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Citizenship

Key Themes in Sociology This outstanding introductory series covers major theoretical perspectives and key concepts refl ecting contemporary society. Written in an engaging style and accessible format, these concise volumes are designed to stimulate student discussion and thought. Pedagogical features such as primary read- ings, chapter summaries, key terms, and further suggested reading ensure these student-friendly volumes will be an essential aid to the study of the key themes in sociology.

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The Sociology of Gender: An Introduction to Theory and Research Amy S. Wharton

Science and Technology in Society: From Biotechnology to the Internet Daniel Lee Kleinman

Citizenship: Discourse, Theory, and Transnational Prospects Peter Kivisto and Thomas Faist

Citizenship Discourse, Theory, and Transnational Prospects

Peter Kivisto and Thomas Faist

© 2007 by Peter Kivisto and Thomas Faist

blackwell publishing 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148-5020, USA 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK 550 Swanston Street, Carlton, Victoria 3053, Australia

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First published 2007 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd

1 2007

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Kivisto, Peter, 1948– Citizenship : discourse, theory, and transnational prospects / Peter Kivisto and Thomas Faist. p. cm. – (Key themes in sociology) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4051-0551-4 (hardback : alk. paper) ISBN 978-1-4051-0552-1 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Citizenship. I. Faist, Thomas, 1959– II. Title.

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Contents

1 Introduction 1

Expansion or Erosion? 3 Four Themes 6 The Future of Citizenship 13

2 Inclusion 15

The Dialectic of Inclusion and Exclusion 17 Multiculturalism as a Mode of Inclusion 34 The Lesson to Be Drawn from Existing Theory and Praxis 47

3 Erosion 49

Dimensions of Citizenship 50 T. H. Marshall and the Expansion of Citizenship Rights 51 Critiques of the Welfare State 56 The Triumph of the Market over Citizenship? 66

4 Withdrawal 75

Individualism and Its Discontents: Tocqueville Revisited 77 Enter Putnam 84 The Third Way and Social Democracy 96

5 Expansion 102

Dual Citizenship 103 Which Nations Permit and Which Prohibit Dual Citizenship? 111 Nested Citizenship 122 Toward Global Citizenship? 128

6 Future Trends 130

Internal Factors Shaping Citizenship Regimes 131 Citizenship and Globalization 138

References 141 Index 161

vi CONTENTS

6

Future Trends

If we take seriously the disparate discourses on citizenship in the world’s long-established democracies that we have analyzed in the preceding four chapters, we are led to ask what these discourses – individually and taken together – suggest about future trends of citizenship. To ask such a ques- tion is not the same as seeking to predict the future. We are acutely aware, as Erving Goffman (1983: 2) pointedly reminded us some time ago, that sociology (and the other social sciences) has had at best a checkered history as a predictive science. Indeed, we would argue (as he did) that, given the complexity and interactive nature of the key variables involved in shaping modern citizenship, attempting to predict the future is a fool’s errand. That being said, this does not prevent us from drawing conclusions about certain trends that can be seen as path dependent or from identifying certain social factors that are playing a singularly prominent role in supporting or under- mining democracy, and, in the process, in shaping the form and content of citizenship.

As the cumulative impact of the four discourses on citizenship indicates, its importance revolves around its capacity to establish who belongs and who is excluded from membership in a polity. This is crucial insofar as in the modern era nation-states have held a monopoly on defi ning the rights and obligations associated with belonging (Weber 1968 [1921]). In this regard, the chapters devoted to the discourses on inclusion, erosion, and withdrawal are concerned with developments that have occurred within the modern nation-state. They have focused on indications of social forces that have shaped and continue to reconfi gure citizenship within the bound- aries of particular states. The particular outcome of specifi c cases varies due to the differing confi gurations of forces at play. Nonetheless, our general sense is that to a large extent a convergence is occurring such that the similarities across states have become more pronounced over time.

FUTURE TRENDS 131

INTERNAL FACTORS SHAPING CITIZENSHIP REGIMES

Citizenship has evolved since the eighteenth century when the spirit of democratic revolution grew and took hold of the nations of Western Europe, North America, and elsewhere. However, as John Markoff (1996) has persuasively illustrated, the history of democracy cannot be described in terms of its slow, gradual, linear and progressive expansion, not only in terms of an expansion of the geography of democratic regimes, but also in terms of the depth and substance of democracy. Rather, as he contends, we ought to understand the history in terms of waves of democracy, waves that have been periodically threatened by anti-democratic movements. Thus, democracy ought not to be seen as a fait accompli in existing democ- racies and as the inevitable future of those parts of the world with little or no history of democratic penetration. Rather, it should be construed as an ongoing accomplishment. Democracy, to persist, must be perpetually rein- vented, which requires an active citizenry committed to the practice of participatory democracy, being prepared to engage in, as Francesca Polletta (2004) puts it, “an endless meeting.”

If this is the case, what do the three discourses concerned with internal factors contributing to the form and content of citizenship tell us about the prospects of democracy?

Inclusion

During the past two centuries or so, the efforts of elites to limit access to citizenship – using Weberian language, to effect closure – have been chal- lenged by previously excluded groups. In particular, those who had here- tofore been denied full citizenship status have challenged class, gender, and race/ethnicity as criteria for exclusion. As Chapter 2 indicated, the fi rst successful challenges emanated from an organized working class (in the US case, the white working class). As an exemplar of a mobilized working class, the Chartist movement in Britain provided an articulate set of demands that were designed to permit the incorporation of the working class into the ranks of the citizenry, thereby giving voice to the concerns of those most adversely impacted by rapid industrialization and allowing them a say in the direction of social change. Although Chartism was a movement specifi c to one nation, its aspirations found parallel expression in the other industrializing nations of Western Europe and North America, along with Australia and New Zealand. By the beginning of the twentieth century, the trend was clear: class would no longer be a permissible ground for excluding people from the rights of citizenship. However, in this process

132 PETER KIVISTO AND THOMAS FAIST

of inclusion the state would extract a price from the working class in the form of the institutionalization and pacifi cation of working-class mili- tancy; inclusion into the polity represented an attempt to reduce challenges to the ruling class by an organized and radicalized working class (Mann 1987; Turner 2006: 147).

Although the inclusion of women and racial and ethnic minorities had been raised as an issue in the nineteenth century, gender and racial/ethnic criteria continued to be employed to exclude signifi cant sectors of national populations from the rights of citizenship into the twentieth century – indeed, in many instances well into the century. Thus, although the fi rst quarter of the last century witnessed a proliferation in the number of nations granting voting rights to women, in some instances this develop- ment occurred much later, with recalcitrant Swiss cantons holding out until as late as 1990. In the case of racial minorities, the situation was much the same. Thus, in the USA, although blacks were formally granted citizenship rights as a result of the post-Civil War amendments to the constitution, in fact a system of de facto racial subordination would emerge after the failure of reconstruction and blacks would be denied equal citizenship status for another century, until the impact of the civil rights movement began to be felt by the late 1960s (Katznelson 2005; Kivisto and Ng 2005: 181–91). In both Canada and Australia, the explicitly racist immigration policies of “white Canada” and “white Australia” persisted into the 1960s, as well (Kivisto 2002: 84–115). In the Australian case, the aboriginal residents of the continent were likewise denied full citizenship rights until the latter part of the twentieth century. The point is that these developments have occurred relatively recently, and their longer-term impacts are only now beginning to be felt.

One conclusion that might be drawn is that Parsons’s (1971) character- ization of modern societies as being more inclusive than their premodern counterparts is borne out by the empirical evidence. That being said, what we are speaking about here is inclusion in the formal sense alone. In other words, class, gender, and race/ethnicity are in principle no longer viewed by liberal democracies as appropriate aspects of identity in determining who is to be included and who excluded from citizenship. However, in current social practices, particularly evident in current debates about immigration, it is clear that reality often diverges from principle. Thus, unlike Parsons, we want to stress the incomplete and contradictory nature of inclusion. Once we turn to the more substantive aspect of inclusion, it is quite clear that the salience of these identities persists. If we look, for example, at the representation of people from working-class backgrounds, women, or racial/ethnic minorities in legislative bodies, it is clear that they remain underrepresented in positions of authority. Left unresolved in all of the liberal democracies is the matter of how it might be possible to

FUTURE TRENDS 133

remedy the historically embedded inequities that have, to borrow from Orwell (1987 [1945]: 90), created a situation in which some people “are more equal than others.” In what ways is it possible to address the fact that people do not enter the public sphere with equal voices because of inequalities in fi nancial resources, human capital, cultural capital, and social capital? Can equal opportunity be achieved without recourse to remedial and/or redistributive programs? We think not.

In this regard, the debates over affi rmative action in the USA and its counterparts elsewhere point to the tensions and confl icts between those committed to forging more egalitarian democracies and those who are resistant to such a goal. While this confl ict can be seen in all of the nations considered herein, the riots in France in the fall of 2005 offer a particularly poignant illustration of the potential for confl ict due to high levels of inequality and marginalization. The riots were the result of anger created by the persistent exclusion of people of color from the French mainstream and from the daily confrontation with manifestations of racism (Ireland 2005). The offi cial integrationist ideology of the nation, which asserts that citizenship is open equally to all who are prepared to embrace the ideals of the nation, has been forced to confront a reality quite at odds with that ideal. The question becomes how the nation ought to proceed to combat exclusionary practices shaped by racism. At this writing, the French government insists that anything that smacks of affi rmative action is out of bounds. Whether or not the French political establishment – left and right – can continue to avoid confronting the disjunction between ideals and reality by resisting state intervention to insure equal opportunity remains an open question. In this regard, France is not alone. Both nations with affi rmative action programs and those that have resisted them will confront demands from the excluded and marginalized to be incorporated into the society as full and equal partners. This constitutes one of the enduring fault lines of all these societies.

In this regard, as the second half of the chapter on inclusion indicates, a major challenge to existing polities arises from debates about what is construed to be the most appropriate mode of incorporation of excluded minorities, including immigrants, indigenous peoples, and ethnonational- ist groups. Specifi cally, during the past three decades, the idea of multicul- turalism as offi cial state policy and/or as a practice emanating from a general sentiment that stresses the valorization of difference has become a major topic of disputation. Given the fact that multiculturalism means different things to different people and in different contexts, and that it can take different forms, we sought to clarify the terms of the debate. In so doing, we made use of the theoretical contributions to the topic offered by Alexander (2001) and Hartmann and Gerteis (2005). In summary, we concurred with their typologies, which in terms of actual state policies and

134 PETER KIVISTO AND THOMAS FAIST

societal practices (as opposed to competing theories) can be seen as a divide between incorporation regimes opposed to multiculturalism – in their typology this is called assimilation – and varieties of multiculturalism. Hartmann and Gerteis identify two types of real-world multiculturalism: cosmopolitanism and interactive pluralism. We pointed to concrete cases that most closely illustrated these types. France is the clearest example of an assimilationist incorporation regime; Britain and the USA are instances of cosmopolitan multiculturalism; and Canada and Australia are examples of the interactive pluralist version of multiculturalism.

Multiculturalism remains highly contested, with signifi cant challenges arising in some nations that have embraced multicultural policies and/or practices. Thus, after the murders of the populist politician Pym Fortuyn and the controversial fi lmmaker Theo Van Gogh in the Netherlands, and the series of bombings on London public transportation on July 7, 2005, a growing chorus of commentators has declared multiculturalism to be a failure. This emanated not only from the nationalist right, but in many instances from the center left, as well. Assimilation was once again put forth as a preferable alternative to multiculturalism. However, in the imme- diate aftermath of the riots in France, assimilation quickly lost its luster.

In a discussion in the Open Democracy Forum, Tariq Modood (2005b) has offered a vigorous defense of multiculturalism. We concur with the general thrust of his argument; as our discussion in Chapter 2 was meant to indicate, if properly understood, multiculturalism serves a dual purpose: (1) by promoting a politics of recognition, it valorizes difference and as such recognizes heterogeneity as a characteristic feature of society that is to be embraced rather than overcome; and (2) it provides a vehicle for the incorporation or inclusion of individuals into full societal membership. It is our view that in the foreseeable future, the debates over multiculturalism will continue unabated, with some nations rejecting and others accepting it as a mode of incorporation. When societies persist in resisting multi- culturalism in any form, they will reinforce a sense of marginality and exclusion on the part of minority group members. On the other hand, if societies are prepared to promote a politics of recognition, they will fi nd themselves in a far more advantageous situation in their efforts to become more inclusive.

Erosion

However, a politics of recognition is in itself insuffi cient to create a demo- cratic society wherein citizens qua citizens are equals. As we noted in Chapter 3, some on the democratic left, concurring with Nancy Fraser (1995), have voiced concern about the prospect that a politics of recognition

FUTURE TRENDS 135

has usurped a politics of redistribution. Put another way, the concern is that multiculturalism might be an essentially symbolic enterprise lacking any sustained attempts to overcome the inequalities generated by capitalist economies. If this is the case, citizenship ends up being devalued, and the signifi cance attached to citizenship by T. H. Marshall (1964) and his pro- genitors is called into question.

The central focus of the Marshallian theory of citizenship is that there is a tension between the idea of democracy predicated on the equal status of citizenship and the inequalities created by capitalism. Marshall’s thesis is that with the expansion of the rights associated with citizenship, par- ticularly with the expansion of social rights during the twentieth century, it was possible to conceive of an historic compromise between contesting classes in capitalism. This is what he referred to as class abatement, a state in which the inequalities produced by an unfettered market are mitigated by government interventions that are designed to limit the range of inequal- ity and to insure that those who are most disadvantaged are offered pro- grams and policies that are designed to achieve equal opportunity. This, in short, became the rationale underpinning the welfare state, providing the basis for the claim that as citizens people were capable of functioning as equals while simultaneously the circumscribed inequalities in other spheres of life were regarded as legitimate and did not undermine the promise of equality among citizens.

It is precisely this historic compromise that has come under attack by neoliberal policies, which constitute a frontal assault on the welfare state. The result is that as neoliberal regimes have come to power, social rights have eroded. The redistributive goals of the welfare state have been chal- lenged, with varied levels of success depending on how expansive and institutionally embedded the welfare state was in the fi rst place. Thus, in the USA, with its comparatively weaker and thinner system of welfare provi- sion, the rollback of the welfare state has been more successful. On the other hand, in the social democratic nations of Scandinavia, the welfare states have managed to date to remain relatively intact. In those nations where neoliberalism has been most successful, the result has been a substantial increase in levels of inequality – again the USA is the key example – while the social democracies have managed to maintain their egalitarianism.

Thus, the politics of redistribution is being played out over debates concerning the proper role of the state in remedying the inequalities pro- duced by capitalism. It is by no means clear what the future portends. On the one hand, as the vaguely left-of-center Blair government in Britain suggests, “modernization” needs to be furthered, meaning that the older notion of the welfare state that arose after World War II needs to be replaced in signifi cant ways. Blair’s social policies are intended to effect this transformation. Likewise, the election of Angela Merkel in Germany

136 PETER KIVISTO AND THOMAS FAIST

suggests that even in this bastion of social democracy, neoliberal ideas are making deep inroads. On the other hand, it is not clear whether such poli- cies have a limit in terms of what the electorate will permit. In the USA, Social Security has often been described as the “third rail” of American politics, which means that if one tampers with this New Deal program, it spells political death. While perhaps exaggerated, Ronald Reagan discov- ered that when he attempted to introduce “reforms” into Social Security, he was met with stiff opposition that forced him to climb down from his position. Two decades later, George W. Bush’s efforts to partially privatize Social Security by creating individual retirement accounts has generated intense opposition that to date has been successful in stymieing such efforts. This suggests that the neoliberal experiment may be forced to confront the demands of an electorate for a continuing role for the state in protecting citizens from the vicissitudes of the market and the exigencies of life (e.g., illness, accidents, natural disasters).

In this regard, it is our view that the politics of multiculturalism are far more connected to debates over the erosion of social rights than is often appreciated. Indeed, as the debate over affi rmative action suggests, a poli- tics of recognition amounts to little more than a symbolic gesture if it is not accompanied by policies designed to offer the marginalized, new citi- zens and long-standing second-class citizens alike the varied forms of capital necessary to create an equal opportunity society.

Withdrawal

The emphasis in our language above has been on politics. Both multicul- turalism and the welfare state are the products of political decision making, which in representative democracies relies not only on the actions of elected offi cials, but also on the involvement of the citizenry. The third discourse discussed in this book revolves around a widely held belief that in recent decades there has been an appreciable disinclination on the part of growing sectors of the citizenry to become involved in political and civic life. While the focus of much of this discussion has been on the USA, as is evident in the work of Bellah and his colleagues (1985) and the recent infl uential debates over “bowling alone” initiated by Putnam (1995, 2000), it has been seen as applicable in varying degrees to all of the world’s liberal democracies.

As we indicated, part of the response to the withdrawal thesis is that it is overstated, that citizens today are perhaps less involved than was true in the recent past, but the differences between past and present have been overstated by Putnam and like-minded scholars (e.g., Skocpol 2003). This, for example, is the argument Turner (2001) makes, and moreover an

FUTURE TRENDS 137

argument that receives some confi rmation in the comparative project edited by Putnam (2002). That being said, nobody appears prepared to argue that withdrawal has not occurred. The debate is primarily about the extent to which withdrawal has occurred. We are prepared to agree with Turner’s general assessment. If one avoids romanticizing the past, as is Putnam’s tendency, it can be argued that the problem with both past and present is that the opportunities for genuine engagement by the citizenry have been stymied by elites who benefi t from a paucity of democratic involve- ment. To his credit, this appears to be something Giddens is aware of and it explains his call for the expansion and deepening of democratic participation.

In our discussion, the primary concern was with the explanations that have been proposed to account for why withdrawal is taking place. Specifi - cally, we questioned Putnam’s claim that the primary culprits are television and generational succession, arguing that his work is part of a tradition of social criticism that refuses to link what have been identifi ed as social problems to the shifting nature of capitalist industrial society (this is a tendency evident in Bellah et al.’s work as well). Instead of accepting Putnam’s description of capitalism as essentially static, we suggested that it ought to be viewed as having taken various forms throughout its fateful history. Indeed, as we pointed out, the rise of neoliberalism occurred during a period of capitalist restructuring that commenced in the 1960s and began to be felt in signifi cant ways in the following decade. The wide- spread deindustrialization of the historic centers of capitalist industrial society – Manchester, Detroit, Lyon, the Ruhr Valley – during the heyday of manufacturing signaled the erosion of the power of the working class, especially through their chief instrument of political will, labor unions.

Michael Moore spotlighted the fate of Flint, Michigan, the birthplace of General Motors, in his documentary fi lm Roger and Me. The experience of deindustrialization in that city can be seen as a synecdoche for manu- facturing centers in general. Flint’s history was intimately connected to the American automotive industry, and when GM slashed its American-based workforce, the city quickly entered a period of social decline. Unemploy- ment, of course, rose dramatically. With it, myriad social problems increased, while the local resources to tackle those problems declined. As Steven Dandaneau’s (1996) analysis of responses to the crisis revealed, nothing worked. Those who sought to return to the status quo ante, to the so-called “golden age” of the post-World War II decades (Michael Moore included), were engaged in romantic wishful thinking. Militant unionists found themselves as powerless as their mainstream union counterparts who hoped to negotiate with the corporation in order to salvage as many jobs as possible. Both militant and mainstream unions were incapable of challenging what had become a multinational corporation with more

138 PETER KIVISTO AND THOMAS FAIST

employees residing outside of the USA than inside. More utopian visions of freeing workers from the necessity of alienating work – refl ected, for example, in the program advanced by University of Michigan philosopher Frithjof Bergmann – were similarly unsuccessful in gaining a voice in determining the economic future of the city. The boosterism of local middle-class civic leaders, seeking, for example, to make Flint a tourist destination, also failed.

It is not surprising that, in such a context, a growing feeling of power- lessness would be felt by Flint’s citizens, the poor and working class fi rst, but the rest of the community as well. What would become clear to many was that Flint’s future was not going to be determined locally or even nationally. Instead, the city was enmeshed in an increasingly globalized economy that pitted workers rooted in particular places against footloose corporations that have become part of the transnational capitalist class (Sklair 2001). The consequence was that the rules of the game that had defi ned the inherent confl icts between capital and labor during the era of the historic compromise no longer pertained. The erosion of the working classes’ political voice can go some way in explaining withdrawal from civic and political involvement. To the extent that a similar sense of politi- cal alienation penetrates the middle classes, a similar withdrawal could be expected.

While this takes us beyond Flint, the phenomenon known as corporate downsizing has increasingly placed white-collar professionals in a parallel situation to that which their working-class counterparts have confronted. The new corporate model is one in which employers no longer guarantee job security to their professional employees, who, therefore, can no longer assume that corporations will operate with a norm of reciprocity that is defi ned in terms of long-term expectations of mutual obligations. Insofar as this is the case, vulnerable sectors of the middle class, too, can come to view the world as increasingly beyond their control; the situation can go far to explain why increasing insecurity within the middle class might result in a tendency to withdraw from civic and political engagements.

CITIZENSHIP AND GLOBALIZATION

Chapter 5 was devoted to new modes of citizenship that have in various ways called into question the assumption that citizenship is a mode of identity and belonging that is linked solely to the nation-state. While we do not doubt but that the nation-state remains the most signifi cant institu- tion with the power to decide who is and who is not considered to be a member of a polity, and which defi nes rights and obligations, we have attempted to indicate that its historic monopoly is being challenged. Much

FUTURE TRENDS 139

of our effort was devoted to describing the two forms that this challenge has taken: (1) the dramatic expansion of dual (or multiple) citizenship; and (2) the European Union’s project of nested citizenship.

Dual or multiple citizens do not question the legitimacy of states defi n- ing membership except insofar as that process of defi ning contends that an individual can be a member of one, and only one, state. Such a goal has never been achieved by any nation-state, due to the complex interplay of competing citizenship regimes. Many people were dual citizens by default. However, in recent years, with the expansion of transnational ties (Portes 1996; Faist 2000b; Kivisto 2001; Levitt 2003), where immigrants live with one foot in their homeland and one foot in the host society, and in the process create an ethnic community that transcends national bound- aries, immigrants themselves have resisted efforts to force a severing of past ties as a prerequisite for achieving membership in a new polity. More- over, nations of emigration have found that it is often in their own interest to permit their departing citizens to retain homeland membership even when naturalizing elsewhere. The result is that the number of individuals with dual or multiple citizenships has increased dramatically and we can reasonably assume that this trend will continue into the indefi nite future.

The nested citizenship created by the European Union was depicted as a unique cosmopolitan experiment in which the national sovereignties of the EU’s constituent states are not lost, but rather are reconfi gured. Citi- zens remain members of distinct nations, but at the same time they share a common identity as citizens of Europe. Particularly with the expansion of the EU to the east, and the possible inclusion of Turkey, the EU has used the leverage it has to require that member states promote human rights in accordance with the Declaration of Human Rights. Thus, member states are expected to abolish the death penalty, to prohibit torture, and in other ways to insure that human rights are respected. At the same time, member states are expected to abide by the rule of law and in the process to weed out corruption. On the other hand, as critics often point out, the EU is a highly bureaucratic institution that appears to be quite distant from the lives of ordinary Europeans. This is the current challenge confronting the institution as it nears its half-century mark, a challenge that calls for becoming more democratically responsive to its members. While we do not think that a similar organization is likely to emerge elsewhere in the world, the EU’s impact is felt well beyond its borders.

Turning to the issues that preoccupied us in Chapters 2, 3, and 4, which we described in terms of the internal dynamics of particular nations, it is clear to us that the factors shaping inclusion – the debates over multicul- turalism, erosion, and withdrawal – are all increasingly being infl uenced by global factors. Multiculturalism, for example, is being shaped by trans- nationalism, with its border-transgressing features. The erosion of rights –

140 PETER KIVISTO AND THOMAS FAIST

particularly social rights – that has been the hallmark of neoliberalism must be seen in terms of deindustrialization and the global restructuring of capitalism. Labor unions are discovering this fact. Whereas the union movement in the advanced industrial nations once sought to combat job losses by pressing for protectionist policies and by restricting immigration, now the futility of such efforts is becoming increasingly apparent. Thus, unions have come to recognize that their futures are tied to the unioniza- tion of workers in the nations of the South and to the promotion of decent wages and living standards for workers in those developing economies. Moreover, rather than restricting immigration, they have come to see immigrants as potential recruits to the union movement.

Likewise, the issue that we defi ned as withdrawal should be seen in terms of the impact of forces that transcend national borders. Put another way, one reason for explaining the withdrawal from civic and political involvements at the local and national level is that people increasingly feel that their ability to possess a genuine voice in decision making is con- stricted. Part of the reason for this feeling is that the decisions with the greatest impact on their lives can no longer be addressed satisfactorily simply at the level of the nation-state. In this regard, Derek Heater (2002: 24) provocatively points to the novelty of the present moment when he writes that, “there is mounting evidence that [the nation-state] cannot perform all of the functions it has accumulated since the seventeenth century: the Westphalian system is crumbling. If the state is not guarantee- ing its citizens’ rights, perhaps it also has not the strength to resist attempts to supplement its duties.”

To the extent that he is right, what does this point to? If citizenship is to retain the salience accorded to it in varied ways by liberal, republican, and communitarian theorists, democracy needs to be deepened and strengthened in the existing liberal democracies, while at the same time democracy must expand beyond the boundaries of these discrete nations, penetrating into societies which heretofore have had no historical experi- ence of democratic rule. We are at the cusp of a new era wherein the nation-state will no longer be the sole arbiter in defi ning the meaning of citizenship. What that world will look like will depend on the political will of those committed to self-rule and the outcome of their interaction with powerful opponents.

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Index

Abendroth, Wolfgang, 19 Addams, Jane, 69 affi rmative action, 133 Ah Yup, 31 Aleinikoff, T. Alexander, 111, 115,

116, 118, 121 Alexander, Jeffrey, 34, 40, 41, 42–4,

46, 48, 133–4 Anglo-American model, 66 Appiah, Kwame Anthony, 42 Armony, Ariel, 95 Aron, Raymond, 11–12 assimilation, 43, 44–5, 134 Australia

dual citizenship, 115–16, 121 multiculturalism, 37–8, 46, 116 racial exclusion, 26–7, 132

Bailyn, Bernard, 27, 50 Bancroft, George, 105 Bancroft Treaties, 11, 105–6, 110 Banfi eld, Edward, 85 Barber, Benjamin, 99 Bauböck, Rainer, 129 Beck, Ulrich, 127–8 Bell, Daniel, 62, 91–3 Bellah, Robert, 76–84, 136 Benhabib, Seyla, 102–3, 125, 126 Bergmann, Frithjof, 138 Beveridge, William, 52

Bibby, Reginald, 41 biculturalism, Canada, 35–6

see also multiculturalism Bilingual Education Act (1968), USA,

39 Blair, Tony, 96, 135 Bluestone, Barry, 94 Bobbio, Norberto, 100 Boggs, Carl, 88–9 Bonhoeffer, Dietrich, 80 Bourdieu, Pierre, 84–5 Bourque, Gilles, 35 Britain

citizenship rights, 52 dual citizenship, 104–5,

116–17 enabling state, 66, 68 Euroscepticism, 126 multiculturalism, 39–40, 45 privatization, 70 social capital changes, 95 welfare state, 57, 65, 68 working-class incorporation, 18–19,

131 Buechler, Steven, 23 Bush, George W., 136

Canada, 128 dual citizenship, 114–15 multiculturalism, 35–7, 46

162 INDEX

capitalism, 137 disorganized, 61, 92 late, 61 withdrawal from public life and,

91–5 Cardoso, Fernando Henrique, 1 Castles, Stephen, 37, 115, 121 Chartism, 18–19, 131 Chinese Exclusion Act (1882), USA, 30 citizens

obligations of see obligations of citizens

second-class, 16–17 see also withdrawal from public life

citizens’ rights, 1–2, 3, 50–1, 100 expansion of, 51–6

citizenship, 1–2, 49, 75–6 components of, 53–4 defi nitions, 1–2, 15–16, 50 dimensions of, 50–1 dual/multiple, 11–12, 103–21, 139 erosion of, 3–4, 8–10, 49–74, 134–6 expansion of, 3–6, 11–13, 102–29 future of, 13–14, 140 global, 12, 128–9 nested, 5, 12, 103, 122–8, 139 postnational, 103 supranational, 5–6, 12, 103

civic engagement, decline in see withdrawal from public life

civic virtues, 75 civil rights movement, USA, 29 civil society, 98–9

see also withdrawal from public life class abatement, 54–6, 58, 74, 135 Clinton, Bill, 67 Cohen, Lizabeth, 84 Coleman, James, 84–5 commitments, 79–80

see also obligations of citizens communitarianism, 10, 76 Congress of Industrial Organizations

(CIO), 20 Convention on the Elimination of All

Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979), 111

Convention on the Status of Naturalized Citizens (1906), 110

Coser, Lewis, 85 cosmopolitan citizenship, 12, 103 cosmopolitan multiculturalism, 45 Croly, Herbert, 82 Crouch, Colin, 66 Crow, Jim, 28 Crozier, Michael, 62

Dandaneau, Steven, 137 deindustrialization, 137, 140 democracy, 13–14, 16–18, 76, 99,

131 democratic citizenship, 76 democratic socialism, 61 Dewey, John, 82 disorganized capitalism, 61, 92 distinct regime theory, 57 dual citizenship, 11–12, 102–21, 139

history of, 104–10 international laws and conventions,

110–11 nations permitting dual citizenship,

111–20 number of dual citizens, 120–1

Duchastel, Jules, 35 duties of citizens see obligations of

citizens

Eder, Klaus, 66 education, 64–5 Edwards, Bob, 91 egoism, 77–8 Elshtain, Jean Bethke, 76 enabling state, 66–71, 99–100 environmental movement, 60 equal opportunities, 133, 136

see also inequality Esping-Anderson, Gosta, 57, 62, 66 ethnic hyphenation, 43 Etzioni, Amitai, 76 Europe

dual citizenship, 105–6, 111, 116– 20, 121

EU constitution, 126–7 nested citizenship, 5, 12, 103, 122–

8, 139 regionalism, 7 women’s suffrage, 24–5

INDEX 163

working-class incorporation, 19 see also specifi c countries

European Convention on Nationality (1997), 111

European Court of Justice (ECJ), 123, 124

Euroscepticism, 126

Faist, Thomas, 12 Faulks, Keith, 63 Feldblum, Miriam, 109, 121 Flint, Michigan, 137, 138 Foley, Michael W., 91 France, 127

dual citizenship, 118, 121 racial exclusion, 26, 45, 133 women’s suffrage, 22–3

Fraser, Nancy, 134 Friedman, Milton, 64

Galbraith, John Kenneth, 60 Galloway, Donald, 114, 115 Galston, William, 75 General Motors, 137 generational succession, 90 Germany

dual citizenship, 105, 107, 118–20 racial exclusion, 26 welfare state, 57, 64, 124

Gerteis, Joseph, 42, 44–5, 46, 133–4

Giddens, Anthony, 96–101, 127–8, 137

Gilbert, Neil, 66–71 Gilder, George, 63 Gitlin, Todd, 41 Glazer, Nathan, 34 Glenn, Evelyn Nakano, 25, 27–8 global citizenship, 12, 103, 128–9 globalization, 11, 100, 102, 138–40

social rights and, 9 Goffman, Erving, 130 Goldthorpe, John, 20 good society, 81–4 Granovetter, Mark, 85 Green, T. H., 100 group-differentiated rights, 7–8 Guitiérrez, Paula, 122

Habermas, Jürgen, 59, 60–1 habits of the heart, 78–80 Hagedorn, Heike, 119 Hague Convention Concerning

Certain Questions Relating to Confl ict of Nationality (1930), 11, 110–11

Halfmann, Jost, 129 Hansen, Randall, 117 Harrison, Bennett, 94 Hart-Celler Act (1965), USA, 33 Hartmann, Douglas, 42, 44–5, 46,

133–4 Hauerwas, Stanley, 76 Hausser, Isabelle, 20 Heater, Derek, 2, 128, 140 Heilbroner, Robert, 83 Held, David, 12 Hemerijck, Anton, 67 Hobhouse, Leonard, 100 Hobsbawm, E.J., 7, 18 Hochschild, Arlie, 89 Hodgson, Godfrey, 73 Hoffman, John, 5 Hufton, Olwen, 22 human rights, 5–6, 12, 108, 123, 129,

139 Huntington, Samuel, 33, 62 hybridization, 43

immigrants, 26–7, 30 Australia, 115–16 group-differentiated rights, 7–8 see also dual citizenship; migration;

racial exclusion Immigration and Naturalization Act

(1952), USA, 32 inclusion, 4, 6–8, 15–17, 47, 100–1,

131–4 future trends, 132–4 modes of, 40–6 racial divide, 25–34, 132, 133 women, 22–5, 132 working-class incorporation, 17–22,

131–2 independence, 21 Indian Citizenship Act (1924), USA,

29–30

164 INDEX

individualism, 77–81, 83 inequality, 9, 55, 64, 71–4, 97, 99,

133, 135 international nongovernmental

organizations (INGOs), 12, 129 Isin, Engin F., 2 Italy, 120

Jacobson, David, 124 Janoski, Thomas, 50, 100 Jones-Correra, Michael, 113 jus sanguinis criterion, 106 jus soli criterion, 106

Kerber, Linda, 16 Klusmeyer, Douglas, 111, 115, 116,

118, 121 Koslowski, Rey, 110, 119, 121 Ku Klux Klan, 29 Kymlicka, Will, 40, 46

Lash, Scott, 61, 92–3 late capitalism, 61 Legomsky, Stephen, 107 Lenin, V.I., 20 Levinson, Sanford, 113 Li, Yaojun, 95 liberalism, 50–1 Liette, Gilbert, 37 Lippmann, Walter, 82 Lipset, Seymour Martin, 20, 74 Lister, Ruth, 71 Locke, John, 50 Lockheed Martin, 69 Luckmann, Thomas, 80 Luddism, 18 Luhmann, Niklas, 62 Lyman, Stanford, 31–2

MacDonald, Ramsay, 19 MacIntyre, Alasdair, 76 Macpherson, C.B., 79 Madrick, Jeff, 71 marital status criterion, 106–7 market, 64, 98–9

triumph of, 66–74 market fundamentalism, 63–4, 97

Markoff, John, 131 Marshall, Alfred, 52 Marshall, T.H., 3, 51–6, 57, 72–4, 75,

135 Martin, David, 107, 109 Medrano, Juan Díez, 122 Meehan, Elizabeth, 122 membership, 16 Merkel, Angela, 65, 135–6 Mexico, 128 migration, 107–9, 132

see also dual citizenship; immigrants Modood, Tariq, 41, 134 Moore, Michael, 137 moral regulation, 44 multiculturalism, 7, 15, 34–46, 47–8,

133–4 cosmopolitan, 45 critiques of, 41–2 trends, 133–4, 139–40 see also inclusion

multiple citizenship, 11–12 Murray, Charles, 63

nanny state, 69, 97 nation-state, 4–5, 11, 102

transcending the boundaries of, 5–6, 102

nationality, 49 Nationality Acts

Britain, 117 USA, 112

naturalization, 26–7, 30–1 Australia, 115 Canada, 114–15 USA, 112–13 see also dual citizenship; racial

exclusion neoliberalism, 3, 9–10, 62–9, 74, 97–8

withdrawal from public life and, 93, 96

nested citizenship, 5, 12, 103, 122–8, 139

Netherlands, 127 New Zealand, 116 Nicolaidis, Kalypso, 126 Norquist, Grover, 9, 68–9

INDEX 165

North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), 5, 128

Nozick, Robert, 63

obligations of citizens, 1–2, 3–4, 50, 55–6, 75, 100

O’Connor, James, 59 Offe, Claus, 58–9, 60–1, 62, 92 Offen, Karen, 23 Organski, A.F.K., 8–9 Osteen, Joel, 80 Ozawa, Takao, 31

Parekh, Bhikhu, 45, 46 Parkin, Frank, 17 Parsons, Talcott, 4, 44, 132 participation, reduced, 10–11

see also withdrawal from public life Pearson, David, 35 People’s Charter, 18–19 Perrot, Michelle, 21 Piazza, Thomas, 32 Pickles, Andrew, 9 Pitkin, Hanna, 76 pluralism

fragmented, 45 hard, 42 interactive, 46 interest group, 81 soft, 42

political engagement, reduced, 10–11 see also withdrawal from public life

polity, 1 Polletta, Francesca, 131 Portes, Alejandro, 46, 91, 109 Portugal, 120 postnational citizenship, 103, 123 poverty, 71 Powell, Enoch, 39 privatization, 64–5, 69–70, 96 public education, 64–5 Putnam, Robert, 77, 84–95, 136–7

racial exclusion, 25–34, 132, 133 Randolph, A. Philip, 4 Reagan, Ronald, 63, 136 regionalism, 7

religious exemption rights, 7–8 religious involvement, 80, 87 Renshon, Stanley, 113, 121 republicanism, 50–1 Rieff, Philip, 79 rights

group-differentiated, 7–8 human, 5–6, 12 social, 58 see also citizens’ rights

Roche, Maurice, 63 Roediger, David, 22 Roof, Wade Clark, 80 Russia, 109 Ryan, Alan, 100

Sandel, Michael, 76 Sassen, Saskia, 9 Savage, Mike, 95 Schlesinger, Arthur, Jr., 41 Schultz, David, 91 Scobey, David, 1 Scotland, 12 second-class citizens, 16–17 self-rule, 16, 72 Selznick, Philip, 76 Sennett, Richard, 93–4 Shklar, Judith, 21–2, 27 Shumer, Sara, 76 Skinner, Quentin, 16 Skocpol, Theda, 57 Skrentny, John, 38 Slater, Philip, 78–9 slavery, 27 Smelser, Neil J., 41 Smith, Adam, 65 Sniderman, Paul, 32 social capital, 84–5

decline of, 84–6 social democracy, 96–101 social exclusion, 71–4, 99 social integration, 44 social rights, 58, 135–6, 140

see also welfare state Social Security, USA, 136 Sombart, Werner, 20 Sommers, Margaret, 70

166 INDEX

Soviet Union, 109 Spain, 109, 120 Spiro, Peter, 104–5, 108, 114, 120–1 state citizenship, 75–6 Stewart, Angus, 75–6 Strauss, Leo, 72 supranational citizenship, 12, 123 Switzerland, 120

Tambini, Damian, 66, 123 Taylor, Charles, 46 television viewing, impact on civic

engagement, 89–90 terrorism, 41 Thatcher, Margaret, 63, 69 third way, 96–101 Tichenor, Daniel, 30, 33 Titmuss, Richard, 68 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 77–8 Touraine, Alain, 9–10, 60, 61, 93, 98 transnational citizenship, 12 transnationalism, 102

see also globalization Turner, Bryan, 88, 129, 136–7

unions, 94–5, 137–8, 140 United Kingdom see Britain United Nations, 5, 12, 124 United States, 50

affi rmative action, 133 dual citizenship, 104–6, 112–14,

121 enabling state, 66, 67 individualism, 78, 83 inequality, 73, 135 multiculturalism, 38–9, 45 racial exclusion, 27–34

welfare system, 8, 57, 65, 68, 135–6 withdrawal from public life, 86–95 women’s suffrage, 23–4 working-class incorporation, 19–20,

21 Urry, John, 61, 92–3

Viroli, Maurizio, 100 von Hayek, Friedrich, 63

Wal-Mart, 94 Ward, Russel, 38 Weil, Patrick, 108 welfare state, 3, 8–10, 52, 55, 135–6

critiques of, 9, 56–66 market triumph over, 66–74 variations in, 57–8, 66

Western Europe see Europe Whittle, Chris, 65 Wills, Garry, 87 Wilson, William Julius, 32 withdrawal from public life, 10–11,

76–7, 84–5, 136–8, 140 capitalism and, 91–4 decline of social capital, 84–6

Withol de Wenden, Catherine, 45 women’s movement, 22–5, 132

dual citizenship and, 107–9 Wood, Patricia K., 2, 37 working-class incorporation, 17–22,

131–2 world citizenship, 5–6, 12, 103, 128–9 Wuthnow, Robert, 88

Young, Iris Marion, 45

Zappala, Gianni, 115, 121