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Article
Creating a Change Culture in a Police Service: The Role of Police Leadership Neil Dubord� and Curt Taylor Griffiths��
Abstract Despite the increased emphasis on best practices and evidence-based policing, creating a change culture in
police services has remained elusive. Few police agencies have developed the capacity to assess the effectiveness and
efficiency of their operations, and there has often been a lack of innovative police leadership to lead reform efforts. This
article presents a case study of a municipal police service that transformed the delivery of patrol services and, in so
doing, altered the culture of the organization. The role played by an independent review of the department’s patrol
division, the service delivery model that was developed, and the strategies used by senior management to secure buy-in
from the membership via a department-wide collaborative process are discussed. The discussion concludes with the
identification of key requirements for police leaders to create a change culture in their police services and, in so doing,
improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the delivery of police services.
Introduction
In recent years, there has been an increasing emphasis
on the economics of policing, centred on the increas-
ing costs of policing, and the requirement that police
services ensure that their policies and operations are
effective and efficient (Griffiths et al., 2013). Canadian
police services, similar to their US counterparts, are
under increasing pressure to adapt to the increasing
array of demands that are being made on them,
including shifting community expectations (Schafer
and Varano, 2017, p. 394).
There are questions, however, as to whether
Canadian police leaders have been catalysts for sub-
stantive change in police services. The role that
police leaders can play as agents of transformation
in altering the culture and operations of police
services has received little attention from police re-
searchers. Studies of innovation in policing have
tended to focus on the ‘decision’ to innovate
rather than on the process of innovation, the out-
comes of these efforts, and the impact of change on
the culture of the police organization (Schafer and
Varano, 2017, p. 393).
There are few examples of organizational reform
in Canadian policing. The following discussion pre-
sents a case study of how senior management in one
Canadian police service significantly altered and
how police services were delivered and, in so
doing, created a change culture in the service
itself. It details the process that was followed to fa-
cilitate the participation and commitment of offi-
cers to the development of a new model of service
�Delta Police Department, Delta, BC Canada ��School of Criminology, Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, BC Canada. E-mail: [email protected]
168
Advance Access publication: 17 September 2018 Policing, Volume 15, Number 1, pp. 168–180 doi:10.1093/police/paz055 � The Author(s) 2018. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For permissions please e-mail: [email protected]
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delivery. This case study provides insights into the
challenges of police leadership as well as the oppor-
tunities for police leaders to innovate and improve
the effectiveness and efficiency of police service de-
livery. The case study also illustrates the role that
empirical research can play as the catalyst for
change and transformation in police service.
Leadership, innovation, and barriers to organizational change
Studies have identified innovation as a key element
in ensuring that organizations are able to meet the
demands placed on them by changing organiza-
tional and environmental demands (Hueske and
Guenther, 2015, p. 114). Change in an organization
can be driven from within by effective leadership or
by external decisions and events (Sandberg and
Aarikka-Stenroos, 2014; Hueske and Guenther,
2015, p. 114).
Leadership has been defined as both a ‘property’
and a ‘process’: a property in that leaders have cer-
tain behaviour patterns and attributes that make
them effective, and a process that denotes how the
leader is able to influence personnel in the organ-
ization to achieve a certain goal (de Vries, 2006, pp.
164–165; Kalyal, 2019). It is important to secure the
commitment of personnel in the organization, one
observer noting, ‘There can be no leaders without
followers’ (de Vries, 2006, p. 165).
There are, however, a number of barriers that can
hinder, block, or otherwise impede innovation
(Hueske and Guenther, 2015; Mirow et al., 2008).
These include the external environment, comprised
of the organization’s various stakeholders, the or-
ganization, including leadership and resources, and
the culture of the organization, including the atti-
tudes and motivations of personnel (Griffiths et al.,
2015; Hueske and Guenther, 2015, p. 113). It has
been argued that organizational change can only
occur through employees, and that it is important
to understand the factors that contribute to em-
ployees supporting change initiatives (Choi, 2011).
Efforts to transform an organization may also be
hindered by a lack of a sense of urgency, the failure
to include personnel who are not part of senior man-
agement in the change process, a lack of vision and a
strategic plan, a failure to effectively communicate this
strategic plan to all sectors of the organization and
secure buy-in, and the failure to anticipate and address
potential obstacles to change (Kotter, 1995). As well,
change efforts may be hindered by the uncertainly that
surrounds change, Adams (2017, p. 3) noting:
Energy and focus becomes directed to-
wards managing uncertainty. Energy
and focus becomes inward looking in
an effort to protect what used to be.
Lack of trust begins to grow as people
feel isolated from the bigger picture and
threatened by lack of communication.
The new generation of police officers has also
been identified as presenting both a challenge and
an opportunity for police leaders. As a group, mil-
lennial officers are likely to be impatient for pro-
motion, desire real responsibility, have an aversion
to hierarchy and titled authority and want to have a
voice in decisions that are made (Batts et al., 2012;
Eldridge, 2012, p. 2; Olson and Wasilewski, 2014).
Among the more common reasons that leadership
fails are the tendency of many leaders to avoid conflict
that may threaten their acceptance, what de Vries has
called the ‘tyrannization of subordinates; micro-
management, wherein leaders are unwilling to dele-
gate; and, inaccessibility which isolates leaders from
the rest of the organization’ (de Vries, 2006, pp. 68–
72). While change may be pursued by leadership for
opportunities, including to improve the organization’s
performance, for employees change may be viewed as
disruptive and intrusive (Strebel, 2006, p. 45).
Reform efforts and organizational change in policing
In the business sector, organizations must be in-
novative to remain competitive, be profitable, and
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drive consumers to their products or services. The
‘business’ of policing, however, is for the most part,
a monopoly, and the delivery of service is difficult
to evaluate: the public cannot assess the quality of
service they receive because there is usually only a
single police agency operating in a jurisdiction. The
business concept of ‘kaizen’ or continuous im-
provement is seldom applied to policing because
there are not the same pressures facing police or-
ganizations to change and innovate as they are in a
highly competitive corporate environment.
However, as the cost of policing has become a con-
cern for all levels of government, coupled with
increased public demand for transparency and ac-
countability, police agencies across Canada must
build continuous improvement directly into the
culture.
A challenge is that police services are ‘tradition-
bound’, clinging to outdated and ineffective man-
agement practices, and are often slow to innovate
and adapt to changing demands and environments
(Batts et al., 2012, p. 2; Palmer and Cherney, 2001).
A report on Canadian policing in the 21st century
concluded that ‘Police services have been organized
for an older reality. The fundamental changes that
have taken place in the safety and security landscape
over the past few decades have not been reflected in
police institutions’ (Council of Canadian
Academies, 2014, p. 151).
Recent Canadian research has provided import-
ant insights into the factors that facilitate and
impede reform (Kalyal, 2019). Receptivity to
change in a police service has been ascribed to a
number of organizational features, including the
capacity to identify and implement new initiatives,
readiness for change, and an organizational envir-
onment conducive to change.
Attempts to bring change and innovation to a
police service have been equated with ‘bending
granite’ (Guyot, 1979). It has been noted that
‘Implementing and managing change within poli-
cing organizations is often a lengthy and difficult
process’ (Shafer and Varano, 2017, p. 394).
Canadian police services have been criticized for
not undertaking needed reforms in a variety of
policy, strategic, and operational areas (c.f. Fraser,
2017; Government of Canada, 2007; Task Force on
Governance and Cultural Change in the RCMP,
2007). Kempa (2014) has argued that there is an
important relationship between questions sur-
rounding the economic sustainability of policing
and police reform and that police services will
have to adapt to this changing reality.
Police scholars have noted that, although there is
widespread public support for innovation, efforts
to change police practice often fall short (Skogan,
2008, p. 23). Risk avoidance by police leaders, re-
sistance by mid-level managers, officers in specialty
units, patrol officers, and police unions have con-
tributed to the failure of reform efforts (Skogan,
2008). Line officers, for example, may resist
change if ‘it requires that officers do many of
their old jobs in new ways and that they take on
tasks that they never imagined would come their
way’ (Skogan, 2008, p. 26).
Reform efforts in policing have traditionally been
initiated from the top-down and from the outside-in
(Bayley, 2008, p. 7; Duxbury et al., 2017, p. 4). Efforts
to implement problem-oriented policing, for ex-
ample, have been met with resistance and it has
been difficult to integrate this approach into oper-
ational policing (Bayley, 2008, p. 10). When change
does occur in response to external pressures, it has
most often been slow, incremental, reactive, and non-
transformational (Mastrofski and Willis, 2011;
Duxbury et al., 2017, p. 4). From interviews with
police and community stakeholders, Duxbury et al.
(2017) found that the drivers of change were largely
external to police services, while the barriers to change
were primarily internal to police organizations.
Observers have noted that significant changes in
how a police organization carries out its mandate
require more than the exhortations of senior lea-
ders and the creation of special units (Mastrofski
and Willis, 2011, p. 102). Although the importance
of involving front-line workers in workplace deci-
sion-making is widely recognized in the business
world, this has not been a feature of police
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organizations (Sklansky and Marks, 2008, p. 1).
There is, however, considerable potential in the
use of a ‘bottom-up’ approach to police reform
(Sklansky and Marks, 2008, p. 3).
A key feature of reform efforts is that rank-and-
file officers are rarely consulted about proposed
changes and provided with a substantive role in
implementing initiatives (Bayley, 2008, p. 13).
Reform efforts are most effective when officers are
brought into the process as agents of change and are
given a substantive role in the design and imple-
mentation of initiatives (Toch, 2008). Innovation
not only results in a change in how a police service
carries out its mandate but also functions to alter
the organizational culture of the police service.
Efforts to reform police services have also been
hindered by the absence of a robust programme of
police research in Canada, a situation that has been
described as ‘disjointed, incoherent, fragmented,
and inconsistent’ (Griffiths et al., 2013, p. 11).
There are few partnerships between academics
and the police and even fewer institutional relation-
ships between the two parties. This is due in large
measure to a lack of understanding among police as
to the role of academics and to the absence of an
overall strategic framework and organization to fa-
cilitate the creation of sustainable relationships
(Griffiths et al., 2015, p. 29).
This has often resulted in what has been termed
the ‘dialogue of the deaf’, wherein there are discon-
nect and mutual misunderstanding between the
police and academia (Bradley and Nixon, 2009, p.
423). There are only few examples of independent
evaluations of Canadian police services focused on
the identifying ways in which the effectiveness and
efficiency of policing can be improved (see;
Griffiths and Pollard, 2013; Griffiths et al., 2017).
The process by which police services can innov-
ate, develop, and sustain initiatives that fundamen-
tally alter how policing services are delivered has
not been explored in the Canadian context and re-
mains poorly understood. There is little research to
date on the change management process (Duxbury
et al., 2017, p. 21). Although it has been argued that,
‘There are no universal rules when it comes to lead-
ing and managing change’, examining the experi-
ence of one police service can be instructive (By,
2005, p. 375). The following discussion presents a
case study in which the leaders in one Canadian
police service created a change culture that resulted
in the development and implementation of a new
model of patrol deployment.
Method
This discussion draws from the materials gathered
from the patrol review and from the strategies used
by the Delta Police Department (DPD) leadership to
create a change culture in the department to facilitate
the implementation and sustainability of a new model
of patrol deployment. N. D. is the Chief of the Delta
(BC) Police Department and led the efforts to imple-
ment a new model of service delivery based on the
recommendations of a review of the DPD patrol div-
ision. C. T. G. is a university-based police scholar and
lead a project team that reviewed the patrol division.
C. T. G. was the lead investigator of a department-
sponsored review of the DPD Patrol Division.
The Delta (BC) police department
The City of Delta is home to 110,000 residents and
enjoys a relatively low crime rate and high standard
of living. The municipality is comprised of three
distinct communities, each of which has a distinct
sociodemographic profile. It encompasses 180 km2
and includes farmland, suburban neighbourhoods,
and town centres in each of the three communities.
The community of Delta is a high-income com-
munity with a comparatively low crime rate. The
municipality ranks sixth in median household
income (Statistics Canada, 2017). It also has one
of the highest levels of per capita income in the
region and a higher ratio of police officers to popu-
lation than police services in surrounding commu-
nities (Conor, 2018, p. 22). In addition, surveys
indicate that the DPD enjoys a high level of
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public confidence (Delta Police Department, 2019).
This would suggest that the primary driver of
change was not external factors but rather the de-
partment’s leadership.
The DPD is an independent municipal police de-
partment with a provincially appointed police gov-
ernance board. It has an authorized strength of 195
members and 67 civilians, with an actual strength of
over 200 members to provide for secondments and
to ensure appropriate staffing levels in all areas. The
DPD is a full-service police department with three
Bureaus including Administration, Community
Policing, and Investigations. In addition, Delta
Police integrates on a regional level with a variety
of units including Royal Canadian Mounted Police
Traffic Services, Integrated Gang Taskforce,
Integrated Road Safety Unit, and Combined Forces
Special Enforcement Unit.
Traditionally, the DPD deployed patrol re-
courses across two large zones, North and South.
Although patrol officers responded to calls for ser-
vice in a timely manner, there was no ownership of
problems or places. The use of proactive time was
left to the discretion of individual officers and often
did not support the priorities of the department,
which were focused on community engagement
and partnerships.
Patrol officers were randomly deployed across
the three communities and this precluded officers
from developing relationships with community
residents. The DPD had no established service
standards and the priorities for policing were de-
veloped by the police with little or no community
input. These factors contributed to the decision of
the DPD leadership to sponsor an independent
review of the DPD patrol division.
Setting the foundation: the independent review of the DPD patrol division
In 2016, the DPD issued a request for proposals to
conduct a review of the department’s patrol
division. The project team selected to conduct the
review was led by C.T. G., a university-based police
scholar.
The overall objective of the project was to gather
information that could be used to improve the effect-
iveness and efficiency of service delivery in Delta. The
project utilized a multimethod approach that
included interviews and focus group sessions with
sworn and civilian members of the department, ride
along with patrol officers, focus groups and interviews
with personnel in community groups and organiza-
tions, a community survey, and an analysis of depart-
mental data, including calls for service.
Among the major findings from the study were
the following:
1. The DPD had a high public approval rating and
was well-regarded by all segments of the commu-
nity. The DPD was viewed as responsive to com-
munity needs and as professional and courteous
in their interactions with the public. This view
extended to the South Asian community in
North Delta and to other specific segments of
the community, including seniors.
2. Although the DPD had retained a long-standing,
its ‘no-call-too-small’ policing policy, there were
many areas where there was a disconnect be-
tween the department and the community.
3. The comparatively large amount of time that
DPD patrol officers had for proactive policing
was spent on ‘hunting’, for example, attempting
to detect law violators via enforcement-related
activities such as licence plate checks. Junior
members of the department were generally un-
interested in using proactive time to interact with
the community and to develop networks and
partnerships.
4. There was among many of the patrol officers,
particularly those with less than 5 years’ experi-
ence, a lack of understanding of the basic prin-
ciples of community policing and a general lack
of competencies to effectively engage community
residents in a proactive manner.
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5. There was strong interest in the community in
having more interaction and collaboration with
the DPD and for officers to be more visible in the
community (Griffiths et al., 2016, p. 104).
A major conclusion of the study was that:
The DPD is in an excellent position to
become a best practice, community-
focused police service. There is strong
support from municipal government, a
strong management team, and a high
level of interest in the community to
develop collaborative partnerships.
Further, the members who participated
in this study were supportive of the
project and of management’s attempts
to address what were identified as out-
standing issues (Griffiths et al., 2016, p.
13).
The final report contained 45 recommendations
designed to address the issues that had been identi-
fied in the study and to enhance service delivery.
The department’s response: creating a change culture
With the recommendations of the patrol review in
hand, senior management undertook to secure or-
ganization-wide commitment to a new model of
service delivery. The strategy was centred on facil-
itating dialogue and change from the ‘bottom-up’.
When first hired in 2015, the Chief had spent the
first 6 months on the job speaking with over 100
employees from all levels in the organization.
During these conversations, the Chief heard what
was working, what was not working, and what
needed to change.
One theme that emerged from these discussions
was that more attention needed to be given to
patrol. Although patrol officers were at the core of
providing services to the community, these officers
were not provided with a framework within which
to be effective and efficient in their work. These
findings provided the impetus for the independent
review of the patrol division. Subsequently, both
sworn and civilian employees in the DPD, includ-
ing patrol officers, were provided with the oppor-
tunity to provide extensive input into the patrol
review.
The patrol division review team received the full
cooperation of the sworn and civilian members of
the DPD, who were candid in their observations on
the issues surrounding patrol and in suggestions for
addressing the challenges that were identified. The
support of personnel in the department was
enhanced since the report’s recommendations re-
flected the input that had been provided to the
study team during the review.
The Delta police service enhancement plan: a radical change in the deployment and responsibilities of patrol officers
The way in which patrol officers respond to service
requests from the community ultimately deter-
mines the level of cooperation and confidence the
public has in the police. Each time a patrol officer
successfully responds to a call for service, a small
deposit is made into the ‘Bank of Public Trust’.
These deposits build over time and are invaluable
if, and when, a large ‘withdrawal’ is required. The
intent was to design a deployment strategy to
ensure there are more deposits than withdrawals.
Four organizational goals related to service de-
livery were identified, based on the final recom-
mendations of the patrol review:
1. identifying service standards to ensure consist-
ency of service through the municipality in an
efficient and highly visible manner;
2. the creation of proactive time and assignment of
duties aligned with the Community Safety Plan,
which is the strategic planning philosophy
embedded in the organization. The plan focuses
on three key goals: Building Safe Communities,
Building Relationships, and Building Capacity. It
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was determined that, to be effective, a total 1/3 or
33% of the patrol officers’ time on every shift
should be dedicated to proactive activities that
support increased visibility and community
engagement;
3. the creation of geographic ownership areas to
which patrol officers would be assigned, in
order to ensure that the DPD met service stand-
ards, provided a consistent level of service, facili-
tate officer familiarity with the community, and
to increase the visibility of police; and
4. through the pursuit of Goals 1–3, to increase the
visibility of officers in the community and to
strengthen relationships with the community.
While these recommendations were developed
organically through internal and external inputs,
it was understood that a multipronged approach
would be required to develop, communicate, and
implement change. A five-pillar approach desig-
nated as the Delta Service Enhancement Plan
(DSEP) was developed. Five teams, comprised of
constables, supervisors, and senior officers, and
representatives from the police association, were
assembled to develop each pillar in line with the
relevant recommendations from the patrol review
report.
Senior management ensured that officers in the
department, identified as ‘social influencers’ in the
work units, were included as team members. These
officers, from all ranks, had significant credibility
with other officers and played a key role in facilitat-
ing the participation of personnel, mitigating con-
cerns, and securing a commitment to change.
Throughout the process, the development of the
service delivery model was discussed at the monthly
labor/management meeting and any issues were
immediately resolved.
The five pillars of the DSEP
The DSEP is based on five pillars: 1) peak period
shifting; 2) deployment; 3) a patrol support team
(PST); 4) proactive policing; and 5) community-
focused police services. See Figure 1.
Pillar 1—peak period shifting
The patrol review included a quantitative workload
analysis, which indicated that, while there were
times of the day that saw consistent spikes in calls
for service, staffing levels remained consistent over
a 24-h period. To more closely match staffing levels
with calls for service, the DPD realigned workload
with resources, leading to the development of a
Powershift, which resulted in the deployment of
additional patrol resources from noon until mid-
night, the busiest time of the day. In addition to
peak period shifting, the DPD implemented differ-
ential response to alarm calls, standardized the
computerized-assisted dispatch response, and im-
plemented Tableau business intelligence software
to track accountability. These initiatives ensured
officers had an opportunity during the day shift
to accomplish the mandated metric of 33% pro-
active time. This strategy further assisted the DPD
in its commitment to provide an 8-min response
time to Priority 1 calls 90% of the time.
Pillar 2—deployment
Zone ownership is the basic tenet of Pillar 2. Ten
ownership zones were established within the four
operational districts in the municipality. Assigning
members to zones created a structured deployment
model allowing members the opportunity to con-
nect with the community in a meaningful way. The
deployment model structure allows for a strategic
response to local and neighbourhood issues and is
designed to provide officers with the ability to
engage in problem-solving in their respective
zones. The objective of assigning officers to specific
geographical areas is to facilitate the development
of strong partnerships with residents and businesses
to proactively address community concerns and en-
hance public trust and confidence.
The acronym V.O.I.C.E. was used to capture the
objectives of the new deployment model and the
objective of empowering patrol officers: V
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(visibility across the community), O (create own-
ership responsibility), I (promote innovative prob-
lem-solving), C (conduct enforcement to reduce
crime), and E (enhance engagement with commu-
nity). Although patrol officers are not necessarily
responsible for all dispatched calls for service in
their respective zones, they are responsible for own-
ership objectives and problem-solving.
Pillar 3—patrol support team
A major finding from the patrol review was that
patrol officers often lacked support during peak
times of call demand and inadequately responding
to a variety of demands for service. This often pre-
vented the officers from engaging in more proactive
activities including community engagement.
To address this, a nine-member PST was created
to augment patrol resources during peak periods,
to provide increased investigative support, and to
assist with addressing the priorities in the four dis-
tricts. The PST provides coverage 7 days a week
across all of the districts.
Pillar 4—proactive policing
Within the DSEP, patrol officers are required to
spend one-third of their time on proactive activ-
ities, including crime prevention, problem-solving,
and increasing public confidence and trust in the
police by being visible in the community and build-
ing partnerships and relationships. A directed ac-
tivity response system, a software programme, was
adopted to assist members in accounting for their
proactive duties including within their zone own-
ership areas. A zone officer’s guidebook, the ‘DPD
Playbook’, was created to provide the roles and
responsibilities of members in their ownership
areas, in addition to training in techniques of prob-
lem-solving, crime reduction, and community
engagement.
This pillar proved to be one of the more challen-
ging components of the DSEP to implement. Patrol
officers have traditionally viewed proactive time as
‘their time’ rather than as a directed activity that is
designed to achieve specific objectives as set out in
the DSEP and the Community Service Plan. A sig-
nificant shift in officers’ thinking and activities was
required and would not have been achieved had
patrol officers not had significant input into the
development of the DSEP. Even with that role, of-
ficer acceptance of a more directed approach to
proactive time has occurred slowly and is still
evolving.
Pillar 5—community focused service standards
This pillar is premised on the notion that, for many
organizations, consistent service is not only the
foundation of success but also critical to survival.
Consistency of service is a key component to train-
ing staff, ensuring that ‘customers’ will have the
same experience regardless of what employee they
interact with. If policing is viewed as a service, then
there are lessons to be learned from retail chains
such as Starbucks, where the level of service is con-
sistent regardless of the store location. A question
asked by Pillar 5 team was, ‘If policing is a service
then why should we not train our officers in a
system for how they should interact with the
community?’
Pillar 5 was designed to standardize the service of
the DPD, ensuring that the patrol officers
Figure 1: Delta service enhancement plan.
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responding to calls for service follow a protocol in
their interactions with community residents. The
implementation team for Pillar 5 developing the
community-service system developed the acronym
GLAD, which is to be used by every patrol officer at
every call for service:
G—Greet the customer by their name and iden-
tify yourself to them; L—Listen during your con-
versation with the customer, use active listening
techniques, paraphrase subject matter to clarify,
and confirm understanding of the issue; A—
Action: explain your authority and how you
intend to help resolve the issue; D—Disposition:
provide them your contact information, with a
business card and the police file number.
Document their best contact information for the
report. Follow through with file updates to ensure
closure and reflected action in your report.
The training of patrol officers for GLAD was
done by patrol officers.
A further recommendation of Pillar 5 was stan-
dardizing the voicemail of all patrol officers. By far,
the most frequent customer service complaints that
police departments receive is the inability to con-
tact the officer that investigated their file. This is in
large measure a function of the rotation of parole
officers from days to nights and four-on/four-off
schedule. To mitigate this issue, every patrol officer
was provided with a smartphone to improve their
connectivity. They were instructed to use standard
voicemail scripts for both their department voice-
mail and their mobile phone voicemail, so that
anyone calling them was given directions on what
to do if they could not reach them.
A directive from senior management was issued
and, after 90 days, an audit was conducted to deter-
mine compliance with the voicemail directions. It
was determined that only 40% of the officers had
completed the task and a follow-up message had to
be delivered through the Watch Commanders.
Subsequent audits have revealed a 90%+ rate of
compliance with the standardized voicemail
protocol.
One of the more contentious recommendations
put forth by Pillar 5 team was the use of an an-
onymous customer satisfaction survey asking com-
munity members whether DPD officers followed
the principles of GLAD. On the back of all patrol
officer, business cards are the officer’s name, email,
and cell phone number. The officer puts the police
file number on the business card and the online
survey address is listed so that the residents can
complete the survey.
This initiative created a high level of anxiety for
most officers as they feared it would solicit public
complaints. To mitigate these concerns, the survey
asks four close-ended ‘yes’ or ‘no’ questions: 1)
‘Did the officer identify him/herself ?’; 2) ‘Did
the officer listen to the issue of concern being re-
ported?’; 3) ‘Did the officer provide you with a file
number?’; and 4) ‘Did the officer provide you his/
her contact number?’. Once officers were comfort-
able with the methodology and intended use of
the survey, there was general support for the
initiative.
As with most online customer surveys, the re-
sponse rate from community members was low.
To better assess police officer engagement, DPD
employees began making personal contact with
community members who called the police relating
to property crime incidents to which officers re-
sponded. As of mid-2019, the responses to the
four questions were as follows:
1. ‘Did the officer identify him/herself ?’ Officers
(95%) identified themselves by first and last
name;
2. ‘Did the officer listen to the issue of concern
being reported?’ Officers (97%) listened to the
complainant;
3. ‘Did the officer provide you with a file number?’
Officers (82%) provided the complainant with a
file number; and
4. ‘Did the officer provide to you his/her contact
number?’ Officers (73%) provided a contact
number.
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This ongoing survey provides an opportunity to
assess the degree to which the basic tenets of the
GLAD system have been implemented by patrol
officers, increases officer accountability, and is a
feedback mechanism for the officers. Officer sup-
port for this initiative is also an indicator of cultural
change in the department, as officers subscribe to
the reforms that were implemented as part of the
DSEP.
In addition to the customer survey, a plan is
being developed to examine the sustainability of
the change in addition to assessing both qualita-
tively and quantitatively the outcomes of the
DSEP. This will be an evidence-based approach to
determine whether the change initiative provided
value for the community and the DPD.
Implementation of the DSEP model
Figure 2 sets out the timeline for the implementa-
tion of the DSEP.
A key goal with the implementation of DSEP was
to facilitate the evolution of police service delivery
in the community. Constant monitoring and evalu-
ation of the incremental change associated with the
recommendations are designed to ensure the pro-
ject remains on track and that employees do not
suffer change fatigue. During the implementation
of the DSEP, it became clear that the key to any
organization-wide communication is the link be-
tween supervisors and the front line.
To ensure supervisors were actively involved in
effective communication, DSEP and its principles
were embedded into officer promotional competi-
tions and performance evaluation processes to en-
courage those interested in career advancements to
not only become familiar with the messages asso-
ciated with the DSEP but also communicate it to
their teams.
The communication of change has been critical
throughout the review and the development of
DSEP, and even with field guides, playbooks, writ-
ten blogs, video blogs, one-page infographics, NCO
presentations, inclusion of DSEP materials in the
Delta Police NCO school curriculum, and key mes-
sages at shift briefings, there were still informational
voids. This required constant communication be-
tween all levels of the department and open lines of
communication between the leadership and
officers.
One of the findings during implementation that
came as a surprise to management was that junior
constables did not have a thorough understanding
Figure 2: DSEP implementation timeline.
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of community policing and how it is operationa-
lized in a police culture. Many senior police officers
had the benefit of in-depth training in problem-
solving, building partnerships, crime prevention,
and community engagement from their work in
the late 1990s and early 2000s. Constables hired in
recent years, however, have not had the benefit of
this training either at the academy or once in-ser-
vice. To address this, the DPD developed a training
course in community policing that was made avail-
able to all officers. With a strong knowledge base
and understanding of community policing, it is
now possible to hold officers accountable to the
expectations of the DSEP.
Cumulatively, these efforts over the 2 years fol-
lowing the completion of the patrol review study,
contributed to the emergence of a culture of change
in the department. The new way of doing business
is aligned with DSEP including accountability and
defined metrics, an indication that some degree of
success in implementing the new service model has
been accomplished.
Requisites for creating a change culture in police services
The development and implementation of the DSEP
and a shift in focus to a patrol model centred on the
principles of community policing, increased police
visibility, and consistent service did not occur as a
result of a fiscal crisis or political pressure. It began
with the input of both employees and community
stakeholders in an environment created by the lead-
ership of the department. Employees wanted to see
greater attention given to patrol while the commu-
nity wanted to see, interact, and engage with the
police beyond core police duties. The review of
the patrol division crystallized a number of issues
surrounding how patrol resources were being de-
ployed and the activities of patrol officers.
The experience of the DPD in transitioning from
a traditional model of patrol practice to a model
centred on proactive policing, community service
and engagement, and one that aligned the availabil-
ity of patrol resources with calls for service suggest
that police leaders can be instrumental in facilitat-
ing reforms.
There are, however, a number of key elements
that must be present in successful reform efforts.
These include: 1) being amenable to having the op-
erations of the police service subjected to independ-
ent, scholarly review; 2) creating an organizational
environment wherein the results of reviews can be
actioned; 3) providing training to build the compe-
tencies required to implement the proposed
changes; 4) using social influencers in the organiza-
tion to mitigate resistance to changes in practice; 5)
empowering sworn and civilian personnel in the
organization to action the recommendations of re-
views that are completed, thereby giving these per-
sonnel ownership of the initiative; and 6) ensuring
that, at all times, there are clear lines of communi-
cation between the leadership and the various levels
of the organization.
Conclusion
Police services have experienced challenges in
moving from tradition-bound practice to re-
search-informed, evidence-based policies and
models of service delivery. Changes in policing
have most often been driven by external demands
and pressures and police leaders often find them-
selves in a reactive, crisis management mode.
However, police leaders can be catalysts for
reform by creating a change culture in their
organizations.
An examination of the implementation of a new
service deployment model in the DPD provides in-
sights into the role of police leadership in creating a
culture that made significant changes in the deliv-
ery of police service possible. Police leaders can be
only as effective in directing change to the extent
that the personnel in the organization assumes
ownership of the change, sponsor independent re-
views of organizational practice, and have effective
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strategies to implement changes based on the find-
ings of these reviews. The experience of the DPD in
restructuring patrol highlights the integral relation-
ship between police leaders and departmental per-
sonnel in identifying the need for change,
developing a change strategy, and executing
agreed upon objectives. A challenge for both the
leadership and personnel in the DPD will be to sus-
tain the DSEP and to be flexible in making any
required changes to ensure its continuity, based
on the findings of future independent reviews.
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