Class Assignment

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,n… 1/42

Learning Objectives By the end of this chapter, you will be able to:

Compare workers in the United States with workers in other developed nations in terms of Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development test scores.

Describe the role education level plays in determining an individual’s employment prospects and compensation.

Explain how throughout U.S. history, U.S. immigration laws have been manipulated to meet employers’ needs and placate anti-immigrant political pressures.

Describe the impact of racial prejudice and discrimination, including stereotyping, on job placement and promotion.

5Educational and Demographic Trends in theWorkplace

zhu difeng/iStock/Thinkstock

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,n… 2/42

Explain the tendency of foreign-born workers in the United States to cluster in both low- and high- paying service occupations.

Discuss the discrimination and stigmatization former prison inmates face when applying for work.

Describe the challenges that discharged members of the armed services often face in obtaining and keeping employment.

Introduction

Have you ever wondered if the sacri�ices you make to get an education are worthwhile? If you have doubts, this chapter should convince you that attaining a college degree has bene�its for pursuing a career in the United States. In a predominantly service-based economy, almost all jobs that pay well require an employee to have high-level skills, such as pro�iciency in writing and math and the ability to quickly master new technologies. This chapter explores the importance of education and demographic trends that impact the contemporary American workplace. We also examine issues of discrimination facing immigrants, ex-prisoners, and military veterans.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,n… 3/42

Stephanie Zieber/iStock/Thinkstock

Employment and education levels are positively correlated.

5.1 Education and Employment

Your level of education impacts the likelihood that you will get a job and succeed at it. In fact, educational credentials have never been more important for those living in the United States. Today a college diploma is necessary to get most jobs that pay more than the minimum wage. A 4-year college degree particularly improves one’s chances of getting a job that pays a living wage or better.

Education and Inequality

Studies show that poverty and unemployment rates often correlate to educational level. For example, in 2013 only 5.8% of those holding 4-year college diplomas lived in poverty, compared to 14.7% of those with a 2-year degree and 21.8% of those with just a high school education. Also, the unemployment rate for those with a 4-year college degree was 2.8%, compared to 8.1% for those with a 2-year degree and 12.2% for those with only a high school diploma (Pew Research Center, 2014b). High school students have responded to the increased need for a college degree by enrolling in college at higher rates (70% in 2009 versus 63% in 2000), but older workers with fewer educational credentials continue to be at risk for perpetually low incomes.

Although a degree is helpful in obtaining a job, it is also important to possess the skills required for success in the workplace. For example, those who manage to get through high school and college without good writing skills will not succeed in a position that requires pro�iciency in written communication. Students in the United States, however, have fallen behind those in most other developed nations in mastering the writing, technical, and mathematical skills necessary for today’s workplace. Compared with working populations (people aged 16 to 65) in 24 other nations, Americans scored lower than most on tests of basic math, problem - solving with technology, and literacy. Administered by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), these tests asked students both basic knowledge questions and questions that require them to apply knowledge (a key part of high-level positions in the workplace) (Pérez-Peňa, 2013; OECD, 2013a).

More than ever before, success in today’s workplace requires strong communication, language, reading, and writing skills. The OECD-administered tests, however, indicate that in the United States 35% of Black, 43% of Hispanic, and 10% of White adults scored low in literacy. Literacy was measured by the ability to decode written words and sentences and comprehend, interpret, and evaluate complex texts (Rogers, 2013).

The OECD report noted, “If there is one central message emerging from this new Survey of Adult Skills, it is that what people know and what they can do with what they know has a major impact on their life chances” (OECD, 2013a, para. 6). On the macro level, the knowledge and ability of U.S. students impacts the entire nation’s economic position. On the micro level, education usually has a signi�icant impact on the life chances of each individual American.

What Would You Do? Making Up for Falling Short

Suppose that upon reading this chapter, you realize that despite your high school diploma and some college education, you have not yet learned to write well. You are concerned this will prevent you from achieving your professional goals. What might you do to make up for this shortfall?

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,n… 4/42

Skills Employers Seek

Employers today seek out employees who have skills that enable them to quickly learn to do a job once hired. Table 5.1 shows the top 10 skills that employers say they seek in potential employees. The OECD literacy skill—being able to “decode written words and sentences and comprehend, interpret and evaluate complex texts”—relates to employers’ desire for employees who can “plan, organize, and prioritize work,” “obtain and process information,” and “create and/or edit written reports” (OECD, 2013b, p. 20). The technical and mathematical features of the OECD tests relate to many of the other skills sought by employers, such as the “ability to analyze quantitative data” and “pro�iciency with computer software programs” (OECD, 2013b, p. 20).

Table 5.1: Skills employers seek

Ranking in order of importance to employers

Skill or quality

1 Ability to work in a team structure

2 Ability to make decisions and solve problems

3 Ability to plan, organize, and prioritize work

4 Ability to verbally communicate with persons inside and outside the organization

5 Ability to obtain and process information

6 Ability to analyze quantitative data

7 Technical knowledge related to the job

8 Pro�iciency with computer software programs

9 Ability to create and/or edit written reports

10 Ability to sell or in�luence others

Source: Adapted from National Association of Colleges and Employers, 2013.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,n… 5/42

5.2 Education, Income, and Race

In addition to the type of job obtained, a worker’s education level dramatically informs how much they will be paid, as Figure 5.1 indicates. A person with a high school diploma makes just 60% of the wages of a person with a 4-year college degree and 50% of what a worker with a master’s degree brings home (BLS, 2015c).

Many high-paying jobs require specialized skills that can only be attained through higher education. Relatively lucrative professions such as medicine, law, and engineering require advanced degrees and credentials. In many jobs, employees earn more money if they have advanced degrees.

Functionalist, Con�lict, and Race-Based Theoretical Perspectives on Education

According to the functionalist theoretical perspective (Chapter 1), it follows that more educated workers should make more money than less educated employees. People in positions that require high levels of education, such as doctors, CEOs, and lawyers, deserve adequate compensation, in terms of income and status, for their valuable contributions to society and for the sacri�ices in time and money they made to attain the skills necessary to perform the work. Likewise, college graduates have undertaken training above and beyond that of high school graduates and should therefore have access to both jobs and income not available to those with merely a high school diploma.

Figure 5.1: Earnings and unemployment rates by educational attainment

As education levels go up, earnings also rise and the unemployment rate falls.

Source: BLS, 2015c.

Con�lict theorists point out, however, that attaining an advanced educational degree requires �inancial resources and academic access not widely available to the population at large (Bowles & Gintis, 2002). In 2014 nearly 19% of Americans reported having attained a bachelor’s degree, whereas only 7% reported having attained a master’s degree (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015). Four-year college graduation rates have increased over the years, but far more so for wealthier than for low-income Americans.

Although more students are enrolling in college than ever before, relatively few low-income students manage to attain a degree. Just 1 in 4 �irst-year college students born into a family in the bottom half of the income distribution (that is, low income) will earn a bachelor’s degree by age 24. On the other hand, 9 out of 10 of those born into the highest income quartile (that is, high income) will have a degree in hand when they turn 24 (Tough, 2014). This trend portends increasing inequality in American society, as more and more employers refuse to hire those without a 4-year college education (Weissman, 2013b; Greenstone, Looney, Patashnik, & Yu, 2013). Today, very few jobs that pay well remain open for those without a college degree.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,n… 6/42

Race-based theorists note that educational, income, and unemployment levels are not equally distributed among racial groups. As discussed in Chapter 4, theorists who look at intersectionality recognize how social class, education, and racial status intersect and reinforce one another, making it very dif�icult for certain Americans to attain gainful employment and move up in social class. In April 2014, 5.3% of Whites, 11.6% of Blacks, and 7.3% of Latinos were unemployed (BLS, 2014g).

Research indicates that marked differences exist among racial and ethnic groups in terms of educational achievement. For example, the high school completion rate varies by race, with Whites at 90.4%, American Indians 86.9%, Asians 85.7%, Blacks 81.6%, and Hispanic/Latinos 61.7%. With regard to attaining a bachelor’s degree, racial and ethnic differences are even more pronounced. Just over half (50.4%) of Asians and about one third (31.1%) of Whites hold an undergraduate diploma, compared to 17.8% of Blacks, 13.9% of American Indians, and 13.1% of Hispanic/Latinos (U.S. Department of Education, 2012).

As noted previously, education levels impact income. Racial and ethnic minority groups with low levels of education tend to also have relatively low incomes. This can be seen in Table 5.2.

Table 5.2: Income for workers age 25 and over by race and ethnicity

Category Median usual weekly earnings of full-time wage and salary workers for �irst quarter of 2015

Total average $856.00

Asian $999.00

White $883.00

Black or African American $692.00

Hispanic or Latino $616.00

Source: BLS, 2015a.

Education impacts one’s chances of getting a good job that pays well, but it also affects the likelihood of keeping a job once hired. During the Great Recession, even though layoffs occurred at all levels of employment, those with the least amount of education were more likely to be out of the workforce (Houte, 2012). It is important to note that the longer a person is without a job, the lower his or her chance of being rehired. Moreover, the income gap between those with college degrees and those without grew following the Great Recession (Shierholz, Davis, & Kimball, 2014).

Education Level and Poverty

Poverty, which is de�ined by a consistent lack of resources to meet basic needs like shelter, food, and clothing, is determined by the economic health of the nation and the distribution of wealth and income. In 2012 the U.S. poverty rate was 15% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2013b). The poverty threshold—that is, the point at or below which one is in poverty— for an individual in 2012 was $11,720, and for a family of four was $23,283 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014a). Those who live in poverty have restricted access to quality education, health care, social networks (that is, employed friends or acquaintances who can help people they know get a job through referrals or contacts), and even food. In the �irst 6 months of 2013, 1 in 5 two-parent households and almost 1 in 3 single-parent households struggled to afford food (Stutzman & Mendes, 2013). In addition, people living in poverty often live far from full-size grocery stores that sell fresh food like fruits and vegetables (Roche, 2013).

Poor children are less likely to be read to at home, have less access to books, and live in areas with inferior schools (Gretes, 2013; Equity and Excellence Commission, 2013). Other predictors of low educational achievement include lower parental literacy levels, poorer health, more racial isolation, less stable housing, more exposure to crime, and more exposure to toxins like lead and cigarette smoke that impair cognitive abilities (Rothstein, 2013). Given the fact that education levels, employment, and income are positively related, these predictors of poor educational outcomes must be confronted if income inequality and the cycle of poverty are to be reversed.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,n… 7/42

© Corbis

The United States has enacted various legislation limiting and expanding immigration. This racist political cartoon from the 1860s demonstrates public fears that immigrants (primarily Irish and Chinese) would take over the country. The nation enacted the Chinese Exclusion Act just 2 decades later.

5.3 Immigrants, Welfare, and the Workforce

Although social welfare services, such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP (formerly known as Food Stamps), help many people in poverty, undocumented and even many documented immigrants are not eligible for such services. In this section, we describe the level of access immigrants have to welfare programs for unemployed and low-income Americans and the treatment of immigrants throughout U.S. history.

Welfare Reform and Bene�its for Immigrants

Welfare reform legislation passed in 1996 determined eligibility for many welfare bene�its by distinguishing “quali�ied” immigrants from “not quali�ied” immigrants.

The quali�ied immigrant category includes:

lawful permanent residents (with green cards); persons granted asylum; Cuban and Haitian entrants; certain abused immigrants, their children, and/or their parents; and some victims of human traf�icking.

All other immigrants who are not yet citizens or are undocumented are deemed “not quali�ied.” Even most quali�ied immigrants who entered the United States after the law was enacted on August 22, 1996, must wait for 5 years after obtaining “quali�ied” status to begin receiving federal bene�its (including Medicaid, Children’s Health Insurance Program, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, SNAP, and Social Security disability and retirement bene�its), despite paying applicable taxes (Broder & Blazer, 2011).

Immigration Policy and Workers of Color

Over the history of the United States, policies and attitudes toward immigration have varied, depending on the economic and political climate. Immigration policy has been used to regulate the number and origin of people entering the United States, based on the need for workers to �ill particular jobs. U.S. history is marked by periods of openness to immigrants and also eras of exclusion, as is evidenced by the following legislation:

The Naturalization Act of 1790 made becoming a citizen of the newly formed United States simple for European immigrants (mainly northern European). A free White person could apply for citizenship after 2 years of residency as long as “he is a person of good character” (Library of Congress, 1790, p. 103). The requirement of being a free White person was not changed until after the Civil War, when the 14th Amendment de�ined any person born in the United States as a citizen. The Naturalization Act of 1870 allowed people born in Africa or of African descent to become citizens but excluded immigrants from Asia and American Indians (Library of Congress, 1870). All American Indians born in the United States were granted citizenship in 1924. Many Chinese workers immigrated to the United States during the California gold rush, and more followed during the construction of the transcontinental railroad. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, which was enacted during a recession, restricted access to immigration for Chinese citizens in an effort to reduce the number of Chinese workers competing with Whites for jobs (Yin, 2007).

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,n… 8/42

Following extensive Japanese immigration to Hawaii and the West Coast, the Gentlemen’s Agreement of 1907 restricted immigration from Japan, halting almost all immigration from that country. As part of the agreement, Japan consented to stop issuing passports to Japanese citizens who sought to live and work in the United States. In turn, the United States agreed to accept the presence of existing immigrants and facilitate the immigration of their family members (Okihiro, 2009). In the late 1800s and early 1900s, immigration from eastern and southern Europe increased dramatically. These immigrants were perceived by most Anglo–White Americans, who had come to the United States much earlier, as “less than White” and were regarded as a threat to society. The Immigration Act of 1924 placed a ceiling on the number of people who entered the United States from any particular country of no more than 2% of those living in the United States according to the 1890 census (U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, 2010). Since relatively few people from eastern and southern Europe had arrived in the United States by 1890, this ensured that very few people from these areas would be allowed to emigrate after the passage of the act. In addition, the law stipulated that only people who could meet naturalization criteria would be allowed (only Whites, people of African origin, and American Indians born in the United States were allowed to become citizens), banning all Asian immigration. Executive Order 9066, issued by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1942, created military zones on U.S. soil in which more than 110,000 Japanese Americans were interned. During the same period, Japanese Americans serving in the U.S. military were immediately discharged or classi�ied as potential enemies, and all Japanese people, regardless of citizenship, were required to register with the government (Daniels, 1993). Because of the labor shortage during World War II, the bracero program imported manual labor workers (braceros) from Mexico in the 1940s (Zolberg, 2007). During the Great Depression, the U.S. government had deported more than 500,000 Mexican workers, to protect the few jobs that existed for American workers. The bracero program reversed that policy, under speci�ic conditions. Renewed every 2 years, the program continued until 1964, when labor unions and human rights advocates persuaded Congress to eliminate it. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, passed at the peak of the civil rights movement, repealed immigration exclusions based on country of origin and instead gave preference to reuniting families and bringing in skilled labor. These new policies led to a large in�lux of Asian and Hispanic immigrants.

These laws and many others passed during two and a half centuries of U.S. history re�lect the push and pull factors of the economy and wartime. Refugees seek a safe place to live when their native country becomes unsafe (a push factor). Many others arrive in search of better economic opportunities or employment (pull), in some cases because their own country’s economy is faltering (push), and a number join spouses and children who have already immigrated (pull).

The relationship between immigration policy and the U.S. job markets is strong and complex, controlling the number of available workers by either bringing in new job seekers or by keeping them out. Race-based theorists also note that immigration laws can be used to shape national identity by restricting the arrival of people of different nationalities based on the perception of those in power of what America should look like (Alba & Nee, 2003).

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,n… 9/42

imtmphoto/iStock/Thinkstock

Even seemingly positive stereotypes—such as that all Asians are good at and enjoy math—can have negative consequences for the stereotyped individual.

5.4 Stereotypes and Discrimination Against Immigrant Groups

As discussed in the previous section, U.S. immigration policies reveal a history of discrimination against people of color. Discrimination against immigrant groups and citizens of color persists today. Stereotyping leads to pressure to close the borders (out of fear that immigrants will take jobs) and prevents many workers of color from attaining leadership positions (due to assumptions about a group’s particular strengths and weaknesses). We now consider examples of this current form of discrimination as we discuss the workplace’s fastest growing racial and ethnic demographic groups: Asian and Hispanic Americans.

Asian Americans

Some stereotypes about Asian Americans stem from a general perception of this group as the “model minority,” because of their overall educational achievement and �inancial success relative to White Americans. The model minority view of Asian Americans, particularly those of Chinese, Japanese, Indian, Korean, and Filipino descent, can lead to stereotypes that create problems in the workplace.

In the 2004 comedy Harold & Kumar Go to White Castle, young Korean American investment bank employee Harold is cornered by his manager and an associate (both White young adults) late in the day on a Friday. Buried in work, but eager to “get his drink on,” the manager delegates an important assignment to Harold, who now faces a long weekend of �inancial calculations. As they leave the bank’s headquarters, the associate says to the manager, “I’m telling you, those Asian guys love crunching numbers. You probably just made his weekend!” (Kahane, Shapiro, & Leiner, 2004).

Other stereotypes of Asians include “Asians all look alike,” “Asians are bad at sports,” “Asians have strict parents,” and “All Asians are engineers and doctors.” Although some of these stereotypes could be seen as positive (being talented at math, for example), not all Asians take pride in the model minority label, because it can be used to justify the exclusion of Asians in the distribution of social assistance programs and to understate or slight the achievements of Americans of Asian descent. Further, the notion of a model minority pits minority groups against each other by suggesting that other minority groups are at fault for not measuring up to the model minority’s achievements (Osajima, 2005).

Discrimination against workers of Asian descent, fueled by stereotypes, has contributed to Asian achievement in the workplace not keeping pace with Asian educational achievements. High percentages of Asian Americans attend elite colleges and make up signi�icant proportions of the student body at Ivy League institutions (15% to 25%), Stanford (24%), and Berkeley (46%). According to a study by the Center for Work-Life Policy, however, Asians are more likely to feel “stalled” in their jobs (63%) than any other group, including African Americans (46%), Hispanics (51%), and Whites (48%). Asians are also far more likely to feel they face workplace discrimination because of race (28%), compared to African American (8%), Hispanics (9%), and Whites (4%). Far fewer Asians also say they feel comfortable “being themselves” at work, compared to other groups (Weisul, 2011).

A “bamboo ceiling” preventing the advancement of Asian American workers has created growing tension in the corporate of�ice (Hewlett & Rashid, 2011). Asian workers are stereotyped as smart assistants (for example, engineers and accountants) rather than leaders (Sy et al., 2010). George Takei, the actor most famous for his role as Lieutenant Sulu on the Star Trek television series (and later movies), notes in the documentary To Be Takei the impact of this stereotype on Asians (Kroot, Tiruchelvam, Kim, & Kroot, 2014). Takei was thrilled when, in the 1991 �ilm Star Trek VI: The Undiscovered Country, his character appeared as the captain of his own starship; it was groundbreaking to have an Asian character in such a leadership position.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 10/42

AP Photo/Tuscaloosa News/Robert Sutton

Despite protesters’ opposition, Alabama’s controversial anti-

It remains rare to see Asian Americans in positions of power in the workplace. As of 2014, just 9 (1.8%) CEOs of Fortune 500 companies are of Asian descent (Covert, 2014). This is despite the fact that Asian Americans make up a little more than 5% of the overall population and, as discussed earlier in the chapter, have much higher education levels than all other racial groups in the United States.

Hispanic and Latino Americans

Neither Asian Americans nor Hispanic Americans are homogeneous groups, or populations that share many common characteristics. Under the umbrella term Asian American are many distinct cultural groups, including Korean, Filipino, and Chinese Americans. Hispanic Americans are also heterogeneous, meaning from diverse populations. The term Hispanic refers to people whose lineage includes countries that were formerly part of the Spanish Empire (Spain, Mexico, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Central American nations, and Spanish-speaking countries in South America) and therefore speak Spanish. (Latino is a term with a wider umbrella and also includes people from non–Spanish speaking nations in South America).

The immigration experience of Hispanics varies greatly, depending on their nation of origin. For example, at the end of the Mexican War in 1848, the United States took possession of a substantial portion of Mexico (Cattan, 1993). Many residents of the new U.S. territory were wealthy landowners with successful farms and ranches. Rather than abandon homes, farms, and businesses that had been in their families for generations, approximately 100,000 Mexicans relinquished their Mexican citizenship for U.S. citizenship (Cattan, 1993). More recently, Mexican immigrants have entered the United States seeking economic opportunity. Today, slightly more than one third (35%) of Mexicans in the United States were born in Mexico (Gonzalez-Barrera & Lopez, 2013).

Cuban immigrants, on the other hand, came to the United States mostly as political refugees, �leeing the communist regime of Fidel Castro beginning in 1959. Settling primarily in Miami, only 90 miles from the island of Cuba, many initial immigrants brought wealth they had accumulated in Cuba and were given support by the U.S. government, which considered them refugees. Later Cuban immigrants, including common criminals released from prison along with political prisoners and people living in poverty, however, had few resources and sought manual labor positions.

During the �irst decade of the 21st century, immigrants from Mexico and Central America began to settle in areas of the nation once primarily rural (and White). Farmers, meatpacking businesses, and construction companies sought cheap labor, and the immigrants moved along with the available jobs. For example, from 2000 to 2010 the estimated number of undocumented immigrants in Albertville, Alabama, soared from 25,000 to 120,000, as immigrants from Central America and Mexico sought and obtained low-wage jobs in agriculture, meatpacking, and construction (Sarlin, 2013).

Many longtime residents did not adjust well to the in�lux of Hispanics and sought ways to force their new neighbors to move away. They turned to state lawmakers, who developed legislation to expose undocumented immigrants or make their lives so miserable that they would “self-deport” of their own accord (Sarlin, 2013). Two of the anti-immigration laws that generated much debate were State Bill (SB) 1070 in Arizona and House Bill (HB) 56 in Alabama. Designed to give local law enforcement more authority to detain and process undocumented immigrants, these laws required all noncitizens to carry proof of legal status in these states at all times. Police of�icers were required to obtain proof of citizenship from anyone detained, arrested, or lawfully stopped whom they suspected of being undocumented. Unions and other advocacy groups for workers argued that these laws created a climate of fear among undocumented workers, impeded their chances to organize and form unions, and made them fear possible repercussions if they reported discrimination in the workplace, such as wage theft, lack of overtime pay, unsafe work conditions, and so on (Scott, 2012).

The Arizona and Alabama laws also required school of�icials, medical staff, and other public employees to assist in enforcement by requesting proof of citizenship or immigration status, denying services to undocumented persons, and reporting undocumented migrants to law enforcement agencies. The U.S. Supreme Court struck down these parts of the laws as unconstitutional. The court ruled that these

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,n… 11/42

immigrant legislation, HB 56, went into effect in 2011.

parts of the states’ laws undermined federal immigration law and violated the rights of immigrants. The laws also mandated that all employers use E-Verify, a work-eligibility system developed by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security. E-

Verify, which has been criticized by human rights and immigration advocates for being inaccurate and invasive (American Civil Liberties Union, 2015b), is not federally mandated. Most states decline to require employers to use it, since it uses facial recognition to identify people, the weakest form of biometric identi�ication (Helderman, 2013).

Proponents of anti-immigrant legislation argue that increased enforcement is necessary to stem undocumented immigration (Sekulow, 2012). However, critics believe these laws are unconstitutional and racist and violate basic human rights. Arizona’s SB 1070, for instance, sparked a nationwide debate over the practice of public policing based on a person’s appearance, known as racial pro�iling.

High-pro�ile public �igures, including entertainers and athletes, called for an economic boycott of Arizona, asking tourists to avoid the state, conferences to relocate to other states, and consumers to refrain from purchasing products produced in Arizona (Reuters, 2010). Aside from the economic impact caused by protestors, laws such as these invite other problems in the workplace, such as distracted workers engaging in political debate, lost revenue from people choosing to live and work elsewhere, and increased labor costs resulting from a shrinking workforce (Sullivan, 2010).

Farmers, who rely on migrant labor to bring crops in from their �ields, were outspoken against the laws. For example, the spokesperson for the Alabama Farmers Federation declared that

farmers are law-abiding citizens. They want to do what is right. But they are concerned, one, that even the workers who are here legally would �lee the state out of concern for what the law means. And, two, farmers [want assurance] that if they follow the law, but there’s some breakdown in the system, that they won’t suffer criminal repercussions.… We believe these issues are better handled at the federal level. (as cited in Gray, 2011, paras. 10–11)

Arizona SB 1070, signed by Governor Jan Brewer on April 23, 2010, lost some of its harshest components after being challenged in the U.S. Supreme Court. Alabama’s HB 56 went into effect on September 1, 2011.

In addition to laws such as Arizona SB 1070 and Alabama HB 56, undocumented immigrant workers face many other challenges in the workplace. Because workers are often not on of�icial payrolls, they do not receive disability, unemployment, and health care insurance. Many are employed in sweatshops, where they work without breaks and are asked to take on dangerous tasks without adequate safety equipment (Korgen & Gallagher, 2012). As in the case of wage theft discussed in Chapter 4, workers without documentation tend to stay in the shadows, not reporting abuses for fear of deportation.

Stereotypes also impact the experiences of both �irst-generation and U.S.-born Hispanics and Latinos. These include a view of Latinos as drug dealers, great lovers, loud, always Mexican, poor, and having large families. Not all of these stereotypes are negative, but even positive prejudices can have negative consequences in the workplace.

In recent years, as Hispanic immigrants have faced discrimination in the United States, the Mexican economy has improved and begun to offer more employment opportunities. The result of these social and economic forces is a change in the �low of immigrants between Mexico and the United States. In 2012, reversing the long-standing trend, more Mexicans moved from the United States back to Mexico than moved from Mexico to the United States. Among new American immigrants, Asians outnumbered Hispanics (Passel, Cohn, & Gonzalez-Barrera, 2012; Pew Research Center, 2012).

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 12/42

AP Photo/Lenny Ignelzi

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids have been criticized because they result in the arrest and deportation of some

5.5 Employment Trends Among Immigrants

Education levels vary widely among new immigrants to the United States. Some immigrants from Southeast Asia arrive with little money or education and ultimately work for very little money. Other Asian immigrants to the United States, however, arrive with education, skills, and resources that allow them to �ind high-paying employment. Compared with Asian immigrants, relatively few Hispanic immigrants come with a college education. For example, among foreign-born workers in 2012, 44% of Hispanics had less than a high school diploma, and only 13% had a college degree. On the other hand, 58% of Asian foreign-born workers were college graduates (Mosisa, 2013). One result of the differences in resources among immigrant groups is a contrast in both the types of jobs they obtain in the United States and their socioeconomic status. This can be seen quantitatively in terms of income, with foreign-born Asian workers earning almost double what Hispanic foreign-born workers make per week (Mosisa, 2013).

Table 5.3 shows the percentage of foreign- and native-born workers in various occupations. Although immigration from Mexico has slowed in recent years, there are still more Hispanic than Asian immigrants in the workforce (47.8% compared to 24.3% of immigrants in 2013) (BLS, 2014a). The clustering of foreign-born workers into low-level service occupations (for example, twice as many foreign- as native-born workers were employed in building and grounds cleaning and maintenance occupations) helps explain why their median weekly earnings are less than that of native-born workers ($643.00 to $805.00).

Table 5.3: Occupations of native- and foreign-born workers

Type of Worker

Service occupations

Production, transportation, material moving

Construction, natural resources, maintenance

Management, professional

Sales, of�ice occupations

Native- born workers

16.7% 11.1% 8.3% 39.5% 24.4%

Foreign- born workers

24.8% 15.4% 12.9% 30.5% 16.5%

Source: BLS, 2014e.

As noted in Chapter 3, the outsourcing of U.S. jobs to inexpensive overseas facilities, the decline of unions, automation and other technological advances, and globalization have polarized the domestic labor market. In the United States today, most jobs can be found in either high-paid, highly skilled professions or in low-paid, unskilled positions. This disparity has caused many to assume that the arrival of immigrant workers has reduced opportunities available to blue-collar workers, as well as their wages. This belief was a contributing factor in the passage of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act. This act made it a crime for an employer to intentionally hire and employ an undocumented immigrant.

Different presidential administrations have used different means to address the use of undocumented immigrants in the workplace. During the George W. Bush administration, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents stormed various plants, such as, in 2006, meat-processing sites in six states owned by Swift & Co. and, in 2007, a Smith�ield Foods pork-processing plant in North Carolina (Parks, 2014). These raids resulted in arrests and removals (deportations) of undocumented workers. The Obama administration has employed “silent raids,” which involves inspecting companies’ I-9 records, or government forms used by employers to verify an employee’s identity and eligibility for employment in the United States (Parks, 2014). These silent raids have also led to arrests and removals.

In response to government removal efforts, some unions have taken steps to protect undocumented workers. For example, Unite Here union locals in Chicago and throughout Illinois, who represent many

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 13/42

workers, and they separate families. Here, Immigration and Customs agents detain restaurant employees suspected of being undocumented immigrants.

low-wage hotel, food service, and industrial laundry workers, include in their contracts special provisions relating to the treatment of undocumented workers. For example, some such provisions indicate that employers will do only what federal law requires them to do (and no more) to enforce immigration laws and that they will carry out those efforts in a slow, deliberate manner (that is, giving workers enough time to prepare themselves). Some contracts state that the employer will not use E-Verify to screen workers, will only allow federal of�icers with a warrant to enter the premises, will wait 3 days after receiving written notice by the government to allow inspection of I-9 forms, and will let the union know when government of�icials contact them about an immigration related issue (Parks, 2014). These contract provisions allow undocumented workers some degree of protection when at work.

Undocumented workers, however, still face many dif�iculties obtaining work and receiving a fair wage. They are not the only group of workers who face discrimination in the labor market. Citizens with a criminal record also face many obstacles when seeking employment. Many former inmates report repeated discrimination as they try to reenter the workforce. Some, discouraged, return to crime. A staggering number of Americans—65 million—have criminal records, which include both arrests and convictions.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 14/42

Ex convicts are often discriminated against in the job marketplace. Places like Chicago's Safer Foundation work to help ex convicts �ind jobs.

Unemployment of Ex Convicts

Unemployment of Ex Convicts From Title: Many Left Uncounted in Official Jobless Rate (https://fod.infobase.com/PortalPlaylists.aspx?wID=100753&xtid=53379)

5.6 Negative Stereotypes and Two Distinct Groups of Workers: Ex-Prisoners and Veterans

Ex-convicts and veterans are two distinct groups of workers who face negative stereotypes and subsequent discrimination in the workplace. We �irst examine the situation of ex-convicts and then discuss the challenges facing veterans.

Ex-Convicts in the Workplace

In the United States today, about 1 in 3 residents have a criminal record, and 1 in 4 have a criminal record that an employer would �ind with a routine check (National Employment Law Project [NELP], 2013). Criminal records are particularly prevalent among men and men of color. By age 23, 49% of Black males, 44% of Hispanic males, and 38% of White males have been arrested. Among women, by age 23, arrest rates are 20% for Whites, 18% for Blacks, and 16% for Hispanics (Brame, Bushway, Paternoster, & Turner, 2014).

The use of criminal records to discriminate in employment decisions violates Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, because this practice has a disproportionate impact on (male) minorities. In 2013, the EEOC charged Dollar General and a U.S. division of BMW with not hiring people based on criminal background checks

when they should have considered each applicant individually and evaluated whether his or her past arrest or crime had any bearing on the job for which they applied. The EEOC is charging that the hiring policies at both companies had the effect of discriminating against black applicants, in violation of Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which bars employers from discriminating based on race. (Adams, 2013, para. 2)

Several studies demonstrate the pervasive stigmatization of and discrimination against people with criminal records. Devah Pager, Bruce Western, and Naomi Sugie (2009) found that a criminal record reduces the possibility of a callback or job offer by almost half (28% of those without a criminal record received callbacks and job offers, whereas only 15% of those with a criminal record did). When examined by race, the results offer further insight. Although both Blacks and Whites with criminal records face discrimination on the job market, Blacks face a greater degree of such discrimination.

Blacks were 3 times more likely to face discrimination for having a criminal record (Pager et al., 2009). Whites received callbacks or job offers 31% of the time without criminal records and 22% of the time with a criminal record. Blacks received similarly positive responses just 25% of the time even without a criminal record attached to the résumé and only 10% with a record.

Some ex-inmates, their family members, and allies in religious communities and other civil society sectors have tried to undo the permanent stigmatization of people with criminal records. Delia Vega, coexecutive director of Ex-Prisoners and Prisoners Organizing for Community Advancement (EPOCA) in Worcester, Massachusetts, is one such person. Vega served time for drug offenses committed in her 20s. Now in her 30s and more than 7 years into her recovery, Vega organizes the numerous ex-inmates she has met who consistently applied for jobs, checked the box indicating criminal records, and never received a callback—even when they had years of experience in the �ield (Korgen, 2015).

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 15/42

Critical Thinking Questions

Sara D. Davis/AP Images for U.S. Chamber of Commerce Foundation

Due in part to stereotyping, military veterans tend to be unemployed at higher rates than the general population. Here, soldiers and veterans enter an employment workshop

By organizing ex-inmates and allies in faith communities and human services, EPOCA won several signi�icant victories in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, including an initiative called Ban the Box. This initiative was signed into law in 2010 by Governor Deval Patrick, and it prohibits employers from asking the question “Have you ever been convicted of a crime?” on initial job applications. That question can only be asked during face-to-face job interviews, in which the applicant can explain the conviction and her or his current life circumstances (Korgen, 2015).

Insulated from such discrimination as an organizer of ex-inmates (where having done time is an asset), Vega nevertheless has been unable to escape the stigma of having a criminal record when looking for an apartment. For a number of years, Vega had personally known her landlord, who was sympathetic to her desire to reform her own life and help other recovering addicts. However, when he sold the building, she and her husband, also an ex-prisoner and organizer of ex- prisoners, were turned away from apartment after apartment. The pattern changed only when she confronted the issue head on, requesting a one-on-one meeting with a landlord. “I asked him, ‘How long does our daughter have to pay for our mistakes?’” The conversation ended well for Vega and her family. “We’re living in the apartment right now” (as cited in Korgen, 2015, p. 143), she added.

Several other Ban the Box campaigns, or efforts to reform laws that stigmatize people with criminal records and restrict their reintegration into society, are now underway. Many are led by faith-based and secular community organizations that aim to make it illegal for employers to require a person to disclose a criminal record on a job application. By September 2014, 13 states had eliminated questions about criminal convictions from their own applications for public employment (NELP, 2014). Efforts have also been made to combat discrimination against another vulnerable group: military personnel and veterans.

Military Personnel and the Workforce

Michael Schutz had served his hometown of Truman, Minnesota, as a police of�icer prior to his National Guard activation during the Iraq War. When he returned from military service, he was informed that his position had been reduced to part time, a violation of federal law that requires that service members must be “reemployed with the status, seniority, and rate of pay as if he or she had been continuously employed during the period of service” (U.S. Department of Labor, 2014f, p. i). From 2001 to 2013 more than 15,000 complaints were �iled with federal authorities over similar incidents. About a third of offenders were federal agencies. Private sector employers named in complaints included Walmart and UPS (Los Angeles Times, 2013).

Members of the armed services returning from Iraq, Afghanistan, and other combat zones have trouble returning to their civilian lives, families, jobs, and communities and are especially challenged to �ind employment. According to the U.S. Department of Labor (2014b), 9% of veterans who have served in the armed forces since 2001 are unemployed, which is much higher than the overall unemployment rate of 6.1%.

The Uniformed Services Emp loyment and Reemployment Rights Act was passed to minimize the economic impact of discrimination on members of the military by mandating that employers cannot discriminate in hiring, retention, promotion, or any other aspect of the workplace on the basis of membership in the armed services. This law also states that returning reservists are entitled to reemployment by the company they worked for when they were deployed (U.S. Department of Labor, 2014f).

Even with such protections in place, returning veterans must often endure being stereotyped as mentally unstable and suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) due to their tour of duty (MacLean & Kleykamp, 2014). It is estimated that approximately 30% of Vietnam War, 10% of Gulf War, and 14% of Iraq War veterans suffered from PTSD upon their return to the United States (Gradus, 2014). This consequence of military service is a major problem that - cannot be ignored. Given that 21.4 million, or 9% of the U.S.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 16/42

Courtesy of Alair Maclean, Ph.D.

conducted as part of a job summit at Fort Bragg.

population 18 and over, are veterans (BLS, 2014c), PTSD education is important. These �igures also make clear, however, that the perception that all combat veterans have PTSD is a stereotype.

Combat veterans do commonly experience some stress when returning to civilian life. They may feel disconnected from colleagues, have dif�iculty adjusting to workplace rules, feel that civilian jobs lack importance compared to life-or-death combat experiences, or feel constantly in danger (Real Warriors, 2015 MacLean, 2010; MacLean & Kleykamp, 2014). Many veterans also suffer from other conditions associated with PTSD, such as chronic fatigue, poor concentration, aggressive behavior, and other symptoms of depression and stress (MacLean 2010; MacLean & Kleykamp, 2014). These conditions have negative effects on marital and family relations, making it dif�icult to carry on productive and normal lives. However, agencies like the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs and the U.S. Department of Labor have programs and measures intended to help. For instance, the Department of Veterans Affairs has readjustment and employment centers in addition to �inancial support for soldiers (U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, 2013).

Managers who wish to promote an inclusive work environment for veterans need not be wary of returning soldiers’ military experience. There is no evidence that soldiers returning from combat are more prone than other workers to assault coworkers or managers. There is also no need to avoid acknowledging a veteran’s military involvement or to pressure veterans to discuss their experiences. Resources are available through the Department of Veterans Affairs and sometimes company health care and wellness plans to educate managers in ways to seamlessly incorporate veterans in the workplace (Lafferty, Alford, Davis, & O’Connor, 2008).

What Would You Do? Would You Hire an Army Reservist?

Suppose you are the owner of a major construction company that has just landed a big contract. You need to hire a manager for the project. You have interviewed a number of quali�ied people, but the one who seems most quali�ied is in the army reserves. You are afraid he will be called up to military action in the middle of the project. What do you do? Would you hire him or choose someone less quali�ied who is not in the reserves? Why? Be sure to use information from this chapter as you answer this question.

Spotlight on Workplace Research: Alair MacLean’s Work on Veterans and Unemployment

Alair MacLean, an associate professor of sociology at Washington State University, has conducted research that analyzes the impact of military experience on the work life of veterans. She found that combat veterans often have dif�iculty adjusting to civilian work life. MacLean’s (2010) research shows that “combat veterans are more likely than noncombat veterans to report work-related disabilities” (p. 580) and have trouble �inding and keeping employment. In light of these �indings, she argues that “policymakers and citizens should note these long-term consequences of war” (MacLean, 2010, p. 580) and consider them when they make decisions to employ troops into combat. The repercussions of war do not end when bullets stop �lying.

MacLean’s more recent work reveals, however, that although combat veterans may face disability, unemployment, and negative stereotypes throughout their work lives, they also bene�it from a supportive public. Her work on Iraq War veterans shows an American society both wary of the effects of war on veterans and eager to support those who fought for their nation. In fact, her research indicates that although Iraq War veterans “may be stereotyped, they are not stigmatized” (MacLean & Kleykamp, 2014, p. 131). The appreciation the public feels for their service effectively counters the negative stereotypes associated with those who have seen combat

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 17/42

and leads to support for government and employee assistance programs for veterans. This is good news for combat veterans, their families, and the American workplace.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 18/42

Summary and Resources

Summary Employers today seek out employees who have skills that enable them to quickly learn to do a job once hired. U.S. students and workers scored lower, however, on OECD tests than most of those from other developed nations, indicating they lack some skills employers seek. Education levels, which vary by race and ethnicity, in�luence an individual’s employment prospects and compensation. U.S. immigration laws have historically been manipulated to meet employers’ needs and to placate anti- immigrant political pressures. Examples include the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, the 1924 Immigration Act, and the bracero program of the 1940s, 1950s, and early 1960s. Racial prejudice and discrimination, including stereotyping, creates anti-immigration sentiments and prevents some workers from rising to leadership positions in the workplace. In the United States today, foreign-born workers tend to cluster in service occupations—both low paying (janitorial services, restaurant work, warehouses, and so on) and high paying (software engineers, nurses, and so on). Former convicts face discrimination and stigmatization when they apply for work. Discharged members of the armed services often have dif�iculty obtaining and keeping employment because of negative stereotypes, PTSD, and other disabilities.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 19/42

Case Study: Taking a Stance on Banning the Box

This excerpt from “States Push to Provide Some Ex-Felons a Second Chance” describes the Ban the Box campaign now underway in many states across the nation.

Walter Fortson is a young man with impressive credentials: He graduated with honors from Rutgers University this year and is headed to the University of Cambridge [in England] on a prestigious Truman scholarship.

But on a typical job application, the �irst thing an employer might notice about Fortson is that he’s an ex- felon.

Fortson, 28, served two years in prison for dealing crack cocaine. He got out in March 2010 and has been clean since. Though he’s successfully turned his life around, he says discrimination against those with a criminal record is very real.

“There have been a lot of times that I haven’t been offered an opportunity because of the stigma,” said Fortson, a Philadelphia native. “A lot of companies have a blanket policy that excludes anyone who’s had any

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 20/42

contact with the criminal justice system.”

Fortson is now backing a campaign to make employers remove questions about criminal history from job applications, postponing such queries until a later stage of the hiring process—an initiative widely known as “Ban the Box.”…

A growing number of states are coming on board.…

“We’re not even saying don’t ask us the question—we’re saying don’t ask the question as the �irst thing that you do,” said Dorsey Nunn, director of Legal Services for Prisoners with Children, an ex-felon-turned- advocate who helped spearhead the movement in the Bay Area. “We are asking for opportunity to compete.”

Ban the Box laws generally make exemptions for schools, law enforcement, and other institutions that already require more stringent screening of their employees. But for other kinds of employers, no matter if it’s violent felony, a sex offense, or misdemeanor—They are prohibited from asking about applicants’ criminal histories when they �irst apply for a job.

The campaign has come at a time when a record number of Americans have tangled with the criminal justice system. About one in three Americans has some kind of criminal record, including arrests that did not lead to convictions, according to the Department of Justice. And NELP estimates that one in four Americans —65 million people—has a record that would show up on routine background check.

Advocates point out that employment is one of the most effective ways to reduce the recidivism rate and support low-income communities—and they insist there’s an upside for employers as well. “In my experience, a lot of times these folks actually make exemplary employees because they work a lot harder and they have something to prove in a way, or that’s how they feel,” said Rhode Island state representative Michael Chippendale, a Republican who spent decades in the manufacturing industry.

Ban the Box supporters stress that employers are under no obligation to hire such candidates and can still conduct background checks and make the usual inquiries, just later in the hiring process. In Rhode Island, for instance, employers can make such inquiries at the �irst interview, while Hawaii prohibits criminal history questions until employers make a conditional job offer.

Think About It:

1. Were you surprised to read that about 1 out of 3 Americans “has some kind of criminal record”… and “one in four Americans—65 million people—has a record that would show up on a routine background check?” Why or why not? How do those numbers in�luence your opinion of the Ban the Box initiative?

2. If you were an employer, would you be open to hiring someone with a criminal record? Why or why not? 3. Did your opinion on the Ban the Box initiative change after reading the article excerpts? Why or why not?

Source: Khimm, S. (2014). States push to provide some ex-felons a second chance. MSNBC. Retrieved from http://www.msnbc.com/all/states-push- provide-some-ex-felons-second-chance (http://www.msnbc.com/all/states-push-provide-some-ex-felons-second-chance)

Discussion Questions 1. Do you think you have the skills employers now tend to seek in job applicants? Why or why not? In what ways is

your college education preparing you for the workforce? 2. Do you agree with the con�lict perspective’s view of higher education? Why or why not? 3. Offer some examples from this chapter of how immigration law has been impacted by both racist and economic

forces. Were you surprised to learn about these examples? Why or why not? 4. How do stereotypes of Asian Americans contribute to the “bamboo ceiling” effect? Why do you think the harm

these stereotypes cause are not as well known as other forms of racial prejudice and discrimination in the workplace?

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 21/42

5. How can you explain, in sociological terms, the difference in income between foreign-born Hispanic and Asian immigrants? How can this sociological knowledge help dispel stereotypes about these groups?

6. In what ways do ex-prisoners face discrimination when seeking employment? What are some of the ways this stigmatization impacts (a) convicts, (b) the families of ex-prisoners, and c) larger society?

7. What are some of the obstacles combat veterans face when trying to �ind and retain employment in the civilian sector? How can both federal legislation and individual employers help veterans get jobs and keep them?

Additional Resources An article about the OECD tests and the implications of U.S. scores http://edsource.org/2013/u-s-scores-stagnant-other-nations-pass-by-in-latest- international- comparison/52052#.VCl87_ldWa8 (http://edsource.org/2013/u-s-scores-stagnant-other-nations-pass-by-in-latest- %20international-comparison/52052#.VCl87_ldWa8)

Two different perspectives on the role education can play in addressing inequality in the United States http://bigstory.ap.org/article/sp-wealth-gap-slowing-us-economic-growth (http://bigstory.ap.org/article/sp-wealth- gap-slowing-us-economic-growth) http://america.aljazeera.com/blogs/scrutineer/2014/8/5/standard-poors-wagegap.html (http://america.aljazeera.com/blogs/scrutineer/2014/8/5/standard-poors-wagegap.html) .

Immigration law http://www.immigrationpolicy.org/sites/default/�iles/docs/opportunity_exclusion_011312.pdf (http://www.immigrationpolicy.org/sites/default/�iles/docs/opportunity_exclusion_011312.pdf) http://www.uscis.gov/history-and-genealogy/our-history/agency-history/early-american-immigration-policies (http://www.uscis.gov/history-and-genealogy/our-history/agency-history/early-american-immigration-policies) http://mashable.com/2014/09/05/mashable-explains-immigration (http://mashable.com/2014/09/05/mashable- explains-immigration)

Recommendations for how to handle racial and ethnic stereotypes in the workplace http://smallbusiness.chron.com/effects-cultural-stereotype-workplace-19193.html (http://smallbusiness.chron.com/effects-cultural-stereotype-workplace-19193.html) http://education-portal.com/academy/lesson/stereotyping-in-the-workplace-de�inition-examples- effects.html#lesson (http://education-portal.com/academy/lesson/stereotyping-in-the-workplace-de�inition-examples- effects.html#lesson)

Stories of undocumented workers in the �ilm Borderless: The Lives of Undocumented Workers http://digital.�ilms.com/play/RZ96ZM (http://digital.�ilms.com/play/RZ96ZM)

The bene�its of immigration for U.S. society and why immigrants tend to cluster in low- and high-income employment sectors http://clas.berkeley.edu/research/immigration-economic-bene�its-immigration (http://clas.berkeley.edu/research/immigration-economic-bene�its-immigration)

Ban the Box campaign http://www.nelp.org/page/-/SCLP/Ban-the-Box.Current.pdf?nocdn=1 (http://www.nelp.org/page/-/SCLP/Ban-the- Box.Current.pdf?nocdn=1)

Challenges discharged members of the armed services often face in obtaining and keeping employment and programs to help them http://www.debt.org/veterans/jobs-and-unemployment (http://www.debt.org/veterans/jobs-and-unemployment/)

Key Terms

Ban the Box campaign

Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 22/42

Gentlemen’s Agreement of 1907

heterogeneous

Hispanic

homogeneous

Immigration Act of 1924

Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965

“not quali�ied” immigrants

poverty

poverty threshold

“quali�ied” immigrants

racial pro�iling

Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 23/42

Learning Objectives

By the end of this chapter, you will be able to:

Identify the main generational cohorts working in the United States today.

Describe the skills and aptitudes each generational cohort brings to the modern workplace, as well as the challenges they face.

Explain the impact of technology on the workplace.

Demonstrate how and why monitoring workers has become a routine practice and a growing business.

6Generational Differences, Social Media, andPrivacy Issues in the Workforce

Robert Churchill/E+/Getty Images

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 24/42

Introduction

Have you ever worked alongside someone from a much older or younger generation than your own? Considering the rising age of retirement, you will probably experience both of these scenarios at some point during your working life. You will need to collaborate effectively with people who have different generational worldviews. The term generation describes people of similar ages who share certain experiences that shape their perspectives and attitudes.

Your work life will likely also require you to use social media applications, or online platforms that allow people to communicate and establish social networks with one another, and other forms of technology. You will have to navigate the dangers that come with the increased use of technology in the workplace and the related loss of privacy. We examine issues related to these developments in this chapter.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 25/42

6.1 Generational Differences and the Workforce

Generations are de�ined by more than mere chronological age. Generational cohorts share historical experiences that help de�ine and shape their perspective. For example, the traditionalists, who were born before 1946, experienced World War II, either in the battle�ield or on the home front. Similarly, the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War characterized the experience of the baby boomers (born between 1946 and 1964). Generation X (born between 1965 and 1979) shared events such as the development of the personal computer and the �irst Gulf War, whereas millennials (born between 1980 and 2000) came of age in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

For the �irst time in history, American workplaces feature four generations together in the workforce. The reality of these groups working side by side offers certain advantages and challenges that managers need to recognize. When traditionalists, baby boomers, gen Xers, and millennials meet in the workplace, they bring with them a diversity of knowledge and skills, but generational clashes can also erupt. Managers should know how to harness the knowledge and skills each generation brings and how to mitigate potential con�licts. In short, successful managers must have generational intelligence; that is, knowledge about how to work with members of different generations.

Organizational leaders must know how to motivate employees with different values and different behaviors. By acknowledging and understanding generational differences, managers can communicate with all workers more effectively. Workers, as well, need to recognize these generational differences and understand why some of their coworkers may have perspectives and behaviors that differ from their own. For example, traditionalists may resent that their employer now relies on technology to perform tasks that they were once responsible for doing. Millennials may distrust baby boomers for their insistence on productivity and the “bottom line.” However, acknowledging and being �lexible about the differences in worldviews and values can also make the workplace more productive and successful. Figure 6.1 provides an overview of some of the differences in worldviews and values of three generational groups that often interact in the workplace. This knowledge will help both managers and workers avoid generational con�licts and create a more positive working environment.

Figure 6.1: Comparing generational cohorts

Members of generation X tend to fall in between millennials and baby boomers on many demographic measures and political opinions.

Source: Based on data from Taylor, P. & Gao, G. (2014). Generation X: America’s neglected ‘middle child’. Pew Research Center. Retrieved from http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/06/05/generation-x-americas-neglected-middle-

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 26/42

child/ (http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/06/05/generation-x-americas-neglected-middle-child/)

The following section provides more information about each of the generational groups. Keep in mind that these are generalizations and do not apply to each and every member of these generations. There is diversity within as well as among the generations.

Traditionalists (Born Before 1946)

Traditionalists’ experience of World War II and the Cold War dramatically shaped their perspectives on work and the economy. As the reality of military involvement in World War II and Korea threatened American security, traditionalists gained a sense of vulnerability and global interdependence that only intensi�ied during the Cold War years, when nuclear war was a distinct threat. These experiences, as well as a proximity to the Great Depression, inspired many traditionalists’ sense of workplace loyalty and desire for job security, or the high degree of certainty that one would keep the same job until retirement. Traditionalists typically have worked for only one or two employers throughout their careers and feel that changing jobs carries a stigma for workers. They tend to dedicate themselves to achieving and maintaining one career for the duration of their work lives (Bradley, Cameron, & Trogdon, 2004; Talent Management Team, Executive Office, United Nations Joint Staff Pension Fund, n.d.). If higher education was required, it was typically completed before they began their career, and once the career was launched, most other training was on-the-job. When traditionalists began their careers, continuing education programs were not as available as they are today.

Traditionalists’ social status is often tied to their careers, as is the length of employment in their positions. Traditionalists tend to value rules, adhere to them closely, and require little feedback (Hansen & Leuty, 2012; Talent Management Team, Executive Office, United Nations Joint Staff Pension Fund, n.d.). The youngest traditionalists have reached age 70, and relatively few remain in the workforce.

Baby Boomers (Born Between 1946 and 1964)

The baby boom generation gained its name because of the “boom” in babies that occurred after soldiers returned home from World War II. Never before had there been (nor has there been since) such a large generation. Most boomers had to compete with members of their own generation for employment and promotions and worked hard to advance in the workplace.

Baby boomers rede�ined society with their social and political sensibilities and changed many aspects of the workplace. Baby boomers were the �irst generation that grew up watching TV. They also introduced rock-and-roll music into American culture as consumers and were instrumental in the civil rights and women’s movements of the 1960s and the peace movement during the Vietnam War. Identi�ied in part by their optimism, idealism, and competitiveness, baby boomers are willing to accept change and work hard for a cause (Shragay & Tziner, 2011).

Boomers tend to emphasize achievement and work over personal life (Crampton & Hodge 2007). Changes in technology have compelled many of them to learn new skills throughout their work lives, particularly in recent years, as technological advances have sped up. In the workplace they tend to “value success, teamwork, and challenges, maintain a favorable relationship with their superiors, and acknowledge the importance of their colleagues” (Shragay & Tziner, 2011, p. 144).

Generation X (Born Between 1965 and 1979)

The generation X population is small compared to previous generations; demographers originally called it the baby bust generation. With the advent of the women’s rights movement, greater opportunities in education and the workplace for women, more access to contraception, the rise in divorce rates, and greater �inancial instability than in the post–World War II years, the boomers were reluctant to have families as large as the ones in which they grew up. This imbalance in population caused many of the experiences of generation X to be dominated by baby boomers who held (and in many cases continue to hold) authority positions in employment, politics, and education.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 27/42

Generation X’s exposure to the world via television, video games, and then computers expanded their worldview but also encouraged skepticism. They grew up with a rising divorce rate, Vietnam and its demoralizing aftermath, Watergate, and the Iranian hostage crisis. Most gen Xers are highly aware of the dangers within society and have been fully exposed to the corruption and dysfunctions that exist in some social institutions.

Generally, gen Xers are more apt to value a balance between work and personal life than boomers. Although many were latchkey kids themselves, they tend to have a strong focus on parenting and actively participate in their children’s lives and activities (Hansen & Leuty, 2012; Shragay & Tziner, 2011).

Career security, or employability in their chosen profession, tends to be more important than job security for gen Xers. They tend to be self-reliant and independent, anticipating that they will change jobs and employers several times during their careers. Rather than expecting an employer to value their work and retain them as employees, gen Xers seek to build a portfolio of skills, taking responsibility to market those skills and promote themselves. They tend to be loyal to their colleagues and managers, rather than the organization for which they work (Neil, 2010).

Millennials (Born Between 1980 and 2000)

Millennials have already reached parity, in terms of percentage of the workforce (33%) as compared to those in generation X (32%) and baby boomers (31%) (Harter & Agrawal, 2014). They share with gen Xers a global perspective and unprecedented access to information and communication. Millennials are also the most ethnically and racially diverse generation in the workforce. Among millennials, 18.5% are Hispanic; 14.2% Black; 4.3% Asian; and 3.2% mixed race or other. Just 59.8% are White (Keetor & Taylor, 2009). They tend to be comfortable working in diverse settings and groups and more apt to demand a work culture that addresses their needs. For most millennials, “work is meaningful if they feel meaningful” (Twenge, 2014, p. 270).

Many millennials have grown up receiving a great deal of attention from their parents, who have encouraged them to believe that they can achieve anything. Therefore, many seek individual attention and continual feedback from managers in the workplace (Sujansky & Ferri-Reed, 2009). Managers should be sure to show appreciation for workers of this generation, if they seek to retain them.

Millennials often need little training in the applications of basic computer and social media technology, because they grew up with instant access to information, communication, and responses. They have experienced rapidly shifting economies, demographics, and technology their whole lives and usually adapt easily to change. In keeping with these experiences, millennials tend to value and practice connectivity and multitasking. For example, texting or web browsing during of�ice meetings may not be viewed as problematic by some millennials, whereas many of their older colleagues tend to perceive those activities as distracting and a sign of inattention and disrespect (Talent Management Team, Executive Office, United Nations Joint Staff Pension Fund, n.d.; Shragay & Tziner, 2011).

Recent economic developments may shatter millennials’ optimistic sense of being able to achieve anything. In today’s tight job market, college graduates often �ind that even the best credentials do not guarantee them the positions they may believe they deserve. Moreover, many are in debt and cannot afford to wait for the perfect position. Just over 70% of those who graduated from college in 2012 had student loan debt. The average debt of those who had taken out a student loan was just under $30,000 (Project on Student Debt, 2013). Therefore, most college graduates need to �ind a job as soon as possible to avoid falling behind on their loan payments.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 28/42

This video provides an overview of the attitudes of different generations, from the silent generation, to the teenagers of generation Z.

Intersectionality and Workers of Different Generations

Although it is important to be aware of the generational differences in the workplace discussed thus far, it is also necessary to remember that sweeping generalizations should not be made for all workers of a particular generation. As we know from the concept of intersectionality, people’s varying status positions (race, ethnicity, sex, religion, social class, sexual orientation, and so on) also in�luence their experiences and perspectives. Moreover, in a global workplace, all members of the same generation are not expected to share the same values and attitudes. The life experiences of a worker born between 1946 and 1964 in China and a baby boomer in the United States, for example, will no doubt be very different. The same would hold true for workers (even of the same race) born in Los Angeles and rural Kansas. However, it makes sense to understand the unique challenges and opportunities that face each generation and how their unique generational experiences impact their attitudes and behaviors at work. We now turn to the challenges in the workplace facing each generation.

Characteristics of Generations

NEXT

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 29/42

Characteristics of Generations From Title: It's All About Me (https://fod.infobase.com/PortalPlaylists.aspx? wID=100753&xtid=65001)

Critical Thinking Questions

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 30/42

6.2 Challenges Facing the Different Generations in the Workplace

Among the generations, young job seekers, in particular, tend to have a bad reputation. They have been called sel�ish, inconsiderate, immature, and even narcissistic (Stein, 2013; Chamorro-Premuzic, 2014; Twenge, 2014). In order to �ind jobs, they have to overcome this image as well as a very tough job market. In a slow-growth, post–Great Recession economy, these workers face employers who have many potential employees from whom to choose and expect those they hire to already have work experience (Solmon & Corcodilos, 2013). Young job seekers face competition from experienced workers, many of whom have been laid off and now seek employment anywhere, even in entry-level positions.

Many middle-aged workers who have climbed to mid-level positions fear that they can no longer switch jobs and retain their current level of income in an economy in which incomes (after controlling for in�lation) have remained stagnant or actually fallen over the past few decades (Desilver, 2014). Some older workers are reluctant or even unable to retire, as they worry about having enough money to survive in retirement. We will now take a closer look at these issues, starting with those facing younger workers.

Younger Workers

Millennial job seekers grew up in an age of technology and instant communication that left many of them ill prepared for the hurdles they would need to overcome in the job market. Accustomed to communicating through texting, many lack experience building personal relationships with people in their profession and creating social connections to help them land a job. They tend not to fare well in interviews, where they must converse and impress potential employers with their communication skills (Twenge, 2014; Davidson, 2013; Schawbel, 2013).

Employers also tend to expect interviewees to convey a willingness to work hard. Using a longitudinal analysis of surveys taken of high school seniors every year since 1976, psychologist Jean Twenge and her colleagues found that in 2012, 40% of high school seniors (millennials) stated that “not wanting to work hard” might prevent them from getting a desired job. When high school seniors were asked this question in 1976 (baby boomers), only 24% responded in this way (Twenge, 2014). Interviews require an investment of time and work. Successful candidates tend to carefully prepare for them; they conduct research on the company and managers doing the interviewing, prepare answers to possible questions, and put thought into selecting appropriate attire. Millennials are often unwilling or unaware of how to prepare for, much less excel at, job interviews (PBS NewsHour, 2013; Alger, 2014).

Internships can help millennials become better prepared to land a good job after college. This fact gives those who do not need paid work during college to support themselves and possibly their family an advantage. Although a majority (72%) of college students work, and some (20%) work full time while in school (Davis, 2012), most work at relatively low- income jobs they seek to leave once they attain their degree. Internships, on the other hand, provide some of the type of work experience sought by employers in relatively high-paying professions. They also help students determine if they enjoy working in a particular �ield. Internships also give students experience working alongside other members of the professional workforce, including older workers, who can help students gain both the social (who you know) and cultural (what you know) capital needed to �ind—and succeed in—a good job.

As noted earlier, millennials tend to desire continual feedback from their employer. They want to understand their manager’s logic in assigning tasks and whether their manager thinks they are doing a good job. They may often expect this feedback immediately, not just during an annual review. Twenge (2014) offers the following advice to young workers who seek such input from managers who might be of a different generation and unaccustomed to such demands:

Tell them you want to know . . . why or want faster feedback because it will help you do a better job. Don’t sound as if you are just �ishing for praise or whining about “why, why, why” you have to do something. Let people know it will increase your motivation and drive, and they’ll be more likely to provide the feedback you crave. (p. 274)

Millennials bring a range of important skills to the workplace (adaptability, technological pro�iciency, enthusiasm for understanding their job) that make them highly valuable. Workplaces that can tap into those skills and help millennials communicate and work effectively with older generations in the workplace will greatly bene�it from their efforts to do so.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 31/42

What Would You Do? Which Generation of Workers Would You Hire?

Suppose you are a 40-year-old manager of a building-supply store. You have to hire an assistant manager. You have received more than 200 applications for the position. What would you look for in potential applicants on both their résumés and in the job interview? Why? Would you consider hiring someone right out of college? Why or why not? Do you think you would favor someone from a particular generation? Why or why not?

Older Workers

Almost 1 out of every 7 residents of the United States is now over 65 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014b). Baby boomers represent the largest generational group, consisting of approximately 76 million people living in the United States (Pollard & Scommegna, 2014). By 2030, when the tail end of the baby boomers has turned 65, almost 1 out of 5 people in the United States will be 65 or older (Pew Research Center, 2010).

For several reasons, approximately 35% of workers at retirement age will stay in the workforce longer than initially anticipated (Pew Research Center, 2010; CDC, 2012). These factors include lost retirement savings during the Great Recession, fewer pensions offered by companies, a very low savings rate among workers, and the rising age at which people can receive full Social Security bene�its and Medicare coverage. Because people over age 65 more frequently report poor health or physical limitations than younger people, costs for health bene�its will likely increase, impacting both employers and employees. “A direct relationship still exists between increasing age, increasing health risks, and the associated medical costs” (CDC, 2012, p. 3). Therefore, employers can expect more absenteeism along with rising costs for health care coverage.

In order to offset the potential health care costs of older workers, it makes sense for companies to think about how to improve working conditions for baby boomer employees. Doing so can reduce health-related costs and improve both productivity and worker morale. The efforts of BMW provide a good example of how a company can effectively respond to the needs of an older workforce. In 2007 BMW conducted a pilot project in its plant in Dingol�ing, Lower Bavaria, to improve conditions for older workers on their assembly lines. Making use of suggestions from employees, the company invested just $50,600 to put 70 changes into place, including:

replacing cement �loors with wooden platforms to reduce the impact on knees, installing barbershop chairs to allow workers to sit at workstations, offering orthopedic footwear to reduce the strain on feet, and developing adjustable worktables to reduce physical stain and facilitate personnel rotation during shifts (CDC, 2012).

The results? In the �irst year, the older workers showed a 7% increase in productivity, faring well in comparison to lines staffed by younger workers. Moreover, absenteeism among these workers dropped from 7% to 2% over the year. Since this successful pilot study, BMW has implemented these changes in other factories (Loch, Sting, Bauer, & Mauermann, 2010).

Class is another issue that impacts older workers, speci�ically which ones remain in the workforce. Who do you think is most likely to continue working as they age—white-collar or blue-collar workers? It tends to be the case that highly educated people who work primarily in white-collar positions are much more likely to work longer than those with less education, who work, for the most part, in blue-collar jobs. For example, in 2010, 2 out of 3 men between 62 and 74 years old with professional degrees or doctorates were still working, compared to only 1 out of 3 men this age with a high school diploma (Burtless, 2013). No doubt, the more physically demanding work typical of blue-collar labor plays an important factor in these differences in participation in the workforce.

Workplace Transformations

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 32/42

American Movie Classics (AMC)/Radical Media/Album/SuperStock

The television program Mad Men is one depiction of how the workplace changed between 1960 and 1970.

Baby boomers, the majority of older workers in today’s workforce, transformed the workplace more than any other social group. They began to enter the working world in the mid-1960s, when most employees were men and white-collar work was relatively new. Most businesses of that era were focused on local or interstate markets.

Since the 1960s, however, characteristics of the workplace have evolved in many ways, due to the in�luence of baby boomers. Key contributions this generation made to work life include the following:

The baby boomers were the �irst generation in which the majority of middle-class women joined the paid workforce (most working-class women and women of color had always been employed). This generation successfully advocated for landmark legislation like the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Americans With Disabilities Act of 1990, which decreased discrimination in the workplace. OSHA, established in 1970, helped make the workplace safer for many workers of this and later generations.

Baby boomers have also contributed to the development of global enterprise. They are responsible for developing more independently owned businesses than ever before, as well as creating the largest nonpro�it sector in the history of the United States. This means that, as baby boomers retire, employers should anticipate an expertise de�icit, especially in vocational areas that require advanced degrees or certi�ications and professional skills. Some companies have prepared for this transition by establishing succession plans that rely on technological applications to track and document information. For example, as employees undergo regular assessments, computer programs can identify their talents and prepare color-coded comparisons of employees’ readiness to step into different positions. Employing this practice will ensure that institutional momentum will not be lost as employees retire, become disabled, die, or �ind employment elsewhere.

Other companies focus on recruitment efforts to entice workers who will graduate from universities with similar degrees as their employees near retirement, hoping that new workers will be in place in time for them to receive mentoring from senior staff. Still others access the expertise of retirees as hired consultants. The company YourEncore (2015), for example, recruits retirees who have held professional jobs and matches their expertise with companies for short-term projects. As more workers approach retirement age, it makes sense for employers to �ind ways to keep effective older workers working longer.

Ageism

The term generation gap, the differences in outlook and views between people of different generations, was popularized in the 1960s by baby boomers who held that older adults were out of touch with modern times and were holding on to irrelevant traditional values. “Don’t trust anyone over 30” was a popular slogan of the day. Yet one of the primary social issues in a workforce dominated by baby boomers today is ageism, or discrimination based on old age and the process of aging itself (Markson & Stein, 2012).

Despite the fact that the baby boom generation experienced (and helped bring about) tremendous social changes, the stereotype that older workers are set in their ways persists. In generation after generation, younger workers tend to see older workers as old-fashioned, less innovative, and less productive than their younger counterparts. Studies indicate, however, that these stereotypes, though persistent, have little to do with the realities of the workplace. Managers often perceive older workers to be less productive, but when their actual productivity is compared to that of younger workers, there is no signi�icant difference between the two groups (Burtless, 2013).

The Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 declared it unlawful for employers with 20 or more employees to discriminate against employees or job applicants 40 or over because of their age “with respect to any term, condition, or privilege of employment, including hiring, �iring, promotion, layoff, compensation, bene�its, job assignments, and training” (EEOC, 2014a, para. 1). In 2013 alone, however, the EEOC dealt with more than 21,396 claims of age

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 33/42

discrimination, with approximately one third ending with legal settlements. These settlements totaled almost $98 million (EEOC, 2014b).

Despite the stereotypes to the contrary, older workers have proved to be more adaptable than many younger workers and managers perceive them to be. In recent years, for example, they have narrowed the generation gap in use of social media (Pew Research Center, 2010). This is important because, although the rate of generational turnover of people has slowed as more people work past retirement age, the rate of technological change in the workplace has sped up. All workers— older ones included—must continually adapt to changing technology.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 34/42

6.3 Technology and the Workplace

Workers of all generations have had to adapt to new forms of technology in the workplace. Technology now plays a major role in work life, in�luencing our work space, how we �ind employment and employees, and how we work. In the following sections, we examine these issues.

The New Work Space

New technologies and new work processes that alter the social experience of work have led to new work spaces. Based on the industrial model of the 20th century, most workplaces were originally set up to resemble production lines. Departments were housed in clusters usually separated by walls. Managers were housed in close proximity to workers they supervised, to re�lect their roles as overseers. In the 1990s, however, information technology systems became prevalent; this involved the study, design, development, implementation, and support of computer systems that process information.

Managers and executives who had previously relied on secretaries to produce correspondence and reports now used desktop computers of their own, and roles shifted as management-level employees began to do much of their own clerical work. Workers, however, often found themselves performing their tasks in crowded or cramped spaces as computers took up space that used to be clear. Desk space was replaced by the desktop computer.

By the early 2000s, the availability of computer technology at affordable prices caused work space design to shift from desks to workstations, small areas in a workplace devoted to one person. Previously, desks were designed around workers’ needs, allowing easy arm’s-length access to multiple drawers, �iles, and work tools such as pens, staplers, and notepads. Workstations, however, were designed with computer equipment in mind, allowing workers access to their own printers and scanners in addition to keyboards, monitors, and individual computers.

As more workers use computers, it is important to design workstations in a way that prevents common workplace injuries like carpal tunnel syndrome, which can result from repetitive work on a computer. Employers can use �indings from ergonomics, the study of how products can be designed for optimal use by people, to design workstations that allow employees to work ef�iciently and safely. OSHA provides a checklist to follow in order to design a comfortable and safe computer workstation (see https://www.osha.gov/SLTC/etools/ computerworkstations/checklist.html (https://www.osha.gov/SLTC/etools/computerworkstations/checklist.html) ).

Technology has also transformed how work spaces become �illed with employees. Both prospective employees and employers now rely on social media as they seek to �ind and �ill positions. A professional presence on social media has become a necessity for most job seekers and employees these days.

Job Seekers’ and Employees’ Use of Social Media

Given the online presence of employers, job seekers and employees must be aware of the image they portray of themselves in their online pro�iles. They should carefully consider whether a potential or current employer might view their activities in a positive or negative light. In order to make their online presence appealing to employers, job seekers and employees should:

• make sure online pro�ile pictures are professional;

• check to see that pro�iles are easily accessible to potential employers;

• delete any negative or inappropriate messages or pictures (and be sure not to send any to friends who may post them);

• increase connections and gain social capital through invitations to others on LinkedIn, Facebook, and so on. Connect only with those who will help and not hurt one’s reputation; and

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 35/42

Fakhri-sa/iStock/Thinkstock

Job seekers should use social media cautiously, because potential employers likely check up on their online presence.

• show completed projects and highlight their skills online, so potential employers can see them. If a job seeker has completed multiple projects, he or she should consider creating an online portfolio ( Phillips, 2014).

Job applicants may never know if they were not hired because of their online presence. Almost half of all employers say they do Google searches of applicants they are considering hiring (43%, with 12% more saying they plan to do so soon). Half of those who do such searches say they have found information online that has made them decide not to hire an applicant (CareerBuilder, 2014).

Some information employers have found online has caused some employees to get �ired. Many social networking behaviors that might seem harmless have negative consequences for workers when their employers are watching. Sharing personal information and pictures, posting pictures of heavy drinking or illegal activity, complaining about work policies or speci�ic employees, giving out protected company information, and letting others know about a job interview

for another company are all risky behaviors. Workers who use social networking sites should remember that when posting anything publicly, they could be sharing the information with their boss.

What Would You Do? Your Online Image

Imagine that you are in the market for a new job. You have just submitted several applications, and potential employers are now looking you up online. How do you think they will react to your online image? Will it help or hinder your job prospects? What can you do to improve your online image?

Employers’ Use of Social Media

Employers must also consider how their organization appears online. They should learn to use social media to reach out to potential customers and employees. It pays to hire people who can develop easily accessible, attractive sites that interested viewers can effortlessly navigate.

It also makes good economic sense for many employers to use online tools to �ind employees. As of 2013, 77% of companies used social media for recruiting, and 2 out of 3 companies planned on increasing their use of this medium. Among those who use social media to look for employees, most use more than one site. For example, 94% use LinkedIn, 54% use Facebook, and 39% make use of Twitter (Berman, 2013). Recruiting through social media saves companies both time and money because they can sort through and reach out to potential applicants simply by clicking a few buttons.

Online Security Breaches

Companies can also save time and money by conducting business online, and most customers now expect them to do so. In previous eras good customer service meant a pleasant face-to-face encounter, but today consumers expect easy access to information and services online. Many banks, such as Ally Bank or Capital One 360, for example, provide only online service. Then there is Amazon.com, the “everything store,” which has transformed retail shopping and put many brick- and-mortar stores out of business (Stone, 2014).

However, organizations that conduct business online must also spend signi�icant amounts of money on security and monitor their online programs carefully for security breaches. Computer networks can be hijacked, or accessed by third-

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 36/42

party computer systems. Undetected attacks with malware (software created to harm computers or computer systems) can cause companies to lose proprietary information, money, time, and a good reputation.

Target is one company that knows the threats posed by hacking all too well. During the Christmas shopping season of 2013, hackers broke in to Target’s system and stole 40 million credit card numbers and 70 million addresses and phone numbers, along with other pieces of personal information. By February 1, 2014, Target had already spent $61 million responding to the hacking crisis, including 90 lawsuits from distressed customers. The company’s reputation was also badly damaged as news of the computer breach spread widely. Its fourth-quarter pro�its fell 46%, due in part to the costs of the breach (Riley, Elgin, Lawrence, & Matlack, 2014; Kim, 2014).

Other major cyberattacks that took place from 2012 to 2014 include:

the Heartbleed bug that allows hackers to obtain passwords and other data users put online; it was found in 2 out of 3 web servers; the attack against Adobe System’s security that resulted in hackers obtaining credit card information from 2.9 million customers and passwords from 38 million users; the attack in which hackers accessed the user names and passwords of 50 million users of the LivingSocial site; the attack in which 4 million patient records were stolen from Advocate Health Care’s computers; and the attack against JPMorgan Chase that affected 83 million households and businesses and involved concurrent cyberassaults on 10 other �inancial �irms (Consumer Reports, 2014; Goldstein, Perloth, & Sanger, 2014).

In addition to making consumers’ private information vulnerable to theft, new technology has made workers more vulnerable as well. Employers’ use of technology to oversee and direct workers has also dramatically changed the workplace experience.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 37/42

PhotoTalk/E+/Getty Images

Companies use various methods to monitor and track employee activities in the workplace.

6.4 Monitoring Activity in the Workplace

Two thirds of employers monitor employees’ e-mail and even texts (Privacy Rights Clearinghouse, 2014). Employees must be careful about what they communicate about online. Employees should not expect privacy at work or even while doing work-related activities outside of the of�ice. Streaming media and mini cameras on computers, tablets, and cell phones can be used to perpetually observe workers. The extent and proliferation of monitoring and tracking systems that are a hidden part of our daily lives have made privacy and security major social issues that are transforming the workplace.

Tracking Workplace Communications

Some aspects of privacy are relinquished as an expected condition of employment because it is anticipated that supervisors will oversee how employees spend their work time or whether they are conducting business according to company policies. The right to monitor

employee work is granted by federal law. U.S. citizens are guaranteed “to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures” in the Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. However, although the Fourth Amendment restricts government agencies, it does not regulate employers (Lohr, 2014).

The 1994 case of Michael A. Smyth set a precedent for many of these issues. Smyth was an employee of the Pillsbury Company, which “repeatedly assured its employees . . . that all e-mail communications would remain con�idential and privileged [and] . . . that e-mail communications could not be intercepted and used . . . against its employees as grounds for termination or reprimand” (Michael A. Smyth v. The Pillsbury Company, 1996, para. 3). Despite those assurances, the company �ired Smyth after he sent “inappropriate and unprofessional” (Michael A. Smyth v. The Pillsbury Company, 1996, para. 4) e-mails to his supervisor. The e-mails “concerned sales management and contained threats to ‘kill the backstabbing bastards’ and referred to the planned holiday party as the ‘Jim Jones Koolaid affair’” (Michael A. Smyth v. The Pillsbury Company, 1996, para. 4).

Smyth �iled a wrongful dismissal suit against Pillsbury Company. The court decided in the company’s favor, however, stating, “Once plaintiff communicated the alleged unprofessional comments to a second person (his supervisor) over an e-mail system which was apparently utilized by the entire company, any reasonable expectation of privacy was lost” (Michael A. Smyth v. The Pillsbury Company, 1996, para. 16).

In most states, Internet use and e-mail may be monitored without noti�ication. Employers may listen in on work-related phone calls and may obtain a record of phone calls made at work. Typically, employer-provided cell phones and pagers may also be monitored. Video monitoring may be used in the workplace except where it is invasive to personal privacy, such as in a locker room or bathroom.

Increasing Workplace Ef�iciency Through Monitoring

Some employers have learned how to subtly encourage their employees to work more ef�iciently by monitoring their behavior as well as their communications. In fact, monitoring workers has become a business itself, and several new companies meet this demand. One such company, Sociometric Solutions, designed ID badges with sensors that monitor the workers’ communication behaviors, such as their “tone of voice, posture and body language” (Lohr, 2014, para. 9) and with whom they speak and for how long. Sociometric Solutions gives only aggregate data to the employer, not data on individual workers, and workers must agree to be monitored. As of 2014 Sociometric Solutions was “already working with 20 companies in the banking, technology, pharmaceutical and health care industries, involving thousands of employees” (Lohr, 2014, para. 10).

Sociometric Solutions and similar companies make use of human dynamics research showing “that people are social learners, so arranging work to increase productive face-to-face communication yields measurable bene�its” (Lohr, 2014, para. 12). Sociometric Solutions, for example, “studied workers in Bank of America call centers and observed that those in

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 38/42

tightknit communications groups were more productive and less likely to quit” (Lohr, 2014, para. 13). The company instituted a shared 15-minute coffee break to encourage that sort of close communication among workers. “Afterward, call-handling productivity increased more than 10 percent, and turnover declined nearly 70 percent” (Lohr, 2014, para. 13).

Research at one pharmaceutical company also lends support to the theory that increased communication among workers leads to greater productivity. A study by Sociometric Solutions revealed that workers who sat at larger tables were more productive than those who sat at smaller tables (which caused them to communicate with fewer people). The company redesigned its café area accordingly, and company sales increased (Lohr, 2014).

Sometimes, companies discover that they can use data from monitoring employees in unanticipated ways. One Dallas restaurant used a digital sentinel to track “every waiter, every ticket, and every dish and drink, looking for patterns that might suggest employee theft” (Lohr, 2014, para. 6). The data did not reveal much about theft, but the employers quickly learned that they could use the data to see which waiters were making the most sales and promote them accordingly.

The Future of Monitoring in the Workplace

What is the future of workplace monitoring and tracking? Some observers point to the UPS Corporation, once known as United Parcel Service, as an indication of how companies might use such technology in the years to come. In its package delivery operations, UPS delivers the maximum number of parcels it can in an ordinary day’s shift. Analysts pore over data collected from multiple electronic devices to determine how delivery time can be reduced—a second could be shaved off here, a half a second there. GPS devices record the driver’s speed, stops, how he or she uses the brakes, even how much time and speed the driver spends backing up (a safety concern). Based on the data, analysts make recommendations to management, and the savings in time add up. After a year, 1 minute saved per driver per day adds up to $14.5 million in savings. One minute idling the truck per driver per day costs $500,000 of fuel in a year. So every minute of every driver’s day is tracked, and computers produce the delivery routes (J. Goldstein, 2014b).

Another new policy intended to increase UPS’s ef�iciency involved pockets. An extra pocket was added to each driver’s shirt so left-handed drivers could save time drawing a pen from their right pocket. Another policy involved implementing an electronic key fob that automatically opens and closes the truck door and starts the engine with a quick push. Since 1990, innovations like these have pushed the average number of packages delivered per shift from 92 to 130 (J. Goldstein, 2014b).

Drivers might grumble from time to time about Big Brother, but the effects of such policies and the implementation of such technologies are not entirely negative for them. Handheld computers alert drivers as they approach houses where there are dangerous animals that might bite them. The union that represents UPS drivers negotiates the terms of surveillance, including the drivers’ knowledge of each device and what it does. With the power of a strong union, drivers have also �inancially bene�ited from the increased productivity; drivers’ wages have doubled since 1990. Although robots or drones may one day replace the ubiquitous brown-shirted UPS drivers, today they stand as a model of what humans and machines can accomplish together in the information age (J. Goldstein, 2014a).

In most modern workplaces, employees have accepted the reality that their employers monitor and track activity. Although some cringe at the lack of privacy, many workers appreciate that such monitoring can help them do their job better and secure the organization’s or company’s information and �inances. Others feel assured that while they are working hard, those around them feel pressured to do so as well because they know they are being watched.

The New Work Space and Alienated Labor

Although surveillance has become a routine feature of the contemporary workplace, it has also raised the specter of what Karl Marx (1818–1883) referred to as alienated labor, the phenomenon of workers toiling in an environment that offers them little control over what they produce and how they carry out their work. Not only do most workers not own the fruits of their labor, their every action at work is proscribed and monitored—and out of their control. Considering that Americans work more than people from any other industrialized nation, this lack of freedom from oversight has a major impact on many (Lee, McCann, & Messenger, 2007).

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 39/42

Courtesy of Amy Blackstone, Ph.D.

The trend of monitoring of�ice behavior also harkens back to Frederick Winslow Taylor’s (1865–1915) work on transferring control in the workplace from workers to managers in order to increase ef�iciency (Taylor, 2003). As described in Chapter 2, during Taylor’s lifetime his theories helped transform industries and factory work. Today their in�luence has spread to work in service occupations and of�ices (Saval, 2014). With the use of computers comes a reduced need for individual workers’ input and less freedom. As sociologist Kai Erickson (1986) describes:

If the goal of the old Scienti�ic Management movement was to control the muscle activity of the worker from the distant removes of the front of�ice, to eliminate �lourish and personality and lazy rhythms from the doing of everyday tasks, then the computer can be its perfect instrument. For the computer can program not only the behavior of the machine, but in a very real sense, the behavior of those whose job it is to monitor it. (p. 5)

Increasingly, workers must follow instructions on how to do their jobs based on computers’ calculations of optimal ef�iciency. Moreover, they are relentlessly monitored when carrying out those instructions.

The next chapter explores different ways that companies can help employees feel less alienated and more engaged in their jobs while balancing work and family responsibilities. We will show that these efforts can be in the self-interest of employers and the government, as well as employees. Happy, engaged workers tend to be more productive workers.

Spotlight on Workplace Research: Amy Blackstone’s Work on Older Workers’ Experiences of Harassment

Amy Blackstone, an associate professor of sociology at the University of Maine, has shown that older workers often experience ageism. Her research on older workers (those from 62 to 87 years old) in Maine revealed that a clear pattern of ageism exists in the workforce. Almost 1 out of 4 respondents said they “had work contributions totally ignored by colleagues and managers, had been left out of decisions that affect their work, and had been talked down to by co-workers or bosses” (Blackstone, 2013, para. 8). These rates were much higher than those for younger workers, who relayed more incidents of sexual harassment but far fewer experiences of being disregarded at work.

The older workers who faced discrimination at work did not share these experiences with coworkers or even family members, so Blackstone’s work has been critical in bringing their experiences to light. She likens the treatment of older workers to bullying and calls for coworkers to intervene when they witness ageist treatment of their older colleagues. Blackstone suggests that employee trainings should include workshops on how to treat older workers and seminars that encourage colleagues to stand up for older workers and, by extension, their future selves.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 40/42

Summary and Resources

Summary The main generational cohorts working in the United States today are traditionalists, baby boomers, generation Xers, and millennials. Each generation brings both aptitudes and challenges to the modern workplace. Employers and managers who exhibit generational intelligence are able to balance each generation’s skills, improve communication among cohorts, and improve ef�iciency. Social media and a wide array of technologies have become essential parts of most workplaces. Monitoring workers has become a routine practice and a growing business. Workers cannot and should not expect privacy in the workplace.

Case Study: How Social Media Can Get You Fired

The following story, titled Facebook Post Costs Waitress Her Job, describes how one college student lost her waitressing job because of a Facebook post.

Ashley Johnson had a good job making good money as a waitress at Brixx Pizza on Sixth Street in uptown Charlotte.

But that changed about a week ago, when a couple came in for lunch and stayed for three hours—forcing her to work an hour past her quitting time.

And they left her a tip she thought was pretty measly—$5.

Johnson did what most folks who need a good rant do nowadays. When she got home, she went on Facebook. “Thanks for eating at Brixx,” she wrote, “you cheap piece of ---- camper.”

And like a growing number of workers, she found out the hard way that what you say on social networks can be used against you, particularly if you’re in a position of public trust or public service.

The managers at Brixx called her in a day or two later, she says. They showed her a copy of her Facebook comments and told her she was being �ired for violating company policy against speaking disparagingly about customers. A Brixx of�icial said she also violated a second policy against casting the restaurant in a negative light on social networks.

“We de�initely care what people say about our customers,” said Jeff Van Dyke, one of the partners who run the restaurant.

Johnson, 22, says she apologized to Brixx for using bad judgment. “It was my own fault,” she said. “I did write the message. But I had no idea that something that, to me is very small, could result in my losing my job.”

She’s not the �irst Facebook user to get in trouble with the boss over inappropriate comments or pictures on their pages. And as people grow increasingly comfortable sharing their pictures and thoughts—vulgar, intemperate or otherwise—she surely won’t be the last to anger her employer.

Social networks are exploding in popularity, with almost half of all Americans 12 or older maintaining a pro�ile on at least one site, according to a recent Edison Research study.

And as more people go on the sites, more are crossing boundaries their employers don’t want crossed.

Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools, for instance, suspended a Thomasboro Elementary teacher in 2008 after learning that her Facebook page listed “teaching chitlins in the ghetto” as one of her activities. Four others were disciplined for posts involving bad judgment and poor taste.

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 41/42

The city of Charlotte’s recently adopted policy warns employees to “exercise sound judgment and discretion” on their personal sites “to ensure a distinct separation between personal and organizational views.”

Inappropriate use, the policy notes, “may be grounds for disciplinary action.”

Such social networking dust-ups are becoming more and more common, said Megan Ruwe, a Minnesota attorney who counsels employers on handling workers and social networks.

Think About It:

1. Before reading this chapter, were you aware that, as the lawyer quoted in this article states, “while the First Amendment bars the government from infringing on citizens’ freedom of speech, it typically doesn’t stop private employers from limiting their employees’ speech.” If you did know this, how did you learn about it? If you are currently employed, do you have a clear understanding of your employer’s policy regarding social media sites? Why or why not?

2. Imagine you are one of the owners of the restaurant mentioned in the article. Would you have �ired the waitress? Why or why not?

3. Imagine you have just opened a new business. Write your own social media policy for employees (in just one or two sentences) and then describe how you will inform your employees of this policy. Why is having both a clear policy and a means to disseminate (spread the word about) it so important?

4. Describe how reading this article and answering these questions has impacted your own use of social media. If it has not, explain why.

Source: Frazier, E. (2010, May 17). Facebook post costs waitress her job. Charlotte (NC) Observer. Retrieved from http://www.charlotteobserver.com/news/local/article9036602.html (http://www.charlotteobserver.com/news/local/article9036602.html)

Discussion Questions 1. Why is it important for both employers and employees to practice generational intelligence? Do you think you

have enough generational intelligence to succeed in the workplace? Why or why not? 2. According to the information in this chapter, what are some ways young job seekers tend to be more and less

prepared for the workplace than members of other generations? 3. How can job seekers best make use of social media? How can employers use social media to attract business and

employees? Will you use social media when you next search for a job? Why or why not? 4. Describe three positive and three negative aspects of monitoring employees’ activity in the workplace. How

would your perspective of its merits differ depending on whether you were an employee or an employer?

Additional Resources A comparison of generational values in the workplace (video) http://education-portal.com/academy/lesson/generational-values-in-the-workplace-differences-and-dominant- values.html#lesson (http://education-portal.com/academy/lesson/generational-values-in-the-workplace-differences-and- dominant-values.html#lesson)

Recommendations for what younger and older workers can learn from each other http://career-advice.monster.com/in-the-of�ice/workplace-issues/generational-teachback/article.aspx (http://career-advice.monster.com/in-the-of�ice/workplace-issues/generational-teachback/article.aspx)

Stories of employees who have been �ired for online posts http://www.blogging4jobs.com/social-media/history-of-terminations-�irings-employee-social- media/#WwDSodBGdQ0iy2kJ.97 (http://www.blogging4jobs.com/social-media/history-of-terminations-�irings-employee- social-media/#WwDSodBGdQ0iy2kJ.97) https://www.yahoo.com/tech/11-brutal-reminders-that-you-can-and-will-get-�ired-for-84931050659.html (https://www.yahoo.com/tech/11-brutal-reminders-that-you-can-and-will-get-�ired-for-84931050659.html)

8/1/2017 Print

https://content.ashford.edu/print/AUSOC402.15.1?sections=navpoint-35,navpoint-36,navpoint-37,navpoint-38,navpoint-39,navpoint-40,navpoint-41,… 42/42

The pros and cons of technology in the workplace http://www.useoftechnology.com/technology-workplace-2 (http://www.useoftechnology.com/technology-workplace-2/)

The pros and cons of workplace surveillance http://www.nytimes.com/2014/06/22/technology/workplace-surveillance-sees-good-and-bad.html?_r=0m (http://www.nytimes.com/2014/06/22/technology/workplace-surveillance-sees-good-and-bad.html?_r=0m)

Key Terms

ageism

alienated labor

baby boomers

generation

generational intelligence

generation gap

generation Xers

information technology systems

job security

millennials

social media

traditionalists

workstations