectories over multiple years could reveal developmental patterns in how
environmental stressors, coping skills, or shifting identities influence academic outcomes,
motivation, and engagement. Capturing such changes may be especially relevant for historically
marginalized youth with evolving awareness of systemic barriers as they progress through
school.
On the other hand, the complex role of intersecting student identities beyond race and
gender could provide essential nuance to the findings. Exploring disparities along socioeconomic
lines using eligibility for free or reduced-price lunch could help disentangle the effects of racial
marginalization from class barriers. Similarly, accounting for special education status, home
language, or immigration generation would allow parsing unique challenges tied to a disability,
cultural adaptation, or documentation that minority students disproportionately face. Ultimately,
this study provided an initial glimpse into equity issues in Los Angeles schools but has
substantial room to expand in scope, depth, and inclusivity moving forward. Pursuing
multifaceted analyses of student experiences can strengthen the knowledge base for targeted,
culturally-attuned interventions promoting success for all youth.
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
41
Recommendation
While this study offers valuable insights into the academic experiences of African
American male youth in Los Angeles County, additional research is imperative to inform
supportive policies and practices promoting equitable education. First, incorporating diverse
geographic contexts beyond urban counties would strengthen generalizability and allow for a
comparison of the realities of African American students in rural, suburban, and urban spaces
nationally. Vast differences in school funding, offerings, demographic composition, and cultural
dynamics likely contribute to varied outcomes needing exploration. Additionally, qualitative,
ethnographic, or participatory assessments capturing emic perspectives through student voices
and observations could contextualize quantitative findings on achievement patterns, motivation,
belonging, and wellbeing. Mixed methodology leveraging cultural validity from community-
centered designs would enhance the research rigor and applied impact.
Relatedly, enhanced engagement with intersectional frameworks around class, family
structure, sexual orientation, citizenship status and disability could unveil compounded
marginalization for African American youth holding multiple minoritized identities.
Quantitatively disaggregating academic performance, retention, and climate perceptions based
on income, documentation status, LGBTQ identity, ability, and other constructs would clarify
varied needs. A qualitative exploration of navigating overlapping systemic barriers across social
institutions could also further practical support. Additionally, longitudinal tracking from early
schooling through college and career entry would provide invaluable data on how environmental
stressors, discrimination, and protective factors influence youth development and outcomes over
time. Awareness of status and opportunity gaps often evolves developmentally, shaping
academic trajectories. Capturing such processes could direct age-appropriate interventions.
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
42
Critically, the sampling frame should expand to diverse counties nationwide for broader
claims and comparisons. Drawing participants proportionately across income levels would help
separate racialized effects from socioeconomic obstacles. Overrepresenting struggling districts
and underserved communities could better target unmet needs. Enhanced cultural validity
procedures like member-checking preliminary themes, collaborating on survey design, or
participatory analysis would also uplift community knowledge. Funding community researchers
as equitable partners rather than passive subjects can enhance relevance and reciprocity. From a
policy standpoint, school districts must move beyond simplistic diversity commitments toward
actionable work addressing systemic racism through curriculum, tracking, admissions, funding,
and cultural competency training. Academic studies can guide these efforts with context-specific
evidence.
Additionally, further research should emphasize school-level strategies to support
marginalized students through professional development, expanding teachers' cultural awareness
and responsiveness. Evaluating implicit bias training, restorative justice programs, or racial
socialization curricula across classroom settings and districts would clarify best practices for
national scaling. To that end, stronger partnerships between education scholars, school
administrations, and communities of color must inform the research. For example, community
advisory boards reviewing proposed projects could strengthen sensibility to lived experiences
and priority needs. Ultimately, nuanced, mixed-method examinations of intersecting student
identities across diverse locales can illuminate pathways toward equitable education, where
strengths-based, culturally validating pedagogies empower all youth. The journey beyond
documented disparities toward lasting justice requires community representation and
participation at all stages, from conceptualization through application.
citations
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
43
Conclusion
This study corroborates the need for a grand, inter-sectional strategy to challenge the
status quo of educational inequity. It ascertains that awareness of differential treatment,
socioeconomic disparities, and systematic racial traumas must enlighten the design of academic
reforms, policy restructuring, and practice within schools. Moving forward requires an
indomitable pursuit of diversity, inclusivity, and support systems that transcend mere rhetoric,
cultivating a fertile ground for all students, especially those historically disenfranchised, to
thrive. The trajectory from recognizing disparities to realizing true educational equality
necessitates concerted efforts across all societal structures, thus embracing these critical
examinations as beacons for illumination in the onward journey.
Ultimately, the findings reveal more work is needed to disentangle the multifaceted
factors influencing African American students' wellbeing, engagement, and success in schools
often not designed for their socio-cultural thriving. The discussion situates these patterns within
broader conversations on enduring educational inequities along racial lines stemming from
biased curricula, discriminatory tracking policies, and cultural contradictions between minority
youth identities and white-normed institutions. These historical realities underscore the need for
continued research and policy efforts promoting systemic change for justice. The study's
limitations centered on generalizability, researcher biases, social desirability effects, self-
selection, and variable centering that future work should address through inclusive mixed
methodology.
Key recommendations include enhanced engagement with intersectionality, qualitative
illumination of lived experiences, community-driven participatory research practices, nationwide
sampling reaching diverse locales, and longitudinal tracking of within-group heterogeneity
1 saught
now
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
44
across developmental stages. Additionally, scaling targeted professional development
opportunities for teachers and school leaders related to cultural competence, restorative justice
programs, and antiracist education could spark impactful transformation. Ultimately, realizing
the vision for racially equitable schooling free from systemic oppression requires bringing
affected communities to the forefront as authorities over their own experiences and advocates for
responsive redress. Academics must move from observing inequities to enacting change through
reciprocal collaboration. This study provided a reminder of persistent racial injustices in Los
Angeles County schools that should reignite advocacy efforts, policy revisions, and critical
consciousness-raising to empower minority youth futures. The collective work ahead
necessitates relentless critique of neutrality myths, intersectional solidarity, and platforming of
scholarship and stories exposing realities of marginalization.
EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS
45
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