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LEARNING AND KNOWING: NON-WESTERN PERSPECTIVES in NEWER APPROACHES TO ADULT LEARNING

from Learning in Adulthood: A Comprehensive Guide

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The newborn infant only hours old is handed to the father who whispers into the newborn's ear, “God is Great. I bear

witness there is no God but the one true God.” So begins the Muslim's life journey. It is a journey of lifelong learning

and discovery, a journey during which every Muslim discovers the greatness of God through the beauties and

wonders of His creation.— MAZALAN KAMIS

For those of the Islamic faith, le arning is inde e d life long. It is also conside re d a sacre d obligation to le arn not

for pe rsonal be ne fit, but for sharing with the whole community. Unfortunate ly, we know little about this

pe rspe ctive and othe r e piste mological syste ms as we are imme rse d in our own We ste rn orie ntation to

le arning and knowing. Inde e d, this e dition of Learning in Adulthood is primarily lodge d in We ste rn value s and

culture .

Be ginning with the 1928 publication of T horndike e t al.'s landmark study of adult le arning (T horndike , Bre gman,

T ilton, & Woodyard, 1928), the knowle dge base that has de ve lope d around le arning and adult le arning has

be e n shape d by what counts as knowle dge in a We ste rn paradigm. Re se arch and the ory in adult le arning to a

large e xte nt assume s that the mind and body are split, thus le ading to an e mphasis on cognition, information

proce ssing, inte llige nce me asure s, cognitive de ve lopme nt, and so on. Embe dde d in this focus are the cultural

value s of privile ging the individual le arne r ove r the colle ctive , and promoting autonomy and independence of

thought and action ove r community and inte rde pe nde nce . Andragogy, se lf-dire cte d le arning, and much of the

lite rature on transformational le arning position se lf-dire ction, inde pe nde nce , rational discourse , and re fle ctive

thought as pinnacle s of adult le arning the ory.

T hat We ste rn notions of adult le arning dominate is e vide nce d by the use of We ste rn te xtbooks, journals, and

confe re nce proce e dings in acade mic adult e ducation programs not only in North Ame rica but in Asia and

Africa. In addition, the curriculum that inte rnational stude nts study in graduate programs in North Ame rica is, of

course , primarily We ste rn. While the re is some re ce nt work by We ste rn scholars on spirituality, e mbodie d or

somatic knowing, e motions, ae sthe tics, and the “nonrational,” the se pe rspe ctive s are still ve ry much on the

margins of the fie ld (se e Chapte r Eight).

Howe ve r, we ne e d only look more close ly inside our own borde rs, to Native Ame ricans, for e xample , and

be yond the borde rs of North Ame rica and We ste rn Europe , to find major syste ms of thought and be lie fs

e mbe dde d in e ntire ly diffe re nt cultural value s and e piste mological syste ms that can be drawn upon to e nlarge

our unde rstanding of adult le arning. Some of the se syste ms pre date T horndike by thousands of ye ars and

e ncompass the gre ate r part of the world's pe ople s. For e xample , in a study of se lf-dire cte d le arning in the

Kore an conte xt, most of the We ste rn value s we re re je cte d (Nah, 2000). Rathe r, “a pe rson be coming

inde pe nde nt of his or he r pare nts, te ache rs or othe r pe ople , te nds to be conside re d thre ate ning [to] the

stability of a community he or she be longs to…. Be coming inde pe nde nt without be ing inte rde pe nde nt passe s

for immaturity or se lf-ce nte re dne ss” (p. 18). More ove r, in a country that has face d nume rous e ne mie s,

“colle ctivism and collaboration are taught from one 's childhood as one of the most important survival skills and

moral virtue s” (p. 18).

In ye t anothe r e xample , the notion of transformational le arning from a Buddhist thought syste m involve s

“incre ase d insight into the nature of re ality re sult[ing] in an unde rstanding of the inte rconne ction of all living

be ings and a de cre ase in human suffe ring” (Brooks, 2000, p. 166). Brooks goe s on to point out that “although

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Buddhism is a part of mainstre am institutional culture in many Asian nations, it stands as an alte rnative to the

mainstre am in the We st” (p. 166).

T his chapte r has a numbe r of purpose s. First, we introduce re ade rs to the value of le arning about othe r

pe rspe ctive s. Se cond, we discuss some ke y conce pts involve d in this e nde avor, conce pts such as the

We ste rn/non-We ste rn dichotomy itse lf, e thnoce ntrism, culture , and indige nous knowle dge . At the ce nte r of the

chapte r are short introductions to five diffe re nt pe rspe ctive s on le arning and knowing; the se five pe rspe ctive s

we re first pre se nte d as a symposium at the 2005 Adult Education Re se arch Confe re nce and are but e xample s

of how much we have to le arn from othe r syste ms of le arning. Finally, we will close with some commonalitie s or

the me s found across non-We ste rn pe rspe ctive s that stand in contrast to our We ste rn orie ntation to le arning.

WHY ST UDY OT HER WAYS OF LEARNING AND KNOWING?

Some re ade rs of this book might argue that since a We ste rn pe rspe ctive dominate s what is conside re d the

le gitimate knowle dge of adult le arning, we ne e d not bothe r ourse lve s with conside ring ye t othe r syste ms of

le arning. T his vie w is quite e thnoce ntric; that is, “the te nde ncy to vie w one 's own cultural group as supe rior to

othe rs” (Re agan, 2005, p. 4 ), and be ing e thnoce ntric, re inforce s the marginalization and oppre ssion of othe r

syste ms of knowing. T he purpose of e xamining othe r syste ms is not to re place the We ste rn tradition but rathe r

to expand our unde rstanding of le arning and knowing.

Such e xposure can affe ct our practice as adult e ducators in a numbe r of ways. First, we might re think our

purpose s as e ducators from large ly transmitte rs of “validate d We ste rn information” to “a more compe lling form

of analysis … e ngaging stude nts in the inte rpre tation of various knowle dge s and mode s of knowle dge

production” (Se mali & Kinche loe , 1999, p. 34 ). Close ly aligne d with this purpose is that conside ring othe r ways

of knowing le ads us to e xamine how knowle dge is produce d, whose inte re sts are be ing se rve d by this

knowle dge , and how knowle dge come s to be validate d or “official” (se e Chapte r T e n). “Such an aware ne ss is

too ofte n abse nt in We ste rn e ducation. In mainstre am pe dagogie s we are taught to be lie ve that the

knowle dge we conside r official and valid has be e n produce d in a ne utral, noble , and altruistic manne r. Such a

vie w dismisse s the cultural and powe r-re late d dime nsions of knowle dge production” (Se mali & Kinche loe ,

1999, p. 34 ).

Ye t anothe r purpose in be coming familiar with othe r knowle dge syste ms is the be ne fit this knowle dge will have

in affe cting our practice with le arne rs having othe r than We ste rn worldvie ws. Antone and Gamlin (2004 ) for

e xample , argue that to be e ffe ctive , lite racy programs with Aboriginal pe ople (a te rm the y use to re fe r to First

Nations, Inuit, and Mé tis pe rsons and colle ctivitie s) must be more than “re ading, nume racy and writing which is

typically dire cte d towards gaining acce ss to mainstre am e mployme nt” (p. 26). Rathe r, Aboriginal lite racy

is about sustaining a particular worldview and about the survival of a distinct and vital culture. Being literate is about

resymbolizing and reinterpreting past experience, while at the same time honouring traditional values. Being literate

is about living these values in contemporary times. Being literate is about visioning a future in which an Aboriginal

way of being will continue to thrive. Meaningful Aboriginal literacy will develop and find expression in everything that

is done. Consequently Aboriginal literacy programs must reflect a broad approach that recognizes the unique ways

that Aboriginal people represent their experience and knowledge. [p. 26; italics in original]

Anothe r e xample of how having some familiarity with othe r worldvie ws can affe ct our practice as adult

e ducators is in unde rstanding how many Asian stude nts vie w aspe cts of the te aching-le arning transaction.

T he ir re tice nce to que stion or spe ak out in our classe s is due to ye ars of training that spe aking out might

cause some one (the te ache r in particular) to lose face ; the acce pte d strate gy is to pe rsonally approach the

te ache r outside class. Furthe r, “sile nce is use d by e ast Asian colle ctivists as an indication of stre ngth, powe r,

and disagre e me nt, whe re as individualists se e it as an indication of we akne ss, shyne ss, or trouble ” (Liu, 2001, p.

190). Finally, Wang (2006) points out that for a Chine se stude nt, sharing some thing pe rsonal in our adult

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e ducation classe s is se e n as a sign of we akne ss, a loss of manne rs, or an atte mpt to se e k he lp.

A final value in e xpanding our unde rstanding of le arning to include pe rspe ctive s outside of our traditional

We ste rn vie ws is that we will be pe rsonally e nriche d. Such e xposure le ads to re fle cting on our own ide as in

ne w ways, and he aring othe rs’ storie s about the ir le arning contribute s to our own me aning-making. While we

can

acknowledge that no story perfectly evokes all that is true about our lives, … we must also acknowledge that the

more stories we have available to us, the richer are our resources … the more voices and narratives to which we

listen, the more abundantly we experience our lives. In fact, we often find that as different from ourselves as we may

imagine the others who create those narratives to be, we can still find that the stories from their lives reflect

something true about our own. In that case, for both their differences and their similarities, we can hardly afford to let

some voices remain marginal and silenced and other voices dominate. [Brooks, 2000, p. 169]

For e xample , in one of our adult de ve lopme nt classe s an adult le arne r from India share d he r story of living with

he r pare nts, as is the custom, until she was marrie d at age thirty-two. She saw this as a gre at advantage in he r

le arning to be a mature adult be cause she had he r pare nts as constant role mode ls. At the same time , she

came to unde rstand what aging me ant for olde r adults and de ve lope d both compassion and admiration for the

olde r ge ne ration.

T HE WEST ERN/NON-WEST ERN DICHOT OMY, CULT URE, AND INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE

T he re are a numbe r of conce pts that are important to conside r whe n ste pping out of our We ste rn-only

pe rspe ctive on le arning. First to be conside re d is the dichotomy of We ste rn ve rsus non-We ste rn. Culture and

indige nous knowle dge are two othe r conce pts that inform this e ffort.

We have use d “non-We ste rn” in the title of this chapte r to conve y some thing diffe re nt from the e piste mology

that many labe l “We ste rn” that informs the re st of this book. T his notion of dichotomie s is itse lf a ve ry We ste rn

conce pt, a fact not lost on us. Dichotomie s such as mind-body, nature-nurture, emotion-reason, and human-

animal are in fact an “obse ssion … that runs through We ste rn inte lle ctual history” (Nisbe tt, 2003, p. 154 ). And, of

course , the re are a numbe r of anomalie s in using the se te rms—for e xample , many indige nous pe ople s of

North Ame rica do not adhe re to a “We ste rn” pe rspe ctive . Also proble matic is the sugge stion that “We ste rn” is

the gold standard against which we me asure non-We ste rn, thus de priving non-We ste rne rs of having le gitimate

knowle dge apart from We ste rn norms. So why do we use the se cate gorie s? As Re agan (2005, p. 11) note s,

“T he biase s inhe re nt in the te rms are in fact a significant and te lling compone nt of the phe nome non that we

are conce rne d with studying…. T hus, what be gins as a false dichotomy can e me rge as an e ffe ctive way of

challe nging and re forming racist and e thnoce ntric assumptions and biase s.”

A We ste rn pe rspe ctive is ofte n trace d to classical Gre e k culture whe re “pe rsonal fre e dom, individuality, and

obje ctive thought” (Nisbe tt, 2003, p. 30) we re de ve lope d, brought to Europe , and e xte nde d to othe r parts of

the world through Europe an colonization. Still going on today is the inte lle ctual “colonization” of the world,

large ly through We ste rn scie nce . “A ke y to compre he nding the powe r of We ste rn scie nce involve s its ability to

de pict its findings as unive rsal knowle dge . Mode rnist scie nce produce s unive rsal historie s, de fine s civilization,

and de te rmine s re ality: such capabilitie s le gitimate particular ways of se e ing and, concurre ntly, de le gitimate

othe rs” (Se mali & Kinche loe , 1999, p. 31).

T he se paration of knowle dge from its conte xt and its codification according to We ste rn scie nce has had an

impact on e ducational thought and practice . We collapse e ducation into “schooling,” for e xample , so that in

adult e ducation le arne rs have a difficult time thinking of the ir le arning as anything but participation in formal

classe s. Informal le arning, which adults e ngage in on a daily basis, hardly counts as “re al” le arning. “We ste rn

e piste mological tyranny and the oppre ssive e ducational practice s that follow it” (Se mali & Kinche loe , 1999, p.

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31) have re sulte d in our ove rlooking rich source s of knowle dge . For e xample ,

Western epistemological exports to Africa … tend to limit reality to appearances with which they [Westerners] seek to

justify, mostly without explanation, the so-called absolute and irrefutable truth. For Africans, the search for truth goes

beyond appearances into some deep understanding of why the truth is truth. Sometimes the search for truth may be

mystified as [when] recourse may be made to traditional religious performances. Among the Yoruba in Nigeria, the ifa

oracle of divination may be used to determine what the truth is. Magical understanding and interpretation of the truth

is accepted in Africa and this is connected to the way in which people know. [Fasokun, Katahoire, & Oduaran, 2005,

pp. 63-64]

T he We ste rn/non-We ste rn dichotomy is one me ans of conside ring alte rnative pe rspe ctive s to our

unde rstanding of le arning and knowing. Culture is anothe r, which is of course part of de fining We ste rn and

non-We ste rn pe rspe ctive s. T he re are as many de finitions of culture as the re are individuals who write about it.

Basically, culture consists of the share d be havior and symbolic me aning syste ms of a group of pe ople . It is, as

Hofste de (1984 , p. 51) write s, “the colle ctive programming of the mind which distinguishe s the me mbe rs of one

cate gory of pe ople from anothe r.” Banks and Banks (1997, p. 8) have more re ce ntly de fine d it as follows:

The essence of a culture is not its artifacts, tools, or other tangible cultural elements but how the members of the

group interpret, use, and perceive them. It is the values, symbols, interpretations, and perspectives that distinguish

one people from another in modernized societies; it is not material objects and other tangible aspects of human

societies.

While we ofte n link “We ste rn” and “culture ” toge the r, “the re is no single ‘We ste rn’ culture in any re ally

me aningful se nse ; rathe r, the re are many diffe re nt and distinct culture s that share ce rtain e le me nts of a

common historical background that are manife ste d in diffe re nt ways in the pre se nt” (Re agan, 2005, p. 37).

What linking “We ste rn” and “non-We ste rn” to culture doe s is to provide a kind of shorthand for comparing two

e piste mological syste ms. For e xample , Je ge de (1999) pre se nts a table comparing African and We ste rn syste ms

of thought. In African culture “orality pre dominate s,” whe re as in We ste rn thought knowle dge is “docume nte d.”

Similarly, in Africa, “le arning is communal,” but in the We st, “le arning is an individual e nte rprise ” (p. 125).

Abdullah (1996), a manage me nt consultant in Malaysia, compare s what she calls “individualistic” or “more

We ste rn” with “colle ctivistic” or “more Easte rn” cultural inte rpre tations of value s. With re gard to group ve rsus

individual pre fe re nce , for e xample , “We ste rne rs” value fre e dom and inde pe nde nce whe re as “Easte rne rs”

value be longing, harmony, family, se curity, and guidance ; succe ss in the We st is mate rialistic but in the East it is

re lationship- or frie ndship-base d. T he communication style in a more We ste rn cultural orie ntation is dire ct, to

the point, and e mphasize s clarity; in a more Easte rn culture communication is subtle , indire ct, and ofte n

e mploys a third party. Unde rstanding the se and othe r diffe re nce s in value s, Abdullah points out, is crucial to

managing a multinational and multicultural workplace .

What are pre se nte d as “We ste rn” or “African” or “Easte rn” value s and syste ms of thought capture , impe rfe ctly

of course , some of the diffe re nce s that in turn affe ct not only how we se e the world but how le arning

e xpe rie nce s are inte rpre te d. For e xample , in a study of the role of cultural value s in shaping olde r adult

le arning in Malaysia, participants spoke of le arning as a spiritual or philosophical que st, and as “a re sponsibility

and a me ans of giving back to the ir communitie s” (Me rriam & Muhamad, 2000, p. 60).

A third conce pt important for unde rstanding le arning and knowing from non-We ste rn pe rspe ctive s is that of

indigenous knowledge. Like culture , indige nous knowle dge has be e n de fine d in nume rous ways. Most

de finitions conside r it “local or community knowle dge that is commonly ge ne rate d and transmitte d ove r a

pe riod of time in ge ographic and historic space ” (Fasokun, Katahoire , & Oduaran, 2005, p. 61). It is knowle dge

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ge ne rate d to de al with local proble ms and issue s “re late d to he alth, farming, warfare , e ducation, culture and

the e nvironme nt” (p. 61). T his is knowle dge produce d by pe ople , who, according to the World Council of

Indige nous Pe ople s, “occupie d lands prior to populations who now share or claim such te rritorie s”; indige nous

pe ople s may also “posse ss a distinct language and culture ” (Se mali & Kinche loe , 1999, p. 4 0). De i, Hall, and

Rose nbe rg (2000) point out that many indige nous culture s value the following: “se e ing the individual as part of

nature ; re spe cting and re viving the wisdom of e lde rs; giving conside ration to the living, the de ad, and future

ge ne rations; sharing re sponsibility, we alth, and re source s within the community; and e mbracing spiritual value s,

traditions and practice s [with] re fle ction [on] conne ctions to a highe r orde r, to the culture , and to the e arth” (p.

6).

Indige nous knowle dge diffe rs from official, acade mic knowle dge in se ve ral ways. First, it is organic in the se nse

that it is ge ne rate d during the daily live s of pe ople in a local conte xt rathe r than “by planne d proce dure s and

rule s” (Ge orge , 1999, p. 80). T his knowle dge is typically passe d on from one ge ne ration to the ne xt in oral,

rathe r than writte n form. Finally, “indige nous knowle dge is not to be found in the school curriculum” (p. 80). So,

too, the “pe dagogy” of indige nous knowle dge diffe rs from traditional schooling or e ducation. Knowle dge is

conve ye d through “storyte lling, poe try, me taphor, myth, ce re mony, dre ams and art; and honoring indige nous

e lde rs as ‘cultural profe ssor’” (Grave line , 2005, p. 308).

As many write rs have pointe d out, we have much to le arn from indige nous knowle dge syste ms throughout the

world. What has until re ce ntly pre ve nte d us from acce ssing and le arning from the se syste ms is

“Western” knowledge production—it is self-contained, self-sustaining, handy, convenient, and even tinged with a

sense of righteousness…. Hermetically sealed, the closed system of “Western” knowledge production has been

institutionalized, in a matter of several hundred years, to such a degree as to dismiss indigenous knowledges based

on thousands of years of experience, analysis, and reflection as primitive (Allen, 1989; Deloria, 1997; Harjo & Bird,

1997). It is … intellectual apartheid. [Rains, 1999, p. 317]

By way of summarizing, it is our thinking that non-We ste rn pe rspe ctive s on le arning and knowing include , for

e xample , indige nous knowle dge syste ms such as found in Africa, in Native Ame rican and First Nations pe ople s

of North Ame rica, and in Maori pe ople of Ne w Ze aland and Aboriginal pe ople of Australia. T ypically, howe ve r,

major philosophical or re ligious syste ms of thought such as Buddhism, Islam, Hinduism, Confucianism, and so

on are labe le d “non-We ste rn” rathe r than indige nous. Of course , how we group or labe l the se syste ms is not

what is important. What is important is that by be coming acquainte d with othe r ways of le arning and knowing we

e nrich our unde rstanding of le arning, and ultimate ly our practice with adults.

AN INT RODUCT ION T O FIVE NON-WEST ERN PERSPECT IVES ON LEARNING

Following is a sampling of five non-We ste rn pe rspe ctive s on le arning. T he re are , of course , book-le ngth

de scriptions of e ach of the se , and the re are many othe r non-We ste rn and indige nous e ducational traditions

that could be e xplore d; howe ve r, it is not the inte ntion of this chapte r to be compre he nsive with re gard to

the se pe rspe ctive s. Rathe r, we wish to introduce re ade rs to the possibilities in le arning about othe r ways of

knowing. T he pe rspe ctive s include d he re we re pre se nte d by the ir authors in a symposium he ld at the Forty-

Sixth Annual Adult Education Re se arch Confe re nce at the Unive rsity of Ge orgia, Athe ns, on June 4 , 2005

(Me rriam e t al., 2005).

AD U LT LE AR N IN G F R O M A CO N F U CIAN WAY O F T H IN KIN G : Y O U N G WH A KE EAD U LT LE AR N IN G F R O M A CO N F U CIAN WAY O F T H IN KIN G : Y O U N G WH A KE E

T he Confucian notions and pe rspe ctive s on adult le arning that I pre se nt he re are base d on four basic books

about Confucianism: Confucian Analects (Sung, 1991a), Mencius (Sung, 1991d), The Great Learning (Sung, 1991c),

and The Doctrine of the Mean (Sung, 1991b). Although The Great Learning focuse s mainly on the Confucian way

of le arning, the othe r thre e books base d on Confucian philosophy and ide as also contribute to our

unde rstanding of le arning as propose d by Confucius (551-4 79 BC), who is also calle d Kungtzu.

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According to Chu Hsi, a twe lfth-ce ntury scholar of Confucianism, the philosophy be hind this conce ption of adult

le arning is to imitate the virtue s of anothe r pe rson. According to Chu Hsi, a pe rson who doe s not know how to

act in a situation will follow the e xample of one who doe s know. Imitation of the conduct of the sage s is true

le arning.

Confucius also e xpre sse d the conce pt of true le arning with two characte rs Hak and Seb, which can be

translate d into the one word learning in English. Kungtzu taught the principle of le arning as Hak-Yi-Shi-Seub,

which re fe rs to the e njoyme nt of le arning through daily e xpe rie nce . Se ub, e spe cially, has the lite rary me aning

of a bird that is le arning to fly by the continuous practice of flapping its wings in imitation of an e xample . Hak-Yi-

Shi-Se ub e xpre sse s a constant symbolic re lationship with the world around us to fe e d off of—that is, le arn from

—the myriad situations we e ncounte r as we go through our live s.

According to The Great Learning, the adult le arning proce ss is a highly comple x proce ss, involving commitme nt,

continuous e ffort, and a holistic approach. T his continuous le arning proce ss is constructe d by le arne rs through

the inne r se lf inte racting with nature . It is a proje ct that cannot be comple te d in a limite d time frame . It

e mphasize s me ditation to control one se lf and inte rnal inte gration be twe e n se lf and nature . And it is e xte nde d

through continuous dialogue s with othe rs within the parame te rs of human re lationships. It is a holistic approach

to le arning: to be come fully human through se lf-re ctification and spiritual study.

T he purpose of adult le arning is to e nlighte n the pe ople , to love the pe ople , and to re st in “the highe st

e xce lle nce .” According to The Great Learning, e ight ste ps should be followe d to re ach the highe st e xce lle nce :

inve stigation of things, e xte nsion of knowle dge , since rity of will, re ctification of the mind, cultivation of one 's

pe rsonal life , re gulation of the family, national orde r, and world pe ace . Adult le arning is a guide to be coming

fully human. Adult le arning, according to Confucianism, cannot be use d as a tool for achie ving spe cific goals in

a spe cific situation. For e xample , the conte nts of le arning are not re late d to vocational or skill acquire me nt.

Inste ad, adult le arning is focuse d on spiritual de ve lopme nt.

According to The Great Learning (Sung 1991c), adult le arning highlights both le arning on one 's own and pe e r

le arning. Confucian Analects (Sung, 1991a, p. 139) me ntions that “the re must be a role mode l e ve n whe n a fe w

pe ople take off on the road toge the r.” It e mphasize s pe e r le arning among adult le arne rs. More ove r, Confucian

Analects says that te ache rs must wait until adult le arne rs unde rstand by the mse lve s; the n, at this time , te ache rs

must again he lp le arne rs’ unde rstand through individual le arning.

Finally, the re lationship be twe e n te ache r and stude nts is not e qual as it is in We ste rn socie ty. T he te ache r is

re spe cte d by me mbe rs of socie ty, and le arne rs are aske d to obe y the ir te ache rs. T his come s from the

Confucian ide a e xpre sse d as gun (king), sa (te ache r), bu (pare nt), ilche (the same body) in Chine se characte rs.

T his me ans: te ache r, pare nt, and king are tre ate d e qually and have the same importance in one 's live s. T his

ide a is still pre vale nt in Confucian e ducational syste ms in Kore a, T aiwan, and China.

T H E H IN D U PE R SPE CT IVE : SWAT H I N AT H T H AKE RT H E H IN D U PE R SPE CT IVE : SWAT H I N AT H T H AKE R

Imagine , for a mome nt, that you are inte rvie wing pe ople for a position and your ne xt candidate is Indian. What

characte ristics come to mind? What type s of knowle dge do you think this particular individual posse sse s? Ofte n

whe n one thinks of an individual of Indian origin, one imagine s a pe rson with a strong aptitude for math,

scie nce , and te chnology. Howe ve r, whe n one visits India, it is not te chnology that is re adily appare nt but rathe r

a spiritual atmosphe re that e manate s from the pe ople of this country. It is not simply re ligion but rathe r a

holistic vie w of life . T his vie w of life combine s both cognition and spirituality to cre ate individuals who vie w

le arning and the de ve lopme nt of knowle dge not me re ly as the acquisition of skills and facts but rathe r as a

me ans to be coming unifie d be ings. As Dr. Me rriam has note d, We ste rn notions of le arning have dominate d,

and still dominate , the fie ld of adult e ducation, with issue s such as somatic le arning and spirituality e me rging

only re ce ntly. While much of the re se arch and the ory sugge sts that the mind and body are split, a numbe r of

culture s around the world do not be lie ve in this dichotomy, and Hinduism is no e xce ption.

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Hinduism, which is said to be ove r four thousand ye ars old, de fine s itse lf according to the Ve das, the most

ancie nt body of re ligious lite rature . Although much of this conte nt has long be e n unknown to most Hindus, it is

still re garde d as an absolute authority, re ve aling the fundame ntal truth. While the conne ction be twe e n mind

and body is e vide nt in the se scripture s, the Ve das also chronicle the re lationship be twe e n guru, or te ache r,

and stude nt, which is be lie ve d to be sacre d and re ve re d. T his conne ction be twe e n instructor and pupil is

pre vale nt in e arly writings, such as the Mahabharat, an e pic in itse lf, which contains a code of life , a philosophy

of social and e thical re lations that offe rs spiritual stre ngth. T he following story, containe d within this lite rature ,

highlights the sacre d re lationship of guru and stude nt:

Ekalavya witnesses the archery skill of Drona and wishes him to be his guru. However, Drona refuses, for a number

of reasons, chief among them because he already has a pupil, Arjuna, to whom he has promised the title of greatest

archer in the world. Disappointed, Ekalavya takes it upon himself to secretly watch Drona during his instruction.

Through his absolute devotion to the art and ceaseless practice, Ekalavya's skills surpass those of Arjuna. Arjuna's

dream is shattered and Drona inquires how the youth has learned such an art. Though it can be argued that it was

Ekalavya's devotion and determination that developed his success, he honors Drona by kneeling before him. Drona

becomes upset when he realizes that Ekalavya has been watching him, as he has a loyalty to Arjuna. Thus, Drona

asks Ekalavya for his right thumb as payment for this “teaching,” which he immediately offers out of gratitude, even

though he knows he will no longer be able to practice archery.

T his story illustrate s both side s of the conne ction be twe e n stude nt and maste r. Drona fe lt a strong bond to his

disciple , Arjuna, and he lping him fulfill his dre am of be coming the world's gre ate st arche r. T hus, he asks

Ekalavya for his thumb, knowing full we ll that this will make it impossible for the youth to be an arche r. In turn,

Ekalavya fe e ls a de e p re ve re nce for Drona be cause he vie ws him as his maste r and guide . It is be cause of

this re spe ct that Ekalavya fre e ly offe rs his thumb. While this tale doe s re pre se nt the notion of appre ntice ship,

be cause both Arjuna and Ekalavya we re se e king to maste r a spe cific skill, it also highlights how, in Hindu

philosophy, the guru-stude nt re lationship e xte nds much furthe r than that. T hough Hinduism doe s allow for

individuation, its focus is on spiritual growth, thus he lping individuals to conne ct the mind and body.

T he value s and be lie fs of Hinduism, such as karma (the law of cause and e ffe ct), are ofte n le arne d not through

re adings but through oratory. While re ligious scripture s such as the Mahabharat, Ramayana, and the Bhagavad

Gita are now in writte n form, much of the ir conte nts are taught through storyte lling. Childre n grow up he aring

tale s, such as the one told e arlie r, from the ir pare nts and grandpare nts, that highlight the philosophical value s

of Hinduism. In this culture , ite ms do not ne ce ssarily ne e d to be writte n down in orde r to carry significance .

Inste ad, the core unde rpinnings of Hinduism are passe d from ge ne ration to ge ne ration through an oral

tradition. T his is e spe cially true in re lation to the Ve das, which are conside re d to be the he art of Hindu culture .

T hough many can no longe r re ad the se scripture s (the language of Sanskrit is a dying art), the ir me ssage live s

on in the storie s that familie s share . It is the re counting of the se ge ne rational tale s, and not the writte n word,

that ke e ps Hinduism alive . In addition, dance and music are use d to share the le ssons that are containe d in the

ancie nt te xts. T he use of the se various art forms also he lps ke e p Hindu traditions alive .

T hroughout life , Hindus strive to be come le arne d in multiple ways. It is not simply about de ve loping cognitive

skills, but rathe r to discove r one se lf, be cause this is the only me ans and path to libe ration and wisdom.

Howe ve r, this se lf-discove ry is not the e nd of the spiritual journe y but rathe r a ste pping-stone to gaining a

more holistic unde rstanding of the unive rse . Whe re as We ste rn be lie f te ache s that an individual is e mpowe re d

through himse lf or he rse lf, Hinduism argue s that true e mpowe rme nt e me rge s through an unde rstanding of the

source s of knowle dge , not just its compone nts, thus le ading to unity with the unive rse , which at time s re quire s

a re nouncing of the se lf and worldly posse ssions. T his is particularly poignant during the last stage of life ,

whe n individuals abandon the ir home and be longings and se t forth on a pilgrimage or se e k sanctuary in an

ashram, which is a spiritual hoste l. T his type of journe y still take s place today, be cause it is be lie ve d that this

passage le ads to true e nlighte nme nt through unification of the mind and body. T hus, life for a Hindu is not

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about the acquisition of knowle dge but rathe r about de ve loping wisdom through gaining an unde rstanding of

one se lf in a holistic manne r.

T his notion of fore going ide ntity in orde r to re ach a state of highe r unde rstanding is powe rful, and ofte n

ne gle cte d in We ste rn thought. T he re is a strong e mphasis on individuation in the We st that is not re adily

appare nt in Hinduism. T he Hindu le arne r continually strive s to unde rstand the large r picture and his or he r

conne ction to the unive rse as a whole . It can be argue d that this me ntality allows le arne rs to ope n the mse lve s

to varying source s of knowle dge . By allowing a varie ty of forms of knowle dge , such as through me ditation and

storie s, and not re lying sole ly on the printe d word, Hindu le arne rs are able to obtain a le ve l of spiritual be ing

that is ofte n difficult for We ste rn stude nts. As the We ste rn e ducational syste m be gins to value othe r ways of

knowing, its le arne rs will have an opportunity to focus le ss on the se lf and incre asingly on forming a unity with

the world at large .

MAO R I CO N CE PT S O F LE AR N IN G AN D KN O WLE D G E : B R IAN F IN D SE NMAO R I CO N CE PT S O F LE AR N IN G AN D KN O WLE D G E : B R IAN F IN D SE N

He aha te mea nui o te ao? He tangata, he tangata, he tangata. (What is the most important thing in life? It's

people, it's people, it's people.)

T his prove rb from Maori traditions stre sse s the ce ntrality of pe ople to any activity of living. Le arning is no

e xce ption. Maori le arning has always be e n life long and life wide , long be fore the se conce pts be came

fashionable in adult e ducation circle s and be yond. Ako, the Maori word for le arning, ne ce ssarily e ntails

historical and cultural dime nsions and is also the word for te aching. Be fore Fre ire (1970) e xplaine d the

conce pts of te ache r-stude nt and stude nt-te ache r, the te rm ako did not diffe re ntiate be twe e n those who

dispe nse knowle dge and those who acquire it. Knowle dge is always a colle ctive e ntity.

In this situation I ne e d to state my positionality in re lation to the construction of Maori knowle dge . As a Ne w

Ze alande r and stude nt of Maoritanga (things Maori), I offe r an “inside r” pe rspe ctive ; as a Pakeha (Europe an), I

offe r an “outside r” vie wpoint, unavoidably Euroce ntric to a de gre e . I can ne ve r be bicultural in the same way

as a Maori pe rson who is imme rse d in the dominant culture and subje ct to its oppre ssive powe r re lations; I

choose as a me mbe r of the dominant colonizing group to be tte r unde rstand Maori conce pts and pe rspe ctive s.

T he T re aty of Waitangi provide s much of the policy conte xt for Maori se lf-de te rmination and what counts as

knowle dge in officially bicultural Aotearoa (the Maori word for Ne w Ze aland) today. In this conte mporary

socie ty, the tre aty, signe d in 184 0 by 512 chie fs of the Maori pe ople and Gove rnor Hobson, on be half of the

British Crown, functions as a blue print for re lations be twe e n tangata whenua (pe ople of the land) and tauiwi

(non-Maori), including re lationships in the e ducational re alm. Importantly, thre e principle s de rive d from the

tre aty are promine nt in curre nt gove rnme nt social policy: prote ction (of taonga, or che rishe d posse ssions,

such as language ), partne rship (moving forward on an e qual powe r basis), and participation (the rights of Maori

to active citize nry, including e quality of e ducational opportunity and outcome s).

Whe n discussing Maori conce pts, traditional tribal structure s ne e d to be analyze d to provide the basis for the

social construction of knowle dge . Maori trace the ir whakapapa (ge ne alogy) back to the Gre at Migration of the

se ve n waka (canoe s). Each waka claime d ge ographically diffe re nt parts of Aote aroa for iwi (tribe s). Within e ach

iwi are hapu (subtribe s) and within e ach hapu are whanau (e xte nde d familie s). He nce , the whanau se rve s as a

fundame ntal unit for living and le arning. Although iwi we re originally conce ntrate d in particular ge ographical

are as, the re ality now, afte r massive urbanization, is that Maori pe ople are scatte re d through the country

though usually still anchore d to the ir tribal ide ntity. Knowle dge is a taonga, une ve nly distribute d, though highly

value d; some of it is tapu (sacre d) and controlle d traditionally by tohunga (e xpe rts). While the re is much in

common among iwi, the re are also significant diffe re nce s, re late d to marae (community site s for hapu or iwi)

protocol. Much knowle dge is constructe d and re inforce d via hui (me e tings) he ld on marae whe re local customs

are e mphasize d and whanau socialization occurs. Howe ve r, e spe cially in urban se ttings, some of the

traditional aspe cts of le arning have be e n diminishe d and ne w social practice s e stablishe d.

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One of the promine nt fe ature s of Ne w Ze aland life is the incre asing autonomy claime d by Maori in accord with

tino rangatiratanga (se lf-de te rmination). T his bid by Maori for gre ate r control ove r the ir live s is mirrore d in

othe r parts of the world whe re indige nous pe ople s are making se rious e fforts to re claim political, e conomic,

and e ducational sove re ignty. As Maori have be e n dise nfranchise d from much of gove rnme nt-funde d e ducation

(as e vide nce d by historical national statistics of unde rachie ve me nt), the ir solution has be e n to re build Maori

colle ctive consciousne ss by e stablishing the ir own site s of le arning, whe re control is in the ir own hands.

Knowle dge is de fine d and constructe d by Maori for Maori and le arne d in culturally appropriate ways. Kohanga

reo (language ne sts) be gan in 1981; he re , pre schoole rs are taught according to Maori customs in te reo (Maori

language ). Curre ntly, ove r six hundre d kohanga re o e xist. Following this initiative are sixty kura kaupapa Maori

(Maori e le me ntary-se condary schools) and ne w whare wananga (house s of le arning for adults). He nce , a

life long e ducation syste m, consisting of Maori e ducation institutions, has be e n e stablishe d by Maori, assiste d

to a mode st e xte nt by the public purse . T he struggle has be e n hard but the re wards gre at.

In Maori e ducation institutions, consiste nt with ove rarching principle s de rive d from the tre aty, the re are six

subprinciple s adopte d by promine nt Maori e ducators (se e Bishop & Glynn, 2003). T he y are as follows:

1. Tino rangatiratanga (re lative autonomy). Organize rs of the schools make all the re quire d administrative ,

staffing, and pe dagogical de cisions.

2. Taonga tuku iho (cultural aspirations). T o be Maori is to be normal. Maori language and knowle dge are

value d and le gitimate d.

3. Ako (re ciprocal le arning). T e aching and le arning are conne cte d to the re al live s of Maori, cognizant of

the ir life circumstance s.

4 . Kia piki ake I nga raruraru o te kainga (me diation of difficultie s). Participation in kura re ache s into the

home s of Maori, and familie s are e xpe cte d to participate in kura activitie s.

5. Whanau (e xte nde d familie s). Colle ctive s of pe ople work toward a common goal.

6. Kaupapa (colle ctive vision or philosophy). T he re is a colle ctive vision of what constitute s e xce lle nce in

Maori e ducation.

T he fundame ntal e sse nce of the kura kaupapa Maori is to assist Maori familie s to proble m-solve in a culturally

suitable fashion and to work alongside childre n in e ducation and e nhance the ir own life long le arning

aspirations.

AD U LT LE AR N IN G F R O M AN ISLAMIC PE R SPE CT IVE : MAZAN AH MU H AMAD AN D MAZALAN KAMISAD U LT LE AR N IN G F R O M AN ISLAMIC PE R SPE CT IVE : MAZAN AH MU H AMAD AN D MAZALAN KAMIS

T he word Islam originate s from thre e Arabic le tte rs (Sim, Lam, Mim), making the root word which me ans to be in

pe ace ful submission, to obe y, to surre nde r, and pe ace . In the re ligious conte xt it me ans “total submission to

the will of Allah and obe die nce to His law.” Muslims draw upon the Qur'an as a primary le arning source and

supple me nt it with the hadith, a colle ction of the re corde d sayings of Prophe t Muhammad.

Islam is a compre he nsive way of life and it pays spe cial atte ntion to e ducation and knowle dge se e king. In

some aspe cts, the Islamic pe rspe ctive on le arning diffe rs from that of the We st. Diffe re nce s include the

purpose of knowle dge , communal obligation, re sponsibility to share knowle dge , and the te ache r-stude nt

re lationship.

Le arning is conside re d sacre d and obligatory for an individual as we ll as for the community. It is a form of jihad,

which me ans struggle. In the ve ry first ve rse of the Qur'an, the Prophe t was instructe d to re ad: “Re ad! In the

name of your Lord, Who has cre ate d (all that e xists). Re ad! And your Lord is the most ge ne rous. Who has

taught (the writing) by the pe n. Has taught man that which he kne w not” (Qur'an 96:1-5).

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In Islam, the purpose of e ducation is to bring humankind close r to God and His cre ation. Since God is “the

source of knowle dge , by knowing more the y fe lt the y we re drawing ne ar to God” (Husain & Ashraf, 1979, p. 11).

T he Qur'an also guide s humans to inve stigate the phe nome na of nature , so that the y will re cognize , worship,

and se rve Allah. T he Islamic notion of e ducation inte grate s the rational, spiritual, and social dime nsions of a

pe rson (Cook, 1999). T his notion is grounde d in since rity, whe re knowle dge gaine d is me ant to guide practice

and e spouse humility. T he Prophe t said: “Actions are but by inte ntion and e ve ry man shall have only which he

inte nde d.”

T he e mphasis on a communal le arning obligation is unique be cause it stre sse s the be lie ve rs’ re sponsibility to

socie ty. Education and the acquisition of knowle dge are good only if “the y se rve to e nge nde r virtue in the

individual and e le vate the whole community” (Cook, 1999, p. 34 9). Le arne rs and socie ty be ne fit from

knowle dge acquisition, “Are those who know e qual to those who do not know?” (Qur'an, 39:9).

Islam re cognize s that both le arning and te aching are e qually important. In his last se rmon the Prophe t said,

“Le t those who are pre se nt inform those who are not.” In anothe r hadith the Prophe t calls for a pe rson to “be

a scholar/te ache r, … or be a stude nt who studie s, or be a liste ne r who liste ns to pe ople who te ach. Do not fall

into the fourth cate gory: hate r of the above .”

A te ache r is a le arne d pe rson who is a ke e pe r of God's tre asure —that is, knowle dge . A te ache r is like the sun,

which be ing itse lf luminous, she ds light: “T he passing away of a whole tribe is more tole rable than the de ath of

one le arne d man” (Faris & Ashraf, 2003). T he stude nt-te ache r re lationship is, the re fore , sacre d. T hus, adab

(discipline of body, mind, and spirit) must be obse rve d whe n one inte racts with one 's te ache r.

Finally, le arning is life long. T he Prophe t said, “Se e k knowle dge from the cradle to the grave .” T he Prophe t was

forty ye ars old and illite rate whe n the Qur'an was first re ve ale d to him. A we ll-known Islamic scholar, Al-Imam

Shaffie , de scribe d a pe rson who ce ase s to le arn as de ad. Like a drop of wate r in the se a, one can ne ve r

comple te acquiring knowle dge , a notion supporte d by the Qur'an (18:109). It is cle ar that age , ge nde r, or

e thnicity should not be a barrie r or a pre re quisite for le arning. Se e king, re fle cting, and sharing knowle dge is

noble st of all in Islam.

AF R ICAN IN D IG E N O U S E D U CAT IO N : G AB O N T SE AN EAF R ICAN IN D IG E N O U S E D U CAT IO N : G AB O N T SE AN E

Re se arch on African traditional e ducation (Morolong, 1996; Mautle , 2001; Magagula & Maziboku, 2004 ) re ve als

that e ducation and le arning are not re ce nt inte rve ntions in traditional socie tie s. T he y had spe cific principle s,

me thods, and social institutions to foste r le arning. T he lite rature also shows that a major principle of African

indige nous knowle dge syste ms is that to le arn is to live use fully and happily with one 's family, with one 's

community, one 's socie ty, and the spirits of one 's ance stors—he nce , the importance of the words botho in

Se tswana or ubuntu in Zulu, whose lite ral translation is “humanism of human be ings colle ctive ly.”

Informality, colle ctive le arning, oral mode s of instruction, and acquisition of re ve ale d knowle dge through

dre ams and visions are also important. Unfortunate ly, curre nt adult e ducation practice s have ove rlooke d some

of the se important principle s of African pe dagogy. It is argue d that a cre ative adult e ducation practice that

mode rnize s tradition but at the same time traditionalize s mode rnity is re quire d.

In the African conte xt, e ducation is suppose d to he lp groups of pe ople re ach the highe st le ve l of important

socie tal value s, such as botho, or humanism. By be ing botho the individual the n be come s part of an

e mpowe re d group of pe ople who are hone st, accommodating, sharing, committe d to saving live s at all costs,

and re spe cting of the young and the old. T he opposite of botho is se lfishne ss, gre e dine ss, and se lf-

ce nte re dne ss—characte ristics not good for humanism be cause the y do not promote coope ration be twe e n

individuals, culture s, and nations.

Howe ve r, the value s of ubuntu have be e n marginalize d in e ducation be cause of the historical proce ss of

colonialism and a mate rialistic e conomy. T he re sult is an e ducation lacking in the ability to re spond to the

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ne e ds and inte re sts of indige nous communitie s. Adult e ducation has be e n accuse d of e le vating te chnical

rationality ove r othe r forms of knowle dge , human thought, and discourse .

Locally base d knowle dge is ge ne rate d through a syste matic proce ss of obse rving the local e nvironme nt,

e xpe rime nting with solutions, and re adopting pre viously ide ntifie d solutions to changing e nvironme ntal factors.

It is acquire d and share d through e mpirically base d obse rvation, imitation, and continuous practice through a

phase d childhood and adole sce nce . It e ncourage s participatory education through ce re monie s and rituals,

spiritual work, re cre ation work, and inte lle ctual training such as storyte lling and poe try. Knowle dge is store d in

cultural and re ligious be lie fs, taboos, folklore , or myths and an individual's practical e xpe rie nce . T he lack of

hie rarchy and the ore tical conce pts allow e asy sharing of knowle dge .

In oral socie tie s such as in Africa, e ve ry normal pe rson, be side s be ing re quire d to be a productive worke r,

also plays the double role of le arne r and te ache r. A unique form of formal instruction is the acquisition of

re ve ale d knowle dge through the proce sse s of dre ams and visions. For e xample , many he rbalists in Botswana

claim that the se cre ts of the ir me dicine and how it should be administe re d we re communicate d to the m mainly

through dre ams.

In the abse nce of lite racy, Mautle (2001) obse rve d that asse ssme nt in Botswana include d pe rforming group

tasks and judging an individual's characte r in re lation to the ove rall group's pe rformance . Re al graduation

occurre d only afte r a group had succe ssfully initiate d the cohort that followe d it. Accre ditation was not in the

form of a ce rtificate to an individual but rathe r the graduate s we re give n a name for the ir cohort and assigne d

a community-base d activity. T he activity had to be re le vant to the curre nt ne e ds of the socie ty, such as building

a corral for stray cattle .

Although I advocate for the re cognition of African indige nous knowle dge , I by no me ans advocate for a

comple te uprooting of the othe r cultural aspe cts of the curre nt adult e ducation curriculum. Only good aspe cts

of African indige nous knowle dge syste ms should be adapte d.

COMMON T HEMES ACROSS NON-WEST ERN AND INDIGENOUS PERSPECT IVES

From this small sampling of non-We ste rn and indige nous pe rspe ctive s we can se e a numbe r of the me s about

le arning that stand in contrast with We ste rn vie ws. T he four the me s of inte rde pe nde nt, communal, holistic, and

informal le arning highlight diffe re nt emphases in le arning, rathe r than sugge sting an e ithe r/or stance .

First, the re is an e mphasis on interdependence inste ad of inde pe nde nce in le arning. We ste rn mode ls of

de ve lopme nt and le arning promote a move me nt toward be ing more inde pe nde nt; to be in control of one 's life

and le arning, to be a productive me mbe r of socie ty, is, in fact, what it me ans to be “mature ” in our socie ty (se e

Chapte r T we lve ). Andragogy, se lf-dire cte d le arning, and Me zirow's the ory of transformational le arning all focus

on the individual be coming an inde pe nde nt le arne r who re lie s mostly on himse lf or he rse lf in the proce ss.

T his notion is in stark contrast to non-We ste rn le arning traditions as is obvious in all five of the pre ce ding

vigne tte s. Ide ntity, se lf-conce pt, and se lf-e ste e m are de ve lope d and e nhance d only in re lation to othe rs.

Re call Nah's (2000) re se arch into se lf-dire cte d le arning in Kore a me ntione d e arlie r in this chapte r whe re in

inde pe nde nce is conside re d immature and se lf-ce nte re d. Comme nting on the African conte xt, Fasokun,

Katahoire , and Oduaran (2005, p. 10) note that while of course “no one is e xclusive ly inde pe nde nt or

inte rde pe nde nt” and some balance “is struck by e ach socie ty, in most African culture s the individual gains

significance from and through re lationships with othe rs.”

Se cond, the notion of inte rde pe nde nce is linke d to the communal nature of le arning in non-We ste rn syste ms,

rathe r than the more isolate d We ste rn te aching-le arning transaction. It is the re sponsibility of all in the

community to te ach and to le arn. In comme nting on se ve n traditions (African indige nous, Azte c, Native

Ame rican, Confucian, Hindu and Buddhist, Rom, and Islamic) pre se nte d in his book, Re agan (2005) obse rve s:

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The concept of some adults being teachers and others (presumably) being non-teachers is a somewhat alien one to

many traditions. Furthermore, it is interesting to note that in none of the cases examined here—even those with the

most fully articulated formal educational systems—was there any explicit, formal training for those who would play

teaching roles. The idea of teachers engaging in a profession, with specialized knowledge and expertise not held by

others, appears to be a Western, and indeed relatively recent, innovation. [p. 249; italics in original]

T hird, a holistic approach that include s the spirit, mind, body, and e motional compone nts of le arning, or some

combination of the se , is e mphasize d ove r the We ste rn focus on the cognitive . In non-We ste rn traditions,

e ducation and le arning are in the se rvice of de ve loping more than just the mind. T he y are also to de ve lop a

good pe rson, a moral pe rson, a spiritual pe rson, one who not only contribute s to but also uplifts the

community. Be nally (1997) spe aks of le arning in the Navajo tradition: “We ste rn tradition se parate s se cular and

sacre d knowle dge and thus fragme nts knowle dge . Conse que ntly, some le arning is forgotte n soon afte r

acade mic program re quire me nts are me t be cause it was ne ve r grounde d or conne cte d to life proce sse s” (p.

84 ). In contrast, “for the Navajo, knowle dge , le arning, and life itse lf are sacred, inseparable, and interwoven

parts of a whole. T he quality of e ach de te rmine s the quality of the othe r” (p. 84 ; italics in original). Be cause

de ve lopme nt of the whole pe rson is impe rative , instruction can take many forms to acce ss the se diffe re nt

dime nsions, such as storyte lling, poe try, ce re monie s, dre ams, me ditation, and so on.

A fourth the me that cuts across non-We ste rn pe rspe ctive s is that le arning is primarily informal, is e mbe dde d in

e ve ryday life , and is life long. While we in adult e ducation might re cognize the pre vale nce and powe r of

le arning that is inte gral to our daily live s, most We ste rne rs think of le arning as that which occurs in a formal

te ache r-le d classroom de pe nde nt on books and curriculum mate rials. Formal asse ssme nt that ofte n le ads to

some sort of ce rtification or cre dit is part of this structure .

In contrast, le arning in non-We ste rn se ttings is structure d by the community proble m or issue ne e ding

atte ntion, by acce ssing re source s, including pe ople and mate rials that can assist in the proble m solving, and by

“e valuating” the le arning according to the e ffe ctive ne ss of its application to the situation. T his is not to say that

formal e ducation has no place in non-We ste rn syste ms; in today's world formal e ducation has be come a

ne ce ssity. Rathe r, “the common te nde ncy in our own socie ty to conflate and confuse ‘formal schooling’ with

‘e ducation’—a te nde ncy re fle cte d in our conce rn with formal ce rtification and de gre e s rathe r than with

compe te nce pe r se —has be e n far le ss common in non-We ste rn traditions” (Re agan, 2005, p. 24 8). T he re

appe ars to be more re cognition of and value place d on le arning that is what we would call informal in the se

non-We ste rn traditions. In re fe re nce to Africa, Fasokun, Katahoire , and Oduaran (2005) sum up this e mphasis

on informal le arning: “As in othe r parts of the world, informal le arning by African adults involve s le arning

through e xpe rie nce unde r e nabling conditions that facilitate the de ve lopme nt of knowle dge , skills, attitude s,

aptitude s, value s and inte re sts. T his is done to e nhance pe rformance , bring about change or solve practical

proble ms” (p. 36).

In summary, we have pre se nte d four the me s or e mphase s in non-We ste rn le arning syste ms that contrast with

our We ste rn pe rspe ctive . Non-We ste rn syste ms appe ar to place a gre ate r e mphasis on inte rde pe nde nce as a

value to be de ve lope d ve rsus inde pe nde nce ; to link communal or community conce rns with le arning; to se e

le arning as a holistic activity with a spiritual aspe ct, in contrast to the cognitive e mphasis of the We st; and

finally, to value and re cognize informal le arning as le gitimate .

SUMMARY

T his chapte r on non-We ste rn pe rspe ctive s of le arning and knowing has introduce d the re ade r to othe r ways

of thinking about le arning than is found in the re st of this book. T he value of e ngaging with othe r frame works is

that we are challe nge d to think about the purpose of e ducation and le arning as we ll as que stion the nature of

knowle dge production itse lf. Furthe r, knowing some thing about othe r syste ms of le arning can both le ad to

applications in our practice and contribute to our own pe rsonal me aning-making.

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As part of this chapte r we also brie fly discusse d some important conce pts, including proble matizing the

We ste rn/non-We ste rn dichotomy itse lf, de fining culture , and conside ring the nature of indige nous knowle dge .

T he se conce pts and othe rs frame our brie f foray into traditions of le arning and knowing unfamiliar to most of

us. In light of this unfamiliarity, we offe re d short introductions to five non-We ste rn pe rspe ctive s: Confucianism,

Hinduism, Maori, Islam, and African indige nous knowle dge .

T he final se ction of the chapte r pre se nte d four the me s that se e m to span many syste ms of non-We ste rn

thought, the me s that contrast with We ste rn pe rspe ctive s. First, non-We ste rn syste ms e mphasize

inte rde pe nde nce ve rsus inde pe nde nce . Se cond, and re late d to the first, is that le arning in the se frame works

is communal and in community, rathe r than an isolate d activity. T hird, a holistic pe rspe ctive that include s

spiritual, e mbodie d, and e motional compone nts of le arning are give n at le ast as much e mphasis as pure ly

cognitive approache s. Finally, informal le arning is re cognize d and value d as much as, if not more than formal

le arning.

2007 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc. All rights reserved.

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APA Le arning and knowing: Non We ste rn pe rspe ctive s. (2007). In S. B. Me rriam, R. S. Caffare lla, & L. M.

Baumgartne r, Learning in adulthood: a comprehensive guide (3rd e d.). Hoboke n, NJ: Wile y. Re trie ve d from

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institutionId=4 63

Chicago "Le arning and Knowing: Non We ste rn Pe rspe ctive s." In Learning in Adulthood: A Comprehensive Guide, by

Sharan B. Me rriam, Rose mary S. Caffare lla, and Lisa M. Baumgartne r. 3rd e d. Wile y, 2007.

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institutionId=4 63

Harvard Le arning and knowing: Non We ste rn pe rspe ctive s. (2007). In S.B. Me rriam, R.S. Caffare lla & L.M. Baumgartne r,

Learning in adulthood: a comprehensive guide. (3rd e d.). [Online ]. Hoboke n: Wile y. Available from:

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url=http://se arch.cre dore fe re nce .com/conte nt/e ntry/wile yla/le arning_and_knowing_non_we ste rn_pe rspe ctive s/0?

institutionId=4 63 [Acce sse d 28 July 2017].

MLA "Le arning and Knowing: Non We ste rn Pe rspe ctive s." Learning in Adulthood: A Comprehensive Guide, Sharan B.

Me rriam, e t al., Wile y, 3rd e dition, 2007. Credo Reference, http://libe zp.lib.lsu.e du/login?

url=http://se arch.cre dore fe re nce .com/conte nt/e ntry/wile yla/le arning_and_knowing_non_we ste rn_pe rspe ctive s/0?

institutionId=4 63. Acce sse d 28 Jul 2017.

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